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Entre BERRY, TOURAINE et SOLOGNE, notre exploitation familiale produit et propose à la vente plus de 6 variétés de fromages de chèvre, aux affinages goûteux et variés. Notre production s'organise dans le respect d'une agriculture durable et la conservation des méthodes traditionnelles de fabrication. Nous cultivons et récoltons nos foins et céréales, qui sont utilisés pour alimenter notre troupeau.
Nous vous attendons sur nos marchés parisiens, trois jours par semaine.
:: La Ferme de la Prairie, S.C.E.A. ::
Polyculture-élevage caprin et porcin, transformation fromagère et bouchère, vente directe
A.O.P. "Valençay" & "Selles-sur-Cher"
Siège social : La Jarrerie, CHABRIS (F-36 210) - Tél. / Fax : +33 (0)2.54.40.15.50
Mél : contact@lafermedelaprairie.fr
FaceBook : www.lafermedelaprairie.fr/facebook
IT WAS A FUN APRIL 1ST at the SAINT STUPID DAY'S PARADE in SAN FRANCISCO. There is no other event in the world where folks gather to HAVE FUN and poke fun at the embedded horrid capitalist exploitation of the world.
Everyone came in costume...ADDA came as a REPUBLICAN BURNING IN HELL (which we all know in our deepest of hearts is where all REPUBLICANS and RIGHT WING A-0's will end up) ! i shouted MERRY CHRISTMAS to all the business people in the Financial District who stopped and stared in utter confusion.
Everyone gathered at the EMBARCADERO then proceeded to the WORKERS STATUE. There in honor of CLOWNS WITHOUT BOARDERS they put a 'red clown nose' on one of the statues! ADDA DADA got the crowd cheering 'HERO' for the guy who put the nose on the statue.
then to the PACIFIC STOCK EXCHANGE for the wonderful spoof...SOCK EXCHANGE...everyone exchanged socks & then tossed them in the air! One of ADDA DADA's Christmas SANTAs socks were found and declared a SAINT STUPID HOLY RELIC! (you so know i loved that)
Onward we went to the BANKER's HEART...the big, black marble rock in front of BANK OF AMERICA...where everyone tossed their loose pennies at the banker's black greedy heart! (This is just like the muslims in Mecca who toss rocks at the black stone which represents the devil..)
There was tons of good fun, great signs, good vibes, political statements, and incredible costumes
Good luck that the videos go on JIMMY KIMMEL LIVE tonight
Exploitant : Transdev TVO
Réseau : R'Bus (Argenteuil)
Ligne : 2
Lieu : Pyrénées (Argenteuil, F-95)
Lien TC Infos : tc-infos.fr/vehicule/53419
Exploitant : Cars Lacroix
Réseau : ValParisis
Ligne : 30-05
Lieu : MJC (Sartrouville, F-78)
Lien TC Infos : tc-infos.fr/id/30655
_MX11650e
All Rights Reserved © 2021 Frederick Roll
Please do not use this image without prior permission
Entre BERRY, TOURAINE et SOLOGNE, notre exploitation familiale produit et propose à la vente plus de 6 variétés de fromages de chèvre, aux affinages goûteux et variés. Notre production s'organise dans le respect d'une agriculture durable et la conservation des méthodes traditionnelles de fabrication. Nous cultivons et récoltons nos foins et céréales, qui sont utilisés pour alimenter notre troupeau.
Nous vous attendons sur nos marchés parisiens, trois jours par semaine.
:: La Ferme de la Prairie, S.C.E.A. ::
Polyculture-élevage caprin et porcin, transformation fromagère et bouchère, vente directe
A.O.P. "Valençay" & "Selles-sur-Cher"
Siège social : La Jarrerie, CHABRIS (F-36 210) - Tél. / Fax : +33 (0)2.54.40.15.50
Mél : contact@lafermedelaprairie.fr
FaceBook : www.lafermedelaprairie.fr/facebook
"Happy eggs": Helping non-vegans feel better about exploiting animals.
The males aren't happy to be killed at the hatchery.
The females are not happy to be enslaved.
They are not happy to be confined.
They are not happy to have their eggs taken from them.
They are not happy to be killed when production declines.
They are not happy to serve you.
Behind the Myth: Cage-Free Eggs
www.humanemyth.org/cagefree.htm
The "Free-Range" Myth
www.peacefulprairie.org/freerange1.html
Go Vegan!
Exploitant : Keolis Rennes
Réseau : STAR (Rennes)
Ligne : 9
Lieu : Metz Volney (Rennes, F-35)
Lien TC Infos : tc-infos.fr/id/55897
MSIE allows some "cross site scripting" (XSS) which is normally unallowed remote code execution.
Here is a screenshot of my Profile page as viewed in MSIE before the admins fixed this issue (only worked in MSIE, maybe Opera, but not Firefox)
This was done by embedding another style sheet, "hidden" in an image
tag. The external stylesheet used only text and div styles with no use
of image except for the Flickr logo. Ok, it's rather ugly, but I was more on the "proof of concept" than on a design contest :)
I've explained the whole trick on my blog : Cross Site Scripting, Skinning Flickr with MSIE
Exploitant : Keolis Narbonne
Réseau : Citibus
Ligne : Été 3
Lieu : Les Exals (Narbonne Plage, F-11)
Lien TC Infos : tc-infos.fr/vehicule/18733
The National Center for Missing & Exploited Children (NCMEC) honors its 2022 “Heroes” who have gone above and beyond to help protect the nation’s most valuable resource – children. The event was hosted at the Arlington, VA headquarters of Lockheed Martin. Reginald Saunders /NCMEC
Turning the tables on and protesting against the use of animals in cosmetic experiments...
Dr.Katz, has placed Shelly in a metal vice, her face and torso is scarred by burns from the chemicals housed in the cannisters on the right.
An electrode has been placed in her brain and can be seen on the outside of her head.
Blood from countless experiments seeps through the cracks in the paintwork.
Dr. Katz's work is observed by a rat, ladybird and a spider-cow.
A human skull lies discarded in the left corner of the room, it glows in the dark due to the radiation, it was subjected to when once a living being.
The work is housed in an MDF box.
The vice is made out of a rescued piece of metal and ceramic work, thrown away by one of my college classmates.
The ladybird and spider-cow (possibily a cake-decoration) were found in the street!
The ceramic cat I used for this piece, was found in the garden of an empty house, and as it had childhood memories for me, was quickly pocketed, taken home, cleaned up and kept safe until I could think of something to use it for.
The ceramic cat, was once part of a kitsch glass bowl ornament, (My Great-Uncle had one of these, which as a child I loved; the bowl was red and had a little ceramic mouse inside, which looked up at 2 ceramic cats, which were perched on either side of the exterior of the bowl -looking in at it.)
Sandford Quarry
This quarry occupies a prominent site at the western end of the pronounced limestone ridge running eastwards to Burrington and beyond and is also located midway between Sandford and Winscombe villages. Like Callow Hill and Batts Coombe, it exploited the very pure Burrington Oolite.
Commercial quarrying began on Sandford Hill in the mid 19th century, and was given a particular boost when the branch line to the mainline at Yatton reached here in 1869. Sandford stone was reputed to have been used in the construction of Avonmouth Docks opened in 1877 and in the expansion of Temple Meads Station, Bristol, in the same period (although the main walling stone was from Draycott near Cheddar). However, even in 1885, the quarry appears to have had no direct rail connection to the branch line, only 300m away. At least two banks of lime kilns were then located here. Although those along Quarry Lane are the most evident, they were only some of many in the parish. By 1895, Alfred Weeks was running Sandford Hill Quarry with five men.
In 1910, the Winscombe Stone and Lime Co. Ltd. was registered as a private company with a capital of £2 000 to carry on the quarry businesses of A G Weeks at Winscombe and Sandford Hill quarries as 'quarry master', stone and lime merchant haulier. By 1920 the company had been reformed as Sandford and Conygar Quarries Co., taking in Conygar sandstone quarry near Portishead.
In 1922 there was a debate over the boundary between this quarry holding and that known as the 'Award land', owned by the ecclesiastical parish, where from 1798, parishioners had a right to obtain stone to meet their duty to repair local roads. The matter was resolved by the company agreeing to pay £8 a year for the privilege of working the site. A steam driven processing plant was introduced.
Soon after it became one of the first Somerset quarries to be absorbed by Roads Reconstruction Ltd. During World War II, Italian prisoners of war worked in the quarries and kilns with local men, with production rising to 50 000 tonnes in 1951. By the time the rail link closed in 1964, the working area had extended eastward creating 'a hollow tooth' feature. In the 1970s a medium sized aggregates plant served an asphalt unit and a concrete works, the latter consuming about half the output, roadstone making up about 25%. In 1972, like Batts Coombe and Callow Rock, the site fell within the area designated nationally as an Area of Outstanding Natural Beauty and the next year it also came within the newly created County of Avon (now North Somerset).
In 1993 Sandford Hill Quarry ceased working on the parish land, and in the mid 1990s, the quarry closed as part of an arrangement to extend Whatley Quarry. The 'award land' reverted to the parish and was converted to a nature reserve. Parts of the site are now used by the local activity centre 'The Action Centre' for training in climbing and abseiling.
PHOTOS: JOEL C.FILDES
Contact presents
CRYSTAL KISSES
By Avaes Mohammed and Sabrina Mahfouz
Directed by Benji Reid.
‘..in a world where bad things happen – and they do. They always happen to me...’
Toyah — young, vulnerable and in care — protects herself with her spitfire tongue, but her world is rapidly crumbling; Ally is the ‘golden girl’ but behind a perfect façade lies a mess of confusion, sex and loss; young runaway Jay, meanwhile, has finally found the care he craves in the arms of a stranger — but what price will he have to pay?
Stirring movement, music and words combine to confront the difficult and complex realities surrounding child sexual exploitation, exploring the subject with sensitivity, empathy and insight.
Suitable for ages 14+. Contains strong language and mature themes.
Tue 12 October, 7:30pm, £5 Preview
Wed 13 to Sat 16 October, 7:30pm.
Plus Wed 13 & Thu 14, 1:30pm. Tickets: £8/5
(BSL interpreted performance Thu 14 Oct, 7:30pm)
Booking: 0161 274 0600 / www.contact-theatre.org
Contact, Oxford Road, Manchester M15 6JA
Presented in association with:
Partners:
Contact, Barnardos NW, Protect, GMP, Manchester Children’s Services, Brook, NHS FRESH.
Funded by Lankelly Chase, Greater Manchester Sexual Health Network, and Awards for All.
Exploited for human use and on display for human amusement.
Animals have the right to not be treated as property! Go vegan!
Exploitant : Transdev TVO
Réseau : R'Bus (Argenteuil)
Ligne : 8
Lieu : Gare d'Argenteuil (Argenteuil, F-95)
Lien TC Infos : tc-infos.fr/id/27679
Exploitant : Augereau Autocars
Réseau Tourisme
Substitution SNCF en raison de travaux pendant le week-end du 11 novembre 2022.
Enrico Caruso’s ascendancy coincided with the dawn of the twentieth century, when the world of opera was moving away from the contrived bel canto (“beautiful singing”) style, with its emphasis on artifice and vibrato, to a verismo (“realism”) approach. The warmth and sincerity of his voice—and personality— shone in this more natural style and set the standard for contemporary greats like Luciano Pavarotti, Placido Domingo, and José Carreras. Through his exploitation of the nascent phonograph industry, Caruso is also largely responsible for the sweeping interest in opera of the 1910s and ’20s. And for this, Stanley Jackson wrote in his book Caruso, he may never be rivaled, for later tenors could not hope to find themselves in a similarly fortuitous position and thus would most certainly “find it more difficult to win such universal affection as the bubbly, warm-hearted little Neapolitan whose voice soared and sobbed from the first wheezy phonographs to bring a new magic into countless lives.”
Born in Naples, Italy, in 1873, the third of seven children (early sources erroneously state that he was the 18th of 21), Caruso was raised in squalor. His birthplace, according to Jackson, was a “two-storeyed house, flaky with peeling stucco, [accommodating] several families, who shared a solitary cold-water tap on the landing, and like every other dwelling in that locality it lacked indoor sanitation.” As a boy, Caruso received very little formal education; his only training in a social setting came from his church choir, where he displayed a pure voice and a keen memory for songs. More often than not, however, he skipped choir practice to sing with street minstrels for café patrons.
At the age of ten Caruso began working a variety of menial jobs—mechanic, jute weaver—but his passion for singing often led him back to the streets. Eight years later, an aspiring baritone named Eduardo Missiano heard Caruso singing by a local swimming pool. Impressed, Missiano took Caruso to his voice teacher, Guglielmo Vergine. Vergine on hearing Caruso, compared the tenor’s voice to “the wind whistling through the chimney,” Michael Scott recounted in The Great Caruso. Although he disliked Caruso’s Neapolitan café style, flashy gestures, and unrefined and unrestrained vocalizing, Vergine finally agreed to accept Caruso as his student. But “the lessons ended after three years,” John Kobler wrote in American Heritage, “and Caruso’s formal musical training thereafter remained almost as meager as his scholastic education. He could read a score only with difficulty. He played no musical instrument. He sang largely by ear.”
On March 15, 1895, Caruso made his professional debut in L’Amico Francesco, a now-forgotten opera by an amateur composer. He was not an immediate sensation.
For the Record…
Bom Errico Caruso (adopted more formal Enrico for stage), February 27 (some sources say 25), 1873, in Naples, Italy; died of pneumonia and peritonitis in 1921 in Naples; son of Marcellino (a mechanic) and Anna (Baldini) Caruso; married Dorothy Park Benjamin, 1918; children: Gloria; (with Ada Giachetti) Rodolfo, Enrico Jr. Education: Studied voice with Guglielmo Vergine, 1891-94, and Vincenzo Lombardi, 1896-97.
Worked as laborer, including jobs as mechanic and jute weaver, beginning c. 1883; debuted in L’Amico Francesco at Teatro Nuovo, Naples, 1894; expanded repertoire to include La Traviata, Rigoletto, Aida, and Faust, among others; first sang Canio in I Pagliacci, 1896, and Rodolfo in La Bohème, 1897; debuted in La Bohème at La Scala, Milan, 1899; performed internationally, including appearances in Moscow, Buenos Aries, Monte Carlo, and London, beginning in 1899; made first recordings, 1902; debuted in U.S. at Metropolitan Opera, New York City, 1903. Appeared in silent films My Cousin and A Splendid Romance, 1918; subject of fictional film biography The Great Caruso, 1950.
Awards: Order of the Commendatore of the Crown of Italy; Grand Officer of the French Legion of Honor; Order of the Crown Eagle of Prussia; honorary captain of the New York City Police Department.
His vocal range was limited; he often had to transpose the musical score down a halftone since he had trouble in the upper register, especially hitting high C. But impresarios who heard Caruso recognized his innate gift and cast him in significant productions such as Faust, Rigoletto, and La Traviata. With stage experience and brief training with another vocal teacher, Vincenzo Lombardo, the singer made steady progress, refining the natural beauty of his voice.
“Who Has Sent You to Me? God?”
In 1897, studying for the part of Rodolpho in Giacomo Puccini’s La Bohème, Caruso went to the composer’s villa to secure Puccini’s consent of his interpretation. As told by author Jackson, after Caruso sang a few measures of the first-act aria, “Che gelida manima,” Puccini “swivelled in his chair and murmured in amazement, ’Who has sent you to me? God?’”
Caruso’s instrument was “a voice of the South, full of warmth, charm, and lusciousness,” described a commentator of the era who was quoted in Howard Greenfeld’s book Caruso. But what truly set Caruso apart—from his predecessors, contemporaries, and successors—was his ability to eliminate the space between singer and listener, to intensify “the emotional effects upon his audience,” testified American Heritage contributor Kobler. “His vocalized feelings, variously spiritual, earthy, carnal, seemed to resonate within the hearer’s body. Rosa Ponselle, the American soprano who made her debut opposite Caruso, called it “a voice that loves you.’”
And his timbre was matched by sheer power; at the height of his career, Caruso gave concerts in venues as large as New York City’s Yankee Stadium without microphones and was clearly heard by all. Still, he reached his greatest audience, across both distance and time, through the small, recorded medium of the phonograph. “Few performers deserve . . . recognition more than Caruso,” David Hamilton proclaimed in the New York Times. “[His] records made him the universal model for later generations of tenors, while his reputation played a major role in establishing the phonograph socially and economically.”
Recording Pioneer
Caruso made his first recording on April 11, 1902, in a hotel suite in Milan, Italy. Over the remaining 19 years of his life he made an additional 488 recordings, almost all for the Victor label. He earned more than two million dollars from recording alone, the company almost twice that. But, most important, his recordings brought grand opera to the uninitiated. Millions cried along with his version of Canio’s sobbing “Vesti la giubba,” from/Pagliacci. The development of the American opera audience from a rarefied community at the turn of the century to a diverse populace in modern times can be directly attributed to Caruso’s recordings.
But Caruso’s allure was not solely the result of his singing. “Quick to laughter and to tears, amorous, buffoonish,... speaking a comically fractured English, round and paunchy, Caruso presented an image that appealed enormously to multitudes of ordinary Americans,” Kobler pointed out. Indeed, his offstage behavior was as interesting to the public as that of his onstage personas. He had numerous affairs with women, which often ended in court. He had an 11-year relationship, beginning in 1897, with soprano Ada Giachetti, who had left her husband and son for the much younger tenor. She bore Caruso two sons, then ran off with the family chauffeur. Three years later, Giachetti sued Caruso for attempting to damage her career and for theft of her jewelry. The suit was eventually dismissed.
Offstage Shenanigans
Caruso was not exonerated, however, in what became known as the “Monkey House Case.” On November 16, 1906, Caruso went to the Monkey House in the Central Park Zoo, one of his favorite retreats in his adopted hometown of New York City. There a young woman accused him of pinching her bottom. A policeman on the scene immediately took Caruso—confused and sobbing—to jail. The woman failed to appear at the consequent trial, and police were unable to produce any witnesses other than the arresting officer, who turned out to have been best man at the accuser’s wedding. The judge found Caruso guilty of disorderly conduct and fined him ten dollars. The public, for its part, though initially unsure of Caruso’s innocence, soon returned to its thunderous approval of his performances.
Despite these episodes, Caruso’s life outside the theater was not entirely tumultuous. His marriage to Dorothy Park Benjamin in 1918 was happy and secure. His celebrated earnings allowed him to collect art, stamps, and coins. His clothing and furnishings were luxurious. He ate with gusto. And he was extremely generous. A gifted caricaturist, Caruso often gave drawings away. He would fill his pockets with gold coins and shower stagehands with them at the end of Christmastime productions. He also supported many family members, gave numerous charity concerts, and helped raise millions of dollars for the Allied cause during World War I. This remarkable man even paid his taxes early. “If I wait, something might happen to me, then it would be hard to collect,” Caruso reasoned, as recounted by Kobler. “Now I pay, then if something happen to me the money belongs to the United States, and that is good.”
Caruso’s expansive approach to life, however, rendered his own short. Constant recording and performance demands and the singer’s unchecked appetites took their toll on his health; he died in Naples, in 1921, from pneumonia and peritonitis. He was 48 years old. “Caruso may have been a greater master of comedy than tragedy,” Great Caruso author Scott wrote, “yet there was no levity in his approach to his art, for as each year passed and he became an ever more celebrated singer, his fame—ably demonstrated by frequent new issues of ever improving records—made increasing demands of him. In those last years he rode a tiger.”
Selected discography
Enrico Caruso: 21 Favorite Arias, RCA, 1987.
Enrico Caruso, Pearl, 1988.
Enrico Caruso in Arias, Duets, and Songs, Supraphon, 1988.
Caruso in Opera, Nimbus, 1989.
Caruso in Song, Nimbus, 1990.
The Compíete Caruso, BMG Classics, 1990.
Enrico Caruso in Opera: Early New York Recordings (1904-06), Conifer, 1990.
The Caruso Edition: Volume 1 (1902-1908), Pearl, 1991.
The Caruso Edition: Volume 2 (1908-1912), Pearl, 1991.
The Caruso Edition: Volume 3 (1912-1916), Pearl, 1991.
The Caruso Edition: Volume 4 (1916-1921),, Pearl, 1991.
Caruso in Ensemble, Nimbus, 1992.
Addio Mia Bella Napoli, Replay/Qualiton, 1993.
Sources
Books
Caruso, Enrico, Jr., and Andrew Farkas, Enrico Caruso: My Father and My Family, Amadeus Press, 1990.
Greenfeld, Howard, Caruso, Putnam, 1983.
Jackson, Stanley, Caruso, Stein & Day, 1972.
Scott, Michael, The Great Caruso, Knopf, 1988.
Periodicals
American Heritage, February/March 1984.
Economist, March 9, 1991.
New Republic, August 8, 1988.
New York Times, January 6, 1991.
—Rob Nagel
Cite this article
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#enrico-picciotto, enrico picciotto
Exploited for human use and on display for human amusement.
Animals have the right to not be treated as property! Go vegan!
Entre BERRY, TOURAINE et SOLOGNE, notre exploitation familiale produit et propose à la vente plus de 6 variétés de fromages de chèvre, aux affinages goûteux et variés. Notre production s'organise dans le respect d'une agriculture durable et la conservation des méthodes traditionnelles de fabrication. Nous cultivons et récoltons nos foins et céréales, qui sont utilisés pour alimenter notre troupeau.
Nous vous attendons sur nos marchés parisiens, trois jours par semaine.
:: La Ferme de la Prairie, S.C.E.A. ::
Polyculture-élevage caprin et porcin, transformation fromagère et bouchère, vente directe
A.O.P. "Valençay" & "Selles-sur-Cher"
Siège social : La Jarrerie, CHABRIS (F-36 210) - Tél. / Fax : +33 (0)2.54.40.15.50
Mél : contact@lafermedelaprairie.fr
FaceBook : www.lafermedelaprairie.fr/facebook
A late season ride into the Rio Grande del Norte National Monument of New Mexico.
Thanks to all my Flickr Friends.........
Exploits can be found at brittrunyon.com/
Website - brittrunyonimages.com/
Entre BERRY, TOURAINE et SOLOGNE, notre exploitation familiale produit et propose à la vente plus de 6 variétés de fromages de chèvre, aux affinages goûteux et variés. Notre production s'organise dans le respect d'une agriculture durable et la conservation des méthodes traditionnelles de fabrication. Nous cultivons et récoltons nos foins et céréales, qui sont utilisés pour alimenter notre troupeau.
Nous vous attendons sur nos marchés parisiens, trois jours par semaine.
:: La Ferme de la Prairie, S.C.E.A. ::
Polyculture-élevage caprin et porcin, transformation fromagère et bouchère, vente directe
A.O.P. "Valençay" & "Selles-sur-Cher"
Siège social : La Jarrerie, CHABRIS (F-36 210) - Tél. / Fax : +33 (0)2.54.40.15.50
Mél : contact@lafermedelaprairie.fr
FaceBook : www.lafermedelaprairie.fr/facebook
Lumen 2° edizione | Urban Factory
SALERNO
DAL 13 AL 29 MAGGIO
EX FABBRICA SALID
PARCO DELL'IRNO.
---------------------------
> Link del regolamento e per iscriversi al contest:
www.ziguline.com/2011/03/18/news-lumen-2-lancia-un-nuovo-...
🇫🇷 Fr.
● Dimanche 17 décembre 2024 1er jour d’exploitation sur la ligne 1 du métro de Lille sous le nouveau système CBTC de Alstom.
● VAL208 d’origine Siemens équipé d’un PA.VAL (Pilote automatique VAL) puis modifié par Alstom en CBTC version U500. (1er Mondial)
● Cette évolution est un prérequis essentiel au future déploiement des nouvelles rames 52 mètres NMR ( Rame BOA ), qui doubleront la capacité de transport de la ligne 1 pour l’horizon en février 2026.
( VAL208 Longueur : 26 mètres)
CBTC ( Communication based train control )
Description :
Le système CBTC permet l'exploitation d'un système de transport en se basant sur la communication continue des trains avec un ordinateur chargé de la gestion du trafic.
Le système CBTC est décrit par une norme internationale IEEE 1474, définie en 1999. D'après cette norme, les principales caractéristiques d'un CBTC sont :
une localisation précise de la position des trains indépendante des circuits de voie ;
une transmission bi-directionnelle haut débit entre les équipements au sol et les trains ;
un système constitué par des ordinateurs (calculateurs de sécurité) situés à la fois au sol et dans les trains, capables de mettre en œuvre des fonctions de protection automatique des trains (en anglais : Automatic Train Protection ou ATP), ainsi que des fonctions optionnelles d'exploitation automatique des trains (communément appelée « pilotage automatique » ou en anglais : Automatic Train Operation ou ATO) et de supervision automatique des trains (en anglais : Automatic Train Supervision ou ATS).
Un ordinateur central gère les convois circulant sur des lignes situées dans sa zone d'action afin d'obtenir une fluidification du trafic et une réduction de l'intervalle de temps entre deux trains aux heures de pointe.
L'ordinateur central échange différentes informations avec un ordinateur situé à bord de chaque train à l'aide du réseau de communication.
Chaque train calcule en temps réel et communique son statut par radio aux équipements du réseau disposés le long des voies. Ce statut comprend, parmi d'autres informations, sa position exacte, sa vitesse, sa direction et sa distance de freinage minimale.
Les systèmes CBTC de dernière génération sont basés sur le concept de canton mobile déformable, évolution technologique du cantonnement. Ces cantons sont constitués de la partie de voie occupée par le train, incluant une marge de sécurité à l'avant et à l'arrière, et de la distance d'arrêt calculée à tout moment. Ils permettent de diminuer la distance de sécurité entre deux trains consécutifs.
Grâce aux systèmes CBTC, la position de chaque train et sa dynamique sont connues de manière plus précise que par les anciens systèmes de signalisation.
Le CBTC permet ainsi, de resserrer l’intervalle entre les rames, en le limitant à moins de 90 secondes, et par conséquent d’augmenter la capacité d’une ligne, et donc de retarder la mise en œuvre de travaux d’infrastructures beaucoup plus lourds à engager. On cherche continuellement à réduire ce temps, par exemple, Alstom optimise les cadences des nouveaux métros de Lille, avec un train toutes les minutes (solution Urbalis Fluence).
Les systèmes CBTC doivent conserver une haute disponibilité grâce à une architecture ne comprenant pas de point de défaillance unique.
Par sécurité, une deuxième technologie de signalisation peut être prévue pour assurer un niveau de service minimal en cas de perte partielle ou totale du système CBTC.
Les CBTC peuvent être employés pour automatiser un système existant ou bien lors de la construction d'un nouveau système de transport…………
Source :
fr.wikipedia.org/wiki/Communication_based_train_control#:....
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● Métro de Lille le VAL.
Le métro de Lille est un système de transport en commun en site propre desservant Lille et son agglomération, dans le département français du Nord. Il a la particularité d'être le premier métro au monde à utiliser la technologie du véhicule automatique léger (VAL), cette technologie étant créée au début des années 1970 au sein de l'Université des sciences et technologies de Lille grâce notamment aux travaux du professeur Robert Gabillard. Le système VAL est ensuite exploité par un consortium mené par Matra qui se charge également des travaux avec le soutien de la communauté urbaine de Lille, alors dirigée par Arthur Notebart. Le métro est finalement inauguré le 25 avril 1983 par le président de la République François Mitterrand…………
Source :
fr.wikipedia.org/wiki/M%C3%A9tro_de_Lille
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ILEVIA ( Wikipedia )
Ilévia, ou Keolis Lille Métropole (appelé TCC jusqu'en 1994 et Transpole jusqu'en 2019), est une société anonyme créée en 1989 de la fusion des deux entreprises de transport en commun de l'agglomération lilloise. Elle a pour objectif l'exploitation du réseau de transport en commun de voyageurs sur le territoire de la Métropole européenne de Lille.
Ilévia exploite, pour le compte de la Métropole européenne de Lille (MEL), les deux lignes de métro automatique, le tramway du Grand Boulevard, les soixante-dix lignes de bus (dont les douze Lianes, des bus à haut niveau de service), ainsi que les plus de deux-cents stations V'Lille (2200 vélos en libre-service exploités via EFFIA, une filiale de Keolis) de l'agglomération lilloise…….
Source :
fr.wikipedia.org/wiki/Il%C3%A9via
ILEVIA ( Exploitant ) :
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🇬🇧 GB. UK.
● Sunday, December 17, 2024 1st day of operation on line 1 of the Lille metro under the new Alstom CBTC system.
● VAL208 of Siemens origin equipped with a PA.VAL (VAL automatic pilot) then modified by Alstom in CBTC version U500. (World 1st)
● This development is an essential prerequisite for the future deployment of the new 52-meter NMR trains (BOA trains), which will double the transport capacity of line 1 by February 2026.
(VAL208 Length: 26 meters)
● Communications-based train control
en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Communications-based_train_control
● Lille Metro
en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Lille_Metro
🇳🇱 NL.
● Zondag 17 december 2024 1e exploitatiedag op lijn 1 van de metro van Rijsel onder het nieuwe Alstom CBTC-systeem.
● VAL208 van Siemens-oorsprong uitgerust met een PA.VAL (VAL automatische piloot) en vervolgens door Alstom aangepast tot CBTC-versie U500. (1e wereld)
● Deze ontwikkeling is een essentiële voorwaarde voor de toekomstige inzet van de nieuwe 52 meter NMR-treinen (BOA-trein), die de transportcapaciteit van lijn 1 tegen februari 2026 zullen verdubbelen.
(VAL208 Lengte: 26 meter)
● Communications-Based Train Control
nl.wikipedia.org/wiki/Communications-Based_Train_Control
● Metro van Rijsel
nl.wikipedia.org/wiki/Metro_van_Rijsel
🇩🇪 DE.
● Sonntag, 17. Dezember 2024 1. Betriebstag der Linie 1 der U-Bahn von Lille im neuen Alstom CBTC-System.
● VAL208 von Siemens, ausgestattet mit einem PA.VAL (VAL-Autopilot), dann von Alstom in die CBTC-Version U500 umgebaut. (1. Welt)
● Diese Entwicklung ist eine wesentliche Voraussetzung für den künftigen Einsatz der neuen 52-Meter-NMR-Züge (BOA-Zug), die die Transportkapazität der Linie 1 bis Februar 2026 verdoppeln werden.
(VAL208 Länge: 26 Meter)
● Communication-Based Train Control
de.wikipedia.org/wiki/Communication-Based_Train_Control
● Métro Lille
de.wikipedia.org/wiki/M%C3%A9tro_Lille
🇪🇸 ES.
● Domingo 17 de diciembre de 2024 Primer día de funcionamiento de la línea 1 del metro de Lille bajo el nuevo sistema CBTC de Alstom.
● VAL208 de origen Siemens equipado con un PA.VAL (piloto automático VAL) luego modificado por Alstom a CBTC versión U500. (1er mundo)
● Este desarrollo es un requisito previo esencial para el futuro despliegue de los nuevos trenes NMR de 52 metros (tren BOA), que duplicarán la capacidad de transporte de la línea 1 hasta febrero de 2026.
(VAL208 Longitud: 26 metros)
● Sistema CBTC
es.wikipedia.org/wiki/Sistema_CBTC
● Metro de Lille
es.wikipedia.org/wiki/Metro_de_Lille
🇮🇹 IT
● Domenica 17 dicembre 2024 1° giorno di operatività sulla linea 1 della metropolitana di Lille con il nuovo sistema Alstom CBTC.
● VAL208 di origine Siemens dotato di PA.VAL (pilota automatico VAL) poi modificato da Alstom nella versione CBTC U500. (1° Mondo)
● Questo sviluppo è un prerequisito essenziale per il futuro dispiegamento dei nuovi treni NMR da 52 metri (treno BOA), che raddoppieranno la capacità di trasporto della linea 1 entro febbraio 2026.
(VAL208 Lunghezza: 26 metri)
● Communication based train control
it.wikipedia.org/wiki/Communication_based_train_control
● Metropolitana di Lilla
it.wikipedia.org/wiki/Metropolitana_di_Lilla
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Unethically produced: Exploited labour and environmental damage are just some of the ethical concerns linked to the illicit production and sale of counterfeit goods. Catch UNODC’s new public service announcement on this multibillion dollar criminal business at j.mp/19MOOcy and visit the website: www.unodc.org/counterfeit.
Counterfeit: Don't buy into organized crime.
U.S. Senator Claire McCaskill, the top Democrat on the Senate Aging Committee, used a hearing today to examine the financial exploitation of seniors and the difficulty of prosecuting family members who exploit and defraud their elderly family members.
The Toraja are an ethnic group indigenous to a mountainous region of South Sulawesi, Indonesia. Their population is approximately 1,100,000, of whom 450,000 live in the regency of Tana Toraja ("Land of Toraja"). Most of the population is Christian, and others are Muslim or have local animist beliefs known as aluk ("the way"). The Indonesian government has recognized this animist belief as Aluk To Dolo ("Way of the Ancestors").
The word toraja comes from the Bugis Buginese language term to riaja, meaning "people of the uplands". The Dutch colonial government named the people Toraja in 1909. Torajans are renowned for their elaborate funeral rites, burial sites carved into rocky cliffs, massive peaked-roof traditional houses known as tongkonan, and colorful wood carvings. Toraja funeral rites are important social events, usually attended by hundreds of people and lasting for several days.
Before the 20th century, Torajans lived in autonomous villages, where they practised animism and were relatively untouched by the outside world. In the early 1900s, Dutch missionaries first worked to convert Torajan highlanders to Christianity. When the Tana Toraja regency was further opened to the outside world in the 1970s, it became an icon of tourism in Indonesia: it was exploited by tourism developers and studied by anthropologists. By the 1990s, when tourism peaked, Toraja society had changed significantly, from an agrarian model - in which social life and customs were outgrowths of the Aluk To Dolo - to a largely Christian society. Today, tourism and remittances from migrant Torajans have made for major changes in the Toraja highland, giving the Toraja a celebrity status within Indonesia and enhancing Toraja ethnic group pride.
ETHNIC IDENTITY
The Torajan people had little notion of themselves as a distinct ethnic group before the 20th century. Before Dutch colonization and Christianization, Torajans, who lived in highland areas, identified with their villages and did not share a broad sense of identity. Although complexes of rituals created linkages between highland villages, there were variations in dialects, differences in social hierarchies, and an array of ritual practices in the Sulawesi highland region. "Toraja" (from the coastal languages' to, meaning people; and riaja, uplands) was first used as a lowlander expression for highlanders. As a result, "Toraja" initially had more currency with outsiders - such as the Bugis and Makassarese, who constitute a majority of the lowland of Sulawesi - than with insiders. The Dutch missionaries' presence in the highlands gave rise to the Toraja ethnic consciousness in the Sa'dan Toraja region, and this shared identity grew with the rise of tourism in the Tana Toraja Regency. Since then, South Sulawesi has four main ethnic groups - the Bugis (the majority, including shipbuilders and seafarers), the Makassarese (lowland traders and seafarers), the Mandarese (traders and fishermen), and the Toraja (highland rice cultivators).
HISTORY
From the 17th century, the Dutch established trade and political control on Sulawesi through the Dutch East Indies Company. Over two centuries, they ignored the mountainous area in the central Sulawesi, where Torajans lived, because access was difficult and it had little productive agricultural land. In the late 19th century, the Dutch became increasingly concerned about the spread of Islam in the south of Sulawesi, especially among the Makassarese and Bugis peoples. The Dutch saw the animist highlanders as potential Christians. In the 1920s, the Reformed Missionary Alliance of the Dutch Reformed Church began missionary work aided by the Dutch colonial government. In addition to introducing Christianity, the Dutch abolished slavery and imposed local taxes. A line was drawn around the Sa'dan area and called Tana Toraja ("the land of Toraja"). Tana Toraja was first a subdivision of the Luwu kingdom that had claimed the area. In 1946, the Dutch granted Tana Toraja a regentschap, and it was recognized in 1957 as one of the regencies of Indonesia.
Early Dutch missionaries faced strong opposition among Torajans, especially among the elite, because the abolition of their profitable slave trade had angered them. Some Torajans were forcibly relocated to the lowlands by the Dutch, where they could be more easily controlled. Taxes were kept high, undermining the wealth of the elites. Ultimately, the Dutch influence did not subdue Torajan culture, and only a few Torajans were converted. In 1950, only 10% of the population had converted to Christianity.
In the 1930s, Muslim lowlanders attacked the Torajans, resulting in widespread Christian conversion among those who sought to align themselves with the Dutch for political protection and to form a movement against the Bugis and Makassarese Muslims. Between 1951 and 1965 (following Indonesian independence), southern Sulawesi faced a turbulent period as the Darul Islam separatist movement fought for an Islamic state in Sulawesi. The 15 years of guerrilla warfare led to massive conversions to
CHRISTIANITY
Alignment with the Indonesian government, however, did not guarantee safety for the Torajans. In 1965, a presidential decree required every Indonesian citizen to belong to one of five officially recognized religions: Islam, Christianity (Protestantism and Catholicism), Hinduism, or Buddhism. The Torajan religious belief (aluk) was not legally recognized, and the Torajans raised their voices against the law. To make aluk accord with the law, it had to be accepted as part of one of the official religions. In 1969, Aluk To Dolo ("the way of ancestors") was legalized as a sect of Agama Hindu Dharma, the official name of Hinduism in Indonesia.
SOCIETY
There are three main types of affiliation in Toraja society: family, class and religion.
FAMILY AFFILIATION
Family is the primary social and political grouping in Torajan society. Each village is one extended family, the seat of which is the tongkonan, a traditional Torajan house. Each tongkonan has a name, which becomes the name of the village. The familial dons maintain village unity. Marriage between distant cousins (fourth cousins and beyond) is a common practice that strengthens kinship. Toraja society prohibits marriage between close cousins (up to and including the third cousin) - except for nobles, to prevent the dispersal of property. Kinship is actively reciprocal, meaning that the extended family helps each other farm, share buffalo rituals, and pay off debts.
Each person belongs to both the mother's and the father's families, the only bilateral family line in Indonesia. Children, therefore, inherit household affiliation from both mother and father, including land and even family debts. Children's names are given on the basis of kinship, and are usually chosen after dead relatives. Names of aunts, uncles and cousins are commonly referred to in the names of mothers, fathers and siblings.
Before the start of the formal administration of Toraja villages by the Tana Toraja Regency, each Toraja village was autonomous. In a more complex situation, in which one Toraja family could not handle their problems alone, several villages formed a group; sometimes, villages would unite against other villages. Relationship between families was expressed through blood, marriage, and shared ancestral houses (tongkonan), practically signed by the exchange of water buffalo and pigs on ritual occasions. Such exchanges not only built political and cultural ties between families but defined each person's place in a social hierarchy: who poured palm wine, who wrapped a corpse and prepared offerings, where each person could or could not sit, what dishes should be used or avoided, and even what piece of meat constituted one's share.
CLASS AFFILIATION
In early Toraja society, family relationships were tied closely to social class. There were three strata: nobles, commoners, and slaves (slavery was abolished in 1909 by the Dutch East Indies government). Class was inherited through the mother. It was taboo, therefore, to marry "down" with a woman of lower class. On the other hand, marrying a woman of higher class could improve the status of the next generation. The nobility's condescending attitude toward the commoners is still maintained today for reasons of family prestige.
Nobles, who were believed to be direct descendants of the descended person from heaven, lived in tongkonans, while commoners lived in less lavish houses (bamboo shacks called banua). Slaves lived in small huts, which had to be built around their owner's tongkonan. Commoners might marry anyone, but nobles preferred to marry in-family to maintain their status. Sometimes nobles married Bugis or Makassarese nobles. Commoners and slaves were prohibited from having death feasts. Despite close kinship and status inheritance, there was some social mobility, as marriage or change in wealth could affect an individuals status. Wealth was counted by the ownership of water buffaloes.
Slaves in Toraja society were family property. Sometimes Torajans decided to become slaves when they incurred a debt, pledging to work as payment. Slaves could be taken during wars, and slave trading was common. Slaves could buy their freedom, but their children still inherited slave status. Slaves were prohibited from wearing bronze or gold, carving their houses, eating from the same dishes as their owners, or having sex with free women - a crime punishable by death.
RELIGIOUS AFFILIATION
Toraja's indigenous belief system is polytheistic animism, called aluk, or "the way" (sometimes translated as "the law"). In the Toraja myth, the ancestors of Torajan people came down from heaven using stairs, which were then used by the Torajans as a communication medium with Puang Matua, the Creator. The cosmos, according to aluk, is divided into the upper world (heaven), the world of man (earth), and the underworld. At first, heaven and earth were married, then there was a darkness, a separation, and finally the light. Animals live in the underworld, which is represented by rectangular space enclosed by pillars, the earth is for mankind, and the heaven world is located above, covered with a saddle-shaped roof. Other Toraja gods include Pong Banggai di Rante (god of Earth), Indo' Ongon-Ongon (a goddess who can cause earthquakes), Pong Lalondong (god of death), and Indo' Belo Tumbang (goddess of medicine); there are many more.
The earthly authority, whose words and actions should be cleaved to both in life (agriculture) and death (funerals), is called to minaa (an aluk priest). Aluk is not just a belief system; it is a combination of law, religion, and habit. Aluk governs social life, agricultural practices, and ancestral rituals. The details of aluk may vary from one village to another. One common law is the requirement that death and life rituals be separated. Torajans believe that performing death rituals might ruin their corpses if combined with life rituals. The two rituals are equally important. During the time of the Dutch missionaries, Christian Torajans were prohibited from attending or performing life rituals, but were allowed to perform death rituals. Consequently, Toraja's death rituals are still practised today, while life rituals have diminished.
CULTURE
TONGKONAN
Tongkonan are the traditional Torajan ancestral houses. They stand high on wooden piles, topped with a layered split-bamboo roof shaped in a sweeping curved arc, and they are incised with red, black, and yellow detailed wood carvings on the exterior walls. The word "tongkonan" comes from the Torajan tongkon ("to sit").
Tongkonan are the center of Torajan social life. The rituals associated with the tongkonan are important expressions of Torajan spiritual life, and therefore all family members are impelled to participate, because symbolically the tongkonan represents links to their ancestors and to living and future kin. According to Torajan myth, the first tongkonan was built in heaven on four poles, with a roof made of Indian cloth. When the first Torajan ancestor descended to earth, he imitated the house and held a large ceremony.
The construction of a tongkonan is laborious work and is usually done with the help of the extended family. There are three types of tongkonan. The tongkonan layuk is the house of the highest authority, used as the "center of government". The tongkonan pekamberan belongs to the family members who have some authority in local traditions. Ordinary family members reside in the tongkonan batu. The exclusivity to the nobility of the tongkonan is diminishing as many Torajan commoners find lucrative employment in other parts of Indonesia. As they send back money to their families, they enable the construction of larger tongkonan.
WOOD CARVINGS
To express social and religious concepts, Torajans carve wood, calling it Pa'ssura (or "the writing"). Wood carvings are therefore Toraja's cultural manifestation.
Each carving receives a special name, and common motifs are animals and plants that symbolize some virtue. For example, water plants and animals, such as crabs, tadpoles and water weeds, are commonly found to symbolize fertility. In some areas noble elders claim these symbols refer to strength of noble family, but not everyone agrees. The overall meaning of groups of carved motifs on houses remains debated and tourism has further complicated these debates because some feel a uniform explanation must be presented to tourists. The image to the left shows an example of Torajan wood carving, consisting of 15 square panels. The center bottom panel represents buffalo or wealth, a wish for many buffaloes for the family. The center panel represents a knot and a box, a hope that all of the family's offspring will be happy and live in harmony, like goods kept safe in a box. The top left and top right squares represent an aquatic animal, indicating the need for fast and hard work, just like moving on the surface of water. It also represents the need for a certain skill to produce good results.
Regularity and order are common features in Toraja wood carving (see table below), as well as abstracts and geometrical designs. Nature is frequently used as the basis of Toraja's ornaments, because nature is full of abstractions and geometries with regularities and ordering. Toraja's ornaments have been studied in ethnomathematics to reveal their mathematical structure, but Torajans base this art only on approximations. To create an ornament, bamboo sticks are used as a geometrical tool.
FUNERAL RITES
In Toraja society, the funeral ritual is the most elaborate and expensive event. The richer and more powerful the individual, the more expensive is the funeral. In the aluk religion, only nobles have the right to have an extensive death feast. The death feast of a nobleman is usually attended by thousands and lasts for several days. A ceremonial site, called rante, is usually prepared in a large, grassy field where shelters for audiences, rice barns, and other ceremonial funeral structures are specially made by the deceased family. Flute music, funeral chants, songs and poems, and crying and wailing are traditional Toraja expressions of grief with the exceptions of funerals for young children, and poor, low-status adults.
The ceremony is often held weeks, months, or years after the death so that the deceased's family can raise the significant funds needed to cover funeral expenses. Torajans traditionally believe that death is not a sudden, abrupt event, but a gradual process toward Puya (the land of souls, or afterlife). During the waiting period, the body of the deceased is wrapped in several layers of cloth and kept under the tongkonan. The soul of the deceased is thought to linger around the village until the funeral ceremony is completed, after which it begins its journey to Puya.
Another component of the ritual is the slaughter of water buffalo. The more powerful the person who died, the more buffalo are slaughtered at the death feast. Buffalo carcasses, including their heads, are usually lined up on a field waiting for their owner, who is in the "sleeping stage". Torajans believe that the deceased will need the buffalo to make the journey and that they will be quicker to arrive at Puya if they have many buffalo. Slaughtering tens of water buffalo and hundreds of pigs using a machete is the climax of the elaborate death feast, with dancing and music and young boys who catch spurting blood in long bamboo tubes. Some of the slaughtered animals are given by guests as "gifts", which are carefully noted because they will be considered debts of the deceased's family. However, a cockfight, known as bulangan londong, is an integral part of the ceremony. As with the sacrifice of the buffalo and the pigs, the cockfight is considered sacred because it involves the spilling of blood on the earth. In particular, the tradition requires the sacrifice of at least three chickens. However, it is common for at least 25 pairs of chickens to be set against each other in the context of the ceremony.
There are three methods of burial: the coffin may be laid in a cave or in a carved stone grave, or hung on a cliff. It contains any possessions that the deceased will need in the afterlife. The wealthy are often buried in a stone grave carved out of a rocky cliff. The grave is usually expensive and takes a few months to complete. In some areas, a stone cave may be found that is large enough to accommodate a whole family. A wood-carved effigy, called Tau tau, is usually placed in the cave looking out over the land. The coffin of a baby or child may be hung from ropes on a cliff face or from a tree. This hanging grave usually lasts for years, until the ropes rot and the coffin falls to the ground.
In the ritual called Ma'Nene, that takes place each year in August, the bodies of the deceased are exhumed to be washed, groomed and dressed in new clothes. The mummies are then walked around the village.
DANCE AND MUSIC
Torajans perform dances on several occasions, most often during their elaborate funeral ceremonies. They dance to express their grief, and to honour and even cheer the deceased person because he is going to have a long journey in the afterlife. First, a group of men form a circle and sing a monotonous chant throughout the night to honour the deceased (a ritual called Ma'badong). This is considered by many Torajans to be the most important component of the funeral ceremony. On the second funeral day, the Ma'randing warrior dance is performed to praise the courage of the deceased during life. Several men perform the dance with a sword, a large shield made from buffalo skin, a helmet with a buffalo horn, and other ornamentation. The Ma'randing dance precedes a procession in which the deceased is carried from a rice barn to the rante, the site of the funeral ceremony. During the funeral, elder women perform the Ma'katia dance while singing a poetic song and wearing a long feathered costume. The Ma'akatia dance is performed to remind the audience of the generosity and loyalty of the deceased person. After the bloody ceremony of buffalo and pig slaughter, a group of boys and girls clap their hands while performing a cheerful dance called Ma'dondan.
As in other agricultural societies, Torajans dance and sing during harvest time. The Ma'bugi dance celebrates the thanksgiving event, and the Ma'gandangi dance is performed while Torajans are pounding rice. There are several war dances, such as the Manimbong dance performed by men, followed by the Ma'dandan dance performed by women. The aluk religion governs when and how Torajans dance. A dance called Ma'bua can be performed only once every 12 years. Ma'bua is a major Toraja ceremony in which priests wear a buffalo head and dance around a sacred tree.
A traditional musical instrument of the Toraja is a bamboo flute called a Pa'suling (suling is an Indonesian word for flute). This six-holed flute (not unique to the Toraja) is played at many dances, such as the thanksgiving dance Ma'bondensan, where the flute accompanies a group of shirtless, dancing men with long fingernails. The Toraja have indigenous musical instruments, such as the Pa'pelle (made from palm leaves) and the Pa'karombi (the Torajan version of a jaw harp). The Pa'pelle is played during harvest time and at house inauguration ceremonies.
LANGUAGE
The ethnic Toraja language is dominant in Tana Toraja with the main language as the Sa'dan Toraja. Although the national Indonesian language is the official language and is spoken in the community, all elementary schools in Tana Toraja teach Toraja language.Language varieties of Toraja, including Kalumpang, Mamasa, Tae' , Talondo' , Toala' , and Toraja-Sa'dan, belong to the Malayo-Polynesian language from the Austronesian family. At the outset, the isolated geographical nature of Tana Toraja formed many dialects between the Toraja languages themselves. After the formal administration of Tana Toraja, some Toraja dialects have been influenced by other languages through the transmigration program, introduced since the colonialism period, and it has been a major factor in the linguistic variety of Toraja languages. A prominent attribute of Toraja language is the notion of grief. The importance of death ceremony in Toraja culture has characterized their languages to express intricate degrees of grief and mourning. The Toraja language contains many terms referring to sadness, longing, depression, and mental pain. Giving a clear expression of the psychological and physical effect of loss is a catharsis and sometimes lessens the pain of grief itself.
ECONOMY
Prior to Suharto's "New Order" administration, the Torajan economy was based on agriculture, with cultivated wet rice in terraced fields on mountain slopes, and supplemental cassava and maize crops. Much time and energy were devoted to raising water buffalo, pigs, and chickens, primarily for ceremonial sacrifices and consumption. Coffee was the first significant cash crop produced in Toraja, and was introduced in the mid 19th century, changing the local economy towards commodity production for external markets and gaining an excellent reputation for quality in the international market .
With the commencement of the New Order in 1965, Indonesia's economy developed and opened to foreign investment. In Toraja, a coffee plantation and factory was established by Key Coffee of Japan, and Torajan coffee regained a reputation for quality within the growing international specialty coffee sector Multinational oil and mining companies opened new operations in Indonesia during the 1970s and 1980s. Torajans, particularly younger ones, relocated to work for the foreign companies - to Kalimantan for timber and oil, to Papua for mining, to the cities of Sulawesi and Java, and many went to Malaysia. The out-migration of Torajans was steady until 1985. and has continued since, with remittances sent back by emigre Torajans performing an important role within the contemporary economy.
Tourism commenced in Toraja in the 1970s, and accelerated in the 1980s and 1990s. Between 1984 and 1997, a significant number of Torajans obtained their incomes from tourism, working in and owning hotels, as tour guides, drivers, or selling souvenirs. With the rise of political and economic instability in Indonesia in the late 1990s - including religious conflicts elsewhere on Sulawesi - tourism in Tana Toraja has declined dramatically. Toraja continues to be a well known origin for Indonesian coffee, grown by both smallholders and plantation estates, although migration, remittances and off-farm income is considered far more important to most households, even those in rural areas.
TOURISM AND CULTURAL CHANGE
Before the 1970s, Toraja was almost unknown to Western tourism. In 1971, about 50 Europeans visited Tana Toraja. In 1972, at least 400 visitors attended the funeral ritual of Puang of Sangalla, the highest-ranking nobleman in Tana Toraja and the so-called "last pure-blooded Toraja noble." The event was documented by National Geographic and broadcast in several European countries. In 1976, about 12,000 tourists visited the regency and in 1981, Torajan sculpture was exhibited in major North American museums. "The land of the heavenly kings of Tana Toraja", as written in the exhibition brochure, embraced the outside world.
In 1984, the Indonesian Ministry of Tourism declared Tana Toraja Regency the prima donna of South Sulawesi. Tana Toraja was heralded as "the second stop after Bali". Tourism was increasing dramatically: by 1985, a total number of 150,000 foreigners had visited the Regency (in addition to 80,000 domestic tourists), and the annual number of foreign visitors was recorded at 40,000 in 1989. Souvenir stands appeared in Rantepao, the cultural center of Toraja, roads were sealed at the most-visited tourist sites, new hotels and tourist-oriented restaurants were opened, and an airstrip was opened in the Regency in 1981.
Tourism developers have marketed Tana Toraja as an exotic adventure - an area rich in culture and off the beaten track. Western tourists expected to see stone-age villages and pagan funerals. Toraja is for tourists who have gone as far as Bali and are willing to see more of the wild, "untouched" islands. However, they were more likely to see a Torajan wearing a hat and denim, living in a Christian society. Tourists felt that the tongkonan and other Torajan rituals had been preconceived to make profits, and complained that the destination was too commercialized. This has resulted in several clashes between Torajans and tourism developers, whom Torajans see as outsiders.
A clash between local Torajan leaders and the South Sulawesi provincial government (as a tourist developer) broke out in 1985. The government designated 18 Toraja villages and burial sites as traditional tourist attractions. Consequently, zoning restrictions were applied to these areas, such that Torajans themselves were barred from changing their tongkonans and burial sites. The plan was opposed by some Torajan leaders, as they felt that their rituals and traditions were being determined by outsiders. As a result, in 1987, the Torajan village of Kété Kesú and several other designated tourist attractions closed their doors to tourists. This closure lasted only a few days, as the villagers found it too difficult to survive without the income from selling souvenirs.
Tourism has also transformed Toraja society. Originally, there was a ritual which allowed commoners to marry nobles (puang) and thereby gain nobility for their children. However, the image of Torajan society created for the tourists, often by "lower-ranking" guides, has eroded its traditional strict hierarchy. High status is not as esteemed in Tana Toraja as it once was. Many low-ranking men can declare themselves and their children nobles by gaining enough wealth through work outside the region and then marrying a noble woman.
WIKIPEDIA
Exploitant : SAVAC
Réseau : SQYBUS
Lieu : Gare de Saint-Quentin-en-Yvelines (Montigny-le-Bretonneux, F-78)
A march against the exploitation of and racism toward international students in Australia that the governments (both state and federal) continue to allow to exist. International and Australian students from NSW universities (such as Newcastle, UTS, Macquarie, UNSW and Sydney University) rallied together, marching from Sydney University to UTS and on to NSW Parliament House, asking for the government to intervene and change legislation that allows international students to be taken advantage of.
Some basic rights like abolishing the 20-hour work week limit and providing student travel concessions to international students were demanded in chants and songs. At a deeper level though, the protesters are demanding an end to the systematic racism and exploitation of international students, who are increasingly treated more as a means to profit than as students to educate.
Garbstore Spring/Summer 2010
Garbstores fifth collection finds it’s inspiration in the service industries that accompanied the colonial exploits of the British Empire, from rail building in India to service waiters in Hong Kong, From Chefs to train drivers we have focused on the Civilian aspect of Uniform that proceed from any Military campaign.
Canadian Folk band ‘The Mighty low’ were photographed in rehearsal in their studio in east London, the images are illustrated by UK based artist Ewen Brown. The campaign will also be used as the album book for the ‘The Mighty Lows’ new record due later in the year.
hypebeast.com/2010/01/garbstore-2010-springsummer-campaign/
www.selectism.com/news/2010/01/13/garbstore-springsummer-...
slamxhype.com/fashion/garbstore-ss-2010-collection-campaign/
QianZhou; Fujian - This little girl is about 6-7 years old, found to be mul-nutritions, she is appeal to be hatting her life from her face expressions. She is controlled by a lady, whom believe not her real mom's.
This night shot is taken after giving 1 Yen to the lady on Zhong Shan Ru about 9.30pm, the lady about mid 30's refused the photos & her face to be taken.
I also notice that the police have not do anything when sighted these.
Red rose:
Rose, Exploit, バラ, エクスプルワ,
Climbing rose つるバラ
France フランス
Meilland
1987
Pink rose:
Rose, Urara Climbing, バラ, ツル うらら,
Climbing rose つるバラ
Japan 日本
Keisei rose Nursery, 京成バラ園芸
2013
Exploitant : Transdev Marne et Morin
Réseau : Pays de Meaux
Lignes : M4 + 03
Lieu : Gare de Meaux (Meaux, F-77)
Liens TC Infos :
71364 : tc-infos.fr/id/51926
94560 : tc-infos.fr/id/51908