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A computer system used from 1991 to 2003 by US intelligence agencies. The system provides a high resolution colour and black and white monitors for analysis of images from satellites and spy aircraft.
Seen in the Air and Space Museum, Washington DC.
Exploitant : Keolis Argenteuil Boucles de Seine
Réseau : IDF Mobilités – Argenteuil – Boucles de Seine
Ligne : 4
Lieu : Gare d'Argenteuil (Argenteuil, F-95)
Lien TC Infos : tc-infos.fr/vehicule/35427
Exploitant : Transdev Marne et Morin
Réseau : Navette Substitution SNCF Île-de-France
Ligne : Navette RER B
Lieu : Gare de Mitry – Claye (Mitry-Mory, F-77)
Lien TC Infos : tc-infos.fr/id/35316
WASHINGTON, DC: National Center for Missing & Exploited (NCMEC) 2022 Hope Gala, Oct. 20, 2022
The National Center for Missing & Exploited Children’s (NCMEC) Hope Gala held on Oct. 20, 2022 at the District Pier at The Wharf, Washington, D.C. The event is a celebration of the inspiring work being done globally to protect children. We recognized leaders in child safety, honor survivors, and remember the families and victims who are still seeking justice and safety. Sarah Baker/NCMEC
Exploitant : Transdev Marne et Morin
Réseau : Pays de Meaux
Lignes : M4 + 03
Lieu : Gare de Meaux (Meaux, F-77)
Liens TC Infos :
71364 : tc-infos.fr/id/51926
94560 : tc-infos.fr/id/51908
Enrico Caruso’s ascendancy coincided with the dawn of the twentieth century, when the world of opera was moving away from the contrived bel canto (“beautiful singing”) style, with its emphasis on artifice and vibrato, to a verismo (“realism”) approach. The warmth and sincerity of his voice—and personality— shone in this more natural style and set the standard for contemporary greats like Luciano Pavarotti, Placido Domingo, and José Carreras. Through his exploitation of the nascent phonograph industry, Caruso is also largely responsible for the sweeping interest in opera of the 1910s and ’20s. And for this, Stanley Jackson wrote in his book Caruso, he may never be rivaled, for later tenors could not hope to find themselves in a similarly fortuitous position and thus would most certainly “find it more difficult to win such universal affection as the bubbly, warm-hearted little Neapolitan whose voice soared and sobbed from the first wheezy phonographs to bring a new magic into countless lives.”
Born in Naples, Italy, in 1873, the third of seven children (early sources erroneously state that he was the 18th of 21), Caruso was raised in squalor. His birthplace, according to Jackson, was a “two-storeyed house, flaky with peeling stucco, [accommodating] several families, who shared a solitary cold-water tap on the landing, and like every other dwelling in that locality it lacked indoor sanitation.” As a boy, Caruso received very little formal education; his only training in a social setting came from his church choir, where he displayed a pure voice and a keen memory for songs. More often than not, however, he skipped choir practice to sing with street minstrels for café patrons.
At the age of ten Caruso began working a variety of menial jobs—mechanic, jute weaver—but his passion for singing often led him back to the streets. Eight years later, an aspiring baritone named Eduardo Missiano heard Caruso singing by a local swimming pool. Impressed, Missiano took Caruso to his voice teacher, Guglielmo Vergine. Vergine on hearing Caruso, compared the tenor’s voice to “the wind whistling through the chimney,” Michael Scott recounted in The Great Caruso. Although he disliked Caruso’s Neapolitan café style, flashy gestures, and unrefined and unrestrained vocalizing, Vergine finally agreed to accept Caruso as his student. But “the lessons ended after three years,” John Kobler wrote in American Heritage, “and Caruso’s formal musical training thereafter remained almost as meager as his scholastic education. He could read a score only with difficulty. He played no musical instrument. He sang largely by ear.”
On March 15, 1895, Caruso made his professional debut in L’Amico Francesco, a now-forgotten opera by an amateur composer. He was not an immediate sensation.
For the Record…
Bom Errico Caruso (adopted more formal Enrico for stage), February 27 (some sources say 25), 1873, in Naples, Italy; died of pneumonia and peritonitis in 1921 in Naples; son of Marcellino (a mechanic) and Anna (Baldini) Caruso; married Dorothy Park Benjamin, 1918; children: Gloria; (with Ada Giachetti) Rodolfo, Enrico Jr. Education: Studied voice with Guglielmo Vergine, 1891-94, and Vincenzo Lombardi, 1896-97.
Worked as laborer, including jobs as mechanic and jute weaver, beginning c. 1883; debuted in L’Amico Francesco at Teatro Nuovo, Naples, 1894; expanded repertoire to include La Traviata, Rigoletto, Aida, and Faust, among others; first sang Canio in I Pagliacci, 1896, and Rodolfo in La Bohème, 1897; debuted in La Bohème at La Scala, Milan, 1899; performed internationally, including appearances in Moscow, Buenos Aries, Monte Carlo, and London, beginning in 1899; made first recordings, 1902; debuted in U.S. at Metropolitan Opera, New York City, 1903. Appeared in silent films My Cousin and A Splendid Romance, 1918; subject of fictional film biography The Great Caruso, 1950.
Awards: Order of the Commendatore of the Crown of Italy; Grand Officer of the French Legion of Honor; Order of the Crown Eagle of Prussia; honorary captain of the New York City Police Department.
His vocal range was limited; he often had to transpose the musical score down a halftone since he had trouble in the upper register, especially hitting high C. But impresarios who heard Caruso recognized his innate gift and cast him in significant productions such as Faust, Rigoletto, and La Traviata. With stage experience and brief training with another vocal teacher, Vincenzo Lombardo, the singer made steady progress, refining the natural beauty of his voice.
“Who Has Sent You to Me? God?”
In 1897, studying for the part of Rodolpho in Giacomo Puccini’s La Bohème, Caruso went to the composer’s villa to secure Puccini’s consent of his interpretation. As told by author Jackson, after Caruso sang a few measures of the first-act aria, “Che gelida manima,” Puccini “swivelled in his chair and murmured in amazement, ’Who has sent you to me? God?’”
Caruso’s instrument was “a voice of the South, full of warmth, charm, and lusciousness,” described a commentator of the era who was quoted in Howard Greenfeld’s book Caruso. But what truly set Caruso apart—from his predecessors, contemporaries, and successors—was his ability to eliminate the space between singer and listener, to intensify “the emotional effects upon his audience,” testified American Heritage contributor Kobler. “His vocalized feelings, variously spiritual, earthy, carnal, seemed to resonate within the hearer’s body. Rosa Ponselle, the American soprano who made her debut opposite Caruso, called it “a voice that loves you.’”
And his timbre was matched by sheer power; at the height of his career, Caruso gave concerts in venues as large as New York City’s Yankee Stadium without microphones and was clearly heard by all. Still, he reached his greatest audience, across both distance and time, through the small, recorded medium of the phonograph. “Few performers deserve . . . recognition more than Caruso,” David Hamilton proclaimed in the New York Times. “[His] records made him the universal model for later generations of tenors, while his reputation played a major role in establishing the phonograph socially and economically.”
Recording Pioneer
Caruso made his first recording on April 11, 1902, in a hotel suite in Milan, Italy. Over the remaining 19 years of his life he made an additional 488 recordings, almost all for the Victor label. He earned more than two million dollars from recording alone, the company almost twice that. But, most important, his recordings brought grand opera to the uninitiated. Millions cried along with his version of Canio’s sobbing “Vesti la giubba,” from/Pagliacci. The development of the American opera audience from a rarefied community at the turn of the century to a diverse populace in modern times can be directly attributed to Caruso’s recordings.
But Caruso’s allure was not solely the result of his singing. “Quick to laughter and to tears, amorous, buffoonish,... speaking a comically fractured English, round and paunchy, Caruso presented an image that appealed enormously to multitudes of ordinary Americans,” Kobler pointed out. Indeed, his offstage behavior was as interesting to the public as that of his onstage personas. He had numerous affairs with women, which often ended in court. He had an 11-year relationship, beginning in 1897, with soprano Ada Giachetti, who had left her husband and son for the much younger tenor. She bore Caruso two sons, then ran off with the family chauffeur. Three years later, Giachetti sued Caruso for attempting to damage her career and for theft of her jewelry. The suit was eventually dismissed.
Offstage Shenanigans
Caruso was not exonerated, however, in what became known as the “Monkey House Case.” On November 16, 1906, Caruso went to the Monkey House in the Central Park Zoo, one of his favorite retreats in his adopted hometown of New York City. There a young woman accused him of pinching her bottom. A policeman on the scene immediately took Caruso—confused and sobbing—to jail. The woman failed to appear at the consequent trial, and police were unable to produce any witnesses other than the arresting officer, who turned out to have been best man at the accuser’s wedding. The judge found Caruso guilty of disorderly conduct and fined him ten dollars. The public, for its part, though initially unsure of Caruso’s innocence, soon returned to its thunderous approval of his performances.
Despite these episodes, Caruso’s life outside the theater was not entirely tumultuous. His marriage to Dorothy Park Benjamin in 1918 was happy and secure. His celebrated earnings allowed him to collect art, stamps, and coins. His clothing and furnishings were luxurious. He ate with gusto. And he was extremely generous. A gifted caricaturist, Caruso often gave drawings away. He would fill his pockets with gold coins and shower stagehands with them at the end of Christmastime productions. He also supported many family members, gave numerous charity concerts, and helped raise millions of dollars for the Allied cause during World War I. This remarkable man even paid his taxes early. “If I wait, something might happen to me, then it would be hard to collect,” Caruso reasoned, as recounted by Kobler. “Now I pay, then if something happen to me the money belongs to the United States, and that is good.”
Caruso’s expansive approach to life, however, rendered his own short. Constant recording and performance demands and the singer’s unchecked appetites took their toll on his health; he died in Naples, in 1921, from pneumonia and peritonitis. He was 48 years old. “Caruso may have been a greater master of comedy than tragedy,” Great Caruso author Scott wrote, “yet there was no levity in his approach to his art, for as each year passed and he became an ever more celebrated singer, his fame—ably demonstrated by frequent new issues of ever improving records—made increasing demands of him. In those last years he rode a tiger.”
Selected discography
Enrico Caruso: 21 Favorite Arias, RCA, 1987.
Enrico Caruso, Pearl, 1988.
Enrico Caruso in Arias, Duets, and Songs, Supraphon, 1988.
Caruso in Opera, Nimbus, 1989.
Caruso in Song, Nimbus, 1990.
The Compíete Caruso, BMG Classics, 1990.
Enrico Caruso in Opera: Early New York Recordings (1904-06), Conifer, 1990.
The Caruso Edition: Volume 1 (1902-1908), Pearl, 1991.
The Caruso Edition: Volume 2 (1908-1912), Pearl, 1991.
The Caruso Edition: Volume 3 (1912-1916), Pearl, 1991.
The Caruso Edition: Volume 4 (1916-1921),, Pearl, 1991.
Caruso in Ensemble, Nimbus, 1992.
Addio Mia Bella Napoli, Replay/Qualiton, 1993.
Sources
Books
Caruso, Enrico, Jr., and Andrew Farkas, Enrico Caruso: My Father and My Family, Amadeus Press, 1990.
Greenfeld, Howard, Caruso, Putnam, 1983.
Jackson, Stanley, Caruso, Stein & Day, 1972.
Scott, Michael, The Great Caruso, Knopf, 1988.
Periodicals
American Heritage, February/March 1984.
Economist, March 9, 1991.
New Republic, August 8, 1988.
New York Times, January 6, 1991.
—Rob Nagel
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#enrico-picciotto, enrico picciotto
The Toraja are an ethnic group indigenous to a mountainous region of South Sulawesi, Indonesia. Their population is approximately 1,100,000, of whom 450,000 live in the regency of Tana Toraja ("Land of Toraja"). Most of the population is Christian, and others are Muslim or have local animist beliefs known as aluk ("the way"). The Indonesian government has recognized this animist belief as Aluk To Dolo ("Way of the Ancestors").
The word toraja comes from the Bugis Buginese language term to riaja, meaning "people of the uplands". The Dutch colonial government named the people Toraja in 1909. Torajans are renowned for their elaborate funeral rites, burial sites carved into rocky cliffs, massive peaked-roof traditional houses known as tongkonan, and colorful wood carvings. Toraja funeral rites are important social events, usually attended by hundreds of people and lasting for several days.
Before the 20th century, Torajans lived in autonomous villages, where they practised animism and were relatively untouched by the outside world. In the early 1900s, Dutch missionaries first worked to convert Torajan highlanders to Christianity. When the Tana Toraja regency was further opened to the outside world in the 1970s, it became an icon of tourism in Indonesia: it was exploited by tourism developers and studied by anthropologists. By the 1990s, when tourism peaked, Toraja society had changed significantly, from an agrarian model - in which social life and customs were outgrowths of the Aluk To Dolo - to a largely Christian society. Today, tourism and remittances from migrant Torajans have made for major changes in the Toraja highland, giving the Toraja a celebrity status within Indonesia and enhancing Toraja ethnic group pride.
ETHNIC IDENTITY
The Torajan people had little notion of themselves as a distinct ethnic group before the 20th century. Before Dutch colonization and Christianization, Torajans, who lived in highland areas, identified with their villages and did not share a broad sense of identity. Although complexes of rituals created linkages between highland villages, there were variations in dialects, differences in social hierarchies, and an array of ritual practices in the Sulawesi highland region. "Toraja" (from the coastal languages' to, meaning people; and riaja, uplands) was first used as a lowlander expression for highlanders. As a result, "Toraja" initially had more currency with outsiders - such as the Bugis and Makassarese, who constitute a majority of the lowland of Sulawesi - than with insiders. The Dutch missionaries' presence in the highlands gave rise to the Toraja ethnic consciousness in the Sa'dan Toraja region, and this shared identity grew with the rise of tourism in the Tana Toraja Regency. Since then, South Sulawesi has four main ethnic groups - the Bugis (the majority, including shipbuilders and seafarers), the Makassarese (lowland traders and seafarers), the Mandarese (traders and fishermen), and the Toraja (highland rice cultivators).
HISTORY
From the 17th century, the Dutch established trade and political control on Sulawesi through the Dutch East Indies Company. Over two centuries, they ignored the mountainous area in the central Sulawesi, where Torajans lived, because access was difficult and it had little productive agricultural land. In the late 19th century, the Dutch became increasingly concerned about the spread of Islam in the south of Sulawesi, especially among the Makassarese and Bugis peoples. The Dutch saw the animist highlanders as potential Christians. In the 1920s, the Reformed Missionary Alliance of the Dutch Reformed Church began missionary work aided by the Dutch colonial government. In addition to introducing Christianity, the Dutch abolished slavery and imposed local taxes. A line was drawn around the Sa'dan area and called Tana Toraja ("the land of Toraja"). Tana Toraja was first a subdivision of the Luwu kingdom that had claimed the area. In 1946, the Dutch granted Tana Toraja a regentschap, and it was recognized in 1957 as one of the regencies of Indonesia.
Early Dutch missionaries faced strong opposition among Torajans, especially among the elite, because the abolition of their profitable slave trade had angered them. Some Torajans were forcibly relocated to the lowlands by the Dutch, where they could be more easily controlled. Taxes were kept high, undermining the wealth of the elites. Ultimately, the Dutch influence did not subdue Torajan culture, and only a few Torajans were converted. In 1950, only 10% of the population had converted to Christianity.
In the 1930s, Muslim lowlanders attacked the Torajans, resulting in widespread Christian conversion among those who sought to align themselves with the Dutch for political protection and to form a movement against the Bugis and Makassarese Muslims. Between 1951 and 1965 (following Indonesian independence), southern Sulawesi faced a turbulent period as the Darul Islam separatist movement fought for an Islamic state in Sulawesi. The 15 years of guerrilla warfare led to massive conversions to
CHRISTIANITY
Alignment with the Indonesian government, however, did not guarantee safety for the Torajans. In 1965, a presidential decree required every Indonesian citizen to belong to one of five officially recognized religions: Islam, Christianity (Protestantism and Catholicism), Hinduism, or Buddhism. The Torajan religious belief (aluk) was not legally recognized, and the Torajans raised their voices against the law. To make aluk accord with the law, it had to be accepted as part of one of the official religions. In 1969, Aluk To Dolo ("the way of ancestors") was legalized as a sect of Agama Hindu Dharma, the official name of Hinduism in Indonesia.
SOCIETY
There are three main types of affiliation in Toraja society: family, class and religion.
FAMILY AFFILIATION
Family is the primary social and political grouping in Torajan society. Each village is one extended family, the seat of which is the tongkonan, a traditional Torajan house. Each tongkonan has a name, which becomes the name of the village. The familial dons maintain village unity. Marriage between distant cousins (fourth cousins and beyond) is a common practice that strengthens kinship. Toraja society prohibits marriage between close cousins (up to and including the third cousin) - except for nobles, to prevent the dispersal of property. Kinship is actively reciprocal, meaning that the extended family helps each other farm, share buffalo rituals, and pay off debts.
Each person belongs to both the mother's and the father's families, the only bilateral family line in Indonesia. Children, therefore, inherit household affiliation from both mother and father, including land and even family debts. Children's names are given on the basis of kinship, and are usually chosen after dead relatives. Names of aunts, uncles and cousins are commonly referred to in the names of mothers, fathers and siblings.
Before the start of the formal administration of Toraja villages by the Tana Toraja Regency, each Toraja village was autonomous. In a more complex situation, in which one Toraja family could not handle their problems alone, several villages formed a group; sometimes, villages would unite against other villages. Relationship between families was expressed through blood, marriage, and shared ancestral houses (tongkonan), practically signed by the exchange of water buffalo and pigs on ritual occasions. Such exchanges not only built political and cultural ties between families but defined each person's place in a social hierarchy: who poured palm wine, who wrapped a corpse and prepared offerings, where each person could or could not sit, what dishes should be used or avoided, and even what piece of meat constituted one's share.
CLASS AFFILIATION
In early Toraja society, family relationships were tied closely to social class. There were three strata: nobles, commoners, and slaves (slavery was abolished in 1909 by the Dutch East Indies government). Class was inherited through the mother. It was taboo, therefore, to marry "down" with a woman of lower class. On the other hand, marrying a woman of higher class could improve the status of the next generation. The nobility's condescending attitude toward the commoners is still maintained today for reasons of family prestige.
Nobles, who were believed to be direct descendants of the descended person from heaven, lived in tongkonans, while commoners lived in less lavish houses (bamboo shacks called banua). Slaves lived in small huts, which had to be built around their owner's tongkonan. Commoners might marry anyone, but nobles preferred to marry in-family to maintain their status. Sometimes nobles married Bugis or Makassarese nobles. Commoners and slaves were prohibited from having death feasts. Despite close kinship and status inheritance, there was some social mobility, as marriage or change in wealth could affect an individuals status. Wealth was counted by the ownership of water buffaloes.
Slaves in Toraja society were family property. Sometimes Torajans decided to become slaves when they incurred a debt, pledging to work as payment. Slaves could be taken during wars, and slave trading was common. Slaves could buy their freedom, but their children still inherited slave status. Slaves were prohibited from wearing bronze or gold, carving their houses, eating from the same dishes as their owners, or having sex with free women - a crime punishable by death.
RELIGIOUS AFFILIATION
Toraja's indigenous belief system is polytheistic animism, called aluk, or "the way" (sometimes translated as "the law"). In the Toraja myth, the ancestors of Torajan people came down from heaven using stairs, which were then used by the Torajans as a communication medium with Puang Matua, the Creator. The cosmos, according to aluk, is divided into the upper world (heaven), the world of man (earth), and the underworld. At first, heaven and earth were married, then there was a darkness, a separation, and finally the light. Animals live in the underworld, which is represented by rectangular space enclosed by pillars, the earth is for mankind, and the heaven world is located above, covered with a saddle-shaped roof. Other Toraja gods include Pong Banggai di Rante (god of Earth), Indo' Ongon-Ongon (a goddess who can cause earthquakes), Pong Lalondong (god of death), and Indo' Belo Tumbang (goddess of medicine); there are many more.
The earthly authority, whose words and actions should be cleaved to both in life (agriculture) and death (funerals), is called to minaa (an aluk priest). Aluk is not just a belief system; it is a combination of law, religion, and habit. Aluk governs social life, agricultural practices, and ancestral rituals. The details of aluk may vary from one village to another. One common law is the requirement that death and life rituals be separated. Torajans believe that performing death rituals might ruin their corpses if combined with life rituals. The two rituals are equally important. During the time of the Dutch missionaries, Christian Torajans were prohibited from attending or performing life rituals, but were allowed to perform death rituals. Consequently, Toraja's death rituals are still practised today, while life rituals have diminished.
CULTURE
TONGKONAN
Tongkonan are the traditional Torajan ancestral houses. They stand high on wooden piles, topped with a layered split-bamboo roof shaped in a sweeping curved arc, and they are incised with red, black, and yellow detailed wood carvings on the exterior walls. The word "tongkonan" comes from the Torajan tongkon ("to sit").
Tongkonan are the center of Torajan social life. The rituals associated with the tongkonan are important expressions of Torajan spiritual life, and therefore all family members are impelled to participate, because symbolically the tongkonan represents links to their ancestors and to living and future kin. According to Torajan myth, the first tongkonan was built in heaven on four poles, with a roof made of Indian cloth. When the first Torajan ancestor descended to earth, he imitated the house and held a large ceremony.
The construction of a tongkonan is laborious work and is usually done with the help of the extended family. There are three types of tongkonan. The tongkonan layuk is the house of the highest authority, used as the "center of government". The tongkonan pekamberan belongs to the family members who have some authority in local traditions. Ordinary family members reside in the tongkonan batu. The exclusivity to the nobility of the tongkonan is diminishing as many Torajan commoners find lucrative employment in other parts of Indonesia. As they send back money to their families, they enable the construction of larger tongkonan.
WOOD CARVINGS
To express social and religious concepts, Torajans carve wood, calling it Pa'ssura (or "the writing"). Wood carvings are therefore Toraja's cultural manifestation.
Each carving receives a special name, and common motifs are animals and plants that symbolize some virtue. For example, water plants and animals, such as crabs, tadpoles and water weeds, are commonly found to symbolize fertility. In some areas noble elders claim these symbols refer to strength of noble family, but not everyone agrees. The overall meaning of groups of carved motifs on houses remains debated and tourism has further complicated these debates because some feel a uniform explanation must be presented to tourists. The image to the left shows an example of Torajan wood carving, consisting of 15 square panels. The center bottom panel represents buffalo or wealth, a wish for many buffaloes for the family. The center panel represents a knot and a box, a hope that all of the family's offspring will be happy and live in harmony, like goods kept safe in a box. The top left and top right squares represent an aquatic animal, indicating the need for fast and hard work, just like moving on the surface of water. It also represents the need for a certain skill to produce good results.
Regularity and order are common features in Toraja wood carving (see table below), as well as abstracts and geometrical designs. Nature is frequently used as the basis of Toraja's ornaments, because nature is full of abstractions and geometries with regularities and ordering. Toraja's ornaments have been studied in ethnomathematics to reveal their mathematical structure, but Torajans base this art only on approximations. To create an ornament, bamboo sticks are used as a geometrical tool.
FUNERAL RITES
In Toraja society, the funeral ritual is the most elaborate and expensive event. The richer and more powerful the individual, the more expensive is the funeral. In the aluk religion, only nobles have the right to have an extensive death feast. The death feast of a nobleman is usually attended by thousands and lasts for several days. A ceremonial site, called rante, is usually prepared in a large, grassy field where shelters for audiences, rice barns, and other ceremonial funeral structures are specially made by the deceased family. Flute music, funeral chants, songs and poems, and crying and wailing are traditional Toraja expressions of grief with the exceptions of funerals for young children, and poor, low-status adults.
The ceremony is often held weeks, months, or years after the death so that the deceased's family can raise the significant funds needed to cover funeral expenses. Torajans traditionally believe that death is not a sudden, abrupt event, but a gradual process toward Puya (the land of souls, or afterlife). During the waiting period, the body of the deceased is wrapped in several layers of cloth and kept under the tongkonan. The soul of the deceased is thought to linger around the village until the funeral ceremony is completed, after which it begins its journey to Puya.
Another component of the ritual is the slaughter of water buffalo. The more powerful the person who died, the more buffalo are slaughtered at the death feast. Buffalo carcasses, including their heads, are usually lined up on a field waiting for their owner, who is in the "sleeping stage". Torajans believe that the deceased will need the buffalo to make the journey and that they will be quicker to arrive at Puya if they have many buffalo. Slaughtering tens of water buffalo and hundreds of pigs using a machete is the climax of the elaborate death feast, with dancing and music and young boys who catch spurting blood in long bamboo tubes. Some of the slaughtered animals are given by guests as "gifts", which are carefully noted because they will be considered debts of the deceased's family. However, a cockfight, known as bulangan londong, is an integral part of the ceremony. As with the sacrifice of the buffalo and the pigs, the cockfight is considered sacred because it involves the spilling of blood on the earth. In particular, the tradition requires the sacrifice of at least three chickens. However, it is common for at least 25 pairs of chickens to be set against each other in the context of the ceremony.
There are three methods of burial: the coffin may be laid in a cave or in a carved stone grave, or hung on a cliff. It contains any possessions that the deceased will need in the afterlife. The wealthy are often buried in a stone grave carved out of a rocky cliff. The grave is usually expensive and takes a few months to complete. In some areas, a stone cave may be found that is large enough to accommodate a whole family. A wood-carved effigy, called Tau tau, is usually placed in the cave looking out over the land. The coffin of a baby or child may be hung from ropes on a cliff face or from a tree. This hanging grave usually lasts for years, until the ropes rot and the coffin falls to the ground.
In the ritual called Ma'Nene, that takes place each year in August, the bodies of the deceased are exhumed to be washed, groomed and dressed in new clothes. The mummies are then walked around the village.
DANCE AND MUSIC
Torajans perform dances on several occasions, most often during their elaborate funeral ceremonies. They dance to express their grief, and to honour and even cheer the deceased person because he is going to have a long journey in the afterlife. First, a group of men form a circle and sing a monotonous chant throughout the night to honour the deceased (a ritual called Ma'badong). This is considered by many Torajans to be the most important component of the funeral ceremony. On the second funeral day, the Ma'randing warrior dance is performed to praise the courage of the deceased during life. Several men perform the dance with a sword, a large shield made from buffalo skin, a helmet with a buffalo horn, and other ornamentation. The Ma'randing dance precedes a procession in which the deceased is carried from a rice barn to the rante, the site of the funeral ceremony. During the funeral, elder women perform the Ma'katia dance while singing a poetic song and wearing a long feathered costume. The Ma'akatia dance is performed to remind the audience of the generosity and loyalty of the deceased person. After the bloody ceremony of buffalo and pig slaughter, a group of boys and girls clap their hands while performing a cheerful dance called Ma'dondan.
As in other agricultural societies, Torajans dance and sing during harvest time. The Ma'bugi dance celebrates the thanksgiving event, and the Ma'gandangi dance is performed while Torajans are pounding rice. There are several war dances, such as the Manimbong dance performed by men, followed by the Ma'dandan dance performed by women. The aluk religion governs when and how Torajans dance. A dance called Ma'bua can be performed only once every 12 years. Ma'bua is a major Toraja ceremony in which priests wear a buffalo head and dance around a sacred tree.
A traditional musical instrument of the Toraja is a bamboo flute called a Pa'suling (suling is an Indonesian word for flute). This six-holed flute (not unique to the Toraja) is played at many dances, such as the thanksgiving dance Ma'bondensan, where the flute accompanies a group of shirtless, dancing men with long fingernails. The Toraja have indigenous musical instruments, such as the Pa'pelle (made from palm leaves) and the Pa'karombi (the Torajan version of a jaw harp). The Pa'pelle is played during harvest time and at house inauguration ceremonies.
LANGUAGE
The ethnic Toraja language is dominant in Tana Toraja with the main language as the Sa'dan Toraja. Although the national Indonesian language is the official language and is spoken in the community, all elementary schools in Tana Toraja teach Toraja language.Language varieties of Toraja, including Kalumpang, Mamasa, Tae' , Talondo' , Toala' , and Toraja-Sa'dan, belong to the Malayo-Polynesian language from the Austronesian family. At the outset, the isolated geographical nature of Tana Toraja formed many dialects between the Toraja languages themselves. After the formal administration of Tana Toraja, some Toraja dialects have been influenced by other languages through the transmigration program, introduced since the colonialism period, and it has been a major factor in the linguistic variety of Toraja languages. A prominent attribute of Toraja language is the notion of grief. The importance of death ceremony in Toraja culture has characterized their languages to express intricate degrees of grief and mourning. The Toraja language contains many terms referring to sadness, longing, depression, and mental pain. Giving a clear expression of the psychological and physical effect of loss is a catharsis and sometimes lessens the pain of grief itself.
ECONOMY
Prior to Suharto's "New Order" administration, the Torajan economy was based on agriculture, with cultivated wet rice in terraced fields on mountain slopes, and supplemental cassava and maize crops. Much time and energy were devoted to raising water buffalo, pigs, and chickens, primarily for ceremonial sacrifices and consumption. Coffee was the first significant cash crop produced in Toraja, and was introduced in the mid 19th century, changing the local economy towards commodity production for external markets and gaining an excellent reputation for quality in the international market .
With the commencement of the New Order in 1965, Indonesia's economy developed and opened to foreign investment. In Toraja, a coffee plantation and factory was established by Key Coffee of Japan, and Torajan coffee regained a reputation for quality within the growing international specialty coffee sector Multinational oil and mining companies opened new operations in Indonesia during the 1970s and 1980s. Torajans, particularly younger ones, relocated to work for the foreign companies - to Kalimantan for timber and oil, to Papua for mining, to the cities of Sulawesi and Java, and many went to Malaysia. The out-migration of Torajans was steady until 1985. and has continued since, with remittances sent back by emigre Torajans performing an important role within the contemporary economy.
Tourism commenced in Toraja in the 1970s, and accelerated in the 1980s and 1990s. Between 1984 and 1997, a significant number of Torajans obtained their incomes from tourism, working in and owning hotels, as tour guides, drivers, or selling souvenirs. With the rise of political and economic instability in Indonesia in the late 1990s - including religious conflicts elsewhere on Sulawesi - tourism in Tana Toraja has declined dramatically. Toraja continues to be a well known origin for Indonesian coffee, grown by both smallholders and plantation estates, although migration, remittances and off-farm income is considered far more important to most households, even those in rural areas.
TOURISM AND CULTURAL CHANGE
Before the 1970s, Toraja was almost unknown to Western tourism. In 1971, about 50 Europeans visited Tana Toraja. In 1972, at least 400 visitors attended the funeral ritual of Puang of Sangalla, the highest-ranking nobleman in Tana Toraja and the so-called "last pure-blooded Toraja noble." The event was documented by National Geographic and broadcast in several European countries. In 1976, about 12,000 tourists visited the regency and in 1981, Torajan sculpture was exhibited in major North American museums. "The land of the heavenly kings of Tana Toraja", as written in the exhibition brochure, embraced the outside world.
In 1984, the Indonesian Ministry of Tourism declared Tana Toraja Regency the prima donna of South Sulawesi. Tana Toraja was heralded as "the second stop after Bali". Tourism was increasing dramatically: by 1985, a total number of 150,000 foreigners had visited the Regency (in addition to 80,000 domestic tourists), and the annual number of foreign visitors was recorded at 40,000 in 1989. Souvenir stands appeared in Rantepao, the cultural center of Toraja, roads were sealed at the most-visited tourist sites, new hotels and tourist-oriented restaurants were opened, and an airstrip was opened in the Regency in 1981.
Tourism developers have marketed Tana Toraja as an exotic adventure - an area rich in culture and off the beaten track. Western tourists expected to see stone-age villages and pagan funerals. Toraja is for tourists who have gone as far as Bali and are willing to see more of the wild, "untouched" islands. However, they were more likely to see a Torajan wearing a hat and denim, living in a Christian society. Tourists felt that the tongkonan and other Torajan rituals had been preconceived to make profits, and complained that the destination was too commercialized. This has resulted in several clashes between Torajans and tourism developers, whom Torajans see as outsiders.
A clash between local Torajan leaders and the South Sulawesi provincial government (as a tourist developer) broke out in 1985. The government designated 18 Toraja villages and burial sites as traditional tourist attractions. Consequently, zoning restrictions were applied to these areas, such that Torajans themselves were barred from changing their tongkonans and burial sites. The plan was opposed by some Torajan leaders, as they felt that their rituals and traditions were being determined by outsiders. As a result, in 1987, the Torajan village of Kété Kesú and several other designated tourist attractions closed their doors to tourists. This closure lasted only a few days, as the villagers found it too difficult to survive without the income from selling souvenirs.
Tourism has also transformed Toraja society. Originally, there was a ritual which allowed commoners to marry nobles (puang) and thereby gain nobility for their children. However, the image of Torajan society created for the tourists, often by "lower-ranking" guides, has eroded its traditional strict hierarchy. High status is not as esteemed in Tana Toraja as it once was. Many low-ranking men can declare themselves and their children nobles by gaining enough wealth through work outside the region and then marrying a noble woman.
WIKIPEDIA
Exploited for human use and on display for human amusement.
Animals have the right to not be treated as property! Go vegan!
A march against the exploitation of and racism toward international students in Australia that the governments (both state and federal) continue to allow to exist. International and Australian students from NSW universities (such as Newcastle, UTS, Macquarie, UNSW and Sydney University) rallied together, marching from Sydney University to UTS and on to NSW Parliament House, asking for the government to intervene and change legislation that allows international students to be taken advantage of.
Some basic rights like abolishing the 20-hour work week limit and providing student travel concessions to international students were demanded in chants and songs. At a deeper level though, the protesters are demanding an end to the systematic racism and exploitation of international students, who are increasingly treated more as a means to profit than as students to educate.
2010
Entre BERRY, TOURAINE et SOLOGNE, notre exploitation familiale produit et propose à la vente plus de 6 variétés de fromages de chèvre, aux affinages goûteux et variés. Notre production s'organise dans le respect d'une agriculture durable et la conservation des méthodes traditionnelles de fabrication. Nous cultivons et récoltons nos foins et céréales, qui sont utilisés pour alimenter notre troupeau.
Nous vous attendons sur nos marchés parisiens, trois jours par semaine.
:: La Ferme de la Prairie, S.C.E.A. ::
Polyculture-élevage caprin et porcin, transformation fromagère et bouchère, vente directe
A.O.P. "Valençay" & "Selles-sur-Cher"
Siège social : La Jarrerie, CHABRIS (F-36 210) - Tél. / Fax : +33 (0)2.54.40.15.50
Mél : contact@lafermedelaprairie.fr
FaceBook : www.lafermedelaprairie.fr/facebook
This is a simple black and white drawing of one of my favourite exploitation actors; George Eastmen. The picture is from the zombie cum porn classic; The Erotic Nights Of The Living Dead. This is also the inly card/ track listing card for my January contribution for the Mixtape Project.
21 September 2010: Opening of the exhibition "Vulnerability, Exploitation and Action - A Photo-documentation on Human Trafficking" by UN.GIFT, the Global Initiative to Fight Human Trafficking.
f.l.t.r. Nicolas Cage, United Nations Office on Drugs and Crime (UNODC) Goodwill Ambassador; Yury Fedotov, Executive Director, UNODC; Alessandro Scotti, Italian Photographer; Helmut Böck, Ambassador, ustria's Permanent Representative to the United Nations.
July 20, 2016--New York City-- Governor Andrew M. Cuomo announced that the Task Force to Combat Worker Exploitation has directed 1,547 businesses to pay nearly $4 million in back wages and damages to more than 7,500 workers since its inception in July 2015. The Governor also announced several initiatives to improve worker health and safety, including a multi-agency investigation into the exploitation of dry cleaning workers and a coordinated effort to ban harmful chemicals, such as perchlorethylene (PERC), that are commonly used in the industry. Additionally, the state will launch a new $5 million grant program and RFP for non-profit organizations to expand services to help exploited workers. (Don Pollard/Office of the Governor)
Exploitant : Transdev TVO
Réseau : R'Bus (Argenteuil)
Ligne : 1
Lieu : Gare d'Argenteuil (Argenteuil, F-95)
Lien TC Infos : tc-infos.fr/id/19449
Exploitant : RATP
Réseau : RATP
Ligne : 88
Lieu : Mairie du 15ème (Paris, F-75)
Lien TC Infos : tc-infos.fr/vehicule/9857
Frustrated by the lack of support for culture in Liverpool, our inability to exploit or save our culture and its practitioners I set out to find somewhere to build giant puppets for instance, or host large arts and cultural events for the benefit of the area and the city. I approached Jonathon Pritchard who designed and buildt the KDM apartments in the Baltic Triangle and owned an empty glass factory.
I persuaded him to let us use it for the length of the streetart festival I organised for IFB 2014 - so that we could build in it, store scissor lifts and eventually use it as a gallery for the art. JP offered it to us for a further year.
WE used it as well as we could (given JP was trying to sell the site) but even so we hosted numerous events, projects and activities which otherwise would have not happened in the city including LOOK 15 an international photographic exhibition, storing the WIKIHOUSE (the only snap together house in the UK), saving artworks for the Biennial and from destruction, hosting popvideos, large builds and numerous small rehearsals and events. Its success was its 'slack' its ability to remain empty at times so that emergencies would be coped with, space was always available at short notice and flexibility was 'built in'.
I was originally asked to do the whole LP design, but it's a very busy OTT type sleeve which would lack the instant impact a jacket needs, so I isolated the figures of the band. I hate the Exploited's music but I like the way the jacket came out.
Garbstore Spring/Summer 2010
Garbstores fifth collection finds it’s inspiration in the service industries that accompanied the colonial exploits of the British Empire, from rail building in India to service waiters in Hong Kong, From Chefs to train drivers we have focused on the Civilian aspect of Uniform that proceed from any Military campaign.
Canadian Folk band ‘The Mighty low’ were photographed in rehearsal in their studio in east London, the images are illustrated by UK based artist Ewen Brown. The campaign will also be used as the album book for the ‘The Mighty Lows’ new record due later in the year.
hypebeast.com/2010/01/garbstore-2010-springsummer-campaign/
www.selectism.com/news/2010/01/13/garbstore-springsummer-...
slamxhype.com/fashion/garbstore-ss-2010-collection-campaign/
Exploitant : Cars Hourtoule
Réseau : Express (Île-de-France)
Ligne : Express 4
Lieu : Gare Nord de Poissy (Poissy, F-78)
Lien TC Infos : tc-infos.fr/id/35066
Pictured: A member of the Surveillance and Reconnaissance Squadron (SRS), with Oversnow Reconnaissance Vehicle (ORV).
The UK Minister for the Armed Forces Alistair (Al) Carns OBE MC MP, met up with 30 Commando’s Surveillance Reconnaissance Squadron (SRS).
A Colonel in the Royal Marines Reserve, he took part in ice climbing, cross-country skiing and drove an Over Snow Reconnaissance Vehicle (OSRV).
The Surveillance and Reconnaissance Squadron (SRS) is an elite Royal Marines unit within the 30 Commando Information Exploitation Group; they act as the "eyes and ears" of the UK Commando Force.
The UK and Norway have committed to stepping up their joint military partnership in the Arctic, as NATO allies look to strengthen security across the region against threats from Russia.
Photographer: LPhot Stainer-Hutchins
Exploitant : Transports Voisin
Réseau Tourisme
Substitution SNCF en raison de travaux pendant le week-end du 11 novembre 2022.
ycsocio@yahoo.ca
Montréal : charmes et maléfices d’une île laide …
NB: Cet album « Montréal : île laide » est conçu comme un diaporama. Vous pouvez le lancer à partir de l’adresse suivante :
www.flickr.com/photos/ycsocio/sets/72157621861102283/show/
Vos commentaires et suggestions sont appréciés, soit directement sur le site de flickr.com, soit via mon adresse de courriel (ycsocio@yahoo.ca).
YC
NB: This album « Montréal : ugly island » is conceived as a slide show. You can start it from the following address:
www.flickr.com/photos/ycsocio/sets/72157621861102283/show/
Your comments and suggestions are appreciated, either directly on the site flickr.com or via my email (ycsocio@yahoo.ca).
YC
Nota: Este álbum « Montréal : isla fea » es concebido como un diaporama. Usted puede lanzarlo a partir de la de la siguiente dirección:
www.flickr.com/photos/ycsocio/sets/72157621861102283/show/
Sus comentarios y sugerencias son apreciados, ya sea directamente en el flickr.com sitio o por medio de mi correo electrónico (ycsocio@yahoo.ca).
YC
NB: Dieses Album « Montréal : häßliche Insel » ist wie ein diaporama konzipiert. Sie können es ab der folgenden Adresse werfen :
www.flickr.com/photos/ycsocio/sets/72157621861102283/show/
Ihre Kommentare und Anregungen sind willkommen, entweder direkt auf der Website flickr.com oder über meine E-Mail-Adresse (ycsocio@yahoo.ca).
YC
NB: Questo album « Montréal : isola brutta » è concepito come un diaporama. Potete lanciarlo a partire dal seguente indirizzo :
www.flickr.com/photos/ycsocio/sets/72157621861102283/show/
Vostri commenti e suggestioni sono apprezzati, o direttamente sul sito di flickr.com, o via il mio indirizzo di courriel (ycsocio@yahoo).
YC
NB: Este álbum « Montréal : ilha feia » é concebido como um espetáculo de deslizamento. Você pode lançar isto do seguinte endereço:
www.flickr.com/photos/ycsocio/sets/72157621861102283/show/
Seus comentários e sugestões são bem-vindas, quer directamente, no flickr.com local, quer através de meu endereço de e-mail (ycsocio@yahoo.ca).
YC
NB: Этот альбом "Отель: Остров уродливый" предназначена как слайд-шоу. Вы можете начать со следующего адреса:
www.flickr.com/photos/ycsocio/sets/72157621861102283/show/
Ценим Ваши замечания и предложения, либо непосредственно на сайте flickr.com, либо через мой адрес электронной почты (ycsocio@yahoo.ca).
YC
ملاحظة : هذا الألبوم "فندق : جزيرة القبيح" تم تصميمها لتكون الشرائح. يمكنك أن تبدأ من العنوان التالي :
www.flickr.com/photos/ycsocio/sets/72157621861102283/show/
تعليقاتكم واقتراحاتكم هي موضع تقدير ، إما مباشرة على موقع flickr.com ، إما عبر عنوان بريدي الالكتروني (ycsocio@yahoo.ca).
YC
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WASHINGTON, DC: National Center for Missing & Exploited (NCMEC) 2022 Hope Gala, Oct. 20, 2022
The National Center for Missing & Exploited Children’s (NCMEC) Hope Gala held on Oct. 20, 2022 at the District Pier at The Wharf, Washington, D.C. The event is a celebration of the inspiring work being done globally to protect children. We recognized leaders in child safety, honor survivors, and remember the families and victims who are still seeking justice and safety. Claire Edkins /NCMEC
My old 1984 Alembic Series II "Exploiter" bass. The bridge. The corrosion is starting to look like an art project. There's probably some kind of ebola or something lurking in there.
I had this bass built in the summer of 1984. The only options (besides the walnut/maple/purple heart construction) were graphite rods in the neck and a neck shaped like a Rickenbacker 4001 that I'd been very comfortable playing. This is still the most musical bass I've ever owned, but it also weighs so much that it's seen relatively little use.
Reza and Zakir setting up the show on Bangladeshi migrant labourers in Malaysia "Best Years of My Life" by Shahidul Alam,
French Exploitation World Music album by Serge Franklin. The B-Side is particularly hypnotic with tracks inspired by music from Bali, Sumatra, Java...
1970's French pressing on Daphy/Sonopress label, "Les itinéraires de l'évasion" serie.
Cette année, plus de 400 participants français et étrangers sont venus salle Wagram (Paris) participer à la Convention SFEN "Exploiter les centrales nucléaires dans la durée"
Sunday Express 18 June 2017 page 5 news of exploitation of tragedy for political ends by Corbynism.
In 1985, Jeremy Corbyn wrote: "defeat of the Tory government will be bought about by a series of disputes, of which parliament is only part." (Source of quotation: Socialist Action, 1 February 1985 issue.) At some point, Theresa May will need to read this (which was reprinted by the Conservative party on its 1987 general election campaign poster!) and grasp that she has had 32 years warning of Jeremy Corbyn's style of hijacking tragedies for political manipulation. He is a big mouthed propagandarist, whereas she gets on with her job. But she will have to start deputising more, so she can be seen more to avoid giving Militant Tendency/Socialist Worker/Momentum the ability to turn tragedies into political exploitation. The Sunday Express article goes on to explain that in October 2017, on the hundredth anniversary of the communist seizure of state power for the first time in history (the Russian October 1917 revolution of Lenin), Corbynism is planned to overthrow Britain. :-(
www.telegraph.co.uk/news/2017/06/16/mustafa-almansur-orga...
Mustafa Almansur: Who is the organiser of the Grenfell Tower protest movement?
Martin Evans, crime correspondent Harry Yorke
16 JUNE 2017 • 10:02PM
The organiser of Friday's Grenfell Tower demonstration, in which protesters stormed Kensington Town Hall, is a Jeremy Corbyn-supporting political activist who was once arrested on suspicion of terrorism offences, The Daily Telegraph can reveal. ... But he is also a slick political campaigner, a vocal supporter of Labour leader Mr Corbyn ... It emerged last night that Mr Mansur, who used to be spokesman for the Finsbury Park Mosque, had been arrested 10 years ago by the Metropolitan Police on suspicion of terrorism offences. He was released without charge and later claimed he had been detained because his fingerprints had been found on a book about improvised explosive devices (IEDs), which belonged to a Bosnian associate. ... He is the vice-chairman of the Association of Multicultural Communities ... After graduating from Queen Mary University in London with a degree in electrical engineering, he took an MSc in Islamic banking and finance at Loughborough University."
WASHINGTON, DC: National Center for Missing & Exploited (NCMEC) 2022 Hope Gala, Oct. 20, 2022
The National Center for Missing & Exploited Children’s (NCMEC) Hope Gala held on Oct. 20, 2022 at the District Pier at The Wharf, Washington, D.C. The event is a celebration of the inspiring work being done globally to protect children. We recognized leaders in child safety, honor survivors, and remember the families and victims who are still seeking justice and safety. Claire Edkins /NCMEC