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Un petit hameau appelé Cougnes, dont l’origine reste imprécise, et vivant de l’exploitation de marais salants, est vraisemblablement le quartier le plus ancien connu de la cité de La Rochelle1. Selon le Père Louis-Étienne Arcère (1698-1782), supérieur de la Maison de l’Oratoire, historien de La Rochelle et de la province d'Aunis, le nom du hameau viendrait du mot celte "cogn" ou "coign", désignant un coin, un angle. Cougnes s'est orthographié Compnes, Coigne, Cognes.

En se développant, les habitations de Cougnes se rapprochent progressivement de la mer, jusqu’à ce qu’aux environs du ixe siècle, une cité de pêcheurs appelée Rupella (petite roche) soit fondée sur un promontoire rocheux au milieu des marais, origine du nom de la ville de La Rochelle2. Une tour de défense carrée, appelée tour Maulevault, ainsi qu’une église, l’église Notre-Dame-de-Cougnes, sont construites à cette époque.

Au xe siècle, en l’an 961, Guillaume d’Aquitaine octroie à La Rochelle une charte concernant le droit d’ancrage et de lestage des navires. À cette époque, le port primitif se situe au pied de la tour de la Lanterne sur le ruisseau du Lafond. Il sera déplacé plus tard à son emplacement actuel.

Situé au fond d’une baie abritée des fureurs de l’océan par les Île de Ré et d’Oléron, alimenté par des sources d’eau douce, le lieu convient parfaitement à l’implantation d’un port. Ce faisant, le port de La Rochelle joue dès le xiie siècle, et durant tout le Moyen Âge, un rôle de premier ordre.

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Breaking free,violence,survivor,trauma bond,PTSD,exploitative relationship,abusive relationship,victim,abuser,perpetrator

Eurostar International Ltd est une entreprise ferroviaire de droit britannique, qui exploite depuis 1994 les trains à grande vitesse reliant Paris et Bruxelles au sud de l'Angleterre (Kent) et à Londres, via Lille et Calais, en empruntant le tunnel sous la Manche. Des trains directs relient également Londres à Marne-la-Vallée (Disneyland Paris), Avignon (en été), Bourg-Saint-Maurice, La Plagne et Moûtiers (en hiver).

Eurostar est une société majoritairement détenue par la SNCF (en direct ou via SNCF Participations). La répartition du capital au 1er janvier 2010 est de 55 % à la SNCF, 40 % à la compagnie ferroviaire britannique London and Continental Railways (L&CR) (dont la SNCF détient 35 % et le groupe britannique de transport National Express Group 40 %) et 5 % à la compagnie ferroviaire belge SNCB1. Le total de la participation de la SNCF est par conséquent de 69 % (55 % direct et 14 % indirect).

On appelle également Eurostar les trains à grande vitesse utilisés par l'entreprise, également appelés TGV TMST (pour TGV TransManche SuperTrain) en France et British Rail Class 373 au Royaume-Uni. Composée de dix-huit voitures et de deux motrices, chaque rame mesure 393,72 m de long et peut transporter jusqu'à 750 passagers à 300 km/h.

Depuis la première journée d’exploitation commerciale d'un train Eurostar le 14 novembre 19942, des lignes à grande vitesse ont été construites en Belgique (LGV 1) et au Royaume-Uni (High Speed 1) et permettent de relier la Gare de Saint-Pancras de Londres à la Gare de Lille-Europe en 1 h 20, à la Gare de Bruxelles-Midi en 1 h 51 et à la Gare de Paris-Nord en 2 h 153[réf. à confirmer].

Eurostar a atteint 100 millions de voyageurs transportés en août 20094. En 2010, la société revendique 70 % du trafic passager sur les axes Paris–Londres et Bruxelles–Londres avec une cinquantaine de trains passant par le tunnel quotidiennement.

Lignes 318 et 129 - Arrêt : Mairie de Romainville

Exploitant : RATP

Réseau RATP - Paris

Brasília, The Exploited em Brasília, 06/11/09.

[Click em "ALL SIZES" acima da foto para vê-la em seu tamanho original]

Exploitant : Podiocom

Pelliculé pour l'Équipe cycliste Go Sport-Roubaix Lille Métropole

Some crazy line ups here!

The Toraja are an ethnic group indigenous to a mountainous region of South Sulawesi, Indonesia. Their population is approximately 1,100,000, of whom 450,000 live in the regency of Tana Toraja ("Land of Toraja"). Most of the population is Christian, and others are Muslim or have local animist beliefs known as aluk ("the way"). The Indonesian government has recognized this animist belief as Aluk To Dolo ("Way of the Ancestors").

The word toraja comes from the Bugis Buginese language term to riaja, meaning "people of the uplands". The Dutch colonial government named the people Toraja in 1909. Torajans are renowned for their elaborate funeral rites, burial sites carved into rocky cliffs, massive peaked-roof traditional houses known as tongkonan, and colorful wood carvings. Toraja funeral rites are important social events, usually attended by hundreds of people and lasting for several days.

Before the 20th century, Torajans lived in autonomous villages, where they practised animism and were relatively untouched by the outside world. In the early 1900s, Dutch missionaries first worked to convert Torajan highlanders to Christianity. When the Tana Toraja regency was further opened to the outside world in the 1970s, it became an icon of tourism in Indonesia: it was exploited by tourism developers and studied by anthropologists. By the 1990s, when tourism peaked, Toraja society had changed significantly, from an agrarian model - in which social life and customs were outgrowths of the Aluk To Dolo - to a largely Christian society. Today, tourism and remittances from migrant Torajans have made for major changes in the Toraja highland, giving the Toraja a celebrity status within Indonesia and enhancing Toraja ethnic group pride.

ETHNIC IDENTITY

The Torajan people had little notion of themselves as a distinct ethnic group before the 20th century. Before Dutch colonization and Christianization, Torajans, who lived in highland areas, identified with their villages and did not share a broad sense of identity. Although complexes of rituals created linkages between highland villages, there were variations in dialects, differences in social hierarchies, and an array of ritual practices in the Sulawesi highland region. "Toraja" (from the coastal languages' to, meaning people; and riaja, uplands) was first used as a lowlander expression for highlanders. As a result, "Toraja" initially had more currency with outsiders - such as the Bugis and Makassarese, who constitute a majority of the lowland of Sulawesi - than with insiders. The Dutch missionaries' presence in the highlands gave rise to the Toraja ethnic consciousness in the Sa'dan Toraja region, and this shared identity grew with the rise of tourism in the Tana Toraja Regency. Since then, South Sulawesi has four main ethnic groups - the Bugis (the majority, including shipbuilders and seafarers), the Makassarese (lowland traders and seafarers), the Mandarese (traders and fishermen), and the Toraja (highland rice cultivators).

HISTORY

From the 17th century, the Dutch established trade and political control on Sulawesi through the Dutch East Indies Company. Over two centuries, they ignored the mountainous area in the central Sulawesi, where Torajans lived, because access was difficult and it had little productive agricultural land. In the late 19th century, the Dutch became increasingly concerned about the spread of Islam in the south of Sulawesi, especially among the Makassarese and Bugis peoples. The Dutch saw the animist highlanders as potential Christians. In the 1920s, the Reformed Missionary Alliance of the Dutch Reformed Church began missionary work aided by the Dutch colonial government. In addition to introducing Christianity, the Dutch abolished slavery and imposed local taxes. A line was drawn around the Sa'dan area and called Tana Toraja ("the land of Toraja"). Tana Toraja was first a subdivision of the Luwu kingdom that had claimed the area. In 1946, the Dutch granted Tana Toraja a regentschap, and it was recognized in 1957 as one of the regencies of Indonesia.

Early Dutch missionaries faced strong opposition among Torajans, especially among the elite, because the abolition of their profitable slave trade had angered them. Some Torajans were forcibly relocated to the lowlands by the Dutch, where they could be more easily controlled. Taxes were kept high, undermining the wealth of the elites. Ultimately, the Dutch influence did not subdue Torajan culture, and only a few Torajans were converted. In 1950, only 10% of the population had converted to Christianity.

In the 1930s, Muslim lowlanders attacked the Torajans, resulting in widespread Christian conversion among those who sought to align themselves with the Dutch for political protection and to form a movement against the Bugis and Makassarese Muslims. Between 1951 and 1965 (following Indonesian independence), southern Sulawesi faced a turbulent period as the Darul Islam separatist movement fought for an Islamic state in Sulawesi. The 15 years of guerrilla warfare led to massive conversions to

CHRISTIANITY

Alignment with the Indonesian government, however, did not guarantee safety for the Torajans. In 1965, a presidential decree required every Indonesian citizen to belong to one of five officially recognized religions: Islam, Christianity (Protestantism and Catholicism), Hinduism, or Buddhism. The Torajan religious belief (aluk) was not legally recognized, and the Torajans raised their voices against the law. To make aluk accord with the law, it had to be accepted as part of one of the official religions. In 1969, Aluk To Dolo ("the way of ancestors") was legalized as a sect of Agama Hindu Dharma, the official name of Hinduism in Indonesia.

SOCIETY

There are three main types of affiliation in Toraja society: family, class and religion.

FAMILY AFFILIATION

Family is the primary social and political grouping in Torajan society. Each village is one extended family, the seat of which is the tongkonan, a traditional Torajan house. Each tongkonan has a name, which becomes the name of the village. The familial dons maintain village unity. Marriage between distant cousins (fourth cousins and beyond) is a common practice that strengthens kinship. Toraja society prohibits marriage between close cousins (up to and including the third cousin) - except for nobles, to prevent the dispersal of property. Kinship is actively reciprocal, meaning that the extended family helps each other farm, share buffalo rituals, and pay off debts.

Each person belongs to both the mother's and the father's families, the only bilateral family line in Indonesia. Children, therefore, inherit household affiliation from both mother and father, including land and even family debts. Children's names are given on the basis of kinship, and are usually chosen after dead relatives. Names of aunts, uncles and cousins are commonly referred to in the names of mothers, fathers and siblings.

Before the start of the formal administration of Toraja villages by the Tana Toraja Regency, each Toraja village was autonomous. In a more complex situation, in which one Toraja family could not handle their problems alone, several villages formed a group; sometimes, villages would unite against other villages. Relationship between families was expressed through blood, marriage, and shared ancestral houses (tongkonan), practically signed by the exchange of water buffalo and pigs on ritual occasions. Such exchanges not only built political and cultural ties between families but defined each person's place in a social hierarchy: who poured palm wine, who wrapped a corpse and prepared offerings, where each person could or could not sit, what dishes should be used or avoided, and even what piece of meat constituted one's share.

CLASS AFFILIATION

In early Toraja society, family relationships were tied closely to social class. There were three strata: nobles, commoners, and slaves (slavery was abolished in 1909 by the Dutch East Indies government). Class was inherited through the mother. It was taboo, therefore, to marry "down" with a woman of lower class. On the other hand, marrying a woman of higher class could improve the status of the next generation. The nobility's condescending attitude toward the commoners is still maintained today for reasons of family prestige.

Nobles, who were believed to be direct descendants of the descended person from heaven, lived in tongkonans, while commoners lived in less lavish houses (bamboo shacks called banua). Slaves lived in small huts, which had to be built around their owner's tongkonan. Commoners might marry anyone, but nobles preferred to marry in-family to maintain their status. Sometimes nobles married Bugis or Makassarese nobles. Commoners and slaves were prohibited from having death feasts. Despite close kinship and status inheritance, there was some social mobility, as marriage or change in wealth could affect an individuals status. Wealth was counted by the ownership of water buffaloes.

Slaves in Toraja society were family property. Sometimes Torajans decided to become slaves when they incurred a debt, pledging to work as payment. Slaves could be taken during wars, and slave trading was common. Slaves could buy their freedom, but their children still inherited slave status. Slaves were prohibited from wearing bronze or gold, carving their houses, eating from the same dishes as their owners, or having sex with free women - a crime punishable by death.

RELIGIOUS AFFILIATION

Toraja's indigenous belief system is polytheistic animism, called aluk, or "the way" (sometimes translated as "the law"). In the Toraja myth, the ancestors of Torajan people came down from heaven using stairs, which were then used by the Torajans as a communication medium with Puang Matua, the Creator. The cosmos, according to aluk, is divided into the upper world (heaven), the world of man (earth), and the underworld. At first, heaven and earth were married, then there was a darkness, a separation, and finally the light. Animals live in the underworld, which is represented by rectangular space enclosed by pillars, the earth is for mankind, and the heaven world is located above, covered with a saddle-shaped roof. Other Toraja gods include Pong Banggai di Rante (god of Earth), Indo' Ongon-Ongon (a goddess who can cause earthquakes), Pong Lalondong (god of death), and Indo' Belo Tumbang (goddess of medicine); there are many more.

The earthly authority, whose words and actions should be cleaved to both in life (agriculture) and death (funerals), is called to minaa (an aluk priest). Aluk is not just a belief system; it is a combination of law, religion, and habit. Aluk governs social life, agricultural practices, and ancestral rituals. The details of aluk may vary from one village to another. One common law is the requirement that death and life rituals be separated. Torajans believe that performing death rituals might ruin their corpses if combined with life rituals. The two rituals are equally important. During the time of the Dutch missionaries, Christian Torajans were prohibited from attending or performing life rituals, but were allowed to perform death rituals. Consequently, Toraja's death rituals are still practised today, while life rituals have diminished.

CULTURE

TONGKONAN

Tongkonan are the traditional Torajan ancestral houses. They stand high on wooden piles, topped with a layered split-bamboo roof shaped in a sweeping curved arc, and they are incised with red, black, and yellow detailed wood carvings on the exterior walls. The word "tongkonan" comes from the Torajan tongkon ("to sit").

Tongkonan are the center of Torajan social life. The rituals associated with the tongkonan are important expressions of Torajan spiritual life, and therefore all family members are impelled to participate, because symbolically the tongkonan represents links to their ancestors and to living and future kin. According to Torajan myth, the first tongkonan was built in heaven on four poles, with a roof made of Indian cloth. When the first Torajan ancestor descended to earth, he imitated the house and held a large ceremony.

The construction of a tongkonan is laborious work and is usually done with the help of the extended family. There are three types of tongkonan. The tongkonan layuk is the house of the highest authority, used as the "center of government". The tongkonan pekamberan belongs to the family members who have some authority in local traditions. Ordinary family members reside in the tongkonan batu. The exclusivity to the nobility of the tongkonan is diminishing as many Torajan commoners find lucrative employment in other parts of Indonesia. As they send back money to their families, they enable the construction of larger tongkonan.

WOOD CARVINGS

To express social and religious concepts, Torajans carve wood, calling it Pa'ssura (or "the writing"). Wood carvings are therefore Toraja's cultural manifestation.

Each carving receives a special name, and common motifs are animals and plants that symbolize some virtue. For example, water plants and animals, such as crabs, tadpoles and water weeds, are commonly found to symbolize fertility. In some areas noble elders claim these symbols refer to strength of noble family, but not everyone agrees. The overall meaning of groups of carved motifs on houses remains debated and tourism has further complicated these debates because some feel a uniform explanation must be presented to tourists. The image to the left shows an example of Torajan wood carving, consisting of 15 square panels. The center bottom panel represents buffalo or wealth, a wish for many buffaloes for the family. The center panel represents a knot and a box, a hope that all of the family's offspring will be happy and live in harmony, like goods kept safe in a box. The top left and top right squares represent an aquatic animal, indicating the need for fast and hard work, just like moving on the surface of water. It also represents the need for a certain skill to produce good results.

Regularity and order are common features in Toraja wood carving (see table below), as well as abstracts and geometrical designs. Nature is frequently used as the basis of Toraja's ornaments, because nature is full of abstractions and geometries with regularities and ordering. Toraja's ornaments have been studied in ethnomathematics to reveal their mathematical structure, but Torajans base this art only on approximations. To create an ornament, bamboo sticks are used as a geometrical tool.

FUNERAL RITES

In Toraja society, the funeral ritual is the most elaborate and expensive event. The richer and more powerful the individual, the more expensive is the funeral. In the aluk religion, only nobles have the right to have an extensive death feast. The death feast of a nobleman is usually attended by thousands and lasts for several days. A ceremonial site, called rante, is usually prepared in a large, grassy field where shelters for audiences, rice barns, and other ceremonial funeral structures are specially made by the deceased family. Flute music, funeral chants, songs and poems, and crying and wailing are traditional Toraja expressions of grief with the exceptions of funerals for young children, and poor, low-status adults.

The ceremony is often held weeks, months, or years after the death so that the deceased's family can raise the significant funds needed to cover funeral expenses. Torajans traditionally believe that death is not a sudden, abrupt event, but a gradual process toward Puya (the land of souls, or afterlife). During the waiting period, the body of the deceased is wrapped in several layers of cloth and kept under the tongkonan. The soul of the deceased is thought to linger around the village until the funeral ceremony is completed, after which it begins its journey to Puya.

Another component of the ritual is the slaughter of water buffalo. The more powerful the person who died, the more buffalo are slaughtered at the death feast. Buffalo carcasses, including their heads, are usually lined up on a field waiting for their owner, who is in the "sleeping stage". Torajans believe that the deceased will need the buffalo to make the journey and that they will be quicker to arrive at Puya if they have many buffalo. Slaughtering tens of water buffalo and hundreds of pigs using a machete is the climax of the elaborate death feast, with dancing and music and young boys who catch spurting blood in long bamboo tubes. Some of the slaughtered animals are given by guests as "gifts", which are carefully noted because they will be considered debts of the deceased's family. However, a cockfight, known as bulangan londong, is an integral part of the ceremony. As with the sacrifice of the buffalo and the pigs, the cockfight is considered sacred because it involves the spilling of blood on the earth. In particular, the tradition requires the sacrifice of at least three chickens. However, it is common for at least 25 pairs of chickens to be set against each other in the context of the ceremony.

There are three methods of burial: the coffin may be laid in a cave or in a carved stone grave, or hung on a cliff. It contains any possessions that the deceased will need in the afterlife. The wealthy are often buried in a stone grave carved out of a rocky cliff. The grave is usually expensive and takes a few months to complete. In some areas, a stone cave may be found that is large enough to accommodate a whole family. A wood-carved effigy, called Tau tau, is usually placed in the cave looking out over the land. The coffin of a baby or child may be hung from ropes on a cliff face or from a tree. This hanging grave usually lasts for years, until the ropes rot and the coffin falls to the ground.

In the ritual called Ma'Nene, that takes place each year in August, the bodies of the deceased are exhumed to be washed, groomed and dressed in new clothes. The mummies are then walked around the village.

DANCE AND MUSIC

Torajans perform dances on several occasions, most often during their elaborate funeral ceremonies. They dance to express their grief, and to honour and even cheer the deceased person because he is going to have a long journey in the afterlife. First, a group of men form a circle and sing a monotonous chant throughout the night to honour the deceased (a ritual called Ma'badong). This is considered by many Torajans to be the most important component of the funeral ceremony. On the second funeral day, the Ma'randing warrior dance is performed to praise the courage of the deceased during life. Several men perform the dance with a sword, a large shield made from buffalo skin, a helmet with a buffalo horn, and other ornamentation. The Ma'randing dance precedes a procession in which the deceased is carried from a rice barn to the rante, the site of the funeral ceremony. During the funeral, elder women perform the Ma'katia dance while singing a poetic song and wearing a long feathered costume. The Ma'akatia dance is performed to remind the audience of the generosity and loyalty of the deceased person. After the bloody ceremony of buffalo and pig slaughter, a group of boys and girls clap their hands while performing a cheerful dance called Ma'dondan.

As in other agricultural societies, Torajans dance and sing during harvest time. The Ma'bugi dance celebrates the thanksgiving event, and the Ma'gandangi dance is performed while Torajans are pounding rice. There are several war dances, such as the Manimbong dance performed by men, followed by the Ma'dandan dance performed by women. The aluk religion governs when and how Torajans dance. A dance called Ma'bua can be performed only once every 12 years. Ma'bua is a major Toraja ceremony in which priests wear a buffalo head and dance around a sacred tree.

A traditional musical instrument of the Toraja is a bamboo flute called a Pa'suling (suling is an Indonesian word for flute). This six-holed flute (not unique to the Toraja) is played at many dances, such as the thanksgiving dance Ma'bondensan, where the flute accompanies a group of shirtless, dancing men with long fingernails. The Toraja have indigenous musical instruments, such as the Pa'pelle (made from palm leaves) and the Pa'karombi (the Torajan version of a jaw harp). The Pa'pelle is played during harvest time and at house inauguration ceremonies.

LANGUAGE

The ethnic Toraja language is dominant in Tana Toraja with the main language as the Sa'dan Toraja. Although the national Indonesian language is the official language and is spoken in the community, all elementary schools in Tana Toraja teach Toraja language.Language varieties of Toraja, including Kalumpang, Mamasa, Tae' , Talondo' , Toala' , and Toraja-Sa'dan, belong to the Malayo-Polynesian language from the Austronesian family. At the outset, the isolated geographical nature of Tana Toraja formed many dialects between the Toraja languages themselves. After the formal administration of Tana Toraja, some Toraja dialects have been influenced by other languages through the transmigration program, introduced since the colonialism period, and it has been a major factor in the linguistic variety of Toraja languages. A prominent attribute of Toraja language is the notion of grief. The importance of death ceremony in Toraja culture has characterized their languages to express intricate degrees of grief and mourning. The Toraja language contains many terms referring to sadness, longing, depression, and mental pain. Giving a clear expression of the psychological and physical effect of loss is a catharsis and sometimes lessens the pain of grief itself.

ECONOMY

Prior to Suharto's "New Order" administration, the Torajan economy was based on agriculture, with cultivated wet rice in terraced fields on mountain slopes, and supplemental cassava and maize crops. Much time and energy were devoted to raising water buffalo, pigs, and chickens, primarily for ceremonial sacrifices and consumption. Coffee was the first significant cash crop produced in Toraja, and was introduced in the mid 19th century, changing the local economy towards commodity production for external markets and gaining an excellent reputation for quality in the international market .

With the commencement of the New Order in 1965, Indonesia's economy developed and opened to foreign investment. In Toraja, a coffee plantation and factory was established by Key Coffee of Japan, and Torajan coffee regained a reputation for quality within the growing international specialty coffee sector Multinational oil and mining companies opened new operations in Indonesia during the 1970s and 1980s. Torajans, particularly younger ones, relocated to work for the foreign companies - to Kalimantan for timber and oil, to Papua for mining, to the cities of Sulawesi and Java, and many went to Malaysia. The out-migration of Torajans was steady until 1985. and has continued since, with remittances sent back by emigre Torajans performing an important role within the contemporary economy.

Tourism commenced in Toraja in the 1970s, and accelerated in the 1980s and 1990s. Between 1984 and 1997, a significant number of Torajans obtained their incomes from tourism, working in and owning hotels, as tour guides, drivers, or selling souvenirs. With the rise of political and economic instability in Indonesia in the late 1990s - including religious conflicts elsewhere on Sulawesi - tourism in Tana Toraja has declined dramatically. Toraja continues to be a well known origin for Indonesian coffee, grown by both smallholders and plantation estates, although migration, remittances and off-farm income is considered far more important to most households, even those in rural areas.

TOURISM AND CULTURAL CHANGE

Before the 1970s, Toraja was almost unknown to Western tourism. In 1971, about 50 Europeans visited Tana Toraja. In 1972, at least 400 visitors attended the funeral ritual of Puang of Sangalla, the highest-ranking nobleman in Tana Toraja and the so-called "last pure-blooded Toraja noble." The event was documented by National Geographic and broadcast in several European countries. In 1976, about 12,000 tourists visited the regency and in 1981, Torajan sculpture was exhibited in major North American museums. "The land of the heavenly kings of Tana Toraja", as written in the exhibition brochure, embraced the outside world.

In 1984, the Indonesian Ministry of Tourism declared Tana Toraja Regency the prima donna of South Sulawesi. Tana Toraja was heralded as "the second stop after Bali". Tourism was increasing dramatically: by 1985, a total number of 150,000 foreigners had visited the Regency (in addition to 80,000 domestic tourists), and the annual number of foreign visitors was recorded at 40,000 in 1989. Souvenir stands appeared in Rantepao, the cultural center of Toraja, roads were sealed at the most-visited tourist sites, new hotels and tourist-oriented restaurants were opened, and an airstrip was opened in the Regency in 1981.

Tourism developers have marketed Tana Toraja as an exotic adventure - an area rich in culture and off the beaten track. Western tourists expected to see stone-age villages and pagan funerals. Toraja is for tourists who have gone as far as Bali and are willing to see more of the wild, "untouched" islands. However, they were more likely to see a Torajan wearing a hat and denim, living in a Christian society. Tourists felt that the tongkonan and other Torajan rituals had been preconceived to make profits, and complained that the destination was too commercialized. This has resulted in several clashes between Torajans and tourism developers, whom Torajans see as outsiders.

A clash between local Torajan leaders and the South Sulawesi provincial government (as a tourist developer) broke out in 1985. The government designated 18 Toraja villages and burial sites as traditional tourist attractions. Consequently, zoning restrictions were applied to these areas, such that Torajans themselves were barred from changing their tongkonans and burial sites. The plan was opposed by some Torajan leaders, as they felt that their rituals and traditions were being determined by outsiders. As a result, in 1987, the Torajan village of Kété Kesú and several other designated tourist attractions closed their doors to tourists. This closure lasted only a few days, as the villagers found it too difficult to survive without the income from selling souvenirs.

Tourism has also transformed Toraja society. Originally, there was a ritual which allowed commoners to marry nobles (puang) and thereby gain nobility for their children. However, the image of Torajan society created for the tourists, often by "lower-ranking" guides, has eroded its traditional strict hierarchy. High status is not as esteemed in Tana Toraja as it once was. Many low-ranking men can declare themselves and their children nobles by gaining enough wealth through work outside the region and then marrying a noble woman.

WIKIPEDIA

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Former JPMorgan Banker: Exploiting Consumers Is ‘The Purpose Of The Banking Organization’

By Travis Waldron on Nov 18, 2011

Wall Street, meanwhile, continues to ignore America’s anger at it, sipping champagne from rooftops while protesters march below.

Exploitant : Transdev Les Cars d'Orsay

Réseau : Albatrans

Ligne : Express 91-06C

Lieu : Université Paris-Saclay (Orsay, F-91)

Exploitant : Cars Lacroix

Réseau : ValParisis

Ligne : 30-23

Lieu : Gare de Montigny – Beauchamp (Beauchamp, F-95)

Lien TC Infos : tc-infos.fr/vehicule/25451

Exploitant : Transdev Montesson Les Rabaux

Réseau : Entre Seine et Forêt

Ligne : 10

Lieu : Gare de Saint-Germain-en-Laye (Saint-Germain-en-Laye, F-78)

Lien TC Infos : tc-infos.fr/id/26866

Fullerton Mayor Bruce Whitaker and wife Linda with Pam Curry and Newport Beach Mayor Keith Curry

Ligne 1 - Arrêt : Duchesse Anne

Exploitant : SEMITAN

Réseau TAN - Nantes

RCMP-MC-2015-0218-078

18 February {iptcyear5}

Ottawa, Ontario, Canada

The group travelled to Technical and Protective Operations Facility (TPOF), located at 1426, St-Joseph Blvd in Orleans, ON.

The group were shown all the different units within TPOF : ERT, Tech Crimes, Polygraphy, VIPPD, GDPP, Mobile Command Center, NCECC and tried out some of the equipment. They took the time to ask questions, listen to members' experiences and see all the different ways the RCMP protect.

© Her Majesty the Queen in Right of Canada, {iptcyear5}

Exploitant : RATP

Réseau : RATP

Ligne : 103

Lieu : École Vétérinaire de Maisons-Alfort (Maisons-Alfort, F-94)

Lien TC Infos : tc-infos.fr/id/30104

Greater Manchester Police has launched a campaign to stop criminal gangs from grooming children and vulnerable adults to commit crime, alongside local authorities, Greater Manchester Combined Authority, young people and an MP.

The campaign, known as ‘Trapped’, aims to raise awareness of criminals who are grooming and exploiting children and young adults to commit crime on their behalf.

Offenders take victims from urban areas to the countryside or coastal areas to sell drugs. Sometimes victims are trafficked closer to home, and are moved around Greater Manchester.

As well as drug dealing, victims are sometimes asked to carry out other forms of criminal activity such as arson, violent offences, storing firearms, holding money, criminal damage or assault.

Offenders use coercive behaviour to threaten and exploit victims and their families.

Victims can become trapped in a spiral of debt and intimidation but there is a way out and today police are joining local authorities, school representatives and community groups at Factory Youth Zone in Harpurhey to take a stand against these types of exploitation.

Chief Superintendent Mary Doyle from GMP’s Serious Crime Division said: “Offenders use intimidation to exploit and control children and vulnerable adults to carry out criminal activity on their behalf.

"People they are targeting are often singled out because they may have a troubled life at home, are in the care system or are being bullied and looking for protection.

“Those being subjected to these hideous crimes are victims, not criminals, and I want to reassure anybody who feels trapped that there is a way out and we will listen to what you have to say.”

Ann Coffey, MP for Stockport and Chair of the All Party Group for Runaway and Missing Children, said: “Children are being used by gangs who are making millions of pounds a year selling illegal drugs.

“These criminal cowards hide behind children and get them to do their dirty work.

“As the gangs expand into new markets more and more children are being drawn into this frightening life, which often ends in drug addiction, debt and brutal violence.

“Communities, schools, parents and agencies must all work together with the police to raise awareness of this gross exploitation and to prevent more children's lives being ruined.”

Deputy Mayor for Policing and Crime, Baroness Beverley Hughes, said: “The exploitation of another human being for personal gain is vile and unforgivable. That many of those exploited are vulnerable children is especially abhorrent, and we will do all we can to prevent children and young people falling prey to these criminals.

“Whether a young person or an adult, help is available, and the police and other partner agencies are working together to support victims and bring those responsible to justice. This campaign will help people recognise when they are being targeted for exploitation and tell them how to get help and report it.”

Richard Marsh Chief Executive of The Factory Youth Zone said: “The ‘Trapped’ campaign is really important as child exploitation damages the lives and life chances of a significant number people of young people across greater Manchester. Youth Workers and young people have created four pieces of art to tell the story of how this has impacted upon young people with whom The Factory Youth Zone has worked.

“We want to share our experience and to discuss the impact this issue has on young people, we want to look to solutions that mean young people can grow up without being subjected to exploitation.”

Some signs that a young or vulnerable person could be ‘Trapped’ and need help are:

- Young people going missing and travelling to seaside or market towns

- School absence or missing from school

- Money, clothes or accessories which they are unable to account for

- Receiving an excessive amount of texts and phone calls

- Relationships with controlling / older individuals or groups

- Carrying weapons

- Significant decline in school results / performance

- Self-harm or significant changes in emotional wellbeing

Anyone with concerns either about themselves or somebody else should contact Greater Manchester Police on 101 in a non-emergency situation or report anonymously through Crimestoppers on 0800 555 111.

Always dial 999 when there is an immediate threat to life or a crime in progress.

DUP MLA Lord Morrow and Party Leader Peter Robinson pictured at the launch of www.givinghopeni.com to promote the Human Trafficking and Exploitation Bill which Lord Morrow is taking through the Northern Ireland Assembly.

The U.S. Marshals in conjunction with the National Center for Missing and Exploited Children, and state and local partner agencies in 16 geographical locations across the U.S., recovered or located 225 critically-missing youth during Operation We Will Find You, a 10-week national operation which concluded 15 May, 2023. We Will Find You is the first national missing child operation and was focused on geographical areas with high clusters of critically-missing children which included: Massachusetts; the National Capital Region (eastern Virginia, Washington D.C. and Maryland); New Orleans, Louisiana; San Antonio, Texas; Orlando, Florida; Puerto Rico; the U.S. Virgin Islands; Los Angeles, California; Guam; northern Ohio; Detriot, Michigan; South Carolina; Yakima, Washington. Operation We Will Find You presented the USMS with an opportunity to expand and highlight partnerships among law enforcement agencies and NCMEC that resulted in not only finding critically missing children, but also bringing more attention to the epidemic of missing children in America.

(U.S. Marshals Service photo by Bennie J. Davis III)

(8 of 14 series)

Check out my entire exploitation @

www.flickr.com/photos/ladydragonflyherworld/sets/72157629...

Journée de sensibilisation de masse sur la prévention de l’exploitation et de l’abus sexuels. 5eme Ardt. Bangui, le 30 août 2017

Photo UN/ Dany Balepe

Agora L (07/2002) du réseau Divia exploité par Keolis Dijon

Ligne 56 - Arrêt : Pont d'Avoine

Exploitant : RGO Mobilités

Réseau STAR - Rennes

The exploitation rights for this text are the property of the Vienna Tourist Board. This text may be reprinted free of charge until further notice, even partially and in edited form. Forward sample copy to: Vienna Tourist Board, Media Management, Invalidenstraße 6, 1030 Vienna; media.rel@wien.info. All information in this text without guarantee.

Author: Andreas Nierhaus, Curator of Architecture/Wien Museum

Last updated January 2014

Architecture in Vienna

Vienna's 2,000-year history is present in a unique density in the cityscape. The layout of the center dates back to the Roman city and medieval road network. Romanesque and Gothic churches characterize the streets and squares as well as palaces and mansions of the baroque city of residence. The ring road is an expression of the modern city of the 19th century, in the 20th century extensive housing developments set accents in the outer districts. Currently, large-scale urban development measures are implemented; distinctive buildings of international star architects complement the silhouette of the city.

Due to its function as residence of the emperor and European power center, Vienna for centuries stood in the focus of international attention, but it was well aware of that too. As a result, developed an outstanding building culture, and still today on a worldwide scale only a few cities can come up with a comparable density of high-quality architecture. For several years now, Vienna has increased its efforts to connect with its historical highlights and is drawing attention to itself with some spectacular new buildings. The fastest growing city in the German-speaking world today most of all in residential construction is setting standards. Constants of the Viennese architecture are respect for existing structures, the palpability of historical layers and the dialogue between old and new.

Culmination of medieval architecture: the Stephansdom

The oldest architectural landmark of the city is St. Stephen's Cathedral. Under the rule of the Habsburgs, defining the face of the city from the late 13th century until 1918 in a decisive way, the cathedral was upgraded into the sacral monument of the political ambitions of the ruling house. The 1433 completed, 137 meters high southern tower, by the Viennese people affectionately named "Steffl", is a masterpiece of late Gothic architecture in Europe. For decades he was the tallest stone structure in Europe, until today he is the undisputed center of the city.

The baroque residence

Vienna's ascension into the ranks of the great European capitals began in Baroque. Among the most important architects are Johann Bernhard Fischer von Erlach and Johann Lucas von Hildebrandt. Outside the city walls arose a chain of summer palaces, including the garden Palais Schwarzenberg (1697-1704) as well as the Upper and Lower Belvedere of Prince Eugene of Savoy (1714-22). Among the most important city palaces are the Winter Palace of Prince Eugene (1695-1724, now a branch of the Belvedere) and the Palais Daun-Kinsky (auction house in Kinsky 1713-19). The emperor himself the Hofburg had complemented by buildings such as the Imperial Library (1722-26) and the Winter Riding School (1729-34). More important, however, for the Habsburgs was the foundation of churches and monasteries. Thus arose before the city walls Fischer von Erlach's Karlskirche (1714-39), which with its formal and thematic complex show façade belongs to the major works of European Baroque. In colored interior rooms like that of St. Peter's Church (1701-22), the contemporary efforts for the synthesis of architecture, painting and sculpture becomes visible.

Upgrading into metropolis: the ring road time (Ringstraßenzeit)

Since the Baroque, reflections on extension of the hopelessly overcrowed city were made, but only Emperor Franz Joseph ordered in 1857 the demolition of the fortifications and the connection of the inner city with the suburbs. 1865, the Ring Road was opened. It is as the most important boulevard of Europe an architectural and in terms of urban development achievement of the highest rank. The original building structure is almost completely preserved and thus conveys the authentic image of a metropolis of the 19th century. The public representational buildings speak, reflecting accurately the historicism, by their style: The Greek Antique forms of Theophil Hansen's Parliament (1871-83) stood for democracy, the Renaissance of the by Heinrich Ferstel built University (1873-84) for the flourishing of humanism, the Gothic of the Town Hall (1872-83) by Friedrich Schmidt for the medieval civic pride.

Dominating remained the buildings of the imperial family: Eduard van der Nüll's and August Sicardsburg's Opera House (1863-69), Gottfried Semper's and Carl Hasenauer's Burgtheater (1874-88), their Museum of Art History and Museum of Natural History (1871-91) and the Neue (New) Hofburg (1881-1918 ). At the same time the ring road was the preferred residential area of mostly Jewish haute bourgeoisie. With luxurious palaces the families Ephrussi, Epstein or Todesco made it clear that they had taken over the cultural leadership role in Viennese society. In the framework of the World Exhibition of 1873, the new Vienna presented itself an international audience. At the ring road many hotels were opened, among them the Hotel Imperial and today's Palais Hansen Kempinski.

Laboratory of modernity: Vienna around 1900

Otto Wagner's Postal Savings Bank (1903-06) was one of the last buildings in the Ring road area Otto Wagner's Postal Savings Bank (1903-06), which with it façade, liberated of ornament, and only decorated with "functional" aluminum buttons and the glass banking hall now is one of the icons of modern architecture. Like no other stood Otto Wagner for the dawn into the 20th century: His Metropolitan Railway buildings made ​​the public transport of the city a topic of architecture, the church of the Psychiatric hospital at Steinhofgründe (1904-07) is considered the first modern church.

With his consistent focus on the function of a building ("Something impractical can not be beautiful"), Wagner marked a whole generation of architects and made Vienna the laboratory of modernity: in addition to Joseph Maria Olbrich, the builder of the Secession (1897-98) and Josef Hoffmann, the architect of the at the western outskirts located Purkersdorf Sanatorium (1904) and founder of the Vienna Workshop (Wiener Werkstätte, 1903) is mainly to mention Adolf Loos, with the Loos House at the square Michaelerplatz (1909-11) making architectural history. The extravagant marble cladding of the business zone stands in maximal contrast, derived from the building function, to the unadorned facade above, whereby its "nudity" became even more obvious - a provocation, as well as his culture-critical texts ("Ornament and Crime"), with which he had greatest impact on the architecture of the 20th century. Public contracts Loos remained denied. His major works therefore include villas, apartment facilities and premises as the still in original state preserved Tailor salon Knize at Graben (1910-13) and the restored Loos Bar (1908-09) near the Kärntner Straße (passageway Kärntner Durchgang).

Between the Wars: International Modern Age and social housing

After the collapse of the monarchy in 1918, Vienna became capital of the newly formed small country of Austria. In the heart of the city, the architects Theiss & Jaksch built 1931-32 the first skyscraper in Vienna as an exclusive residential address (Herrengasse - alley 6-8). To combat the housing shortage for the general population, the social democratic city government in a globally unique building program within a few years 60,000 apartments in hundreds of apartment buildings throughout the city area had built, including the famous Karl Marx-Hof by Karl Ehn (1925-30). An alternative to the multi-storey buildings with the 1932 opened International Werkbundsiedlung was presented, which was attended by 31 architects from Austria, Germany, France, Holland and the USA and showed models for affordable housing in greenfield areas. With buildings of Adolf Loos, André Lurçat, Richard Neutra, Gerrit Rietveld, the Werkbundsiedlung, which currently is being restored at great expense, is one of the most important documents of modern architecture in Austria.

Modernism was also expressed in significant Villa buildings: The House Beer (1929-31) by Josef Frank exemplifies the refined Wiener living culture of the interwar period, while the house Stonborough-Wittgenstein (1926-28, today Bulgarian Cultural Institute), built by the philosopher Ludwig Wittgenstein together with the architect Paul Engelmann for his sister Margarete, by its aesthetic radicalism and mathematical rigor represents a special case within contemporary architecture.

Expulsion, war and reconstruction

After the "Anschluss (Annexation)" to the German Reich in 1938, numerous Jewish builders, architects (female and male ones), who had been largely responsible for the high level of Viennese architecture, have been expelled from Austria. During the Nazi era, Vienna remained largely unaffected by structural transformations, apart from the six flak towers built for air defense of Friedrich Tamms (1942-45), made ​​of solid reinforced concrete which today are present as memorials in the cityscape.

The years after the end of World War II were characterized by the reconstruction of the by bombs heavily damaged city. The architecture of those times was marked by aesthetic pragmatism, but also by the attempt to connect with the period before 1938 and pick up on current international trends. Among the most important buildings of the 1950s are Roland Rainer's City Hall (1952-58), the by Oswald Haerdtl erected Wien Museum at Karlsplatz (1954-59) and the 21er Haus of Karl Schwanzer (1958-62).

The youngsters come

Since the 1960s, a young generation was looking for alternatives to the moderate modernism of the reconstruction years. With visionary designs, conceptual, experimental and above all temporary architectures, interventions and installations, Raimund Abraham, Günther Domenig, Eilfried Huth, Hans Hollein, Walter Pichler and the groups Coop Himmelb(l)au, Haus-Rucker-Co and Missing Link rapidly got international attention. Although for the time being it was more designed than built, was the influence on the postmodern and deconstructivist trends of the 1970s and 1980s also outside Austria great. Hollein's futuristic "Retti" candle shop at Charcoal Market/Kohlmarkt (1964-65) and Domenig's biomorphic building of the Central Savings Bank in Favoriten (10th district of Vienna - 1975-79) are among the earliest examples, later Hollein's Haas-Haus (1985-90), the loft conversion Falkestraße (1987/88) by Coop Himmelb(l)au or Domenig's T Center (2002-04) were added. Especially Domenig, Hollein, Coop Himmelb(l)au and the architects Ortner & Ortner (ancient members of Haus-Rucker-Co) ​​by orders from abroad the new Austrian and Viennese architecture made a fixed international concept.

MuseumQuarter and Gasometer

Since the 1980s, the focus of building in Vienna lies on the compaction of the historic urban fabric that now as urban habitat of high quality no longer is put in question. Among the internationally best known projects is the by Ortner & Ortner planned MuseumsQuartier in the former imperial stables (competition 1987, 1998-2001), which with institutions such as the MUMOK - Museum of Modern Art Foundation Ludwig, the Leopold Museum, the Kunsthalle Wien, the Architecture Center Vienna and the Zoom Children's Museum on a wordwide scale is under the largest cultural complexes. After controversies in the planning phase, here an architectural compromise between old and new has been achieved at the end, whose success as an urban stage with four million visitors (2012) is overwhelming.

The dialogue between old and new, which has to stand on the agenda of building culture of a city that is so strongly influenced by history, also features the reconstruction of the Gasometer in Simmering by Coop Himmelb(l)au, Wilhelm Holzbauer, Jean Nouvel and Manfred Wehdorn (1999-2001). Here was not only created new housing, but also a historical industrial monument reinterpreted into a signal in the urban development area.

New Neighborhood

In recent years, the major railway stations and their surroundings moved into the focus of planning. Here not only necessary infrastructural measures were taken, but at the same time opened up spacious inner-city residential areas and business districts. Among the prestigious projects are included the construction of the new Vienna Central Station, started in 2010 with the surrounding office towers of the Quartier Belvedere and the residential and school buildings of the Midsummer quarter (Sonnwendviertel). Europe's largest wooden tower invites here for a spectacular view to the construction site and the entire city. On the site of the former North Station are currently being built 10,000 homes and 20,000 jobs, on that of the Aspangbahn station is being built at Europe's greatest Passive House settlement "Euro Gate", the area of ​​the North Western Railway Station is expected to be developed from 2020 for living and working. The largest currently under construction residential project but can be found in the north-eastern outskirts, where in Seaside Town Aspern till 2028 living and working space for 40,000 people will be created.

In one of the "green lungs" of Vienna, the Prater, 2013, the WU campus was opened for the largest University of Economics of Europe. Around the central square spectacular buildings of an international architect team from Great Britain, Japan, Spain and Austria are gathered that seem to lead a sometimes very loud conversation about the status quo of contemporary architecture (Hitoshi Abe, BUSarchitektur, Peter Cook, Zaha Hadid, NO MAD Arquitectos, Carme Pinós).

Flying high

International is also the number of architects who have inscribed themselves in the last few years with high-rise buildings in the skyline of Vienna and make St. Stephen's a not always unproblematic competition. Visible from afar is Massimiliano Fuksas' 138 and 127 meters high elegant Twin Tower at Wienerberg (1999-2001). The monolithic, 75-meter-high tower of the Hotel Sofitel at the Danube Canal by Jean Nouvel (2007-10), on the other hand, reacts to the particular urban situation and stages in its top floor new perspectives to the historical center on the other side.

Also at the water stands Dominique Perrault's DC Tower (2010-13) in the Danube City - those high-rise city, in which since the start of construction in 1996, the expansion of the city north of the Danube is condensed symbolically. Even in this environment, the slim and at the same time striking vertically folded tower of Perrault is beyond all known dimensions; from its Sky Bar, from spring 2014 on you are able to enjoy the highest view of Vienna. With 250 meters, the tower is the tallest building of Austria and almost twice as high as the St. Stephen's Cathedral. Vienna, thus, has acquired a new architectural landmark which cannot be overlooked - whether it also has the potential to become a landmark of the new Vienna, only time will tell. The architectural history of Vienna, where European history is presence and new buildings enter into an exciting and not always conflict-free dialogue with a great and outstanding architectural heritage, in any case has yet to offer exciting chapters.

Info: The folder "Architecture: From Art Nouveau to the Presence" is available at the Vienna Tourist Board and can be downloaded on www.wien.info/media/files/guide-architecture-in-wien.pdf.

Kreuzberg, a part of the combined Friedrichshain-Kreuzberg borough located south of Mitte since 2001, is one of the best-known areas of Berlin, Germany. Kreuzberg, colloquially also known as X-Berg (derived from the meaning of Kreuz ("cross")), is often described as consisting of two distinctive parts: the SO 36, home to many immigrants; and SW 61, roughly coterminous with the old postal codes for the two areas in West Berlin. Kreuzberg has emerged from its history as one of the poorest quarters in Berlin in the late 1970s, during which it was an isolated section of West Berlin to one of Berlin's cultural centers in the middle of the now reunified city, known around the world for its alternative scene and counterculture.

OVERVIEW

The borough is known for its very large percentage of immigrants and descendants of immigrants, many of whom are of Turkish ancestry. As of 2006, 31.6% of Kreuzberg's inhabitants did not have German citizenship. While Kreuzberg thrives on its diverse culture and is still an attractive area for many, the district is also characterized by high levels of unemployment and some of the lowest average incomes in Berlin.

The counterculture tradition of Kreuzberg led to a plurality of votes for the Green Party, which is unique among all Berlin boroughs. The local MP Canan Bayram is the only Green politician directly elected to the federal Bundestag parliament.

GEOGRAPHY

LAYOUT

Kreuzberg is bounded by the river Spree in the east. The Landwehrkanal flows through Kreuzberg from east to west, with the Paul-Lincke-Ufer running alongside it. Other characteristics are the old U-Bahn line of the present-day U1, the Görlitzer Park in SO 36 and the Viktoriapark on the slope of the Kreuzberg hill in SW 61.

SUBDIVISION

Kreuzberg is divided into 2 zones (Ortslagen):

Östliches Kreuzberg (Berlin SO 36);

Westliches Kreuzberg (Kreuzberg 61).

HISTORY

In contrast to many other areas of Berlin, which were villages before their integration into Berlin, Kreuzberg has a rather short history. It was formed on 1 October 1920 by the Greater Berlin Act providing for the incorporation of suburbs and the reorganisation of Berlin into twenty boroughs. The eastern Friedrichsvorstadt, the southern Friedrichstadt, the western and southern Luisenstadt and the Tempelhofer Vorstadt were merged into the new VIth borough of Berlin, first named Hallesches Tor. On 27 September 1921 the borough assembly of Hallesches Tor decided to rename the borough after the homonymous hill. Kreuzberg, literally meaning cross hill, is the point of highest elevation in the Kreuzberg locality, which is 66 m above sea level. The hill is traditionally a place for weekend trips. It received its name from the 1821 Prussian National Monument for the Liberation Wars by Karl Friedrich Schinkel within the Viktoriapark, built in commemoration of the Napoleonic Wars. Except for its northernmost part, the quarter Friedrichstadt (established in the end of the 17th century), today's "Kreuzberg" was a very rural place until well into the 19th century. This changed when, in the 1860s, industrialization caused Berlin to grow rapidly. This called for extensive housing – much of which was built exploiting the dire needs of the poor, with widespread land speculation. Many of Kreuzberg's buildings originate from that time. They were built on the streets laid out in the Hobrecht-Plan in an area that came to be known architecturally as the Wilhelmine Ring. Far into the 20th century, Kreuzberg was the most populous of Berlin's boroughs even in absolute numbers, with more than 400,000 people, although it was and still is geographically the smallest. As a result, with more than 60,000 people per square kilometer, Kreuzberg had the highest population density in Berlin.

In addition to housing, Kreuzberg was also one center of Berlin's industry. The "export quarter" along Ritter Street consisted of many profitable small businesses, and the "press quarter" along Koch Street (Friedrichstadt) was the home of most of Germany's large newspapers, as well as the Ullstein, Scherl, and Mosse book publishers.

Both of these industrial quarters were almost entirely destroyed by air raids during World War II, with the bombings of a single night from February 3, 1945. In remembrance of the old tradition, the Axel Springer press company erected its German headquarters at Kochstraße again, right next to the Berlin Wall.

After World War II, Kreuzberg's housing rents were regulated by law which made investments unattractive. As a result, housing was of low quality, but cheap, which made the borough a prime target for immigrants coming to Germany (and Berlin). Starting in the late 1960s, increasing numbers of students, artists, and immigrants began moving to Kreuzberg. Enclosed by the Berlin Wall on three sides, the area became famous for its alternative lifestyle and its squatters, especially the SO 36 part of Kreuzberg. Starting in 1987, there have been violent riots in SO 36 on Labour day.

After the fall of the Berlin Wall, Kreuzberg suddenly found itself in the middle of the city again. The initially cheap rents and high degree of 19th century housing made some parts of the borough more attractive as a residential area for a much wider (and richer) variety of people. Today, Kreuzberg has one of the youngest populations of all European city boroughs; statistically, its population has been swapped completely twice in the last two decades.

Berlin's 2001 administrative reform combined Kreuzberg with Friedrichshain to form the new borough of Friedrichshain-Kreuzberg. Since the two areas are linked only by a single bridge over the Spree River, the Oberbaumbrücke, this combination seemed awkward to many residents. The two areas not being able to agree on a common location for the future borough's city hall, the present location in Friedrichshain was decided by flipping a five-Mark coin.

CULTURE

Kreuzberg has historically been home to Berlin's punk rock movement as well as other alternative subcultures in Germany.[citation needed] The SO36 club remains a fixture on the Berlin music scene. It was originally focused on punk music and in the 1970s was often frequented by Iggy Pop and David Bowie. In those days the club rivalled New York's CBGB as one of the finest new-wave venues in the world.

There has also been a significant influence stemming from African-American and hip hop culture on Kreuzberg's youth and the area has become a centre for rap and breakdance within Berlin. Though the majority of Kreuzberg's residents are of German or Turkish descent, some identify more with American or African-American culture. Hip hop was largely introduced to the youth of Kreuzberg by the children of American servicemen who were stationed nearby until the reunification of Germany.

The Carnival of Cultures, a large annual festival, celebrates different cultures and heritages with colourful street parades and festivities including street entertainment, food, arts and craft stalls, music and art.

Kreuzberg has long been the epicenter of LGBTQ life and arts in Berlin. Kreuzberg is home to the Schwules Museum, established in the 1980s and dedicated to preserving, exhibiting, and discovering queer history, art and culture.

PLACES AND BUILDINGS OF INTEREST

Anhalter Bahnhof (station)

Böckler Park

Checkpoint Charlie

Checkpoint Charlie Museum

Engelbecken

Peter Fechter Memorial, one of the first fatalities of the Berlin Wall

Federal Ministry of Economic Cooperation and Development (Germany)

Friedrichstraße

German Museum of Technology (Berlin)

Gleisdreieck (Berlin U-Bahn)

Görlitzer Bahnhof (station)

Hermannplatz (Berlin U-Bahn)

Hotel Excelsior

Jerusalem's Church

Jewish Museum Berlin

Kochstrasse (Berlin U-Bahn)

Kottbusser Tor (Berlin U-Bahn)

Kreuzberg (Tempelhofer Berge)

Landwehr Canal

Luisenstadt Canal

Martin-Gropius-Bau

Mehringdamm (Berlin U-Bahn)

Mehringplatz

Moritzplatz (Berlin U-Bahn)

National Monument for the Liberation Wars

Niederkirchnerstraße

Oberbaumbrücke (bridge over the Spree)

Platz der Luftbrücke (Berlin U-Bahn)

Prinzenstrasse (Berlin U-Bahn)

Saint Thomas Church (Berlin)

Schlesisches Tor (Berlin U-Bahn)

Schönleinstraße (Berlin U-Bahn)

SO36 quarter

Tabor Church

Topography of Terror

U1 (Berlin Underground line)

Viktoriapark

Wilhelmstrasse

WIKIPEDIA

Exploitant : Cars Perrier

Réseau : SQYBUS

Ligne : 418

Lieu : Jean Lurçat (Trappes, F-78)

www.ville-bonneuil.fr/decouvrir-bonneuil/histoire-et-patr...

Jusqu’au début du 20ème siècle, l’île Barbière est constituée d’une vaste plaine marécageuse à vocation agricole, inondée lors des crues les plus importantes de la Marne. Son nom, insula Barbariae, pourrait découler de celui de la famille qui la possédait au moyen âge, évoquer les Mérovingiens (« rois barbares ») qui séjournèrent à Bonneuil au 7ème siècle, ou rappeler un groupe de paysans gaulois qui se serait insurgé au 3e siècle contre les romains.

Elle est alors délimitée au sud par le Morbras, qui la longe d’est en ouest non loin de l’actuelle darse Sud et la sépare du village de Bonneuil. Sous l’ancien régime, le seul moyen d’accès à l’île depuis Bonneuil est un pont sur le Morbras appartenant aux seigneurs de Bonneuil, dans le prolongement de l’actuelle rue Alfred Gillet. A la fin du 19e siècle, les bords de Marne ont vu apparaître des activités de loisirs, en particulier vers le Moulin-Bateau.

Le chemin de fer arrive en 1875 (ligne Bastille – Sucy-Bonneuil) et le tramway électrique en 1901. Un pont métallique permanent relie l’île à Saint-Maur depuis 1894. Désormais plus accessible, l’emplacement est choisi durant la Grande Guerre, en 1915, pour construire un grand port militaire relié à la Seine et au chemin de fer. Il s’étendra sur deux kilomètres entre le Bec du canard et la seconde jonction du Morbras et de la Marne.

Les travaux débutent en 1916. Ils sont réalisés par des soldats français du Génie puis, à partir de 1917, par des prisonniers de guerre autrichiens (voir La Grande Guerre). Des prairies inondables sont remblayées. Un réseau de rails est construit, raccordé à la voie de chemin de fer qui relie maintenant Bastille à Brie-Comte-Robert.

Le trafic portuaire devient vite important : 500 000 tonnes en 1917, 800 000 en 1918, principalement constitué de matériel militaire, de munitions et de charbon à usage domestique. Trois kilomètres de quais sont disponibles, dont la moitié sur la darse intérieure (actuelle darse Nord). Les énormes grues offertes par l’armée américaine y déchargent les marchandises en provenance du Havre ou de Rouen. Les bureaux du port sont installés sur l’île, ainsi qu’un dépôt de blé et un camp de prisonniers. Une petite ville de baraques naît autour des installations.

La fin de la guerre se traduit par une réduction brutale de l’activité. La construction du port n’est pas terminée, mais son utilité est maintenant moins évidente. L’armée abandonne le site, dont la gestion revient dans un premier temps à l’Office National de la Navigation, puis à la Chambre de Commerce. Les engins mécaniques, inactifs, stationnent dans des parcs.

Pour redonner vie à ce vaste ensemble bien équipé et relié au réseau ferré, des travaux d’aménagement reprennent au début des années 20, en partie grâce aux réparations de guerre. Ils durent près de dix ans. La création sur l’île d’une zone industrielle est décidée. Un second bassin, la darse Sud, est achevé vers 1930 à proximité de la branche du Morbras qui séparait l'ile Barbière du centre ville. Le port est à nouveau géré par l’Office National de la Navigation à partir de 1932.

L’activité reprend progressivement et contribue à l’industrialisation de la ville. En 1933, le trafic encore très inférieur à celui de 1918 est remonté à 100 000 tonnes, et les 15 grues à vapeur effectuent des transbordements directs entre trains et péniches. Mais le développement reste lent et difficile. La darse Nord est en partie un cimetière de bateaux. Au milieu des années 30, les industries qui s’implantent dans le port se concentrent surtout autour du pont de Bonneuil à Saint-Maur et au pied du parc du Rancy, sur l’ouest de la darse Sud. On y trouve entre autres les usines Lancia, Colas, la teinturerie Longpied, dans l’ancien parc du château, ou l’usine de serrures et fermetures du maire Périer.

L’armée Allemande exploite le port durant la seconde guerre mondiale, et différents actes de sabotage y sont organisés par la résistance.

Désormais deuxième port d’Ile de France, le port de Bonneuil est administré depuis la fin des années 60 par l’établissement public du Port Autonome de Paris. Sa plate-forme multimodale permet aux entreprises de combiner transport fluvial, routier et ferroviaire.

Le Château de Josselin est situé à Josselin, commune française du département du Morbihan en Bretagne.

Guéthénoc, vicomte de Porhoët, de Rohan et de Guéméné, membre de la famille des comtes de Rennes, aurait construit un premier château vers l'an 1008. Il exploitait un site de haute valeur militaire et commerciale comprenant un surplomb rocheux dominant en à-pic la rivière Oust. L'existence depuis le IXe siècle d'un pèlerinage à la Basilique Notre-Dame du Roncier (tous les huit septembre) ajoute beaucoup à la richesse des habitants et de leurs seigneurs. Ce pélerinage est d'ailleurs le plus important du Morbihan, après celui de Sainte-Anne-d'Auray.

En 1154, Eudon de Porhoët, beau-père, régent et tuteur du jeune duc de Bretagne, Conan IV, rassemble des seigneurs bretons pour priver son beau-fils de ses droits. Il sera défait par Henri II Plantagenêt, roi d'Angleterre et nouveau duc d'Anjou, auprès duquel s'était réfugié Conan IV. Henri II viendra en personne diriger la démolition du château et faire semer du sel dans les ruines.

Détail de la statue équestre d'Olivier de Clisson

Olivier V de Clisson, qui acquiert la seigneurie en 1370, reconstruit une imposante citadelle munie de huit tours et d'un donjon de 90 mètres. Il marie sa fille, Béatrix, à Alain VIII de Rohan, héritier des vicomtes de Rohan, dont le château était à une vingtaine de kilomètres.

En 1488, le duc de Bretagne François II prend le château et le démolit partiellement. Sa fille, Anne de Bretagne, le restitue à Jean II de Rohan, arrière-petit-fils d'Olivier de Clisson.

Celui-ci le transforme et construit dans l'enceinte un logis de plaisance avec une très belle façade de granit sculpté qui est un des premiers exemples de la Renaissance en France, car il avait fait venir des artistes et ouvriers italiens. Par reconnaissance, il fait sculpter de nombreux A surmontés d'une cordelière, emblème de la Duchesse-Reine.

Bannis de Josselin du fait de leur adhésion au protestantisme, les Rohan doivent laisser le gouverneur de Bretagne, le duc de Mercœur, faire de leur château une base pour la Ligue opposée au nouveau roi Henri IV.

En 1603, lors de l'érection de la vicomté de Rohan en duché-pairie par le roi Henri IV, Henri II de Rohan transfère le siège de son pouvoir au château de Pontivy. Le cardinal de Richelieu fait démanteler en 1629 le donjon et quatre et tours et annonce au duc Henri II, chef des insurgés protestants: « Monseigneur, je viens de jeter une bonne boule dans votre jeu de quilles ! »

Au XVIIIe siècle, le château n'est plus occupé et il devient prison et entrepôt pendant la Révolution et l'Empire. En 1822, la duchesse de Berry, lors de sa tournée aventureuse, convainc le duc de Rohan de le restaurer.

Il est actuellement toujours habité par le quatorzième duc de Rohan, Josselin de Rohan, sénateur, ancien président de la région Bretagne de 1992 à 2004, membre de l'UMP et fidèle de Jacques Chirac .

On peut visiter la cour et quelques pièces du rez-de-chaussée où sont exposés des meubles anciens (dont la table ayant servi à la signature de l'édit de Nantes), des portraits familiaux, des cadeaux royaux et une statue équestre d'Olivier V de Clisson par Emmanuel Frémiet. Dans les anciennes écuries a été installé le Musée de poupées.

L'imposante citadelle munie de huit tours et d'un donjon de 90 mètres date du XVe siècle a été partiellement détruite et un logis de plaisance avec une très belle façade de granit sculpté, un des premiers exemples de la Renaissance en France le remplace et a été restauré au XIXe siècle.

Le jardin à la française créé au début du XXe siècle par le paysagiste Achille Duchêne s’étend devant la façade Renaissance du château. Les buis et des ifs taillés encadrent les pelouses.

Une roseraie a été aménagée en 2001 sous le direction du paysagiste Louis Benech. Elle comporte 160 rosiers appartenant à 40 variétés différentes

Un parc à l'anglaise lui aussi créé par le paysagiste Achille Duchêne et revu par Louis Benech s'étend au pied des remparts, le long d’un cours d’eau. Ce parc présente des espèces rares d’azalées, de camélias et de nombreux rhododendrons et des arbres centenaires. Il est ouvert au public pour les Journées du Patrimoine et Rendez-vous au jardin .

le chateau de Josselin est très lié à l'alchimie notamment ses cheminées et sa cour extérieure sur le parc.Il s'inscrit dans le patrimoine de Brocéliande qui n'appartient pas qu'aux druides .En effet , il est tout à fait possible de lire de maniere alchimique la vita merlini de G. de Monmouth ainsi que le mythe de Brocéliande lui même.. et si on suit le parcours des salles du chateau on s'aperçoit que ce dernier met en évidence une progression alchimique qui peut se retrouver dans la chevalerie et dans les degrés d'élévation maçonnique , car le corrélat est précisément dans ce savoir acquis par le premier des Josselin .

Source wikipedia

(further pictures and informations you can see by clicking on the link at the end of page!)

Austrian State Archives (ÖStA)

Austrian authority

Oesterreichisches Staatsarchiv.svg

State level Federation

Position of the authority subordinated agency

Supervisor(s)/organs to the Federal Chancellery

Founded in 1749 as the Secret House Archive (Empress Maria Theresia)

Headquarters Vienna Highway (Landstraße, 3rd district of Vienna)

Board of Directors Univ. Doz Dr. Wolfgang Maderthaner

www.oesta.gv.at site

Central Archives building of the Austrian State Archives in Nottendorfergasse 2 in Vienna 3

The Austrian State Archives (ÖStA) in Vienna is the central archive of the Republic of Austria. It keeps on the basis of the Federal Records Act the archives of the Federation. The tasks of the Austrian State Archives are therein described as follows: capturing, taking over, keeping, obtaining, placing, organizing, making accessible, exploiting and utilisation of archived documents of the Federation for the exploration of the history and present, for other research and science, for the legislation, jurisdiction, administration as well as for legitimate concerns of people.

As far as in the public records monuments are concerned, the Austrian State Archives according to Monument Protection Act in place of the Federal Monuments Office is also responsible for the preservation.

History

The origin of the Austrian State Archives goes back to the year 1749 when Empress Maria Theresa in the course of an administrative reform installed a secret Hausarchiv. The establishment was related to the new, centralized administration, which required a separate archive. For other centers of administration such as Prague, Graz and Innsbruck documents were taken to Vienna.

In the historical analysis is important to note that there have been earlier archives and collections of documents, whose contents were incorporated into the new archive.

In the 19th Century the name House, Court and State Archives became then usual.

1951 there was a scandal because Heinz Grill, archivist in the House, Court and State Archives, had stolen gold and silver bulls over the years and sold to metal dealers ("affair Grill").

The archive departments

The modern Austrian State Archives is divided into several sections:

Archives of the Republic

The in 1983 founded archive of the Republic is the youngest archive department. It is the center of contemporary research in Austria and archival responsible for the evaluation, discarding, taking over and custody, safeguarding, maintenance and overhaul, accessing, compilation and exploitation of those written or typed material supply, which in the Austrian central authorities (all ministries, central federal departments and subordinated offices) have been produced since 1918.

Since the introduction of the electronic file (ELAKimBUND) in the Austrian federal administration (nationwide for all federal agencies since 2004), the Archives of the Republic is also responsible for the implementation of the digital archiving of this written material. Since 2007 it has been actively worked on an appropriate solution for long-term preservation of the "born digital" act. The startup of the digital archive Austria took place in 2012.

General Administration Archive

The General Administration Archives preserves the records of the central authorities responsible for internal administration of the Habsburg Monarchy from 16th Century, over 12,700 running meters, a significant collection of maps and plans, and about 5,000 documents. In its origins, the General Administration Archive goes back to the first-time centralisation of the old registries of the court chancelleries in founding the "Directorium in publicis et cameralibus" in 1749. The archive materials of the General Administrative archive were decimated by the Justice Palace fire in July 1927 considerably.

The public records which are kept in this division are divided into 10 thematic groups (= inventory groups), which for their part again contain files of various central services:

Inventory group Internal Affairs: Chancellery, Ministry of Interior, police authorities, Council of Ministers, rights of the Austrian State of Lower Austria, city expansion fund

Inventory group Justice: Supreme Justice office, Ministry of Justice, prosecutors, Linz Regional Court, Imperial Court, Administrative Court

Inventory group Instruction and Cultus: Studienhofkommission (Imperial Commission on Education), Ministry of Education, Old and New Cultus

Inventory group Commerce: Department of Commerce, Post Office, Ministry of Public Works, Navy Department, Patent Office

Inventory group Agriculture: Ministry of Agriculture, Agricultural Operations, Forestry and Dömänendirektion (Domain Directorate) Vienna, Forest Institute Mariabrunn, teacher Audit Commission, Agricultural Society

Inventory group Transport: United Court Chancellery, General Court Chamber, Ministry of Public Works, Ministry of Trade, Commerce and Public buildings, Ministry of Finance, Ministry of Trade and National Economy, Department of Commerce, the General Inspectorate of the Austrian Railways, Ministry of Railways, Railway Construction Department, State railway administrations, private railway companies

Inventory group Family archives and Estates

Inventory group Nobility: imperial nobility files, Hofadelsakten (Court nobility records), pedigrees

Inventory group Audiovisual Collection: Politics and Public life since 1945, Austrian landscapes and buildings, customs, history, science, technology, medicine, business, art, culture and sport

Inventory group Plan and Posters collection: collection of plans comprised of the following funds: Hofbauamt (Court building authorities), chancellery, General Construction Authority, Lower Austrian Civil Construction Authority, Bausektion (construction section) of the Ministry of the Interior, Bausektion of the Ministry of Commerce, Ministry of Public Works, State Baudirektionen (construction directorates), Waterway Construction Authority, Dikasterialgebäudeverwaltung (dicasterila building administration), Ministry of Agriculture, Ministry of Culture and Teaching, Studienhofkommission (Imperial Commission on Education), Stiftungshofbuchhaltung (Foundation Court Bookkeeping), Ministry of Justice, city expansion fund

War Archive

The beginning of a proper Military Archives in the Habsburg monarchy is to fix in the year 1711, when Emperor Joseph I. ordered the creation of an archivist office with the Hofkriegsrat, the highest central authority for the Habsburg warfare. Already in the first half of the 18th Century, this hofkriegsrätliche (Court's warfare council) archives of the chancelleries has gradually evolved into a kind of military central archives, especially since 1776 through the merger of the hofkriegsrätlichen plan collection with the combat engineer the archives of the chancelleries in reference to cartographic material became to a central contact point. In addition, however, the aim was put on experiences in the past, lessons from former campaigns for the present and future. In view of the above, Emperor Joseph II in 1779 ordered the documentary revision of the campaigns since 1740. This access to the history of war intended Archduke Karl to continue, too, by 1801 disposing the creation of the Imperial War archive. This had according to its founding mission to collect documents and maps, but also scientifically and journalistically to evaluate.

The Imperial and Royal (from 1889 kuk) Kriegsarchiv (war archive) initially consisted of a department of scriptures, a card archive, library and a department of military history works. By the end of the 19th Century the war archive had the bulk of the until then elsewhere stored military documentary material taken on. During the First World War, the war archive had with the assumption of mass documentary material from the front considerably more tasks to carry out, for which the number of staff of the archives substantially had to be increased. After the end of war in 1918 the war archive became a civilian institution, to which after the fall of the monarchy have been given masses of new documentary material from previously independent departments and liquidated offices. During the Second World War, the war archive as Army Archives Vienna was a part of the German Army archive organization under the supreme command of the Wehrmacht. After considerable losses as a result of the war, the War Archives in 1945 became a department of the newly created Austrian State Archives. In the years 1991-1993 moved the since 1905 in the Stiftskaserne (barracks) in the 7th District of Vienna housed war archive to the Central Archives building in Vienna III.

The war archive contains about 180,000 document cartons and 60,000 account books on 50 shelf kilometers and is by far the most important military archives in Central Europe. Its map collection with over 600,000 maps and plans is the largest in Austria. There is also a collection of about 400,000 images. The former library of the war archive is one of the most extensive collections of older military historical literature .

The in 22 inventory groups aggregated inventories of the Kriegsarchiv, in their structure these two fundamentally different archiving traditions are reflected to this day, can be broadly divided into five major blocks:

Personnel files of officers, petty officers, crews and officials of the armed forces of about 1740 to 1918; reward acts (1789-1958), so documents on military awards, which the archives of the Military Maria Theresa Order is attached.

Feldakten (combat files) with material on the operations of the imperial or kk Field armies from 16th Century to 1882 (Old Field records and Army files) as well as on 1914-1918 (Army High Command, New field files - Neue Feldakten).

Most High command, main, subordinate and territorial authorities. This group brings together the recordings of major institutions in the entourage of the emperor (especially of the Military Chancellery, the Generaladjutantur (general adjutancy) and the General Staff), the central military services (Hofkriegsrat (Court War Council) 1557-1848, War Office 1848-1918, Ministry of National Defence from 1868 to 1918) and a number of other authorities, institutions and territorial command posts such as the disability Office, the Apostolic field Vicariate, the supreme combat engineer and artillery authorities, the military educational institutions, the military invalids houses and single General and Military command posts in the countries.

Navy and Luftfahrtruppe (air force troup (19th - 20th century)

Collections, which include in particular the maps and plan collection, image collection, the manuscripts and a very important collection of military scripture estates.

The war archive is now a "historical archive". The here kept official written or printed material essentially ends with the collapse of the Austro-Hungarian Empire at the end of the First World War (1918). The collections of the Kriegsarchiv (war archive) on the other hand constantly increase.

Financial and Hofkammerarchiv [ Edit]

The financial and Hofkammerarchiv (Court Chamber archive) arose when in 1945 the previously separately kept inventories of the Hofkammerarchiv and financial archives were merged. The Court Chamber, founded in 1527 was the central financial authority of the Habsburg monarchy. 1848 took over the newly founded Treasury its duties. The archive contains financial records that are especially important for historians. In historical Archive building in the Johannesgasse the Directorate room of Franz Grillparzer is still preserved, working there from 1832 to 1856 as director. With 1st December 2006, the Department of Finance and Court Chamber archive was incorporated into the General Administration Archive. The bulk of the archival material was moved into the central archive building in the Nottendorfergasse.

House, Court and State Archives

The House, Court and State Archives in Minoritenplatz

Board on State Archives

The House, Court and State Archives, Minoritenplatz 1, 1749 by Maria Theresa (1740-1780) was established as a central archive of the Habsburg dynasty. By creating a well-ordered document repository unifiying the hitherto over several sites scattered important House and state documents in Vienna, it should be ensured that the legal titles and rulers' rights of the dynasty in the future were quickly available when required.

Of the today in 11 inventory groups organised inventories of the House, Court and State Archives the following topics have been given priority:

the history of the Habsburg dynasty

the activities of the supreme Court offices and the Imperial Cabinet

Diplomacy and foreign policy of the Danube monarchy

highest Administration and Jurisdiction in the Holy Roman Empire of the German Nation whose imperial dignity the Habsburgs held for centuries almost without interruption until the dissolution of the National Association in 1806.

Worthy of mention furthermore in the House, Court and State Archives deposited ruler and family archives, estates, a manuscript collection, a collection of seal and stamp imprints as well as a plan and map collection.

Showpiece under the "Collections" of the archive department is but unquestionably the document collection formed from different provenances.

Overall, stores the in a 1899-1902 built landmarked Archive functional building at Vienna's Minoritenplatz housed House, Court and State Archives on 16,000 running meters, 130,000 accounting records and document cartons, 75,000 documents, 15,000 maps and plans, and about 3000 manuscripts.

The oldest piece is a document that Emperor Louis the Pious issued in the year 816. The chronological endpoint sets the year 1918. The House, Court and State Archives is among the "historical" departments of the Austrian State Archives, who do no longer grow by receiving documentary material deliveries from the Austrian federal ministries.

The great importance of the House, Court and State Archives for international research is based on the wide geographical catchment area and the variety of its collection. Due to the territorial expansion of the Habsburg rule from the 15th Century and the literally global relations of the dynasty, the here stored archival material encompasses practically all continents.

In addition to the "classical" access of diplomatic and political history, the archive also offers a social and cultural history oriented research rich material.

Restoration workshop

The restoration workshop of the ÖStA belongs alongside those of the National Library and the Federal Monuments Office to the most important restoration facilities for paper, parchment, sealing and bookbindery in Austria.

Significant archivists

Ludwig Bittner (1877-1945), archivist 1904-45

Anna Coreth (1915-2008), Director of the House, Court and State Archives

Walter Goldinger (1910-1990), Director-General in 1973

Lothar Gross (1887-1944), director of the House, Court and State Archives

Joseph Knechtl (1771-1838), archivist 1806-1834, 1834-1838 Director

Hanns Leo Mikoletzky (1907-1978), Director-General 1968-72

Lorenz Mikoletzky (* 1945), Director-General from 1994 to 2011

Rudolf Neck

Kurt Peball (1928-2009), Director-General 1983-89

Gebhard Rath (1902-1979), Director-General 1956-68

Leo Santifaller (1890-1974), Director-General 1945-54

Erika Weinzierl (* 1925), archivist at the House, Court and State Archives 1948-64

Publications

The Austrian State Archives publishes the periodical Communications of the Austrian State Archives (Mösta) appearing in annual volumes since 1948. In addition, archive inventories, supplementary volumes to the communications and exhibition catalogs are published.

de.wikipedia.org/wiki/%C3%96sterreichisches_Staatsarchiv

mémoire2cité - Dans le courant de l'année 1966, le préfet du district de la région parisienne, avait décidé d'établir dans la boucle de Chanteloup une population d'environ 20 000 personnes en vue d'un équilibre de population de la région.

Courant d’Andrésy à Triel, une grande opération immobilière dite « opération des Grands Offices » (destinée à l'Office interdépartementale de la région parisienne, à l'Office d'HLM des Yvelines et à des Sociétés dépendantes de l'OCIL) devait permettre la construction d’environ 4000 logements.

Pendant sa gestation, le programme et l'ampleur même du projet ont changé plusieurs fois pour la commune de Chanteloup-les-Vignes. Dans un premier temps (un an d'études), la cité devait être très réduite et n’occuper qu’un terrain d'une trentaine d'hectares. Plus tard il a été décidé qu'une autoroute avec ses entours non edificandi devrait passer à cet emplacement ; l'opération a donc été déplacée vers l'Ouest ; la population prévue a été augmentée, peut-être décuplée. Initialement composé de 2400 logements et réparti sur 90 hectares de Triel-sur-Seine à Andrésy, l’ensemble totalisera finalement 2229 logements sociaux, tous localisés sur la commune de Chanteloup-les-Vignes, qui n’est alors qu’un village. L'architecte Emile Aillaud, qui déplorait la monotonie des quartiers de grands ensembles, cherchait à produire un espace urbain diversifié. Il conçoit donc des bâtiments de formes originales, disposés sur une succession de places pensées pour distraire les familles et reliées par des passages étroits. L’espace public est essentiellement piéton, les voitures étant stationnées à l’extérieur du quartier.

Le projet qui s’apparentait initialement à celui d'une ville nouvelle intercommunale, est réduit au seul territoire chantelouvais, faisant de la Noé un nouveau quartier de la ville. Il représente à sa livraison deux tiers de la population chantelouvaise.Son ampleur, au regard de la taille de ce qui n'est alors qu'une petite ville de 2500 habitants, bouleverse la vie communale. En moins de 10 ans, la ville compte plus de 10 000 habitants et devient la ville rêvée pour les ménages modestes et les familles immigrées dont la plupart des membres travaillent à l’usine Peugeot de Poissy, à 10 min en voiture..Achevée en 1973, la ZAC de la Noé est l'un des derniers Grands ensembles construit avant la circulaire "Guichard" qui porte un coup d'arrêt à la politique d'aménagement régionale.Conçue dans les années 70 par l'architecte Emile Aillaud, la ZAC de la Noé ne répondait plus aux exigences actuelles d'un cadre de vie urbain. L'enclavement du quartier, la dégradation des immeubles et le taux de vacance très élevé du parc social nécessitaient une intervention d'envergure.L'opération de renouvellement urbain, développé par l'EPAMSA et la ville, a permis d'ouvrir le site sur son environnement, de restructurer l'offre de logements et de favoriser les parcours résidentiels au sein de la commune. Par ailleurs, la création de programmes de logements de qualité a su capter de nouveaux habitants extérieurs à la commune.

La convention avec l'ANRU prendra fin en 2016. Après une phase intense de réinvestissement, le quartier a assuré sa mutation et amorcé sa normalisation. La réalisation d'opérations privées en des points stratégiques porte la preuve d'une attractivité retrouvée de la Noé. Cette évolution positive permet aujourd'hui d'entrevoir de nouvelles perspectives d'intervention.

Interventions majeures/Equipements structurants

1 - Place de Jade

2 - Place du Pas - Rue des Pierreuses

3 - Carrefour Pierreuses - Poissy / Interchange Pierreuses - Poissy

4 - Place des Arcades

5 - Été Vert

6 - Espace Emploi Entreprises

7 - Pôle Gare / Station complex

8 - Maison de la Petite Enfance

9 - Complexe sportif Laura Fiessel / Laura Fiessel sports complex

10 - Zac des Feucherêts / Les Feucherêts mixed development zone

11 - Résidence du Pressoir

12 - Le Hameau des Vignes

13 - Résidence du Parc Champeau

14 - Jardin des Mais

15 - Ellipse

16 - Poste de police / Police station

Réorganiser le tissu urbain

La stratégie d'intervention sur les espaces publics consistait en une modification radicale de la structure urbaine du quartier. La conception urbaine réalisée par Emile Aillaud est en effet complexe et ne possède plus les qualités attendues d'un cadre de vie urbain. Face à la difficulté de redessiner une trame viaire sur la base des îlots constitués, quatre priorités ont été posées.

- rationnaliser

- désenclaver

- clarifier

- valoriser

L'aménagement de la rue des Pierreuses constitue en ce sens une opération majeure de la restructuration du quartier de la Noé.

Il s'agissait tout d'abord de désenclaver le secteur ouest de la Noé, de le rendre à la circulation et de lui donner une visibilité depuis l'axe principal de la commune, l'avenue de Poissy. Un nouvel axe Est-Ouest, la rue des Pierreuses, a été conçu et réalisé et permet aujourd'hui de desservir le cœur du quartier.

Outre la démolition de deux bâtiments, la création d'une trame viaire a permis de reconfigurer la place du Pas. Les conditions complexes de sa réalisation ont nécessité de recomposer entièrement le parking souterrain d'une centaine de places. Le projet repose essentiellement sur la définition d'une délimitation claire et lisible entre espaces publics et espaces privés. L'objectif est ainsi de faciliter la gestion d'espaces autrefois indifférenciés et d'en pacifier les pratiques. L'aménagement de la place du Pas ou encore les résidentialisations opérées par le bailleur ont répondu à ces exigences pour une attractivité retrouvée.

titre actu int

No result...

6 000

m de voirie nouvelle ou requalifiée

1 400logements rénovés

5équipements scolaires restructurés

283logements démolis

385logements neufs

5places publiques réaménagées

Dates clés

2005: Inauguration de l'Espace Emploi Entreprise

2007: Inauguration du Mail du Coteau

2009: Inauguration de la Maison de la Petite Enfance

2010: Opération expansiel

2011: Inauguration de la place des Arcades

2012: Achèvement de la place de Jade

2013: Inauguration des nouveaux commerces rue des Pierreuses

Plaquette à télécharger

Enfin, l'affirmation de ce cœur de quartier devait nécessairement passer par une diversification de ses fonctions. Une attention particulière a été portée aux conditions nécessaires pour maintenir et développer les services publics.

Le commerce implanté sur le quartier de la Noé, connaissait quant à lui une situation instable, en raison de conditions d'exploitation difficiles (sécurité, équilibre économique précaire, implantation inappropriée, absence de flux...). La reconfiguration de l'espace public, la restructuration des cellules commerciales sous maîtrise d'ouvrage du bailleur et la mise en œuvre d'une démarche partenariale spécifique sur la thématique commerciale (études stratégique, création d'une commission d'attribution...) ont constitué des éléments moteurs pour engager une stratégie de redynamisation du commerce.Aujourd'hui, force est de constater que la stratégie de redressement de ce secteur est une réussite. L'implantation en 2011 du marché forain sur la rue des Pierreuses, constitue une des preuves du dynamisme retrouvé de ce cœur de quartier. Les premières ouvertures de commerces ont eu lieu 2014 et d'autres devraient s'opérer prochainement. Diversifier et faciliter les parcours résidentiels

A Chanteloup-les-Vignes, l'enjeu consiste à diversifier l'offre de logements. Il s'agit :

- d'une part de favoriser les parcours résidentiels au sein de la commune en offrant des réponses aux populations déjà présentes sur le territoire communal,

- d'autre part de rendre le territoire attractif pour des populations extérieures, grâce l'implantation de programmes de logements de qualité.

A première vue, les contraintes inhérentes à l'histoire et au contexte communal rendaient la réalisation de cet objectif complexe. En effet, la dépréciation du patrimoine social avant sa réhabilitation tendait à renforcer le déficit d'image vis-à-vis des investisseurs et promoteurs privés.

A cela s'ajoute l'absence de marché immobilier interne au territoire communal, l'absence d'opportunité foncière constituée et un potentiel fiscal faible qui ne permet pas à la ville de poursuivre une politique de foncière.

Néanmoins, la diversification des programmes a pu s'opérer grâce à l'engagement rapide des transformations urbaines du quartier de la Noé et à la conjugaison de plusieurs dispositifs clefs.

Le programme de la Foncière Logement ainsi que le soutien de l'ANRU au programme d'accession à la propriété au cœur du quartier de la Noé et l'application d'une TVA 5,5 % ont notamment contribué fortement à cette dynamique.

« La résidence du Pressoir », programme de 33 logements en accession, fut la première opération de construction de logements inscrite dans le cadre du projet de renouvellement urbain au cœur de la Noé. Elle avait pour objectif d'encourager l'accession à la propriété grâce notamment au nouveau dispositif « location accession » destiné aux ménages à revenus modestes. De par sa localisation sur un des axes majeurs du quartier, l'avenue de Poissy, l'opération constituait en 2010 un évènement clef pour renouveler l'image du quartier. Son intégration au sein du paysage urbain de la Noé est une réussite. Elle a, par ailleurs, pleinement participé au maintien de services de proximité, grâce à l'implantation de surfaces commerciales en rez-de-chaussée.

« Merci, merci énormément pour les gens de la cité dans laquelle on a tourné. » Palais des festivals de Cannes, 28 mai 1995, Mathieu Kassovitz, couronné du prix de la mise en scène pour son film « La Haine », a une pensée pour les habitants de la Noé, à Chanteloup-les-Vignes, une des cités alors les plus chaudes d'Ile-de-France. Vingt ans plus tard, son film sur les banlieues est devenu culte, Chanteloup-les-Vignes méconnaissable. Et pourtant, c'était loin d'être gagné !Quand l'équipe de tournage débarque à l'été 1994, la cité est dans un sale état. Plantée au milieu de nulle part pour accueillir les salariés de l'industrie automobile, elle concentre tous les maux de la banlieue : un taux de chômage record, des services publics absents, peu de commerces, pas de transports, des immeubles décatis et des jeunes délinquants qui ont pris possession du territoire. « C'était sale, dégradé. Les habitants avaient honte d'inviter leur famille » se souvient Pierre Cardo, le maire (UMP) de l'époque.Mais surtout, elle se remet tout juste des émeutes qui l'ont secouée durant l'hiver 1990 et lui ont valu d'être rebaptisée « Chicago en Yvelines » dans les journaux télévisés. « A l'époque, le commissariat était au cœur de la cité. On ne pouvait pas pénétrer autrement qu'à pied, se souvient Christian Berthier, alors inspecteur divisionnaire, aujourd'hui délégué à la cohésion police - population. Plus d'une fois, ça a été Fort Alamo. »Alors quand en 2004, Jean-Louis Borloo, le ministre de la Ville débarque dans le quartier, il est accueilli vertement. « On s'en est pris plein la figure, se souvient Catherine Arenou, maire (UMP) depuis 2009, alors 1e adjointe. On a d'abord réglé le problème du ramassage des poubelles. Six mois après, quand on est retourné devant les habitants, ils y croyaient. »Dès lors, le projet de rénovation urbaine Anru avance vite. Les 106 M€ attribués à la métamorphose de la ville finissent par payer. « Il fallait restructurer la ville pour qu'elle soit vivable et habitable », insiste Pierre Cardo. Des immeubles sont détruits pour construire des axes. Au total, 283 logements sont rasés, 1 400 remis à neuf et 600 construits. Le taux de logements sociaux est passé de 86 % à 56 %. La cité « enfermée dehors » respire enfin.Une zone d'activité est créée. Aujourd'hui, 15 à 20 % des 1 800 emplois sont occupés par des habitants de la commune. Parallèlement, Chanteloup devient un lieu d'expérimentation pour la politique de la ville. C'est ici notamment que naissent les médiateurs dans les transports en commun, une idée reprise quelques années plus tard par la SNCF.Aujourd'hui, le climat s'est apaisé. Les flambées de violence, dans cette cité qui reste néanmoins sensible, se font de plus en plus rares. Les caillassages ont diminué. « L'an passé, nous avions chaque semaine des véhicules qui revenaient détruits. Ce n'est plus le cas, même si nous avons constaté un léger démarrage depuis quelques semaines », souligne le commissaire Aymeric Saudubray, qui reste très attentif face à ce « calme précaire ». Une opération de police, menée il y a un an, a permis de démanteler en partie le trafic de stupéfiants, réputé pour proposer héroïne, cocaïne et cannabis. Aujourd'hui, il reste concentré sur la place du Trident.Désormais, « les propos qu'on entend de l'extérieur ont changé » se félicite Catherine Arenou. « D'ailleurs, l'arrivée d'une nouvelle population montre que Chanteloup ne fait plus peur, insiste-t-elle. Et ceux qui avaient quitté la ville veulent à présent y revenir. Seulement, au moment de leur départ, il y avait 400 logements sociaux vacants : actuellement, il y a deux ans d'attente pour en obtenir un. »

- Ministère de l'Équipement et de l'Aménagement du Territoire - Dotation par la France d'autoroutes modernes "nécessité vitale" pour palier à l'inadaptation du réseau routier de l'époque voué à la paralysie : le reportage nous montre des images d'embouteillages. Le ministre de l'Équipement et de l'Aménagement du Territoire dans les deux gouvernements de Pierre Messmer, de 1972 à 1974, Olivier Guichard explique les ambitions du programme de construction qui doit atteindre 800 km par ans en 1978. L'ouverture de section nouvelles va bon train : Nancy / Metz par exemple. Le reportage nous montre l'intérieur des bureaux d'études qui conçoivent ces autoroute dont la conception est assistée par ordinateurs dont le projet d'ensemble en 3D est visualisé sur un écran. La voix off nous informe sur le financement de ces équipements. Puis on peut voir des images de la construction du pont sur la Seine à Saint Cloud reliant l'autoroute de Normandie au périphérique, de l'échangeur de Palaiseau sur 4 niveau : record d'Europe précise le commentaire. Le reportage nous informe que des sociétés d'économies mixtes ont étés crées pour les tronçons : Paris / Lille, Paris / Marseille, Paris / Normandie. Pour accélérer la construction l’État a eu recours à des concessions privées par exemple pour le tronçon Paris / Chartres. "Les autoroutes changent le visage de la France : artères économiques favorisant le développement industriel elles permettent de revitaliser des régions en perte de vitesse et de l'intégrer dans le mouvement général de l'expansion" Sur le plan européen elles vont combler le retard de la France et réaliser son insertion. Images de l'inauguration de l'autoroute entre Paris et Bruxelles par le président Georges Pompidou. Le reportage rappel que l'autre fonction capitale des autoroute est de favoriser la sécurité. La question de la limitation de vitesse est posée au ministre de l’Équipement, qui n'y est favorable que sur certains tronçons. Un des facteur de sécurité selon le commentaire est l'humanisation des autoroutes : aires de repos, restaurants, signalisation touristiques... "Rien n'est impossible aux techniques modernes" nous apprend la voix off qui prend comme exemple le déplacement sur rail de 65 mètres d'un château classé afin de faire passer l'autoroute Lille / Dunkerque.Durée : 4 minutes 30 secondes

Sur les routes de France les ponts renaissent 1945 reconstruction de la France après la Seconde Guerre mondiale www.dailymotion.com/video/xuxrii?playlist=x34ije , Quelques mois après la fin de la Seconde Guerre mondiale, un triste constat s'impose : 5 944 passages sont coupés, soit plus de 110 km de brèches ; de nombreuses villes se trouvent isolées.Les chantiers s'activent dans toute la France pour "gagner la bataille des communications routières". Mais outre la pénurie de main d’œuvre, il faut faire face au manque de matériaux (béton, métal) et donc déployer des trésors d'imagination pour reconstruire les ponts détruits. Si le savoir faire des tailleurs de pierre est exploité, le plus spectaculaire est le relevage des ponts, comme le pont de Galliéni à Lyon, où 7 à 800 tonnes d'acier sont sorti de l'eau avec des moyens de l'époque. En avril 1945, il reste 5 700 ponts à reconstruire soit 200 000 tonnes d'acier, 600 000 tonnes de ciment, 250 000 m3 de bois, 10 millions de journées d'ouvrier, prix de l'effort de reconstruction.1945

Auteurs / réalisateurs : images : G.Delaunay, A.Pol, son : C.Gauguier Production : Direction Technique des Services des Ponts et Chaussées / Ministère des Travaux Publics et des Transports Support original : 16 mm noir et blanc Durée : 14 min Thèmes principaux : infrastructures-ouvrages d'art Mot clés : chantier, pont, Reconstruction, restauration, béton précontraint, ministère des travaux publics et des transports

Lieux : Lyon, Tournon, Caen - Le Bosquel, un village renait 1947 l'album cinématographique de la reconstruction, réalisation Paul de Roubaix production ministère de la Reconstruction et de l'Urbanisme, village prototype, architecte Paul Dufournet, www.dailymotion.com/video/xx5tx8?playlist=x34ije - Demain Paris 1959 dessin animé présentant l'aménagement de la capitale dans les années 60, Animation, dessin animé à vocation pédagogique visant à promouvoir la politique d’aménagement suivie dans les années 60 à Paris. Un raccourci historique sur l’extension de Paris du Moyen Âge au XIXe siècle (Lutèce, œuvres de Turgot, Napoléon, Haussmann), ce dessin animé retrace la naissance de la banlieue et de ses avatars au XXe siècle. Il annonce les grands principes d’aménagement des villes nouvelles et la restructuration du centre de Paris (référence implicite à la charte d’Athènes). Le texte est travaillé en rimes et vers. Une chanson du vieux Paris conclut poétiquement cette vision du futur. Thèmes principaux : Aménagement urbain / planification-aménagement régional Mots-clés : Banlieue, extension spatiale, histoire, quartier, ville, ville nouvelle Lieu géographique : Paris 75 Architectes ou personnalités : Eugène Haussmann, Napoléon, Turgot Réalisateurs : André Martin, Michel Boschet Production : les films Roger Leenhardt

www.dailymotion.com/video/xw6lak?playlist=x34ije - Rue neuve 1956 la reconstruction de la France dix ans après la fin de la seconde guerre mondiale, villes, villages, grands ensembles réalisation : Jack Pinoteau , Panorama de la reconstruction de la France dix ans après la fin de la seconde guerre mondiale, ce film de commande évoque les villes et villages français détruits puis reconstruits dans un style respectant la tradition : Saint-Malo, Gien, Thionville, Ammerschwihr, etc. ainsi que la reconstruction en rupture avec l'architecture traditionnelle à Châtenay-Malabry, Arles, Saint Étienne, Évreux, Chambéry, Villeneuve-Saint-Georges, Abbeville, Le Havre, Marseille, Boulogne-sur-Mer, Dunkerque. Le documentaire explique par exemple la manière dont a été réalisée la reconstruction de Saint-Malo à l'intérieur des rempart de la vieille ville : "c'est la fidélité à l'histoire et la force du souvenir qui a guidé l'architecte". Dans le même esprit à Gien, au trois quart détruite en 1940, seul le château construit en 1494 pour Anne de Beaujeu, fille aînée de Louis XI, fut épargné par les bombardements. La ville fut reconstruite dans le style des rares immeubles restant. Gien est relevé de ses ruines et le nouvel ensemble harmonieux est appelé « Joyau de la Reconstruction française ». Dans un deuxième temps est abordé le chapitre de la construction des cités et des grands ensembles, de l’architecture du renouveau qualifiée de "grandiose incontestablement". S’il est précisé "on peut aimer ou de ne pas aimer ce style", l’emporte au final l’argument suivant : les grands ensembles, c'est la campagne à la ville, un urbanisme plus aéré, plus vert." les films caravelles 1956, Réalisateur : Jack Pinoteau (connu pour être le metteur en scène du film Le Triporteur 1957 qui fit découvrir Darry Cowl) www.dailymotion.com/video/xuz3o8?playlist=x34ije , Film d'archive actualités de 1952 Reconstruction de la France sept ans après la fin de la seconde guerre mondiale état des lieux de la crise du logement , Actualités de 1952. Sept ans après la fin de la seconde guerre Mondiale état des lieux de la reconstruction de la France et de la crise du logement à l’œuvre, pénurie de logement, logements insalubres. Les actualités montrent des images d'archives de la destruction de la France, les Chars de la division Leclerc qui défilent sur les Champs Elysees. Le commentaire dénonce la lenteur de la reconstruction et notamment des manifestations qui ont eu lieue à Royan afin d''accélérer la reconstruction de la ville détruite.Le film montre à Strasbourg, Mulhouse, des réalisation moderne de grands ensembles et des images d'archive de la reconstruction du Havre de Saint Nazaire.

Le film se termine à Marseille sur les réalisation nouvelles autour du vieux port puis on assiste à l'inauguration de la Cité Radieuse par le ministre de la Reconstruction et de l'Urbanisme Eugène Claudius-Petit en présence de son architecte Le Corbusier à qui le ministre remet la cravate de commandeur de la légion d'honneur. www.dailymotion.com/video/xk1g5j?playlist=x34ije Brigitte Gros - Urbanisme - Filmer les grands ensembles 2016 - par Camille Canteux chercheuse au CHS -Centre d'Histoire Sociale - Jeanne Menjoulet - Ce film du CHS daté de 2014 www.youtube.com/watch?v=VDUBwVPNh0s … L'UNION SOCIALE POUR L'HABITAT le Musée des H.L.M. musee-hlm.fr/ union-habitat.org/ - EXPOSITION :LES 50 ANS DE LA RESIDENCe SALMSON POINT-Du JOUR

www.salmsonlepointdujour.fr/pdf/Exposition_50_ans.pdf - Sotteville Construction de l’Anjou, le premier immeuble de la Zone Verte sottevilleaufildutemps.fr/2017/05/04/construction-de-limm... - www.20minutes.fr/paris/diaporama-7346-photo-854066-100-an... - www.ladepeche.fr/article/2010/11/02/940025-140-ans-en-arc... dreux-par-pierlouim.over-blog.com/article-chamards-1962-9... missionphoto.datar.gouv.fr/fr/photographe/7639/serie/7695...

North Toraja (or Toraja Utara) is a regency (kabupaten) of South Sulawesi Province of Indonesia, and the home of the Toraja ethnic group. The local government seat is in Rantepao which is also the center of Toraja culture. Formerly this regency was part of Tana Toraja Regency.

The Tana Toraja boundary was determined by the Dutch East Indies government in 1909. In 1926, Tana Toraja was under the administration of Bugis state, Luwu. The regentschap (or regency) status was given on October 8, 1946, the last regency given by the Dutch. Since 1984, Tana Toraja has been named as the second tourist destination after Bali by the Ministry of Tourism, Indonesia. Since then, hundreds of thousands of foreign visitors have visited this regency. In addition, numerous Western anthropologists have come to Tana Toraja to study the indigenous culture and people of Toraja.

GEOGRAPHY

Tana Toraja is located on the Sulawesi island, 300 km north of Makassar, the provincial capital of South Sulawesi. Its geographical location is between latitude of 2°-3° South and longitude 119°-120° East (center: 3°S 120°ECoordinates: 3°S 120°E). The area of the new North Toraja Regency is 1,151.47 km², about 2.5% of the total area of South Sulawesi province. The topography of Tana Toraja is mountainous; its minimum elevation is 150 m, while the maximum is 3,083 above the sea level.

Tana Toraja Regency (Indonesian for Torajaland or Land of the Toraja, abbreviated Tator) is a regency (kabupaten) of South Sulawesi Province of Indonesia, and home to the Toraja ethnic group. The local government seat is in Makale, while the center of Toraja culture is in Rantepao. But now, Tana Toraja has been divided to two regencies that consist of Tana Toraja with its capital at Makale and North toraja with its capital at Rantepao.

The Tana Toraja boundary was determined by the Dutch East Indies government in 1909. In 1926, Tana Toraja was under the administration of Bugis state, Luwu. The regentschap (or regency) status was given on 8 October 1946, the last regency given by the Dutch. Since 1984, Tana Toraja has been named as the second tourist destination after Bali by the Ministry of Tourism, Indonesia. Since then, hundreds of thousands of foreign visitors have visited this regency. In addition, numerous Western anthropologists have come to Tana Toraja to study the indigenous culture and people of Toraja.

GEOGRAPHY

Tana Toraja is centrally placed in the island of Sulawesi, 300 km north of Makassar, the provincial capital of South Sulawesi. It lies between latitude of 2°-3° South and longitude 119°-120° East (center: 3°S 120°ECoordinates: 3°S 120°E). The total area (since the separation of the new regency of North Toraja) is 2,054.30 km², about 4.4% of the total area of South Sulawesi province. The topography of Tana Toraja is mountainous; its minimum elevation is 150 m, while the maximum is 3,083 above the sea level.

ADMINISTRATION

Tana Toraja Regency in 2010 comprised nineteen administrative Districts (Kecamatan), tabulated below with their 2010 Census population.

The Torajans are an ethnic group indigenous to a mountainous region of South Sulawesi, Indonesia. Their population is approximately 1,100,000, of whom 450,000 live in the regency of Tana Toraja ("Land of Toraja").[1] Most of the population is Christian, and others are Muslim or have local animist beliefs known as aluk ("the way"). The Indonesian government has recognised this animistic belief as Aluk To Dolo ("Way of the Ancestors").

The word Toraja comes from the Buginese language term to riaja, meaning "people of the uplands". The Dutch colonial government named the people Toraja in 1909. Torajans are renowned for their elaborate funeral rites, burial sites carved into rocky cliffs, massive peaked-roof traditional houses known as tongkonan, and colourful wood carvings. Toraja funeral rites are important social events, usually attended by hundreds of people and lasting for several days.

Before the 20th century, Torajans lived in autonomous villages, where they practised animism and were relatively untouched by the outside world. In the early 1900s, Dutch missionaries first worked to convert Torajan highlanders to Christianity. When the Tana Toraja regency was further opened to the outside world in the 1970s, it became an icon of tourism in Indonesia: it was exploited by tourism development and studied by anthropologists. By the 1990s, when tourism peaked, Toraja society had changed significantly, from an agrarian model—in which social life and customs were outgrowths of the Aluk To Dolo—to a largely Christian society. Today, tourism and remittances from migrant Torajans have made for major changes in the Toraja highland, giving the Toraja a celebrity status within Indonesia and enhancing Toraja ethnic group pride.

ETHNIC IDENTITY

The Torajan people had little notion of themselves as a distinct ethnic group before the 20th century. Before Dutch colonisation and Christianisation, Torajans, who lived in highland areas, identified with their villages and did not share a broad sense of identity. Although complexes of rituals created linkages between highland villages, there were variations in dialects, differences in social hierarchies, and an array of ritual practices in the Sulawesi highland region. "Toraja" (from the coastal languages' to, meaning people; and riaja, uplands) was first used as a lowlander expression for highlanders. As a result, "Toraja" initially had more currency with outsiders—such as the Bugis and Makassarese, who constitute a majority of the lowland of Sulawesi—than with insiders. The Dutch missionaries' presence in the highlands gave rise to the Toraja ethnic consciousness in the Sa'dan Toraja region, and this shared identity grew with the rise of tourism in the Tana Toraja Regency. Since then, South Sulawesi has four main ethnic groups—the Bugis (the majority, including shipbuilders and seafarers), the Makassarese (lowland traders and seafarers), the Mandarese (traders and fishermen), and the Toraja (highland rice cultivators).

HISTORY

From the 17th century, the Dutch established trade and political control on Sulawesi through the Dutch East Indies Company. Over two centuries, they ignored the mountainous area in the central Sulawesi, where Torajans lived, because access was difficult and it had little productive agricultural land. In the late 19th century, the Dutch became increasingly concerned about the spread of Islam in the south of Sulawesi, especially among the Makassarese and Bugis peoples. The Dutch saw the animist highlanders as potential Christians. In the 1920s, the Reformed Missionary Alliance of the Dutch Reformed Church began missionary work aided by the Dutch colonial government. In addition to introducing Christianity, the Dutch abolished slavery and imposed local taxes. A line was drawn around the Sa'dan area and called Tana Toraja ("the land of Toraja"). Tana Toraja was first a subdivision of the Luwu kingdom that had claimed the area. In 1946, the Dutch granted Tana Toraja a regentschap, and it was recognised in 1957 as one of the regencies of Indonesia.

Early Dutch missionaries faced strong opposition among Torajans, especially among the elite, because the abolition of their profitable slave trade had angered them. Some Torajans were forcibly relocated to the lowlands by the Dutch, where they could be more easily controlled. Taxes were kept high, undermining the wealth of the elites. Ultimately, the Dutch influence did not subdue Torajan culture, and only a few Torajans were converted. In 1950, only 10% of the population had converted to Christianity.

In the 1930s, Muslim lowlanders attacked the Torajans, resulting in widespread Christian conversion among those who sought to align themselves with the Dutch for political protection and to form a movement against the Bugis and Makassarese Muslims. Between 1951 and 1965 (following Indonesian independence), southern Sulawesi faced a turbulent period as the Darul Islam separatist movement fought for an Islamic state in Sulawesi. The 15 years of guerrilla warfare led to massive conversions to Christianity.

Alignment with the Indonesian government, however, did not guarantee safety for the Torajans. In 1965, a presidential decree required every Indonesian citizen to belong to one of five officially recognised religions: Islam, Christianity (Protestantism and Catholicism), Hinduism, or Buddhism. The Torajan religious belief (aluk) was not legally recognised, and the Torajans raised their voices against the law. To make aluk accord with the law, it had to be accepted as part of one of the official religions. In 1969, Aluk To Dolo ("the way of ancestors") was legalised as a sect of Agama Hindu Dharma, the official name of Hinduism in Indonesia.

SOCIETY

There are three main types of affiliation in Toraja society: family, class and religion.

FAMILY AFFILIATION

Family is the primary social and political grouping in Torajan society. Each village is one extended family, the seat of which is the tongkonan, a traditional Torajan house. Each tongkonan has a name, which becomes the name of the village. The familial dons maintain village unity. Marriage between distant cousins (fourth cousins and beyond) is a common practice that strengthens kinship. Toraja society prohibits marriage between close cousins (up to and including the third cousin)—except for nobles, to prevent the dispersal of property. Kinship is actively reciprocal, meaning that the extended family helps each other farm, share buffalo rituals, and pay off debts.

Each person belongs to both the mother's and the father's families, the only bilateral family line in Indonesia. Children, therefore, inherit household affiliation from both mother and father, including land and even family debts. Children's names are given on the basis of kinship, and are usually chosen after dead relatives. Names of aunts, uncles and cousins are commonly referred to in the names of mothers, fathers and siblings.

Before the start of the formal administration of Toraja villages by the Tana Toraja Regency, each Toraja village was autonomous. In a more complex situation, in which one Toraja family could not handle their problems alone, several villages formed a group; sometimes, villages would unite against other villages. Relationship between families was expressed through blood, marriage, and shared ancestral houses (tongkonan), practically signed by the exchange of water buffalo and pigs on ritual occasions. Such exchanges not only built political and cultural ties between families but defined each person's place in a social hierarchy: who poured palm wine, who wrapped a corpse and prepared offerings, where each person could or could not sit, what dishes should be used or avoided, and even what piece of meat constituted one's share.

CLASS AFFILIATION

In early Toraja society, family relationships were tied closely to social class. There were three strata: nobles, commoners, and slaves (slavery was abolished in 1909 by the Dutch East Indies government). Class was inherited through the mother. It was taboo, therefore, to marry "down" with a woman of lower class. On the other hand, marrying a woman of higher class could improve the status of the next generation. The nobility's condescending attitude toward the commoners is still maintained today for reasons of family prestige.

Nobles, who were believed to be direct descendants of the descended person from heaven, lived in tongkonans, while commoners lived in less lavish houses (bamboo shacks called banua). Slaves lived in small huts, which had to be built around their owner's tongkonan. Commoners might marry anyone, but nobles preferred to marry in-family to maintain their status. Sometimes nobles married Bugis or Makassarese nobles. Commoners and slaves were prohibited from having death feasts. Despite close kinship and status inheritance, there was some social mobility, as marriage or change in wealth could affect an individuals status. Wealth was counted by the ownership of water buffaloes.

Slaves in Toraja society were family property. Sometimes Torajans decided to become slaves when they incurred a debt, pledging to work as payment. Slaves could be taken during wars, and slave trading was common. Slaves could buy their freedom, but their children still inherited slave status. Slaves were prohibited from wearing bronze or gold, carving their houses, eating from the same dishes as their owners, or having sex with free women—a crime punishable by death.

RELIGIOUS AFFILATION

Toraja's indigenous belief system is polytheistic animism, called aluk, or "the way" (sometimes translated as "the law"). In the Toraja myth, the ancestors of Torajan people came down from heaven using stairs, which were then used by the Torajans as a communication medium with Puang Matua, the Creator. The cosmos, according to aluk, is divided into the upper world (heaven), the world of man (earth), and the underworld. At first, heaven and earth were married, then there was a darkness, a separation, and finally the light. Animals live in the underworld, which is represented by rectangular space enclosed by pillars, the earth is for mankind, and the heaven world is located above, covered with a saddle-shaped roof. Other Toraja gods include Pong Banggai di Rante (god of Earth), Indo' Ongon-Ongon (a goddess who can cause earthquakes), Pong Lalondong (god of death), and Indo' Belo Tumbang (goddess of medicine); there are many more.

The earthly authority, whose words and actions should be cleaved to both in life (agriculture) and death (funerals), is called to minaa (an aluk priest). Aluk is not just a belief system; it is a combination of law, religion, and habit. Aluk governs social life, agricultural practices, and ancestral rituals. The details of aluk may vary from one village to another. One common law is the requirement that death and life rituals be separated. Torajans believe that performing death rituals might ruin their corpses if combined with life rituals. The two rituals are equally important. During the time of the Dutch missionaries, Christian Torajans were prohibited from attending or performing life rituals, but were allowed to perform death rituals. Consequently, Toraja's death rituals are still practised today, while life rituals have diminished.

CULTURE

TONGKONAN

Tongkonan are the traditional Torajan ancestral houses. They stand high on wooden piles, topped with a layered split-bamboo roof shaped in a sweeping curved arc, and they are incised with red, black, and yellow detailed wood carvings on the exterior walls. The word "tongkonan" comes from the Torajan tongkon ("to sit").

Tongkonan are the center of Torajan social life. The rituals associated with the tongkonan are important expressions of Torajan spiritual life, and therefore all family members are impelled to participate, because symbolically the tongkonan represents links to their ancestors and to living and future kin. According to Torajan myth, the first tongkonan was built in heaven on four poles, with a roof made of Indian cloth. When the first Torajan ancestor descended to earth, he imitated the house and held a large ceremony.

The construction of a tongkonan is laborious work and is usually done with the help of the extended family. There are three types of tongkonan. The tongkonan layuk is the house of the highest authority, used as the "center of government". The tongkonan pekamberan belongs to the family members who have some authority in local traditions. Ordinary family members reside in the tongkonan batu. The exclusivity to the nobility of the tongkonan is diminishing as many Torajan commoners find lucrative employment in other parts of Indonesia. As they send back money to their families, they enable the construction of larger tongkonan.

Architecture in the style of a tongkonan is still very common. Various administration buildings were built in this style in recent years, e.g. the Kecamatan building in Rantepao.

WOOD CARVINGS

To express social and religious concepts, Torajans carve wood, calling it Pa'ssura (or "the writing"). Wood carvings are therefore Toraja's cultural manifestation.

Each carving receives a special name, and common motifs are animals and plants that symbolise some virtue. For example, water plants and animals, such as crabs, tadpoles and water weeds, are commonly found to symbolise fertility. In some areas noble elders claim these symbols refer to strength of noble family, but not everyone agrees. The overall meaning of groups of carved motifs on houses remains debated and tourism has further complicated these debates because some feel a uniform explanation must be presented to tourists. Torajan wood carvings are composed of numerous square panels, each of which can represent various things, for example buffaloes as a wish of wealth for the family; a knot and a box, symbolizing the hope that all of the family's offspring will be happy and live in harmony; aquatic animals, indicating the need for fast and hard work, just like moving on the surface of water.

Regularity and order are common features in Toraja wood carving (see table below), as well as abstracts and geometrical designs. Nature is frequently used as the basis of Toraja's ornaments, because nature is full of abstractions and geometries with regularities and ordering. Toraja's ornaments have been studied in ethnomathematics to reveal their mathematical structure, but Torajans base this art only on approximations. To create an ornament, bamboo sticks are used as a geometrical tool.

FUNERAL RITES

In Toraja society, the funeral ritual is the most elaborate and expensive event. The richer and more powerful the individual, the more expensive is the funeral. In the aluk religion, only nobles have the right to have an extensive death feast. The death feast of a nobleman is usually attended by thousands and lasts for several days. A ceremonial site, called rante, is usually prepared in a large, grassy field where shelters for audiences, rice barns, and other ceremonial funeral structures are specially made by the deceased's family. Flute music, funeral chants, songs and poems, and crying and wailing are traditional Toraja expressions of grief with the exceptions of funerals for young children, and poor, low-status adults.

The ceremony is often held weeks, months, or years after the death so that the deceased's family can raise the significant funds needed to cover funeral expenses. Torajans traditionally believe that death is not a sudden, abrupt event, but a gradual process toward Puya (the land of souls, or afterlife). During the waiting period, the body of the deceased is wrapped in several layers of cloth and kept under the tongkonan. The soul of the deceased is thought to linger around the village until the funeral ceremony is completed, after which it begins its journey to Puya.

Another component of the ritual is the slaughter of water buffalo. The more powerful the person who died, the more buffalo are slaughtered at the death feast. Buffalo carcasses, including their heads, are usually lined up on a field waiting for their owner, who is in the "sleeping stage". Torajans believe that the deceased will need the buffalo to make the journey and that they will be quicker to arrive at Puya if they have many buffalo. Slaughtering tens of water buffalo and hundreds of pigs using a machete is the climax of the elaborate death feast, with dancing and music and young boys who catch spurting blood in long bamboo tubes. Some of the slaughtered animals are given by guests as "gifts", which are carefully noted because they will be considered debts of the deceased's family. However, a cockfight, known as bulangan londong, is an integral part of the ceremony. As with the sacrifice of the buffalo and the pigs, the cockfight is considered sacred because it involves the spilling of blood on the earth. In particular, the tradition requires the sacrifice of at least three chickens. However, it is common for at least 25 pairs of chickens to be set against each other in the context of the ceremony.

There are three methods of burial: the coffin may be laid in a cave or in a carved stone grave, or hung on a cliff. It contains any possessions that the deceased will need in the afterlife. The wealthy are often buried in a stone grave carved out of a rocky cliff. The grave is usually expensive and takes a few months to complete. In some areas, a stone cave may be found that is large enough to accommodate a whole family. A wood-carved effigy, called Tau tau, is usually placed in the cave looking out over the land. The coffin of a baby or child may be hung from ropes on a cliff face or from a tree. This hanging grave usually lasts for years, until the ropes rot and the coffin falls to the ground.

In the ritual called Ma'Nene, that takes place each year in August, the bodies of the deceased are exhumed to be washed, groomed and dressed in new clothes. The mummies are then walked around the village.

DANNCE AND MUSIC

Torajans perform dances on several occasions, most often during their elaborate funeral ceremonies. They dance to express their grief, and to honour and even cheer the deceased person because he is going to have a long journey in the afterlife. First, a group of men form a circle and sing a monotonous chant throughout the night to honour the deceased (a ritual called Ma'badong). This is considered by many Torajans to be the most important component of the funeral ceremony. On the second funeral day, the Ma'randing warrior dance is performed to praise the courage of the deceased during life. Several men perform the dance with a sword, a large shield made from buffalo skin, a helmet with a buffalo horn, and other ornamentation. The Ma'randing dance precedes a procession in which the deceased is carried from a rice barn to the rante, the site of the funeral ceremony. During the funeral, elder women perform the Ma'katia dance while singing a poetic song and wearing a long feathered costume. The Ma'akatia dance is performed to remind the audience of the generosity and loyalty of the deceased person. After the bloody ceremony of buffalo and pig slaughter, a group of boys and girls clap their hands while performing a cheerful dance called Ma'dondan.

As in other agricultural societies, Torajans dance and sing during harvest time. The Ma'bugi dance celebrates the thanksgiving event, and the Ma'gandangi dance is performed while Torajans are pounding rice. There are several war dances, such as the Manimbong dance performed by men, followed by the Ma'dandan dance performed by women. The aluk religion governs when and how Torajans dance. A dance called Ma'bua can be performed only once every 12 years. Ma'bua is a major Toraja ceremony in which priests wear a buffalo head and dance around a sacred tree.

A traditional musical instrument of the Toraja is a bamboo flute called a Pa'suling (suling is an Indonesian word for flute). This six-holed flute (not unique to the Toraja) is played at many dances, such as the thanksgiving dance Ma'bondensan, where the flute accompanies a group of shirtless, dancing men with long fingernails. The Toraja have indigenous musical instruments, such as the Pa'pelle (made from palm leaves) and the Pa'karombi (the Torajan version of a jaw harp). The Pa'pelle is played during harvest time and at house inauguration ceremonies.

COGENDER VIEWS

Among the Saʼadan (eastern Toraja) in the island of Sulawesi (Celebes), Indonesia, there are homosexual male toburake tambolang shamans; although among their neighbors the Mamasa (western Toraja) there are instead only heterosexual female toburake shamanesses.

LANGUAGE

The ethnic Toraja language is dominant in Tana Toraja with the main language as the Sa'dan Toraja. Although the national Indonesian language is the official language and is spoken in the community, all elementary schools in Tana Toraja teach Toraja language.

Language varieties of Toraja, including Kalumpang, Mamasa, Tae, Talondo, Toala, and Toraja-Sa'dan, belong to the Malayo-Polynesian language from the Austronesian family. At the outset, the isolated geographical nature of Tana Toraja formed many dialects between the Toraja languages themselves. After the formal administration of Tana Toraja, some Toraja dialects have been influenced by other languages through the transmigration program, introduced since the colonialism period, and it has been a major factor in the linguistic variety of Toraja languages.

A prominent attribute of Toraja language is the notion of grief. The importance of death ceremony in Toraja culture has characterised their languages to express intricate degrees of grief and mourning. The Toraja language contains many terms referring to sadness, longing, depression, and mental pain. Giving a clear expression of the psychological and physical effect of loss is a catharsis and sometimes lessens the pain of grief itself.

ECONOMY

Prior to Suharto's "New Order" administration, the Torajan economy was based on agriculture, with cultivated wet rice in terraced fields on mountain slopes, and supplemental cassava and maize crops. Much time and energy were devoted to raising water buffalo, pigs, and chickens, primarily for ceremonial sacrifices and consumption. Coffee was the first significant cash crop produced in Toraja, and was introduced in the mid 19th century, changing the local economy towards commodity production for external markets and gaining an excellent reputation for quality in the international market.

With the commencement of the New Order in 1965, Indonesia's economy developed and opened to foreign investment. In Toraja, a coffee plantation and factory was established by Key Coffee of Japan, and Torajan coffee regained a reputation for quality within the growing international specialty coffee sector Multinational oil and mining companies opened new operations in Indonesia during the 1970s and 1980s. Torajans, particularly younger ones, relocated to work for the foreign companies—to Kalimantan for timber and oil, to Papua for mining, to the cities of Sulawesi and Java, and many went to Malaysia. The out-migration of Torajans was steady until 1985. and has continued since, with remittances sent back by emigre Torajans performing an important role within the contemporary economy.

Tourism commenced in Toraja in the 1970s, and accelerated in the 1980s and 1990s. Between 1984 and 1997, a significant number of Torajans obtained their incomes from tourism, working in and owning hotels, as tour guides, drivers, or selling souvenirs. With the rise of political and economic instability in Indonesia in the late 1990s—including religious conflicts elsewhere on Sulawesi—tourism in Tana Toraja has declined dramatically. Toraja continues to be a well known origin for Indonesian coffee, grown by both smallholders and plantation estates, although migration, remittances and off-farm income is considered far more important to most households, even those in rural areas.

TOURISM AND CULTURAL CHANGE

Before the 1970s, Toraja was almost unknown to Western tourism. In 1971, about 50 Europeans visited Tana Toraja. In 1972, at least 400 visitors attended the funeral ritual of Puang of Sangalla, the highest-ranking nobleman in Tana Toraja and the so-called "last pure-blooded Toraja noble." The event was documented by National Geographic and broadcast in several European countries. In 1976, about 12,000 tourists visited the regency and in 1981, Torajan sculpture was exhibited in major North American museums. "The land of the heavenly kings of Tana Toraja", as written in the exhibition brochure, embraced the outside world.

In 1984, the Indonesian Ministry of Tourism declared Tana Toraja Regency the prima donna of South Sulawesi. Tana Toraja was heralded as "the second stop after Bali". Tourism was increasing dramatically: by 1985, a total number of 150,000 foreigners had visited the Regency (in addition to 80,000 domestic tourists), and the annual number of foreign visitors was recorded at 40,000 in 1989. Souvenir stands appeared in Rantepao, the cultural center of Toraja, roads were sealed at the most-visited tourist sites, new hotels and tourist-oriented restaurants were opened, and an airstrip was opened in the Regency in 1981.

Tourism developers have marketed Tana Toraja as an exotic adventure—an area rich in culture and off the beaten track. Western tourists expected to see stone-age villages and pagan funerals. Toraja is for tourists who have gone as far as Bali and are willing to see more of the wild, "untouched" islands. However, they were more likely to see a Torajan wearing a hat and denim, living in a Christian society. Tourists felt that the tongkonan and other Torajan rituals had been preconceived to make profits, and complained that the destination was too commercialised. This has resulted in several clashes between Torajans and tourism developers, whom Torajans see as outsiders.

A clash between local Torajan leaders and the South Sulawesi provincial government (as a tourist developer) broke out in 1985. The government designated 18 Toraja villages and burial sites as traditional tourist attractions. Consequently, zoning restrictions were applied to these areas, such that Torajans themselves were barred from changing their tongkonans and burial sites. The plan was opposed by some Torajan leaders, as they felt that their rituals and traditions were being determined by outsiders. As a result, in 1987, the Torajan village of Kété Kesú and several other designated tourist attractions closed their doors to tourists. This closure lasted only a few days, as the villagers found it too difficult to survive without the income from selling souvenirs.

Tourism has also transformed Toraja society. Originally, there was a ritual which allowed commoners to marry nobles (puang) and thereby gain nobility for their children. However, the image of Torajan society created for the tourists, often by "lower-ranking" guides, has eroded its traditional strict hierarchy. High status is not as esteemed in Tana Toraja as it once was. Many low-ranking men can declare themselves and their children nobles by gaining enough wealth through work outside the region and then marrying a noble woman.

WIKIPEDIA

Our house on Exploits Islands in Notre Dame Bay. No running water or electricity. No phones, either. Definitely a great place to escape from the stresses of the modern world.

Lego look alike from China, appropriately named Exploiter. This one is based on the Lego Technic 8283 alternate design.

Round Table on the role of European institutions in the exploitation of Ariane 6 and Vega-C, at the ESA pavilion, during the Paris Air and Space Show, on 22 June 2017.

Satellites from European institutions will play a major role during the exploitation of the new family of ESA-developed launchers, Vega-C and Ariane 6 which will be operative from 2019/2020.

In this round table, high level representatives from important European institutions were invited to debate how they can contribute to guarantee a level playing field for Ariane 6 and Vega-C exploitation with respect to competitors that can count on a very large number of institutional payloads.

Participants : Pierre Delsaux, European Commission, Deputy-Director General; Alan Ratier, Eumetsat, Director General; Stephan Israel, Arianespace, CEO; Joel Barre, CNES, Deputy Director General; Wolfgang Scheremet, German Ministry for Economic Affairs and Energy, Director-General Industrial Policy; Roberto Battiston, ASI, President; Daniel Neuenschwander, ESA, Director of Space Transportation; Gaele Winters, former ESA Director of Launchers (moderator).

Credit: ESA–Philippe Sebirot, 2017

Even when I bought their 'throw away' hankies & socks I knew, in both my heart & my head, that the only way they could sell so cheaply was by exploiting slave labour.

Now, after learning that scattered throughout the rubble, blood, bodies, maimed, still trapped & still suffering, ruthlessly exploited human beings --- were this 'booming business' brand's labels -- I swear -- NEVER AGAIN!

www.channel4.com/news/bangladesh-building-collapse-what-p...

www.bbc.co.uk/news/world-asia-22299929

www.guardian.co.uk/business/associatedbritishfoods

Date: ca.1950s

Category: Homes

Type: Image

Identifier: LP1765

Source: S.P. Public Works Album

Owner: South Pasadena Public Library

Previous Identifier: N/A

Rights Information: Copyright status is unknown. Some materials in these collections may be protected by the U.S. Copyright Law (Title 17, U.S.C.). In addition, the reproduction of some materials may be restricted by terms of gift or purchase agreements, donor restrictions, privacy and publicity rights, licensing and trademarks. Transmission or reproduction of materials protected by copyright beyond that allowed by fair use requires the written permission of the copyright owners. Works not in the public domain cannot be commercially exploited without permission of the copyright owner. Responsibility for any use rests exclusively with the user.

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Special constable are briefed by regular officers Inspector Phil Spugeon and Chief Inspector Pat McKelvey.

Greater Manchester Police has carried out a large crime reduction operation on one of Manchester’s busiest nights of the year.

The operation took place in Manchester City Centre on Friday 19 September and saw over 30 Special Constables work with anti-social behaviour (ASB), licensing, child sexual exploitation (CSE) and ANPR interceptor teams in an effort to tackle crime in the city.

The day of the operation fell on one of Manchester’s busiest nights of the year as it was the Friday of the annual ‘Fresher’s Week’ which sees thousands of students descend upon the city and celebrate their return to university.

As well as reducing crime, it also gave the Special Constables the opportunity to work with officers trained in other disciplines to not only develop their skills but also to give them the chance to experience what other officers face on a daily basis.

Chief Inspector Pat Mckelvey said: “The operation was a great success and the feedback we have received from both the public and the specials that went out on Friday has been very positive.

“The presence of so many officers on one of the busiest nights of the year made everybody in the city centre feel a lot safer and reassured, especially some of the new students who don’t know Manchester.

“It also allowed us to show our appreciation of the great voluntary work that the specials do by giving them new experiences which they may not normally encounter during their regular duties.”

To find out more about Greater Manchester Police please visit our website.

www.gmp.police.uk

You should call 101, the new national non-emergency number, to report crime and other concerns that do not require an emergency response.

Always call 999 in an emergency, such as when a crime is in progress, violence is being used or threatened or where there is danger to life.

You can also call anonymously with information about crime to Crimestoppers on 0800 555 111.

île de Yell, Shetland

The Toraja are an ethnic group indigenous to a mountainous region of South Sulawesi, Indonesia. Their population is approximately 1,100,000, of whom 450,000 live in the regency of Tana Toraja ("Land of Toraja"). Most of the population is Christian, and others are Muslim or have local animist beliefs known as aluk ("the way"). The Indonesian government has recognized this animist belief as Aluk To Dolo ("Way of the Ancestors").

The word toraja comes from the Bugis Buginese language term to riaja, meaning "people of the uplands". The Dutch colonial government named the people Toraja in 1909. Torajans are renowned for their elaborate funeral rites, burial sites carved into rocky cliffs, massive peaked-roof traditional houses known as tongkonan, and colorful wood carvings. Toraja funeral rites are important social events, usually attended by hundreds of people and lasting for several days.

Before the 20th century, Torajans lived in autonomous villages, where they practised animism and were relatively untouched by the outside world. In the early 1900s, Dutch missionaries first worked to convert Torajan highlanders to Christianity. When the Tana Toraja regency was further opened to the outside world in the 1970s, it became an icon of tourism in Indonesia: it was exploited by tourism developers and studied by anthropologists. By the 1990s, when tourism peaked, Toraja society had changed significantly, from an agrarian model - in which social life and customs were outgrowths of the Aluk To Dolo - to a largely Christian society. Today, tourism and remittances from migrant Torajans have made for major changes in the Toraja highland, giving the Toraja a celebrity status within Indonesia and enhancing Toraja ethnic group pride.

ETHNIC IDENTITY

The Torajan people had little notion of themselves as a distinct ethnic group before the 20th century. Before Dutch colonization and Christianization, Torajans, who lived in highland areas, identified with their villages and did not share a broad sense of identity. Although complexes of rituals created linkages between highland villages, there were variations in dialects, differences in social hierarchies, and an array of ritual practices in the Sulawesi highland region. "Toraja" (from the coastal languages' to, meaning people; and riaja, uplands) was first used as a lowlander expression for highlanders. As a result, "Toraja" initially had more currency with outsiders - such as the Bugis and Makassarese, who constitute a majority of the lowland of Sulawesi - than with insiders. The Dutch missionaries' presence in the highlands gave rise to the Toraja ethnic consciousness in the Sa'dan Toraja region, and this shared identity grew with the rise of tourism in the Tana Toraja Regency. Since then, South Sulawesi has four main ethnic groups - the Bugis (the majority, including shipbuilders and seafarers), the Makassarese (lowland traders and seafarers), the Mandarese (traders and fishermen), and the Toraja (highland rice cultivators).

HISTORY

From the 17th century, the Dutch established trade and political control on Sulawesi through the Dutch East Indies Company. Over two centuries, they ignored the mountainous area in the central Sulawesi, where Torajans lived, because access was difficult and it had little productive agricultural land. In the late 19th century, the Dutch became increasingly concerned about the spread of Islam in the south of Sulawesi, especially among the Makassarese and Bugis peoples. The Dutch saw the animist highlanders as potential Christians. In the 1920s, the Reformed Missionary Alliance of the Dutch Reformed Church began missionary work aided by the Dutch colonial government. In addition to introducing Christianity, the Dutch abolished slavery and imposed local taxes. A line was drawn around the Sa'dan area and called Tana Toraja ("the land of Toraja"). Tana Toraja was first a subdivision of the Luwu kingdom that had claimed the area. In 1946, the Dutch granted Tana Toraja a regentschap, and it was recognized in 1957 as one of the regencies of Indonesia.

Early Dutch missionaries faced strong opposition among Torajans, especially among the elite, because the abolition of their profitable slave trade had angered them. Some Torajans were forcibly relocated to the lowlands by the Dutch, where they could be more easily controlled. Taxes were kept high, undermining the wealth of the elites. Ultimately, the Dutch influence did not subdue Torajan culture, and only a few Torajans were converted. In 1950, only 10% of the population had converted to Christianity.

In the 1930s, Muslim lowlanders attacked the Torajans, resulting in widespread Christian conversion among those who sought to align themselves with the Dutch for political protection and to form a movement against the Bugis and Makassarese Muslims. Between 1951 and 1965 (following Indonesian independence), southern Sulawesi faced a turbulent period as the Darul Islam separatist movement fought for an Islamic state in Sulawesi. The 15 years of guerrilla warfare led to massive conversions to

CHRISTIANITY

Alignment with the Indonesian government, however, did not guarantee safety for the Torajans. In 1965, a presidential decree required every Indonesian citizen to belong to one of five officially recognized religions: Islam, Christianity (Protestantism and Catholicism), Hinduism, or Buddhism. The Torajan religious belief (aluk) was not legally recognized, and the Torajans raised their voices against the law. To make aluk accord with the law, it had to be accepted as part of one of the official religions. In 1969, Aluk To Dolo ("the way of ancestors") was legalized as a sect of Agama Hindu Dharma, the official name of Hinduism in Indonesia.

SOCIETY

There are three main types of affiliation in Toraja society: family, class and religion.

FAMILY AFFILIATION

Family is the primary social and political grouping in Torajan society. Each village is one extended family, the seat of which is the tongkonan, a traditional Torajan house. Each tongkonan has a name, which becomes the name of the village. The familial dons maintain village unity. Marriage between distant cousins (fourth cousins and beyond) is a common practice that strengthens kinship. Toraja society prohibits marriage between close cousins (up to and including the third cousin) - except for nobles, to prevent the dispersal of property. Kinship is actively reciprocal, meaning that the extended family helps each other farm, share buffalo rituals, and pay off debts.

Each person belongs to both the mother's and the father's families, the only bilateral family line in Indonesia. Children, therefore, inherit household affiliation from both mother and father, including land and even family debts. Children's names are given on the basis of kinship, and are usually chosen after dead relatives. Names of aunts, uncles and cousins are commonly referred to in the names of mothers, fathers and siblings.

Before the start of the formal administration of Toraja villages by the Tana Toraja Regency, each Toraja village was autonomous. In a more complex situation, in which one Toraja family could not handle their problems alone, several villages formed a group; sometimes, villages would unite against other villages. Relationship between families was expressed through blood, marriage, and shared ancestral houses (tongkonan), practically signed by the exchange of water buffalo and pigs on ritual occasions. Such exchanges not only built political and cultural ties between families but defined each person's place in a social hierarchy: who poured palm wine, who wrapped a corpse and prepared offerings, where each person could or could not sit, what dishes should be used or avoided, and even what piece of meat constituted one's share.

CLASS AFFILIATION

In early Toraja society, family relationships were tied closely to social class. There were three strata: nobles, commoners, and slaves (slavery was abolished in 1909 by the Dutch East Indies government). Class was inherited through the mother. It was taboo, therefore, to marry "down" with a woman of lower class. On the other hand, marrying a woman of higher class could improve the status of the next generation. The nobility's condescending attitude toward the commoners is still maintained today for reasons of family prestige.

Nobles, who were believed to be direct descendants of the descended person from heaven, lived in tongkonans, while commoners lived in less lavish houses (bamboo shacks called banua). Slaves lived in small huts, which had to be built around their owner's tongkonan. Commoners might marry anyone, but nobles preferred to marry in-family to maintain their status. Sometimes nobles married Bugis or Makassarese nobles. Commoners and slaves were prohibited from having death feasts. Despite close kinship and status inheritance, there was some social mobility, as marriage or change in wealth could affect an individuals status. Wealth was counted by the ownership of water buffaloes.

Slaves in Toraja society were family property. Sometimes Torajans decided to become slaves when they incurred a debt, pledging to work as payment. Slaves could be taken during wars, and slave trading was common. Slaves could buy their freedom, but their children still inherited slave status. Slaves were prohibited from wearing bronze or gold, carving their houses, eating from the same dishes as their owners, or having sex with free women - a crime punishable by death.

RELIGIOUS AFFILIATION

Toraja's indigenous belief system is polytheistic animism, called aluk, or "the way" (sometimes translated as "the law"). In the Toraja myth, the ancestors of Torajan people came down from heaven using stairs, which were then used by the Torajans as a communication medium with Puang Matua, the Creator. The cosmos, according to aluk, is divided into the upper world (heaven), the world of man (earth), and the underworld. At first, heaven and earth were married, then there was a darkness, a separation, and finally the light. Animals live in the underworld, which is represented by rectangular space enclosed by pillars, the earth is for mankind, and the heaven world is located above, covered with a saddle-shaped roof. Other Toraja gods include Pong Banggai di Rante (god of Earth), Indo' Ongon-Ongon (a goddess who can cause earthquakes), Pong Lalondong (god of death), and Indo' Belo Tumbang (goddess of medicine); there are many more.

The earthly authority, whose words and actions should be cleaved to both in life (agriculture) and death (funerals), is called to minaa (an aluk priest). Aluk is not just a belief system; it is a combination of law, religion, and habit. Aluk governs social life, agricultural practices, and ancestral rituals. The details of aluk may vary from one village to another. One common law is the requirement that death and life rituals be separated. Torajans believe that performing death rituals might ruin their corpses if combined with life rituals. The two rituals are equally important. During the time of the Dutch missionaries, Christian Torajans were prohibited from attending or performing life rituals, but were allowed to perform death rituals. Consequently, Toraja's death rituals are still practised today, while life rituals have diminished.

CULTURE

TONGKONAN

Tongkonan are the traditional Torajan ancestral houses. They stand high on wooden piles, topped with a layered split-bamboo roof shaped in a sweeping curved arc, and they are incised with red, black, and yellow detailed wood carvings on the exterior walls. The word "tongkonan" comes from the Torajan tongkon ("to sit").

Tongkonan are the center of Torajan social life. The rituals associated with the tongkonan are important expressions of Torajan spiritual life, and therefore all family members are impelled to participate, because symbolically the tongkonan represents links to their ancestors and to living and future kin. According to Torajan myth, the first tongkonan was built in heaven on four poles, with a roof made of Indian cloth. When the first Torajan ancestor descended to earth, he imitated the house and held a large ceremony.

The construction of a tongkonan is laborious work and is usually done with the help of the extended family. There are three types of tongkonan. The tongkonan layuk is the house of the highest authority, used as the "center of government". The tongkonan pekamberan belongs to the family members who have some authority in local traditions. Ordinary family members reside in the tongkonan batu. The exclusivity to the nobility of the tongkonan is diminishing as many Torajan commoners find lucrative employment in other parts of Indonesia. As they send back money to their families, they enable the construction of larger tongkonan.

WOOD CARVINGS

To express social and religious concepts, Torajans carve wood, calling it Pa'ssura (or "the writing"). Wood carvings are therefore Toraja's cultural manifestation.

Each carving receives a special name, and common motifs are animals and plants that symbolize some virtue. For example, water plants and animals, such as crabs, tadpoles and water weeds, are commonly found to symbolize fertility. In some areas noble elders claim these symbols refer to strength of noble family, but not everyone agrees. The overall meaning of groups of carved motifs on houses remains debated and tourism has further complicated these debates because some feel a uniform explanation must be presented to tourists. The image to the left shows an example of Torajan wood carving, consisting of 15 square panels. The center bottom panel represents buffalo or wealth, a wish for many buffaloes for the family. The center panel represents a knot and a box, a hope that all of the family's offspring will be happy and live in harmony, like goods kept safe in a box. The top left and top right squares represent an aquatic animal, indicating the need for fast and hard work, just like moving on the surface of water. It also represents the need for a certain skill to produce good results.

Regularity and order are common features in Toraja wood carving (see table below), as well as abstracts and geometrical designs. Nature is frequently used as the basis of Toraja's ornaments, because nature is full of abstractions and geometries with regularities and ordering. Toraja's ornaments have been studied in ethnomathematics to reveal their mathematical structure, but Torajans base this art only on approximations. To create an ornament, bamboo sticks are used as a geometrical tool.

FUNERAL RITES

In Toraja society, the funeral ritual is the most elaborate and expensive event. The richer and more powerful the individual, the more expensive is the funeral. In the aluk religion, only nobles have the right to have an extensive death feast. The death feast of a nobleman is usually attended by thousands and lasts for several days. A ceremonial site, called rante, is usually prepared in a large, grassy field where shelters for audiences, rice barns, and other ceremonial funeral structures are specially made by the deceased family. Flute music, funeral chants, songs and poems, and crying and wailing are traditional Toraja expressions of grief with the exceptions of funerals for young children, and poor, low-status adults.

The ceremony is often held weeks, months, or years after the death so that the deceased's family can raise the significant funds needed to cover funeral expenses. Torajans traditionally believe that death is not a sudden, abrupt event, but a gradual process toward Puya (the land of souls, or afterlife). During the waiting period, the body of the deceased is wrapped in several layers of cloth and kept under the tongkonan. The soul of the deceased is thought to linger around the village until the funeral ceremony is completed, after which it begins its journey to Puya.

Another component of the ritual is the slaughter of water buffalo. The more powerful the person who died, the more buffalo are slaughtered at the death feast. Buffalo carcasses, including their heads, are usually lined up on a field waiting for their owner, who is in the "sleeping stage". Torajans believe that the deceased will need the buffalo to make the journey and that they will be quicker to arrive at Puya if they have many buffalo. Slaughtering tens of water buffalo and hundreds of pigs using a machete is the climax of the elaborate death feast, with dancing and music and young boys who catch spurting blood in long bamboo tubes. Some of the slaughtered animals are given by guests as "gifts", which are carefully noted because they will be considered debts of the deceased's family. However, a cockfight, known as bulangan londong, is an integral part of the ceremony. As with the sacrifice of the buffalo and the pigs, the cockfight is considered sacred because it involves the spilling of blood on the earth. In particular, the tradition requires the sacrifice of at least three chickens. However, it is common for at least 25 pairs of chickens to be set against each other in the context of the ceremony.

There are three methods of burial: the coffin may be laid in a cave or in a carved stone grave, or hung on a cliff. It contains any possessions that the deceased will need in the afterlife. The wealthy are often buried in a stone grave carved out of a rocky cliff. The grave is usually expensive and takes a few months to complete. In some areas, a stone cave may be found that is large enough to accommodate a whole family. A wood-carved effigy, called Tau tau, is usually placed in the cave looking out over the land. The coffin of a baby or child may be hung from ropes on a cliff face or from a tree. This hanging grave usually lasts for years, until the ropes rot and the coffin falls to the ground.

In the ritual called Ma'Nene, that takes place each year in August, the bodies of the deceased are exhumed to be washed, groomed and dressed in new clothes. The mummies are then walked around the village.

DANCE AND MUSIC

Torajans perform dances on several occasions, most often during their elaborate funeral ceremonies. They dance to express their grief, and to honour and even cheer the deceased person because he is going to have a long journey in the afterlife. First, a group of men form a circle and sing a monotonous chant throughout the night to honour the deceased (a ritual called Ma'badong). This is considered by many Torajans to be the most important component of the funeral ceremony. On the second funeral day, the Ma'randing warrior dance is performed to praise the courage of the deceased during life. Several men perform the dance with a sword, a large shield made from buffalo skin, a helmet with a buffalo horn, and other ornamentation. The Ma'randing dance precedes a procession in which the deceased is carried from a rice barn to the rante, the site of the funeral ceremony. During the funeral, elder women perform the Ma'katia dance while singing a poetic song and wearing a long feathered costume. The Ma'akatia dance is performed to remind the audience of the generosity and loyalty of the deceased person. After the bloody ceremony of buffalo and pig slaughter, a group of boys and girls clap their hands while performing a cheerful dance called Ma'dondan.

As in other agricultural societies, Torajans dance and sing during harvest time. The Ma'bugi dance celebrates the thanksgiving event, and the Ma'gandangi dance is performed while Torajans are pounding rice. There are several war dances, such as the Manimbong dance performed by men, followed by the Ma'dandan dance performed by women. The aluk religion governs when and how Torajans dance. A dance called Ma'bua can be performed only once every 12 years. Ma'bua is a major Toraja ceremony in which priests wear a buffalo head and dance around a sacred tree.

A traditional musical instrument of the Toraja is a bamboo flute called a Pa'suling (suling is an Indonesian word for flute). This six-holed flute (not unique to the Toraja) is played at many dances, such as the thanksgiving dance Ma'bondensan, where the flute accompanies a group of shirtless, dancing men with long fingernails. The Toraja have indigenous musical instruments, such as the Pa'pelle (made from palm leaves) and the Pa'karombi (the Torajan version of a jaw harp). The Pa'pelle is played during harvest time and at house inauguration ceremonies.

LANGUAGE

The ethnic Toraja language is dominant in Tana Toraja with the main language as the Sa'dan Toraja. Although the national Indonesian language is the official language and is spoken in the community, all elementary schools in Tana Toraja teach Toraja language.Language varieties of Toraja, including Kalumpang, Mamasa, Tae' , Talondo' , Toala' , and Toraja-Sa'dan, belong to the Malayo-Polynesian language from the Austronesian family. At the outset, the isolated geographical nature of Tana Toraja formed many dialects between the Toraja languages themselves. After the formal administration of Tana Toraja, some Toraja dialects have been influenced by other languages through the transmigration program, introduced since the colonialism period, and it has been a major factor in the linguistic variety of Toraja languages. A prominent attribute of Toraja language is the notion of grief. The importance of death ceremony in Toraja culture has characterized their languages to express intricate degrees of grief and mourning. The Toraja language contains many terms referring to sadness, longing, depression, and mental pain. Giving a clear expression of the psychological and physical effect of loss is a catharsis and sometimes lessens the pain of grief itself.

ECONOMY

Prior to Suharto's "New Order" administration, the Torajan economy was based on agriculture, with cultivated wet rice in terraced fields on mountain slopes, and supplemental cassava and maize crops. Much time and energy were devoted to raising water buffalo, pigs, and chickens, primarily for ceremonial sacrifices and consumption. Coffee was the first significant cash crop produced in Toraja, and was introduced in the mid 19th century, changing the local economy towards commodity production for external markets and gaining an excellent reputation for quality in the international market .

With the commencement of the New Order in 1965, Indonesia's economy developed and opened to foreign investment. In Toraja, a coffee plantation and factory was established by Key Coffee of Japan, and Torajan coffee regained a reputation for quality within the growing international specialty coffee sector Multinational oil and mining companies opened new operations in Indonesia during the 1970s and 1980s. Torajans, particularly younger ones, relocated to work for the foreign companies - to Kalimantan for timber and oil, to Papua for mining, to the cities of Sulawesi and Java, and many went to Malaysia. The out-migration of Torajans was steady until 1985. and has continued since, with remittances sent back by emigre Torajans performing an important role within the contemporary economy.

Tourism commenced in Toraja in the 1970s, and accelerated in the 1980s and 1990s. Between 1984 and 1997, a significant number of Torajans obtained their incomes from tourism, working in and owning hotels, as tour guides, drivers, or selling souvenirs. With the rise of political and economic instability in Indonesia in the late 1990s - including religious conflicts elsewhere on Sulawesi - tourism in Tana Toraja has declined dramatically. Toraja continues to be a well known origin for Indonesian coffee, grown by both smallholders and plantation estates, although migration, remittances and off-farm income is considered far more important to most households, even those in rural areas.

TOURISM AND CULTURAL CHANGE

Before the 1970s, Toraja was almost unknown to Western tourism. In 1971, about 50 Europeans visited Tana Toraja. In 1972, at least 400 visitors attended the funeral ritual of Puang of Sangalla, the highest-ranking nobleman in Tana Toraja and the so-called "last pure-blooded Toraja noble." The event was documented by National Geographic and broadcast in several European countries. In 1976, about 12,000 tourists visited the regency and in 1981, Torajan sculpture was exhibited in major North American museums. "The land of the heavenly kings of Tana Toraja", as written in the exhibition brochure, embraced the outside world.

In 1984, the Indonesian Ministry of Tourism declared Tana Toraja Regency the prima donna of South Sulawesi. Tana Toraja was heralded as "the second stop after Bali". Tourism was increasing dramatically: by 1985, a total number of 150,000 foreigners had visited the Regency (in addition to 80,000 domestic tourists), and the annual number of foreign visitors was recorded at 40,000 in 1989. Souvenir stands appeared in Rantepao, the cultural center of Toraja, roads were sealed at the most-visited tourist sites, new hotels and tourist-oriented restaurants were opened, and an airstrip was opened in the Regency in 1981.

Tourism developers have marketed Tana Toraja as an exotic adventure - an area rich in culture and off the beaten track. Western tourists expected to see stone-age villages and pagan funerals. Toraja is for tourists who have gone as far as Bali and are willing to see more of the wild, "untouched" islands. However, they were more likely to see a Torajan wearing a hat and denim, living in a Christian society. Tourists felt that the tongkonan and other Torajan rituals had been preconceived to make profits, and complained that the destination was too commercialized. This has resulted in several clashes between Torajans and tourism developers, whom Torajans see as outsiders.

A clash between local Torajan leaders and the South Sulawesi provincial government (as a tourist developer) broke out in 1985. The government designated 18 Toraja villages and burial sites as traditional tourist attractions. Consequently, zoning restrictions were applied to these areas, such that Torajans themselves were barred from changing their tongkonans and burial sites. The plan was opposed by some Torajan leaders, as they felt that their rituals and traditions were being determined by outsiders. As a result, in 1987, the Torajan village of Kété Kesú and several other designated tourist attractions closed their doors to tourists. This closure lasted only a few days, as the villagers found it too difficult to survive without the income from selling souvenirs.

Tourism has also transformed Toraja society. Originally, there was a ritual which allowed commoners to marry nobles (puang) and thereby gain nobility for their children. However, the image of Torajan society created for the tourists, often by "lower-ranking" guides, has eroded its traditional strict hierarchy. High status is not as esteemed in Tana Toraja as it once was. Many low-ranking men can declare themselves and their children nobles by gaining enough wealth through work outside the region and then marrying a noble woman.

WIKIPEDIA

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The Toraja are an ethnic group indigenous to a mountainous region of South Sulawesi, Indonesia. Their population is approximately 1,100,000, of whom 450,000 live in the regency of Tana Toraja ("Land of Toraja"). Most of the population is Christian, and others are Muslim or have local animist beliefs known as aluk ("the way"). The Indonesian government has recognized this animist belief as Aluk To Dolo ("Way of the Ancestors").

The word toraja comes from the Bugis Buginese language term to riaja, meaning "people of the uplands". The Dutch colonial government named the people Toraja in 1909. Torajans are renowned for their elaborate funeral rites, burial sites carved into rocky cliffs, massive peaked-roof traditional houses known as tongkonan, and colorful wood carvings. Toraja funeral rites are important social events, usually attended by hundreds of people and lasting for several days.

Before the 20th century, Torajans lived in autonomous villages, where they practised animism and were relatively untouched by the outside world. In the early 1900s, Dutch missionaries first worked to convert Torajan highlanders to Christianity. When the Tana Toraja regency was further opened to the outside world in the 1970s, it became an icon of tourism in Indonesia: it was exploited by tourism developers and studied by anthropologists. By the 1990s, when tourism peaked, Toraja society had changed significantly, from an agrarian model - in which social life and customs were outgrowths of the Aluk To Dolo - to a largely Christian society. Today, tourism and remittances from migrant Torajans have made for major changes in the Toraja highland, giving the Toraja a celebrity status within Indonesia and enhancing Toraja ethnic group pride.

ETHNIC IDENTITY

The Torajan people had little notion of themselves as a distinct ethnic group before the 20th century. Before Dutch colonization and Christianization, Torajans, who lived in highland areas, identified with their villages and did not share a broad sense of identity. Although complexes of rituals created linkages between highland villages, there were variations in dialects, differences in social hierarchies, and an array of ritual practices in the Sulawesi highland region. "Toraja" (from the coastal languages' to, meaning people; and riaja, uplands) was first used as a lowlander expression for highlanders. As a result, "Toraja" initially had more currency with outsiders - such as the Bugis and Makassarese, who constitute a majority of the lowland of Sulawesi - than with insiders. The Dutch missionaries' presence in the highlands gave rise to the Toraja ethnic consciousness in the Sa'dan Toraja region, and this shared identity grew with the rise of tourism in the Tana Toraja Regency. Since then, South Sulawesi has four main ethnic groups - the Bugis (the majority, including shipbuilders and seafarers), the Makassarese (lowland traders and seafarers), the Mandarese (traders and fishermen), and the Toraja (highland rice cultivators).

HISTORY

From the 17th century, the Dutch established trade and political control on Sulawesi through the Dutch East Indies Company. Over two centuries, they ignored the mountainous area in the central Sulawesi, where Torajans lived, because access was difficult and it had little productive agricultural land. In the late 19th century, the Dutch became increasingly concerned about the spread of Islam in the south of Sulawesi, especially among the Makassarese and Bugis peoples. The Dutch saw the animist highlanders as potential Christians. In the 1920s, the Reformed Missionary Alliance of the Dutch Reformed Church began missionary work aided by the Dutch colonial government. In addition to introducing Christianity, the Dutch abolished slavery and imposed local taxes. A line was drawn around the Sa'dan area and called Tana Toraja ("the land of Toraja"). Tana Toraja was first a subdivision of the Luwu kingdom that had claimed the area. In 1946, the Dutch granted Tana Toraja a regentschap, and it was recognized in 1957 as one of the regencies of Indonesia.

Early Dutch missionaries faced strong opposition among Torajans, especially among the elite, because the abolition of their profitable slave trade had angered them. Some Torajans were forcibly relocated to the lowlands by the Dutch, where they could be more easily controlled. Taxes were kept high, undermining the wealth of the elites. Ultimately, the Dutch influence did not subdue Torajan culture, and only a few Torajans were converted. In 1950, only 10% of the population had converted to Christianity.

In the 1930s, Muslim lowlanders attacked the Torajans, resulting in widespread Christian conversion among those who sought to align themselves with the Dutch for political protection and to form a movement against the Bugis and Makassarese Muslims. Between 1951 and 1965 (following Indonesian independence), southern Sulawesi faced a turbulent period as the Darul Islam separatist movement fought for an Islamic state in Sulawesi. The 15 years of guerrilla warfare led to massive conversions to

CHRISTIANITY

Alignment with the Indonesian government, however, did not guarantee safety for the Torajans. In 1965, a presidential decree required every Indonesian citizen to belong to one of five officially recognized religions: Islam, Christianity (Protestantism and Catholicism), Hinduism, or Buddhism. The Torajan religious belief (aluk) was not legally recognized, and the Torajans raised their voices against the law. To make aluk accord with the law, it had to be accepted as part of one of the official religions. In 1969, Aluk To Dolo ("the way of ancestors") was legalized as a sect of Agama Hindu Dharma, the official name of Hinduism in Indonesia.

SOCIETY

There are three main types of affiliation in Toraja society: family, class and religion.

FAMILY AFFILIATION

Family is the primary social and political grouping in Torajan society. Each village is one extended family, the seat of which is the tongkonan, a traditional Torajan house. Each tongkonan has a name, which becomes the name of the village. The familial dons maintain village unity. Marriage between distant cousins (fourth cousins and beyond) is a common practice that strengthens kinship. Toraja society prohibits marriage between close cousins (up to and including the third cousin) - except for nobles, to prevent the dispersal of property. Kinship is actively reciprocal, meaning that the extended family helps each other farm, share buffalo rituals, and pay off debts.

Each person belongs to both the mother's and the father's families, the only bilateral family line in Indonesia. Children, therefore, inherit household affiliation from both mother and father, including land and even family debts. Children's names are given on the basis of kinship, and are usually chosen after dead relatives. Names of aunts, uncles and cousins are commonly referred to in the names of mothers, fathers and siblings.

Before the start of the formal administration of Toraja villages by the Tana Toraja Regency, each Toraja village was autonomous. In a more complex situation, in which one Toraja family could not handle their problems alone, several villages formed a group; sometimes, villages would unite against other villages. Relationship between families was expressed through blood, marriage, and shared ancestral houses (tongkonan), practically signed by the exchange of water buffalo and pigs on ritual occasions. Such exchanges not only built political and cultural ties between families but defined each person's place in a social hierarchy: who poured palm wine, who wrapped a corpse and prepared offerings, where each person could or could not sit, what dishes should be used or avoided, and even what piece of meat constituted one's share.

CLASS AFFILIATION

In early Toraja society, family relationships were tied closely to social class. There were three strata: nobles, commoners, and slaves (slavery was abolished in 1909 by the Dutch East Indies government). Class was inherited through the mother. It was taboo, therefore, to marry "down" with a woman of lower class. On the other hand, marrying a woman of higher class could improve the status of the next generation. The nobility's condescending attitude toward the commoners is still maintained today for reasons of family prestige.

Nobles, who were believed to be direct descendants of the descended person from heaven, lived in tongkonans, while commoners lived in less lavish houses (bamboo shacks called banua). Slaves lived in small huts, which had to be built around their owner's tongkonan. Commoners might marry anyone, but nobles preferred to marry in-family to maintain their status. Sometimes nobles married Bugis or Makassarese nobles. Commoners and slaves were prohibited from having death feasts. Despite close kinship and status inheritance, there was some social mobility, as marriage or change in wealth could affect an individuals status. Wealth was counted by the ownership of water buffaloes.

Slaves in Toraja society were family property. Sometimes Torajans decided to become slaves when they incurred a debt, pledging to work as payment. Slaves could be taken during wars, and slave trading was common. Slaves could buy their freedom, but their children still inherited slave status. Slaves were prohibited from wearing bronze or gold, carving their houses, eating from the same dishes as their owners, or having sex with free women - a crime punishable by death.

RELIGIOUS AFFILIATION

Toraja's indigenous belief system is polytheistic animism, called aluk, or "the way" (sometimes translated as "the law"). In the Toraja myth, the ancestors of Torajan people came down from heaven using stairs, which were then used by the Torajans as a communication medium with Puang Matua, the Creator. The cosmos, according to aluk, is divided into the upper world (heaven), the world of man (earth), and the underworld. At first, heaven and earth were married, then there was a darkness, a separation, and finally the light. Animals live in the underworld, which is represented by rectangular space enclosed by pillars, the earth is for mankind, and the heaven world is located above, covered with a saddle-shaped roof. Other Toraja gods include Pong Banggai di Rante (god of Earth), Indo' Ongon-Ongon (a goddess who can cause earthquakes), Pong Lalondong (god of death), and Indo' Belo Tumbang (goddess of medicine); there are many more.

The earthly authority, whose words and actions should be cleaved to both in life (agriculture) and death (funerals), is called to minaa (an aluk priest). Aluk is not just a belief system; it is a combination of law, religion, and habit. Aluk governs social life, agricultural practices, and ancestral rituals. The details of aluk may vary from one village to another. One common law is the requirement that death and life rituals be separated. Torajans believe that performing death rituals might ruin their corpses if combined with life rituals. The two rituals are equally important. During the time of the Dutch missionaries, Christian Torajans were prohibited from attending or performing life rituals, but were allowed to perform death rituals. Consequently, Toraja's death rituals are still practised today, while life rituals have diminished.

CULTURE

TONGKONAN

Tongkonan are the traditional Torajan ancestral houses. They stand high on wooden piles, topped with a layered split-bamboo roof shaped in a sweeping curved arc, and they are incised with red, black, and yellow detailed wood carvings on the exterior walls. The word "tongkonan" comes from the Torajan tongkon ("to sit").

Tongkonan are the center of Torajan social life. The rituals associated with the tongkonan are important expressions of Torajan spiritual life, and therefore all family members are impelled to participate, because symbolically the tongkonan represents links to their ancestors and to living and future kin. According to Torajan myth, the first tongkonan was built in heaven on four poles, with a roof made of Indian cloth. When the first Torajan ancestor descended to earth, he imitated the house and held a large ceremony.

The construction of a tongkonan is laborious work and is usually done with the help of the extended family. There are three types of tongkonan. The tongkonan layuk is the house of the highest authority, used as the "center of government". The tongkonan pekamberan belongs to the family members who have some authority in local traditions. Ordinary family members reside in the tongkonan batu. The exclusivity to the nobility of the tongkonan is diminishing as many Torajan commoners find lucrative employment in other parts of Indonesia. As they send back money to their families, they enable the construction of larger tongkonan.

WOOD CARVINGS

To express social and religious concepts, Torajans carve wood, calling it Pa'ssura (or "the writing"). Wood carvings are therefore Toraja's cultural manifestation.

Each carving receives a special name, and common motifs are animals and plants that symbolize some virtue. For example, water plants and animals, such as crabs, tadpoles and water weeds, are commonly found to symbolize fertility. In some areas noble elders claim these symbols refer to strength of noble family, but not everyone agrees. The overall meaning of groups of carved motifs on houses remains debated and tourism has further complicated these debates because some feel a uniform explanation must be presented to tourists. The image to the left shows an example of Torajan wood carving, consisting of 15 square panels. The center bottom panel represents buffalo or wealth, a wish for many buffaloes for the family. The center panel represents a knot and a box, a hope that all of the family's offspring will be happy and live in harmony, like goods kept safe in a box. The top left and top right squares represent an aquatic animal, indicating the need for fast and hard work, just like moving on the surface of water. It also represents the need for a certain skill to produce good results.

Regularity and order are common features in Toraja wood carving (see table below), as well as abstracts and geometrical designs. Nature is frequently used as the basis of Toraja's ornaments, because nature is full of abstractions and geometries with regularities and ordering. Toraja's ornaments have been studied in ethnomathematics to reveal their mathematical structure, but Torajans base this art only on approximations. To create an ornament, bamboo sticks are used as a geometrical tool.

FUNERAL RITES

In Toraja society, the funeral ritual is the most elaborate and expensive event. The richer and more powerful the individual, the more expensive is the funeral. In the aluk religion, only nobles have the right to have an extensive death feast. The death feast of a nobleman is usually attended by thousands and lasts for several days. A ceremonial site, called rante, is usually prepared in a large, grassy field where shelters for audiences, rice barns, and other ceremonial funeral structures are specially made by the deceased family. Flute music, funeral chants, songs and poems, and crying and wailing are traditional Toraja expressions of grief with the exceptions of funerals for young children, and poor, low-status adults.

The ceremony is often held weeks, months, or years after the death so that the deceased's family can raise the significant funds needed to cover funeral expenses. Torajans traditionally believe that death is not a sudden, abrupt event, but a gradual process toward Puya (the land of souls, or afterlife). During the waiting period, the body of the deceased is wrapped in several layers of cloth and kept under the tongkonan. The soul of the deceased is thought to linger around the village until the funeral ceremony is completed, after which it begins its journey to Puya.

Another component of the ritual is the slaughter of water buffalo. The more powerful the person who died, the more buffalo are slaughtered at the death feast. Buffalo carcasses, including their heads, are usually lined up on a field waiting for their owner, who is in the "sleeping stage". Torajans believe that the deceased will need the buffalo to make the journey and that they will be quicker to arrive at Puya if they have many buffalo. Slaughtering tens of water buffalo and hundreds of pigs using a machete is the climax of the elaborate death feast, with dancing and music and young boys who catch spurting blood in long bamboo tubes. Some of the slaughtered animals are given by guests as "gifts", which are carefully noted because they will be considered debts of the deceased's family. However, a cockfight, known as bulangan londong, is an integral part of the ceremony. As with the sacrifice of the buffalo and the pigs, the cockfight is considered sacred because it involves the spilling of blood on the earth. In particular, the tradition requires the sacrifice of at least three chickens. However, it is common for at least 25 pairs of chickens to be set against each other in the context of the ceremony.

There are three methods of burial: the coffin may be laid in a cave or in a carved stone grave, or hung on a cliff. It contains any possessions that the deceased will need in the afterlife. The wealthy are often buried in a stone grave carved out of a rocky cliff. The grave is usually expensive and takes a few months to complete. In some areas, a stone cave may be found that is large enough to accommodate a whole family. A wood-carved effigy, called Tau tau, is usually placed in the cave looking out over the land. The coffin of a baby or child may be hung from ropes on a cliff face or from a tree. This hanging grave usually lasts for years, until the ropes rot and the coffin falls to the ground.

In the ritual called Ma'Nene, that takes place each year in August, the bodies of the deceased are exhumed to be washed, groomed and dressed in new clothes. The mummies are then walked around the village.

DANCE AND MUSIC

Torajans perform dances on several occasions, most often during their elaborate funeral ceremonies. They dance to express their grief, and to honour and even cheer the deceased person because he is going to have a long journey in the afterlife. First, a group of men form a circle and sing a monotonous chant throughout the night to honour the deceased (a ritual called Ma'badong). This is considered by many Torajans to be the most important component of the funeral ceremony. On the second funeral day, the Ma'randing warrior dance is performed to praise the courage of the deceased during life. Several men perform the dance with a sword, a large shield made from buffalo skin, a helmet with a buffalo horn, and other ornamentation. The Ma'randing dance precedes a procession in which the deceased is carried from a rice barn to the rante, the site of the funeral ceremony. During the funeral, elder women perform the Ma'katia dance while singing a poetic song and wearing a long feathered costume. The Ma'akatia dance is performed to remind the audience of the generosity and loyalty of the deceased person. After the bloody ceremony of buffalo and pig slaughter, a group of boys and girls clap their hands while performing a cheerful dance called Ma'dondan.

As in other agricultural societies, Torajans dance and sing during harvest time. The Ma'bugi dance celebrates the thanksgiving event, and the Ma'gandangi dance is performed while Torajans are pounding rice. There are several war dances, such as the Manimbong dance performed by men, followed by the Ma'dandan dance performed by women. The aluk religion governs when and how Torajans dance. A dance called Ma'bua can be performed only once every 12 years. Ma'bua is a major Toraja ceremony in which priests wear a buffalo head and dance around a sacred tree.

A traditional musical instrument of the Toraja is a bamboo flute called a Pa'suling (suling is an Indonesian word for flute). This six-holed flute (not unique to the Toraja) is played at many dances, such as the thanksgiving dance Ma'bondensan, where the flute accompanies a group of shirtless, dancing men with long fingernails. The Toraja have indigenous musical instruments, such as the Pa'pelle (made from palm leaves) and the Pa'karombi (the Torajan version of a jaw harp). The Pa'pelle is played during harvest time and at house inauguration ceremonies.

LANGUAGE

The ethnic Toraja language is dominant in Tana Toraja with the main language as the Sa'dan Toraja. Although the national Indonesian language is the official language and is spoken in the community, all elementary schools in Tana Toraja teach Toraja language.Language varieties of Toraja, including Kalumpang, Mamasa, Tae' , Talondo' , Toala' , and Toraja-Sa'dan, belong to the Malayo-Polynesian language from the Austronesian family. At the outset, the isolated geographical nature of Tana Toraja formed many dialects between the Toraja languages themselves. After the formal administration of Tana Toraja, some Toraja dialects have been influenced by other languages through the transmigration program, introduced since the colonialism period, and it has been a major factor in the linguistic variety of Toraja languages. A prominent attribute of Toraja language is the notion of grief. The importance of death ceremony in Toraja culture has characterized their languages to express intricate degrees of grief and mourning. The Toraja language contains many terms referring to sadness, longing, depression, and mental pain. Giving a clear expression of the psychological and physical effect of loss is a catharsis and sometimes lessens the pain of grief itself.

ECONOMY

Prior to Suharto's "New Order" administration, the Torajan economy was based on agriculture, with cultivated wet rice in terraced fields on mountain slopes, and supplemental cassava and maize crops. Much time and energy were devoted to raising water buffalo, pigs, and chickens, primarily for ceremonial sacrifices and consumption. Coffee was the first significant cash crop produced in Toraja, and was introduced in the mid 19th century, changing the local economy towards commodity production for external markets and gaining an excellent reputation for quality in the international market .

With the commencement of the New Order in 1965, Indonesia's economy developed and opened to foreign investment. In Toraja, a coffee plantation and factory was established by Key Coffee of Japan, and Torajan coffee regained a reputation for quality within the growing international specialty coffee sector Multinational oil and mining companies opened new operations in Indonesia during the 1970s and 1980s. Torajans, particularly younger ones, relocated to work for the foreign companies - to Kalimantan for timber and oil, to Papua for mining, to the cities of Sulawesi and Java, and many went to Malaysia. The out-migration of Torajans was steady until 1985. and has continued since, with remittances sent back by emigre Torajans performing an important role within the contemporary economy.

Tourism commenced in Toraja in the 1970s, and accelerated in the 1980s and 1990s. Between 1984 and 1997, a significant number of Torajans obtained their incomes from tourism, working in and owning hotels, as tour guides, drivers, or selling souvenirs. With the rise of political and economic instability in Indonesia in the late 1990s - including religious conflicts elsewhere on Sulawesi - tourism in Tana Toraja has declined dramatically. Toraja continues to be a well known origin for Indonesian coffee, grown by both smallholders and plantation estates, although migration, remittances and off-farm income is considered far more important to most households, even those in rural areas.

TOURISM AND CULTURAL CHANGE

Before the 1970s, Toraja was almost unknown to Western tourism. In 1971, about 50 Europeans visited Tana Toraja. In 1972, at least 400 visitors attended the funeral ritual of Puang of Sangalla, the highest-ranking nobleman in Tana Toraja and the so-called "last pure-blooded Toraja noble." The event was documented by National Geographic and broadcast in several European countries. In 1976, about 12,000 tourists visited the regency and in 1981, Torajan sculpture was exhibited in major North American museums. "The land of the heavenly kings of Tana Toraja", as written in the exhibition brochure, embraced the outside world.

In 1984, the Indonesian Ministry of Tourism declared Tana Toraja Regency the prima donna of South Sulawesi. Tana Toraja was heralded as "the second stop after Bali". Tourism was increasing dramatically: by 1985, a total number of 150,000 foreigners had visited the Regency (in addition to 80,000 domestic tourists), and the annual number of foreign visitors was recorded at 40,000 in 1989. Souvenir stands appeared in Rantepao, the cultural center of Toraja, roads were sealed at the most-visited tourist sites, new hotels and tourist-oriented restaurants were opened, and an airstrip was opened in the Regency in 1981.

Tourism developers have marketed Tana Toraja as an exotic adventure - an area rich in culture and off the beaten track. Western tourists expected to see stone-age villages and pagan funerals. Toraja is for tourists who have gone as far as Bali and are willing to see more of the wild, "untouched" islands. However, they were more likely to see a Torajan wearing a hat and denim, living in a Christian society. Tourists felt that the tongkonan and other Torajan rituals had been preconceived to make profits, and complained that the destination was too commercialized. This has resulted in several clashes between Torajans and tourism developers, whom Torajans see as outsiders.

A clash between local Torajan leaders and the South Sulawesi provincial government (as a tourist developer) broke out in 1985. The government designated 18 Toraja villages and burial sites as traditional tourist attractions. Consequently, zoning restrictions were applied to these areas, such that Torajans themselves were barred from changing their tongkonans and burial sites. The plan was opposed by some Torajan leaders, as they felt that their rituals and traditions were being determined by outsiders. As a result, in 1987, the Torajan village of Kété Kesú and several other designated tourist attractions closed their doors to tourists. This closure lasted only a few days, as the villagers found it too difficult to survive without the income from selling souvenirs.

Tourism has also transformed Toraja society. Originally, there was a ritual which allowed commoners to marry nobles (puang) and thereby gain nobility for their children. However, the image of Torajan society created for the tourists, often by "lower-ranking" guides, has eroded its traditional strict hierarchy. High status is not as esteemed in Tana Toraja as it once was. Many low-ranking men can declare themselves and their children nobles by gaining enough wealth through work outside the region and then marrying a noble woman.

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People responsible for protecting children from across the UK attended a national child sexual exploitation conference last Thursday (21 May) in Manchester.

Hosted by Project Phoenix – Greater Manchester’s multi-agency response to tackling child sexual exploitation, the event showcased the work being done across the region to protect children from abuse.

Greater Manchester Police and Crime Commissioner Tony Lloyd, Director of Salford City Council and Lead Officer for Project Phoenix Jim Taylor, and Greater Manchester Police Chief Constable Sir Peter Fahy all spoke at the event.

Sir Peter Fahy said: “There is still much to do but agencies now work much closer together. There are no easy answers when the nature of an abusive relationship means the victim continues to put themselves at risk. Parents need help in understanding how victims are groomed on the internet and we need to do more so that teachers and peers can recognise the signs of inappropriate and risky relationships.”

Tony Lloyd said: “Project Phoenix stands as an exemplar of partnership working and what can be achieved when partner agencies truly pull together with a single goal in mind. This event is a chance for us to showcase the work being done across the region and teach others what we’ve learnt in our combined efforts to prevent abuse, encourage victims to come forward, and bring offenders to justice.

“But, while we should be proud of our successes so far, we are still on a long journey with much yet to do. I urge everyone – members of the public as well as statutory agencies – to continue prioritising this issue, to continue doing all we can to fight this terrible scourge on our society, and to support those victims that have been through so much.”

Jim Taylor said: “The Project Phoenix CSE Conference provides an invaluable opportunity to share best practice and strengthen our multi-agency response to safeguarding young people. We feel it will be a hugely beneficial day for police officers and those working within the public and third sector with a responsibility for tackling CSE.”

Following the speakers, a selection of practical workshops gave delegates the chance to talk with experts from across Project Phoenix about the work they have done to safeguard children and young people in Greater Manchester.

Project Phoenix is a multi-agency response to CSE across the whole of Greater Manchester. The project brings together police, local authorities, NHS and third sector organisations, using their collective expertise to safeguard vulnerable young people at risk of exploitation and target those who would try to exploit them.

Please visit www.itsnotokay.co.uk for information for children, young people, parents, carers and professionals on how to spot the signs of child sex exploitation and what to do about it.

To find out more about Greater Manchester Police please visit our website.

www.gmp.police.uk

You should call 101, the national non-emergency number, to report crime and other concerns that do not require an emergency response.

Always call 999 in an emergency, such as when a crime is in progress, violence is being used or threatened or where there is danger to life.

You can also call anonymously with information about crime to Crimestoppers on 0800 555 111.

Crimestoppers is an independent charity who will not want your name, just your information. Your call will not be traced or recorded and you do not have to go to court or give a statement.