View allAll Photos Tagged Exploits
Exploitant : SAVAC
Réseau : Transilien SNCF
Ligne : Navette Transilien L
Lieu : Gaudines (Saint-Germain-en-Laye, F-78)
Lien TC Infos : tc-infos.fr/vehicule/58885
Les Rois de L'Exploit / Heft-Reihe
> Le Sorcier du foot / Le Match de l'adieu
art: Barrie Mitchell
Mon Journal / Frankreich 1980
ex libris MTP
Copyright : PS
Tourrettes-sur-Loup clusters tightly along the cliff edge of the Loup gorge, directly responding to its groundform. Marvellous. The theatrical shape results from its exploitation of the sinuous and sheer cliff above the river.
Inwardly this village wraps in a horseshoe layout around a largish central square, Place de la Liberation. Four-storey stone housing edges this rectangular space set out originally by the Romans as their forum.
Tourrettes vaunts three dominant towers, popularly the source of it name. The castle-chateau, on Place Maximum Escalier, gives the silhouette highpoint. Remains of the walls of a 13thC donjon still show in its courtyard, but today the restored chateau serves as the Town Hall. A tumble of housing surrounds it, presenting many 16thC to 18thC architectural elements.
Enlarge
Click the diagonal arrows upper-right; then press F11 Fullscreen.
Tourettes historic:
www.tourrettessurloup.com/tourrettes/decouverte/patrimoin...
My Tourettes-sur-Loup on flickr:
www.flickr.com/search/?w=8257393@N05&q=Tourettes&...
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Pour assurer les dispositions de la convention du 15 janvier 1881 qui a créée la ligne d'Australie et qui prévoie un départ de Marseille toutes les 4 semaines avec des paquebots assurant une traversée avec une vitesse de 15 nœuds aux essais et une vitesse d'exploitation de 13 nœuds, la Compagnie des Services Contractuels des Messageries Maritimes fera construire 7 paquebots aux chantiers navals de La Ciotat entre 1881 et 1884.
Les coques auront les mêmes dimensions que celle du SAGHALIEN construit en 1880 sur les plans de Vésigné pour la ligne de Chine. Par contre la machine aura une puissance de 500 cv de plus. Ces paquebots seront gréés en 3 mâts barque, puis par la suite transformés en 3 mâts goélette en perdant leurs vergues et leurs guis avant la 1ère guerre mondiale de 1914 à laquelle seul le SALAZIE ne participera pas car perdu par échouage à Madagascar en 1912.
SALAZIE sera lancé le 8 avril 1883 sous le contrôle de l'ingénieur Risbec. Il porte le nom d'une région de l'île de La Réunion
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Caractéristiques :
Paquebot poste à hélice avec 2 cheminées. Avant droit et long gaillard, roof arrière entre les 2èmes et 3èmes mâts. Gréé en 3 mâts barque à l'origine.
Longueur : 130,75 mHT – 126,15 mPP
Largeur : 12,6 m
Jauge brute : 4256 tjb
Port en lourd : 2450 tonnes
Déplacement : 6900 tonnes avec 6.75 m de TE
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Propulsion et installations :
Une machine compound à 3 cylindres HPØ 1,10m - MP Ø 1.53m- HP Ø 1.53m - Course 1.10m
8 chaudières cylindriques à 6 kg/cm²
Chauffe au charbon
Puissance : 3400 CV
Vitesse : 15,6 nœuds aux essais.
1 hélice
2 cheminées
1885/1886 – Installation d'un salon de musique
1886/1887 – Installation à La Ciotat d'un éclairage électrique par lampes à incandescences
1895 Modification de la propulsion. Machine à triple expansion
Puissance portée à 4000 cv
Vitesse passant à 16 nœuds aux essais
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Personnel :
État-major : 11 officiers
Équipage : 185 Maitres, matelots et ADSG
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Passagers
90 en premières classes
44 en secondes classes
75 en troisièmes classes
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LIGNES :
1883 le 23 novembre Premier départ de Marseille pour l'Extrême-Orient, il inaugure la nouvelle ligne Suez – Mahé des Seychelles – La Réunion – Maurice – Australie – Nouvelle Calédonie. Il effectuera un second voyage sur la même ligne.
1983 le 27 septembre première traversée de nuit du canal de Suez avec un projecteur
1882-1890, assure la ligne Marseille-Nouméa par la Réunion et Sydney.
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Événements remarquables :
1886, il gagne de vitesse le HOHENSTAUFEN de la Norddeutscher Lloyd entre Adélaïde et Melbourne.
1889 (d'aucuns donnent la date de 1888) Il gagne de vitesse le VALETTA de la P&O entre Suez et Aden.
1891, il passe sur la ligne de Chine et subit des transformations (reçoit une machine à triple expansion, plus puissante).
1896 le 3 mai, s'échoue pendant 24 heures devant Djibouti.
1904 Il assure après cette date les lignes d’Égypte, d'Extrême Orient ou de Madagascar, selon les besoins.
1912 le 23 novembre: Il quitte Diégo-Suarez pour Tamatave. A 100 milles au sud il est pris dans un cyclone exceptionnel. Après 24h de lutte il se retrouve désemparé par des amarres balayées du pont et qui vont se prendre dans l'hélice. Dans la soirée du 24 novembre, il finit par s'échouer sur l'ilot de ''Nosy Akoumby'' au nord de ''Vohémar'' (Madagascar). Les passagers doivent camper pendant 3 jours sur l'îlot avant d'être rapatriés par l'EUGENE GROSOS de la Compagnie Havraise Péninsulaire. L'épave est irrécupérable et sera vendue sur place.
NB: Sur le site de Monsieur Philippe Ramona '' www.messageries-maritimes.org/salazie.htm'' Vous pouvez lire ''un voyage de Colombo à Nagasaki à bord du SALAZIE en 1901'', et ''un voyage de Marseille à Shangai à bord du SALAZIE en 1902''
Animals have the right to not be treated as property. Go Vegan!
From Animal Rights and Domesticated Nonhumans by Gary L Francione
(www.abolitionistapproach.com/animal-rights-and-domesticat...):
"One aspect of my theory of animal rights, as articulated in Introduction to Animal Rights: Your Child or the Dog? and other places, that troubles some animal advocates, is that if we accept the rights position, we ought not to bring any more domesticated nonhumans into existence. I apply this not only to animals we use for food, experiments, clothing, etc., but also to our nonhuman companions.
I can certainly understand that if you embrace the welfarist approach, which says that the use of nonhumans is morally acceptable as long as you treat them “humanely” and which sees the goal as better regulating animal use, you would reject my view. But if you, as I, see the primary problem of animal exploitation to be our use of nonhumans irrespective of whether we are “humane,” and regard the goal as the abolition of animal exploitation, then it is not clear to me why this position would cause you any difficulty.
The logic is simple. We treat animals as our property, as resources that we can use for our purposes. We bring billions of them into existence for the sole purpose of using and killing them. We have bred these animals to be dependent on us for their survival.
The central position of my rights theory is that we have no justification for treating animals as our property just as we had no justification for treating other humans as slaves. We have abolished human chattel slavery in most parts of the world; similarly, we should abolish animal slavery.
But what does that mean in the context of nonhumans? Should we “liberate” animals and let them wander freely in the streets? No, of course not. That would be as irresponsible as allowing small children to wander around. We should certainly care for those nonhumans whom we have already brought into existence but we should stop causing any more to come into existence. We have no justification for using nonhumans—however “humanely” we treat them.
There are two objections that I have heard in connection with this view.
First, there is the concern that we will lose “diversity” if we no longer have these domesticated nonhumans.
Even if continued domestication were necessary for biological diversity, that would not mean that it would be morally acceptable. We do not, however, have to address that issue. There is nothing “natural” about domesticated animals. They are creatures that we have created through selective breeding and confinement. To the extent that they have undomesticated relatives living in nature, we should certainly seek to protect those nonhumans first and foremost for their own sake and secondarily for the purposes of biological diversity. But our protection of presently existing domesticated nonhumans is not necessary for any sort of biological diversity.
Second, and more often, animal advocates express a difficulty with my view about domestication because they point to the fact that many of us live with nonhumans and treat them as members of our families. This arrangement, they argue, must certainly be morally acceptable.
As far as companion animals are concerned, some of us treat them as family members and some of us do not. But however we treat our dogs, cats, etc., they are property as far as the law is concerned. If you regard your dog as a member of your family and treat her well, the law will protect your decision just as the law will protect your decision to change the oil in your car every 1000 miles—the dog and the car are your property and if you wish to accord a higher value to your property, the law will protect your decision. But if you wish to accord your property a lower value and, for instance, have a guard dog who you keep chained in your yard and to whom you provide minimal food, water, and shelter—and no companionship or affection—the law will protect that decision as well.
The reality is that in the United States, most dogs and cats do not end up dying of old age in loving homes. Most have homes for a relatively short period of time before they are transferred to another owner, taken to a shelter, dumped, or taken to a veterinarian to be killed.
It does not matter whether we characterize an owner as a “guardian,” as some advocates urge. Such a characterization is meaningless. Those of us who live with companion animals are owners as far as the law is concerned and we have the legal right to treat our animals as we see fit with few limitations. Anticruelty laws do not even apply to the vast majority of instances in which humans inflict cruel treatment on nonhumans.
But, these advocates respond, we could, at least in theory, have a different and morally acceptable relationship with nonhumans. What if we abolished the property status of animals and required that we treat dogs and cats similar to the way we treat human children? What if humans who lived with dogs could no longer treat them instrumentally (e.g., as guard dogs, “show” dogs or cats, etc.) but had to treat them as family members? What if humans could not kill nonhuman companions except in instances in which at least some of us regard it as acceptable to allow assisted suicide in the human context (e.g., when the human is incurably ill and in great pain, etc.). Would it be acceptable to continue to breed nonhumans to be our companions then?
The answer is no.
Putting aside that the development of general standards of what would constitute treating nonhumans as “family members,” and the resolution of all the related issues, would be impossible as a practical matter, this position neglects to recognize that domestication itself raises serious moral issues irrespective of how the nonhumans involved are treated.
Domestic animals are dependent on us for when and whether they eat, whether they have water, where and when they relieve themselves, when they sleep, whether they get any exercise, etc. Unlike human children, who, except in unusual cases, will become independent and functioning members of human society, domestic animals are neither part of the nonhuman world nor fully part of our world. They remain forever in a netherworld of vulnerability, dependent on us for everything that is of relevance to them. We have bred them to be compliant and servile, or to have characteristics that are actually harmful to them but are pleasing to us. We may make them happy in one sense, but the relationship can never be “natural” or “normal.” They do not belong stuck in our world irrespective of how well we treat them.
This is more or less true of all domesticated nonhumans. They are perpetually dependent on us. We control their lives forever. They truly are “animal slaves.” We may be benevolent “masters,” but we really aren’t anything more than that. And that cannot be right.
My partner and I live with five rescued dogs. All five would be dead if we did not adopt them. We love them very much and try very hard to provide them the best of care and treatment. (And before anyone asks, all seven of us are vegans!) You would probably not find two people on the planet who enjoy living with dogs more than we do.
But if there were two dogs left in the universe and it were up to us as to whether they were allowed to breed so that we could continue to live with dogs, and even if we could guarantee that all dogs would have homes as loving as the one that we provide, we would not hesitate for a second to bring the whole institution of “pet” ownership to an end. We regard the dogs who live with us as refugees of sorts, and although we enjoy caring for them, it is clear that humans have no business continuing to bring these creatures into a world in which they simply do not fit.
There are some advocates who think that “animal rights” means that nonhumans have some sort of right to reproduce, so that it is wrong to sterilize nonhumans. If that view is correct, then we would be morally committed to allowing all domesticated species to continue to reproduce indefinitely. We cannot limit this “right of reproduction” to dogs and cats alone. Moreover, it makes no sense to say that we have acted immorally in domesticating nonhuman animals but we are now committed to allowing them to continue to breed. We made a moral mistake by domesticating nonhumans in the first place; what sense does it make to perpetuate it?
In sum, I can understand that welfarists, for whom treatment and not use is the primary moral issue, think that domestication and continued animal use is acceptable as long as we treat animals “humanely.” But I cannot understand why anyone who regards herself as an abolitionist thinks that the continued domestication of any nonhumans could be justified provided that we treat those animals well—any more than I can understand how anyone who regards herself as an abolitionist can be anything other than a vegan.
The subtitle of my book—Your Child or the Dog?—the notion of the child and the dog in the burning house (or on the lifeboat, or wherever) is meant to focus our attention on the fact that we seek to resolve moral conflicts between humans and animals. But we create those conflicts by, as it were, dragging the animal into the burning house by bringing her into existence as a resource for our use. We then wonder about how to resolve the conflict that we have created! That makes no sense.
If we took animals seriously, we would stop treating them as our resources, as our property. But that would mean an end to bringing nonhumans into existence so that we can use them for food, clothing, vivisection, or any other purpose, including for companionship.
Gary L. Francione"
Le Château de Josselin est situé à Josselin, commune française du département du Morbihan en Bretagne.
Guéthénoc, vicomte de Porhoët, de Rohan et de Guéméné, membre de la famille des comtes de Rennes, aurait construit un premier château vers l'an 1008. Il exploitait un site de haute valeur militaire et commerciale comprenant un surplomb rocheux dominant en à-pic la rivière Oust. L'existence depuis le IXe siècle d'un pèlerinage à la Basilique Notre-Dame du Roncier (tous les huit septembre) ajoute beaucoup à la richesse des habitants et de leurs seigneurs. Ce pélerinage est d'ailleurs le plus important du Morbihan, après celui de Sainte-Anne-d'Auray.
En 1154, Eudon de Porhoët, beau-père, régent et tuteur du jeune duc de Bretagne, Conan IV, rassemble des seigneurs bretons pour priver son beau-fils de ses droits. Il sera défait par Henri II Plantagenêt, roi d'Angleterre et nouveau duc d'Anjou, auprès duquel s'était réfugié Conan IV. Henri II viendra en personne diriger la démolition du château et faire semer du sel dans les ruines.
Détail de la statue équestre d'Olivier de Clisson
Olivier V de Clisson, qui acquiert la seigneurie en 1370, reconstruit une imposante citadelle munie de huit tours et d'un donjon de 90 mètres. Il marie sa fille, Béatrix, à Alain VIII de Rohan, héritier des vicomtes de Rohan, dont le château était à une vingtaine de kilomètres.
En 1488, le duc de Bretagne François II prend le château et le démolit partiellement. Sa fille, Anne de Bretagne, le restitue à Jean II de Rohan, arrière-petit-fils d'Olivier de Clisson.
Celui-ci le transforme et construit dans l'enceinte un logis de plaisance avec une très belle façade de granit sculpté qui est un des premiers exemples de la Renaissance en France, car il avait fait venir des artistes et ouvriers italiens. Par reconnaissance, il fait sculpter de nombreux A surmontés d'une cordelière, emblème de la Duchesse-Reine.
Bannis de Josselin du fait de leur adhésion au protestantisme, les Rohan doivent laisser le gouverneur de Bretagne, le duc de Mercœur, faire de leur château une base pour la Ligue opposée au nouveau roi Henri IV.
En 1603, lors de l'érection de la vicomté de Rohan en duché-pairie par le roi Henri IV, Henri II de Rohan transfère le siège de son pouvoir au château de Pontivy. Le cardinal de Richelieu fait démanteler en 1629 le donjon et quatre et tours et annonce au duc Henri II, chef des insurgés protestants: « Monseigneur, je viens de jeter une bonne boule dans votre jeu de quilles ! »
Au XVIIIe siècle, le château n'est plus occupé et il devient prison et entrepôt pendant la Révolution et l'Empire. En 1822, la duchesse de Berry, lors de sa tournée aventureuse, convainc le duc de Rohan de le restaurer.
Il est actuellement toujours habité par le quatorzième duc de Rohan, Josselin de Rohan, sénateur, ancien président de la région Bretagne de 1992 à 2004, membre de l'UMP et fidèle de Jacques Chirac .
On peut visiter la cour et quelques pièces du rez-de-chaussée où sont exposés des meubles anciens (dont la table ayant servi à la signature de l'édit de Nantes), des portraits familiaux, des cadeaux royaux et une statue équestre d'Olivier V de Clisson par Emmanuel Frémiet. Dans les anciennes écuries a été installé le Musée de poupées.
L'imposante citadelle munie de huit tours et d'un donjon de 90 mètres date du XVe siècle a été partiellement détruite et un logis de plaisance avec une très belle façade de granit sculpté, un des premiers exemples de la Renaissance en France le remplace et a été restauré au XIXe siècle.
Le jardin à la française créé au début du XXe siècle par le paysagiste Achille Duchêne s’étend devant la façade Renaissance du château. Les buis et des ifs taillés encadrent les pelouses.
Une roseraie a été aménagée en 2001 sous le direction du paysagiste Louis Benech. Elle comporte 160 rosiers appartenant à 40 variétés différentes
Un parc à l'anglaise lui aussi créé par le paysagiste Achille Duchêne et revu par Louis Benech s'étend au pied des remparts, le long d’un cours d’eau. Ce parc présente des espèces rares d’azalées, de camélias et de nombreux rhododendrons et des arbres centenaires. Il est ouvert au public pour les Journées du Patrimoine et Rendez-vous au jardin .
le chateau de Josselin est très lié à l'alchimie notamment ses cheminées et sa cour extérieure sur le parc.Il s'inscrit dans le patrimoine de Brocéliande qui n'appartient pas qu'aux druides .En effet , il est tout à fait possible de lire de maniere alchimique la vita merlini de G. de Monmouth ainsi que le mythe de Brocéliande lui même.. et si on suit le parcours des salles du chateau on s'aperçoit que ce dernier met en évidence une progression alchimique qui peut se retrouver dans la chevalerie et dans les degrés d'élévation maçonnique , car le corrélat est précisément dans ce savoir acquis par le premier des Josselin .
Source wikipedia
It would seem that, even after their deaths, these poor people are still being exploited by others who find themselves in a more privileged position than them, only this time it's the entertainment industry.
I'm all for people stopping piracy, but this really is a low level to stoop to, on a par with the Daily Mail, and I find it utterly repulsive.
Rowan had a sweet interaction with a cute conure at a "pet" store. I'm ethically opposed to the sale of animals by the "pet" industry, but I do hope that whatever home this little sweetie ends up in, it's a good one where they are treated with love and proper care.
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Why veganism:
Children across Greater Manchester have watched a compelling play warning them about criminal exploitation from county lines organised crime groups.
Greater Manchester’s Programme Challenger – a joint partnership to tackle serious and organised crime together – funded Rochdale-based theatre company Breaking Barriers to deliver the series ‘Crossing the Line’ to children in year six at 50 primary schools.
Over a month the play was rolled out to schools in Bury, Salford, Stockport, Tameside and Trafford for children to learn how to spot the signs of exploitation to prevent and protect them from criminal gangs seeking to recruit them as drug mules.
The production explores grooming through a monologue from an 18-year-old man and his younger brother aged 15. He talks about the criminal gang members trying to give him gifts in return for running their drug errands.
‘Crossing the Line’ also incorporated discussions with the children to teach them about healthy choices and relationships, learning to say no, how to handle pressure from older people as well as educate children on where to go for help and advice if they have concerns.
One of the pupils who watched the play said: “The play has helped me see how criminal gangs can manipulate you by trying to make you feel special and part of their family, then force you to do things for them.
“It has taught me to never join a gang as it could harm your future and instead to stay in school, get a good education and job.
“If someone finds themselves in this situation, they should speak to anyone they can trust, such as their mum or dad, a teacher, the police or even Childline.”
A county line is the advertisement of class A drugs via a mobile phone, known as a ‘graft line’, the drugs are then moved by dealers from one area to another as well as to other places across the country.
The organised crime groups will often exploit children to transport the drugs and money profited from its supply.
Detective Chief Inspector Claire McGuire, from Programme Challenger’s Organised Crime Coordination Unit, said: “Young and vulnerable children are sadly targeted and groomed by county lines criminal networks to be recruited to travel across the country to deliver drugs and money.
“They can find themselves in situations that often seem impossible to get out of which can have a detrimental impact on their life and their future.
It’s therefore imperative we intervene as soon as possible, inform children early on to prevent this from happening and protect them from the harm caused by organised criminality.
“Breaking Barriers work is a creative way to grab a child’s attention, it educates and engages with them on the signs to look out for and where to turn to for help and advice. The feedback we have had from them, and the teachers has been brilliant.”
Deputy Mayor for Policing, Crime, Criminal Justice and Fire, Bev Hughes, said: “We must educate children early on the signs of criminal exploitation and this work is vital in doing that.
It’s great to see such a creative play being used to deliver an important message and schools have been a wonderful support with this.
Lots of young people across Greater Manchester are now more aware of the signs of criminal exploitation and know help and support is available to them.”
Parvez Qadir, Director of Breaking Barriers, said: “Crossing the Line tackles difficult themes around grooming and exploitation used by criminal gangs to control young people to travel their drugs for them. Using the power of creativity,
I wrote the piece to tour in schools to educate, inform and offer safe pathways for young people out of child criminal exploitation.
“The facilitated workshop is a safe place for difficult questions for young people, teachers and parents to discuss those
themes.
I hope “Crossing the Line” can educate young people to make safe and healthier choices.”
The Toraja are an ethnic group indigenous to a mountainous region of South Sulawesi, Indonesia. Their population is approximately 1,100,000, of whom 450,000 live in the regency of Tana Toraja ("Land of Toraja"). Most of the population is Christian, and others are Muslim or have local animist beliefs known as aluk ("the way"). The Indonesian government has recognized this animist belief as Aluk To Dolo ("Way of the Ancestors").
The word toraja comes from the Bugis Buginese language term to riaja, meaning "people of the uplands". The Dutch colonial government named the people Toraja in 1909. Torajans are renowned for their elaborate funeral rites, burial sites carved into rocky cliffs, massive peaked-roof traditional houses known as tongkonan, and colorful wood carvings. Toraja funeral rites are important social events, usually attended by hundreds of people and lasting for several days.
Before the 20th century, Torajans lived in autonomous villages, where they practised animism and were relatively untouched by the outside world. In the early 1900s, Dutch missionaries first worked to convert Torajan highlanders to Christianity. When the Tana Toraja regency was further opened to the outside world in the 1970s, it became an icon of tourism in Indonesia: it was exploited by tourism developers and studied by anthropologists. By the 1990s, when tourism peaked, Toraja society had changed significantly, from an agrarian model - in which social life and customs were outgrowths of the Aluk To Dolo - to a largely Christian society. Today, tourism and remittances from migrant Torajans have made for major changes in the Toraja highland, giving the Toraja a celebrity status within Indonesia and enhancing Toraja ethnic group pride.
ETHNIC IDENTITY
The Torajan people had little notion of themselves as a distinct ethnic group before the 20th century. Before Dutch colonization and Christianization, Torajans, who lived in highland areas, identified with their villages and did not share a broad sense of identity. Although complexes of rituals created linkages between highland villages, there were variations in dialects, differences in social hierarchies, and an array of ritual practices in the Sulawesi highland region. "Toraja" (from the coastal languages' to, meaning people; and riaja, uplands) was first used as a lowlander expression for highlanders. As a result, "Toraja" initially had more currency with outsiders - such as the Bugis and Makassarese, who constitute a majority of the lowland of Sulawesi - than with insiders. The Dutch missionaries' presence in the highlands gave rise to the Toraja ethnic consciousness in the Sa'dan Toraja region, and this shared identity grew with the rise of tourism in the Tana Toraja Regency. Since then, South Sulawesi has four main ethnic groups - the Bugis (the majority, including shipbuilders and seafarers), the Makassarese (lowland traders and seafarers), the Mandarese (traders and fishermen), and the Toraja (highland rice cultivators).
HISTORY
From the 17th century, the Dutch established trade and political control on Sulawesi through the Dutch East Indies Company. Over two centuries, they ignored the mountainous area in the central Sulawesi, where Torajans lived, because access was difficult and it had little productive agricultural land. In the late 19th century, the Dutch became increasingly concerned about the spread of Islam in the south of Sulawesi, especially among the Makassarese and Bugis peoples. The Dutch saw the animist highlanders as potential Christians. In the 1920s, the Reformed Missionary Alliance of the Dutch Reformed Church began missionary work aided by the Dutch colonial government. In addition to introducing Christianity, the Dutch abolished slavery and imposed local taxes. A line was drawn around the Sa'dan area and called Tana Toraja ("the land of Toraja"). Tana Toraja was first a subdivision of the Luwu kingdom that had claimed the area. In 1946, the Dutch granted Tana Toraja a regentschap, and it was recognized in 1957 as one of the regencies of Indonesia.
Early Dutch missionaries faced strong opposition among Torajans, especially among the elite, because the abolition of their profitable slave trade had angered them. Some Torajans were forcibly relocated to the lowlands by the Dutch, where they could be more easily controlled. Taxes were kept high, undermining the wealth of the elites. Ultimately, the Dutch influence did not subdue Torajan culture, and only a few Torajans were converted. In 1950, only 10% of the population had converted to Christianity.
In the 1930s, Muslim lowlanders attacked the Torajans, resulting in widespread Christian conversion among those who sought to align themselves with the Dutch for political protection and to form a movement against the Bugis and Makassarese Muslims. Between 1951 and 1965 (following Indonesian independence), southern Sulawesi faced a turbulent period as the Darul Islam separatist movement fought for an Islamic state in Sulawesi. The 15 years of guerrilla warfare led to massive conversions to
CHRISTIANITY
Alignment with the Indonesian government, however, did not guarantee safety for the Torajans. In 1965, a presidential decree required every Indonesian citizen to belong to one of five officially recognized religions: Islam, Christianity (Protestantism and Catholicism), Hinduism, or Buddhism. The Torajan religious belief (aluk) was not legally recognized, and the Torajans raised their voices against the law. To make aluk accord with the law, it had to be accepted as part of one of the official religions. In 1969, Aluk To Dolo ("the way of ancestors") was legalized as a sect of Agama Hindu Dharma, the official name of Hinduism in Indonesia.
SOCIETY
There are three main types of affiliation in Toraja society: family, class and religion.
FAMILY AFFILIATION
Family is the primary social and political grouping in Torajan society. Each village is one extended family, the seat of which is the tongkonan, a traditional Torajan house. Each tongkonan has a name, which becomes the name of the village. The familial dons maintain village unity. Marriage between distant cousins (fourth cousins and beyond) is a common practice that strengthens kinship. Toraja society prohibits marriage between close cousins (up to and including the third cousin) - except for nobles, to prevent the dispersal of property. Kinship is actively reciprocal, meaning that the extended family helps each other farm, share buffalo rituals, and pay off debts.
Each person belongs to both the mother's and the father's families, the only bilateral family line in Indonesia. Children, therefore, inherit household affiliation from both mother and father, including land and even family debts. Children's names are given on the basis of kinship, and are usually chosen after dead relatives. Names of aunts, uncles and cousins are commonly referred to in the names of mothers, fathers and siblings.
Before the start of the formal administration of Toraja villages by the Tana Toraja Regency, each Toraja village was autonomous. In a more complex situation, in which one Toraja family could not handle their problems alone, several villages formed a group; sometimes, villages would unite against other villages. Relationship between families was expressed through blood, marriage, and shared ancestral houses (tongkonan), practically signed by the exchange of water buffalo and pigs on ritual occasions. Such exchanges not only built political and cultural ties between families but defined each person's place in a social hierarchy: who poured palm wine, who wrapped a corpse and prepared offerings, where each person could or could not sit, what dishes should be used or avoided, and even what piece of meat constituted one's share.
CLASS AFFILIATION
In early Toraja society, family relationships were tied closely to social class. There were three strata: nobles, commoners, and slaves (slavery was abolished in 1909 by the Dutch East Indies government). Class was inherited through the mother. It was taboo, therefore, to marry "down" with a woman of lower class. On the other hand, marrying a woman of higher class could improve the status of the next generation. The nobility's condescending attitude toward the commoners is still maintained today for reasons of family prestige.
Nobles, who were believed to be direct descendants of the descended person from heaven, lived in tongkonans, while commoners lived in less lavish houses (bamboo shacks called banua). Slaves lived in small huts, which had to be built around their owner's tongkonan. Commoners might marry anyone, but nobles preferred to marry in-family to maintain their status. Sometimes nobles married Bugis or Makassarese nobles. Commoners and slaves were prohibited from having death feasts. Despite close kinship and status inheritance, there was some social mobility, as marriage or change in wealth could affect an individuals status. Wealth was counted by the ownership of water buffaloes.
Slaves in Toraja society were family property. Sometimes Torajans decided to become slaves when they incurred a debt, pledging to work as payment. Slaves could be taken during wars, and slave trading was common. Slaves could buy their freedom, but their children still inherited slave status. Slaves were prohibited from wearing bronze or gold, carving their houses, eating from the same dishes as their owners, or having sex with free women - a crime punishable by death.
RELIGIOUS AFFILIATION
Toraja's indigenous belief system is polytheistic animism, called aluk, or "the way" (sometimes translated as "the law"). In the Toraja myth, the ancestors of Torajan people came down from heaven using stairs, which were then used by the Torajans as a communication medium with Puang Matua, the Creator. The cosmos, according to aluk, is divided into the upper world (heaven), the world of man (earth), and the underworld. At first, heaven and earth were married, then there was a darkness, a separation, and finally the light. Animals live in the underworld, which is represented by rectangular space enclosed by pillars, the earth is for mankind, and the heaven world is located above, covered with a saddle-shaped roof. Other Toraja gods include Pong Banggai di Rante (god of Earth), Indo' Ongon-Ongon (a goddess who can cause earthquakes), Pong Lalondong (god of death), and Indo' Belo Tumbang (goddess of medicine); there are many more.
The earthly authority, whose words and actions should be cleaved to both in life (agriculture) and death (funerals), is called to minaa (an aluk priest). Aluk is not just a belief system; it is a combination of law, religion, and habit. Aluk governs social life, agricultural practices, and ancestral rituals. The details of aluk may vary from one village to another. One common law is the requirement that death and life rituals be separated. Torajans believe that performing death rituals might ruin their corpses if combined with life rituals. The two rituals are equally important. During the time of the Dutch missionaries, Christian Torajans were prohibited from attending or performing life rituals, but were allowed to perform death rituals. Consequently, Toraja's death rituals are still practised today, while life rituals have diminished.
CULTURE
TONGKONAN
Tongkonan are the traditional Torajan ancestral houses. They stand high on wooden piles, topped with a layered split-bamboo roof shaped in a sweeping curved arc, and they are incised with red, black, and yellow detailed wood carvings on the exterior walls. The word "tongkonan" comes from the Torajan tongkon ("to sit").
Tongkonan are the center of Torajan social life. The rituals associated with the tongkonan are important expressions of Torajan spiritual life, and therefore all family members are impelled to participate, because symbolically the tongkonan represents links to their ancestors and to living and future kin. According to Torajan myth, the first tongkonan was built in heaven on four poles, with a roof made of Indian cloth. When the first Torajan ancestor descended to earth, he imitated the house and held a large ceremony.
The construction of a tongkonan is laborious work and is usually done with the help of the extended family. There are three types of tongkonan. The tongkonan layuk is the house of the highest authority, used as the "center of government". The tongkonan pekamberan belongs to the family members who have some authority in local traditions. Ordinary family members reside in the tongkonan batu. The exclusivity to the nobility of the tongkonan is diminishing as many Torajan commoners find lucrative employment in other parts of Indonesia. As they send back money to their families, they enable the construction of larger tongkonan.
WOOD CARVINGS
To express social and religious concepts, Torajans carve wood, calling it Pa'ssura (or "the writing"). Wood carvings are therefore Toraja's cultural manifestation.
Each carving receives a special name, and common motifs are animals and plants that symbolize some virtue. For example, water plants and animals, such as crabs, tadpoles and water weeds, are commonly found to symbolize fertility. In some areas noble elders claim these symbols refer to strength of noble family, but not everyone agrees. The overall meaning of groups of carved motifs on houses remains debated and tourism has further complicated these debates because some feel a uniform explanation must be presented to tourists. The image to the left shows an example of Torajan wood carving, consisting of 15 square panels. The center bottom panel represents buffalo or wealth, a wish for many buffaloes for the family. The center panel represents a knot and a box, a hope that all of the family's offspring will be happy and live in harmony, like goods kept safe in a box. The top left and top right squares represent an aquatic animal, indicating the need for fast and hard work, just like moving on the surface of water. It also represents the need for a certain skill to produce good results.
Regularity and order are common features in Toraja wood carving (see table below), as well as abstracts and geometrical designs. Nature is frequently used as the basis of Toraja's ornaments, because nature is full of abstractions and geometries with regularities and ordering. Toraja's ornaments have been studied in ethnomathematics to reveal their mathematical structure, but Torajans base this art only on approximations. To create an ornament, bamboo sticks are used as a geometrical tool.
FUNERAL RITES
In Toraja society, the funeral ritual is the most elaborate and expensive event. The richer and more powerful the individual, the more expensive is the funeral. In the aluk religion, only nobles have the right to have an extensive death feast. The death feast of a nobleman is usually attended by thousands and lasts for several days. A ceremonial site, called rante, is usually prepared in a large, grassy field where shelters for audiences, rice barns, and other ceremonial funeral structures are specially made by the deceased family. Flute music, funeral chants, songs and poems, and crying and wailing are traditional Toraja expressions of grief with the exceptions of funerals for young children, and poor, low-status adults.
The ceremony is often held weeks, months, or years after the death so that the deceased's family can raise the significant funds needed to cover funeral expenses. Torajans traditionally believe that death is not a sudden, abrupt event, but a gradual process toward Puya (the land of souls, or afterlife). During the waiting period, the body of the deceased is wrapped in several layers of cloth and kept under the tongkonan. The soul of the deceased is thought to linger around the village until the funeral ceremony is completed, after which it begins its journey to Puya.
Another component of the ritual is the slaughter of water buffalo. The more powerful the person who died, the more buffalo are slaughtered at the death feast. Buffalo carcasses, including their heads, are usually lined up on a field waiting for their owner, who is in the "sleeping stage". Torajans believe that the deceased will need the buffalo to make the journey and that they will be quicker to arrive at Puya if they have many buffalo. Slaughtering tens of water buffalo and hundreds of pigs using a machete is the climax of the elaborate death feast, with dancing and music and young boys who catch spurting blood in long bamboo tubes. Some of the slaughtered animals are given by guests as "gifts", which are carefully noted because they will be considered debts of the deceased's family. However, a cockfight, known as bulangan londong, is an integral part of the ceremony. As with the sacrifice of the buffalo and the pigs, the cockfight is considered sacred because it involves the spilling of blood on the earth. In particular, the tradition requires the sacrifice of at least three chickens. However, it is common for at least 25 pairs of chickens to be set against each other in the context of the ceremony.
There are three methods of burial: the coffin may be laid in a cave or in a carved stone grave, or hung on a cliff. It contains any possessions that the deceased will need in the afterlife. The wealthy are often buried in a stone grave carved out of a rocky cliff. The grave is usually expensive and takes a few months to complete. In some areas, a stone cave may be found that is large enough to accommodate a whole family. A wood-carved effigy, called Tau tau, is usually placed in the cave looking out over the land. The coffin of a baby or child may be hung from ropes on a cliff face or from a tree. This hanging grave usually lasts for years, until the ropes rot and the coffin falls to the ground.
In the ritual called Ma'Nene, that takes place each year in August, the bodies of the deceased are exhumed to be washed, groomed and dressed in new clothes. The mummies are then walked around the village.
DANCE AND MUSIC
Torajans perform dances on several occasions, most often during their elaborate funeral ceremonies. They dance to express their grief, and to honour and even cheer the deceased person because he is going to have a long journey in the afterlife. First, a group of men form a circle and sing a monotonous chant throughout the night to honour the deceased (a ritual called Ma'badong). This is considered by many Torajans to be the most important component of the funeral ceremony. On the second funeral day, the Ma'randing warrior dance is performed to praise the courage of the deceased during life. Several men perform the dance with a sword, a large shield made from buffalo skin, a helmet with a buffalo horn, and other ornamentation. The Ma'randing dance precedes a procession in which the deceased is carried from a rice barn to the rante, the site of the funeral ceremony. During the funeral, elder women perform the Ma'katia dance while singing a poetic song and wearing a long feathered costume. The Ma'akatia dance is performed to remind the audience of the generosity and loyalty of the deceased person. After the bloody ceremony of buffalo and pig slaughter, a group of boys and girls clap their hands while performing a cheerful dance called Ma'dondan.
As in other agricultural societies, Torajans dance and sing during harvest time. The Ma'bugi dance celebrates the thanksgiving event, and the Ma'gandangi dance is performed while Torajans are pounding rice. There are several war dances, such as the Manimbong dance performed by men, followed by the Ma'dandan dance performed by women. The aluk religion governs when and how Torajans dance. A dance called Ma'bua can be performed only once every 12 years. Ma'bua is a major Toraja ceremony in which priests wear a buffalo head and dance around a sacred tree.
A traditional musical instrument of the Toraja is a bamboo flute called a Pa'suling (suling is an Indonesian word for flute). This six-holed flute (not unique to the Toraja) is played at many dances, such as the thanksgiving dance Ma'bondensan, where the flute accompanies a group of shirtless, dancing men with long fingernails. The Toraja have indigenous musical instruments, such as the Pa'pelle (made from palm leaves) and the Pa'karombi (the Torajan version of a jaw harp). The Pa'pelle is played during harvest time and at house inauguration ceremonies.
LANGUAGE
The ethnic Toraja language is dominant in Tana Toraja with the main language as the Sa'dan Toraja. Although the national Indonesian language is the official language and is spoken in the community, all elementary schools in Tana Toraja teach Toraja language.Language varieties of Toraja, including Kalumpang, Mamasa, Tae' , Talondo' , Toala' , and Toraja-Sa'dan, belong to the Malayo-Polynesian language from the Austronesian family. At the outset, the isolated geographical nature of Tana Toraja formed many dialects between the Toraja languages themselves. After the formal administration of Tana Toraja, some Toraja dialects have been influenced by other languages through the transmigration program, introduced since the colonialism period, and it has been a major factor in the linguistic variety of Toraja languages. A prominent attribute of Toraja language is the notion of grief. The importance of death ceremony in Toraja culture has characterized their languages to express intricate degrees of grief and mourning. The Toraja language contains many terms referring to sadness, longing, depression, and mental pain. Giving a clear expression of the psychological and physical effect of loss is a catharsis and sometimes lessens the pain of grief itself.
ECONOMY
Prior to Suharto's "New Order" administration, the Torajan economy was based on agriculture, with cultivated wet rice in terraced fields on mountain slopes, and supplemental cassava and maize crops. Much time and energy were devoted to raising water buffalo, pigs, and chickens, primarily for ceremonial sacrifices and consumption. Coffee was the first significant cash crop produced in Toraja, and was introduced in the mid 19th century, changing the local economy towards commodity production for external markets and gaining an excellent reputation for quality in the international market .
With the commencement of the New Order in 1965, Indonesia's economy developed and opened to foreign investment. In Toraja, a coffee plantation and factory was established by Key Coffee of Japan, and Torajan coffee regained a reputation for quality within the growing international specialty coffee sector Multinational oil and mining companies opened new operations in Indonesia during the 1970s and 1980s. Torajans, particularly younger ones, relocated to work for the foreign companies - to Kalimantan for timber and oil, to Papua for mining, to the cities of Sulawesi and Java, and many went to Malaysia. The out-migration of Torajans was steady until 1985. and has continued since, with remittances sent back by emigre Torajans performing an important role within the contemporary economy.
Tourism commenced in Toraja in the 1970s, and accelerated in the 1980s and 1990s. Between 1984 and 1997, a significant number of Torajans obtained their incomes from tourism, working in and owning hotels, as tour guides, drivers, or selling souvenirs. With the rise of political and economic instability in Indonesia in the late 1990s - including religious conflicts elsewhere on Sulawesi - tourism in Tana Toraja has declined dramatically. Toraja continues to be a well known origin for Indonesian coffee, grown by both smallholders and plantation estates, although migration, remittances and off-farm income is considered far more important to most households, even those in rural areas.
TOURISM AND CULTURAL CHANGE
Before the 1970s, Toraja was almost unknown to Western tourism. In 1971, about 50 Europeans visited Tana Toraja. In 1972, at least 400 visitors attended the funeral ritual of Puang of Sangalla, the highest-ranking nobleman in Tana Toraja and the so-called "last pure-blooded Toraja noble." The event was documented by National Geographic and broadcast in several European countries. In 1976, about 12,000 tourists visited the regency and in 1981, Torajan sculpture was exhibited in major North American museums. "The land of the heavenly kings of Tana Toraja", as written in the exhibition brochure, embraced the outside world.
In 1984, the Indonesian Ministry of Tourism declared Tana Toraja Regency the prima donna of South Sulawesi. Tana Toraja was heralded as "the second stop after Bali". Tourism was increasing dramatically: by 1985, a total number of 150,000 foreigners had visited the Regency (in addition to 80,000 domestic tourists), and the annual number of foreign visitors was recorded at 40,000 in 1989. Souvenir stands appeared in Rantepao, the cultural center of Toraja, roads were sealed at the most-visited tourist sites, new hotels and tourist-oriented restaurants were opened, and an airstrip was opened in the Regency in 1981.
Tourism developers have marketed Tana Toraja as an exotic adventure - an area rich in culture and off the beaten track. Western tourists expected to see stone-age villages and pagan funerals. Toraja is for tourists who have gone as far as Bali and are willing to see more of the wild, "untouched" islands. However, they were more likely to see a Torajan wearing a hat and denim, living in a Christian society. Tourists felt that the tongkonan and other Torajan rituals had been preconceived to make profits, and complained that the destination was too commercialized. This has resulted in several clashes between Torajans and tourism developers, whom Torajans see as outsiders.
A clash between local Torajan leaders and the South Sulawesi provincial government (as a tourist developer) broke out in 1985. The government designated 18 Toraja villages and burial sites as traditional tourist attractions. Consequently, zoning restrictions were applied to these areas, such that Torajans themselves were barred from changing their tongkonans and burial sites. The plan was opposed by some Torajan leaders, as they felt that their rituals and traditions were being determined by outsiders. As a result, in 1987, the Torajan village of Kété Kesú and several other designated tourist attractions closed their doors to tourists. This closure lasted only a few days, as the villagers found it too difficult to survive without the income from selling souvenirs.
Tourism has also transformed Toraja society. Originally, there was a ritual which allowed commoners to marry nobles (puang) and thereby gain nobility for their children. However, the image of Torajan society created for the tourists, often by "lower-ranking" guides, has eroded its traditional strict hierarchy. High status is not as esteemed in Tana Toraja as it once was. Many low-ranking men can declare themselves and their children nobles by gaining enough wealth through work outside the region and then marrying a noble woman.
WIKIPEDIA
Using pioneering new technologies in Superfoods and nutrition, CFTRI has developed amazing new products which are on show at CFTRI stall at Pragati Maidan:
· Chia and Quinoa based Chocolates and Laddoos;
· Omega-3 enriched ice-cream;
· Multigrain banana bar
· Fruit juice based carbonated drinks.
New Delhi, 24th November, 2016: CSIR-Central Food Technological Research Institute (CFTRI), the premier national institute for food technology is exhibiting a range of new agri-products now grown in India, called Superfoods that bring health and nutrition best practices to everyday eating and living to the common man. The exhibits by CFTRI at the Trade Fair at Pragati Maidan in New Delhi both impress and surprise with the range and scope of their utility and potency.
The Indian population is presently going through a nutrition transition and there is an increase in incidence of diabetes, impaired heart health and obesity while there is still rampant malnutrition in the nation.
Keeping in mind an effective solution needed to address these concerns, CSIR-CFTRI is working on bringing Superfoods to the Indian population. CFTRI works on various facets of food technology, food processing, advanced nutrition, Superfoods and allied sciences. Superfoods are foods which have superior nutrition profiles which upon regular consumption can help improve health and wellness of the consumer.
CFTRI has developed the agro-technology for growing Superfoods viz. Chia and Quinoa in Indian conditions. Chia is the richest source of omega-3 fats from a vegetarian source and Quinoa has excellent protein quality and low glycemic load carbohydrates. Comprehensively, Chia and Quinoa have potential to improve population health and both blend seamlessly into traditional food preparations.
CSIR-CFTRI also infuses the spirit of entrepreneurship in their students. One of the doctoral students after completing her academic program started her own technology provider start-up company, Oleome Biosolutions Pvt Ltd. In a global first, CSIR-CFTRI in collaboration with Oleome, has developed a 100% vegetarian, Omega-3-enriched Ice cream called “Nutriice” using Chia oil.
CSIR-CFTRI is also in the process of the final phase of testing of diacylglycerol (DAG) oil, a unique cooking oil that has “Anti-Obesity” functionalities. One can consume it as part of daily regular diet and while the oil is available as energy but does not get stored as fat in our bodies. The final phase of human clinical trial is presently under progress.
CFTRI has also designed and developed snacks with advanced nutrition designs to support the nutrition needs of growing children. These have been implemented in the aganwadi levels to complement the existing government mid-day meal and will be scaled up soon. The products, such as Nutri Chikki with spirulina, rice beverage mix, high protein rusk, energy food, nutri sprinkle, seasame paste and fortified mango bars have been well received by the children and the anganwadis alike. Multi-grain Banana bar is a new addition to in this product portfolio.
Another exciting area of multidisciplinary research being done at CSIR-CFTRI is on nanotechnology, food technology and nutrition. Nanomaterials are known for their characteristic properties and CSIR-CFTRI is working on the use of nanoparticles for various applications. One of our interesting developments is the design and development of food packaging material with nanoparticles with antimicrobial and antioxidant properties to improve shelf-life of processed foods.
CSIR-CFTRI is also working on “Smart Foods” to answer specific needs of the consumer. These promising and specifically designed innovations are being developed for better sleep, better skin health, improved digestion, better cognitive performance and better stress management. The high science is brought into a simple food product, like a cereal bar which helps one to be more attentive over the day, or a unique dosa mix that helps in working out better at the gym with lower perceived exhaustion and even a special soup to help sleep better at night!
Speaking on the sidelines of the CSIR-CFTRI exhibition at Pragati Maidn, Prof. Ram Rajasekharan, Director, CFTRI said “Our mandate is to find innovative solutions to India agricultural and nutritional challenges. Our aim is to develop products to make Indian agriculture productive, efficient and at a consumer level gradually replace drugs with foods that will promote better health and wellness. We strive to deliver our best in improving food security and nutrition security, also developing a stronger, smarter and healthier India”.
About CSIR-CFTRI:
CSIR − Central Food Technological Research Institute (CFTRI), Mysore (A constituent laboratory of Council of Scientific and Industrial Research, New Delhi) came into existence during 1950 with the great vision of its founders, and a network of inspiring as well as dedicated scientists who had a fascination to pursue in-depth research and development in the areas of food science and technology.
CSIR-CFTRI is today a large and diversified laboratory headed by Prof. Ram Rajasekharan, Director, CSIR-CFTRI. Presently the institute has a great team of scientists, technologists, engineers, technicians, skilled workers, and support staff. There are seventeen research and development departments, including laboratories focusing on lipid science, molecular nutrition, food engineering, food biotechnology, microbiology, biochemistry, food safety etc.
The institute has designed over 300 products, processes, and equipment types. It holds several patents and has a large number of high impact peer reviewed journal articles to its credit. India is the world's second largest food grain, fruit and vegetable producer, and the institute is engaged in research and development in the production and handling of grains, pulses, oilseeds, spices, fruits, vegetables, meat, fish, and poultry.
The institute develops technologies to increase efficiency and reduce postharvest losses, add convenience, increase export, find new sources of food products, integrate human resources in food industries and develops solutions to improve the health and wellness of the population.
CFTRI has a vast portfolio of over 300 products, processes and equipment designs, and close to 4000 licensees have availed themselves of these technologies for commercial exploitation. The achievements have been of considerable industrial value, social importance and national relevance, and coupled with the institute's wide-ranging facilities and services, have created an extensive impact on the Indian food industry and Indian society at large.
My old 1984 Alembic Series II "Exploiter" bass. The height-adjustable nut seen here.
I had this bass built in the summer of 1984. The only options (besides the walnut/maple/purple heart construction) were graphite rods in the neck and a neck shaped like a Rickenbacker 4001 that I'd been very comfortable playing. This is still the most musical bass I've ever owned, but it also weighs so much that it's seen relatively little use.
“End the Slavery”: Sakuma Brothers Farms Workers of Familias Unidas por la Justicia March for a Labor Contract and Against Exploitation and Abuse: Burlington, Washington, Saturday, July 11, 2015.
The National Center for Missing & Exploited Children (NCMEC) honors its 2022 “Heroes” who have gone above and beyond to help protect the nation’s most valuable resource – children. The event was hosted at the Arlington, VA headquarters of Lockheed Martin. Reginald Saunders /NCMEC
The central idea how international economy works in a country behind these pages is that despite the opportunities created by globalization-and the transformations that it poses to the “new global economy” – most Third World countries have been unable to effectively exploit ...
www.solutionzoom.com/uncategorized/how-international-econ...
Exploitant : STEFIM
Réseau : Navette Substitution SNCF Île-de-France
Ligne : Navette Transilien J
Lieu : Gare d'Argenteuil (Argenteuil, F-95)
Lien TC Infos : tc-infos.fr/id/43554
Exploitant : Keolis Seine Essonne
Réseau : Navette Substitution SNCF Île-de-France
Ligne : Navette Transilien J
Lieu : Gare d'Ermont – Eaubonne (Ermont, F-95)
Lien TC Infos : tc-infos.fr/id/41575
Click "L" for larger version..
Portrait of an Indian Sandhu..DSC_9147
For more photos like this one.click MY SITE subirbasak.com.....
P.S."Copyright © – Subir Basak.
The reproduction, publication, modification, transmission or exploitation of any work contained herein for any use, personal or commercial, without my prior written permission is strictly prohibited. All rights reserved."
This person used a bunch of post its to create an image of Mario, the Super Mario Brother's character. They took advantage of the adhesive character of the post its and the open window/glass area.
Exploitant : Transdev TVO
Réseau : R'Bus (Argenteuil, F-95)
Lieu : Centre Opérationnel Bus d'Argenteuil (Argenteuil, F-95)
Lien TC Infos : tc-infos.fr/id/29323
FORT ROYAL - 1979-2003
Cie Générale Maritimes C.G.M.
Navires conçus pour être exploités sur la ligne des Antilles en remplacement des anciens navires polythermes de la Compagnie Générale Transatlantique. Les commandes de ces navires ont été confirmées aux Chantiers de France Dunkerque. Le FORT ROYAL est le premier des deux PCRP.
1978 le 20 avril : mise sur cale
1978 le 2 décembre : Lancement
1979 du 5 au 9 juin : Essais en mer.
1979 le 15 juin : Navire recetté et pris en charge.
CARACTÉRISTIQUES :
Navire à long gaillard avant s'étendant au-dessus des cales 1 et 2. Ils possèdent une double coque qui s'étend de chaque bord, du peak avant et s'élevant du double fond au pont supérieur. La partie supérieure de chacune de ses doubles coques constitue une galerie technique.
Toutes les cales sont équipées de glissières à conteneurs. Le nombre total de conteneurs en cales est de 616 EVP (cales 1 à 6 contiennent chacune 2 travées pour conteneurs 20 pieds. Les cales 7 à 9 une travée pour conteneurs 40 pieds) Tous les conteneurs peuvent être réfrigérés à partir de gaines de réfrigération)
Longueur hors-tout : 210 m Overall lengh
Longueur entre perpendiculaires : 198 m Lengh between perpendiculars
Longueur pour la classification : 198,630 m Classification length
Largeur hors membres : 32,20 m Moulded width
Creux sur quille au pont supérieur : 18,800 m Moulded depth
Tirant d'eau au franc-bord d'été : 11,020 m Draft at summer waterline
Port en lourd correspondant : 20.508 tonnes Correponding deadwight capacity
Tirant d'eau d'exploitation : 9 m Operaying draft
Vitesse au tirant d'eau d'exploitation : 22,27 noeuds Speed at operating draft
Puissance correspondante : 30.600 cv Corresponding power
Vitesse maxi aux essais sur ballast à 36.000 cv 23,90 noeuds Max speed during tests on ballast at 36,000 h.p.
Rayon d'action : 9.500 milles Range
Jauge brute internationale : 32.184 tonneaux GRT
Jauge nette internationale : 16.238 tonneaux NRT
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PROPULSION :
2 appareils propulsifs entièrement indépendants entrainant deux hélices monoblocs 4 pales Diamètre 6 m
2 moteurs semi-rapides de marque STEM PIELSTICK type 12 PC4 V 570 – 4 temps simple effet réversibles, suralimentés.
Puissance maximale continue par moteur : 18.000 cv
Puissance en service par moteur : 15.300 cv
Vitesse maximale de rotation des moteurs : 400 t/mn
Vitesse de rotation des lignes d'arbres : 122 t/mn
Moteur alimentés en F.O. lourd viscosité 3.500 s/Redwood
Transmission puissance du moteur à la ligne d'arbre par amortisseur de vibration (Damper), et par un G.F.L. destiné à diminuer les efforts en cas de délignage.
Réducteur épicycloïdal à trois satellites MPU70W avec butée incorporée.
Frein à air comprimé de type UNICUM 60 VC 1600
Afin de permettre la marche sur une ligne d'arbre à faible allure, une butée auxiliaire et un tourteau d'accouplement avec un frein manuel.
Production de vapeur par 2 chaudières de récupération 7 bars et 3,5 tonnes de production
1 chaudière de mouillage à 7 bars et 5 tonnes de production
6 diesels alternateurs de 1420 kW - Alternateurs 1.420 kW 440 volts 60 Hz triphasé
Marque AUT du Bureau Veritas
PRODUCTION FROID :
Descente et maintien en froid commandé à la COGER pour 138 conteneurs de 40 pieds et 616 de 20 pieds isolés thermiquement Produits congelés à -25°c – Produits réfrigérés -2° et + 8° Bananes à +12°c
126 gaines associées aux piles de conteneurs alimentent et reprennent l'air de chaque conteneur.
Ventilateurs assurant un taux de brassage de l'air de 80 en grande vitesse (bananes)
Dans un local dédié à la réfrigération des conteneurs:
5 groupes de refroidissement de saumure fonctionnant au fréon R22.
Puissance moteur 750kW 1800 t/mn – 1.750.000 fg/h
5 condenseurs refroidis à l'eau de mer.
5 évaporateurs de saumure.
5 pompes de saumure de chacune 400 m3/heure
5 pompes eau de mer de chacune 272 m3/h
126 régulateurs de température d'air de soufflage avec précision à+ ou – 0,1°c (précision pour transport des bananes)
ITINÉRAIRE:
Le Havre – Montoir- Le Verdon – Fort de France – Le Havre Rotation complète Le Havre – Le Havre 27 à 30 jours
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Gallantry Medal for Sexual Torture Moral Policing and 'Victim Blaming' for Rape Women's Work-Exploited and Unpaid "Disappearing" Girl Child .
Mary E. John .
Noted Scholar Of Gender Studtes .
All India Progrssive Women's Association(AIPWA).
Sentor Fellow and 01rector, .
----Centre for Women m Developmg Societies (CWDS) -13Feb. T11DIUht Kovna Mess 9.00Dm1-.
Public Meeting The ''llaUon"and Its WIIIIII: --Globalisation, Violence and Discrimination .
speakers .
Kavita Krishnan .
Former Jt Secy., JNUSU .
.
The 'Nation' and Its Women .
The Indian Government, led by the UPA in Its second term, makes tall claims that two decades of liberalization have 'empowered' women. And as always, images of women are crafted to represent 'Resurgent India' in times of globalization -a woman Speaker, a woman President. a woman leader of the ruling party, smiling village women and girls in sarkari .
ads of social welfare schemes. . .
What lies behind these images of 'empowerment'? .
Let us look at some recent snapshots-social economic, and political: .
~ The latest census f1gures show that the number of girls in the 0-6 age-group has fallen to the lowest since Independence-a mere 914 girls for every.
-.
1000 boys._MI .
)> The Global Gender Gap Report 2011 shows that when it comes to women's health and survival, India's performance is at rock-bottom (at 134th place among 135 countries). India has one of the worst matemal mortality rates in the world. .
)> Incidents of rape in the country have increased by 791 %since 1971 , whereas murder increased by just 240%, and robbery by 178%. .
,. This Republic Day, Ankit Garg, the Chhattisgarh police officer responsible for the custodial rape and sexual torture of Soni Sori (the tribal school teacher from Chattisgarh), is among those who received a 'gallantry' award !!I .
~ According to India's Census survey, women involved with tlcooking, cleaning of utensils, looking after children, fetching water, collecting firewood" are categorised as unproductive "non-workers'1! .
118 .
~ The Global Gender Gap 2011 ranks India at 131 8 t place among 134 countries, on the question of women's 'economic participation and opportunity.' Only 35% of VvOmen in the country above the age of 15 participate in economic activity (i.e either work or seek work), compared to 85% of men. .
,. Whereas women aged 15 and above comprise only 27% of all employed persons in the country, girl children constitute 42% of all child labour in the country! .
~ The poore$t women have the most insecure and casualised jobs. Among the poorest 20% of urban women workers, 53% are employed with private households as maid servants, cooks, etc, and 91% of jobs are based on verbal contract. Whereas among the richest (top 20%) of urban women workers, 48% have jobsin the governmenUpublic sector and 13% in large private companies..
.
~ .
' Shivani, Vice-President, AISA, JNU.
--Women are paid less than men for the same .
work-at all levels of employment. A note issued .
by the Government in 201 0 gave the details of NSSO .
findings for 2007-08. According to these findings, the .
average wage rate for regular wage/ salaried .
employees in rural areas was Rs 175.30 for males .
and Rs. 108 14 for females; and in the urban areas, .
the wage rate for males was Rs. 276.04 against Rs. .
212 86 for females. .
.
Let's also look at how people in responsible posts view violence on women and women's rights: .
.
Dinesh Reddy, the DGP of Andhra Pradesh, in a widely .
televised statement recently, blamed the rise in rape .
cases on women wearing 'fashionable' clothes. .
Reddy's remarks were justified by Kamataka's Women .
s;md Child Welfare Minister C C Patil, and even by the .
head of the committee against sexual harassment in .
Bangalore University, KK Seethamma! .
.
.
.
The Indian Air Force Vice Chief recently described .
women fighter pilots as a 'bad investment' because .
they m1ght take maternity leave. .
.
.
.
Similarly, an Army Vice Chief said that appointing .
women as army officerswas undesirable because male .
jawans could not be expected to take orders from a .
'NOman! .
.
.
.
Congress leaders m Haryana have openly defended .
khap panchayats. Recently, following an incident where .
an upper caste mob stripped and beat up a dalitvvoman .
whose son married a girl from their community, a .
Maharashtra Minister from the NCP said, "The outburst .
of the girl's family was natural." .
.
.
.
.
What do we make of the above facts? .
~ Why are violence on women and 'honour crimes rising .
alarmingly? .
.
~ Why does sexual violence as a tool ofstate repression, .
and communal and caste violence, go unpunished, .
and even rewarded with political power and awards .
on occasions? .
.
.
I.
~ How can we fight son preference and sex-selective .
abortions? .
.
);.> Have globalization and liberalized state policies truly .
'empowered' women? .
.
)-How does the corporations and markets, driven by .
profits, see women? .
.
.
To discuss these issues, we invite you to a public meetingTonighton .
"The Nation and Its Women: Globalisation, Violence, and .
Discrimination". Speakers include Prof. Mary John of CWDS (who .
will a/so make a power-point presentation on India's ''Vanishing" .
Girls) and Kavita Krishnan,former Joint Secretary of JNUSU and .
National Secretary ofAIPWA. .
.
Praveen P., Jt.Secy., AISA,JNU .
.
t .
.
.
1 -. -.
', .
,,. .. , .
.
.
'Empty The Tanks' protesters walk down steps below the National Gallery as they cross Trafalgar Square. A large banner reads "End Exploitation. Empty the Tanks"
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Dôme de Baie Déception d'Xstrata Nickel, Raglan. Été 2004. Le dôme fut construit par Asbestos Corporation qui exploitait 40 km au sud de Baie Déception une fosse à ciel ouvert d'amiante chrysotile de fin 1950 jusqu'à 1984. Gracieuseté de Dominic Gravel.
Once common throughout the country, by the 20th century the species had become extinct from the majority of Ireland, surviving only in a few isolated and fragmented populations mainly in the west. The main reasons for the species’ decline were related to hunting for its fur; loss of habitat through the destruction of forests; direct and indirect poisoning and persecution as a potential predator of livestock/game populations. Taxonomically, the species belongs to the Mustelid group of animals and it is related to wildlife such as the stoat, otter and badger. Adult pine marten are about the size of a domestic cat, hence the Irish name ‘Cat crainn‘, and have a long tail that can be half the length of their body. They have a rich fur coat, typically dark brown in colour and a distinguishing creamy-yellow throat patch. Pine marten are habitat specialists, requiring forest or scrub habitat to exist in an area. They are adept at climbing trees as they have powerful non-retractable claws. The species is primarily active at night and individuals live in territories that can vary in size from 60 hectares to 430 hectares. Males typically have bigger territories than females and there can be partial overlap between adjacent territories. Life expectancy can be up to ten years, although the majority of individuals are unlikely to survive past five years in the wild.
Distribution
Pine marten occur throughout mainland Europe, stretching from the Ural mountains in the east to Ireland at the western edge of the species global distribution. They can also be found in parts of the Middle East. In Europe, pine marten exist with a similar species called the beech or stone marten, although that species tends to be more associated with areas of human habitation. Also, in the eastern parts of pine marten distribution (mainly Russia) there is some overlap with a related marten species known as the sable.
In Ireland, pine marten were once widely distributed throughout every county. Current pine marten distribution is largely concentrated in western counties and the midlands of Ireland. The species now occurs in approximately 50% of its historical range. Pine marten remain extinct throughout the majority of Munster and are very rare in Ulster.
Den & Refuge Sites
Pine marten can utilise a variety of den sites, which are used for breeding. Den sites can include rock crevices, tree cavities, subterranean burrows, buildings (abandoned or occupied), old bird nests, squirrel dreys and log piles. These sites provide cover from weather extremes and safety from potential predators. Den sites are normally only occupied during the breeding season. Outside of this period, pine marten use what are termed refuge sites. Refuge sites can be very varied although normally they are located several metres off the ground in forest canopy. Upturned or blown over tress are often used as refuge sites but the species can exploit any habitat feature that provides cover and safety. Pine marten will tend to have refuge and den sites that are used repeatedly in a forest and they can have a high fidelity to these sites.
Reproduction
Pine marten are solitary and adults avoid contact with each other throughout most of the year. The species only breeds once with mating typically occurring in early summer between adults that are at least two years old. Pine marten have what is termed ‘delayed implantation’, which means that fertilised eggs are not implanted in the uterus until the following January. This is a strategy to ensure that young (known as kits) are born during the most favourable time of year, which for pine marten is during March and April. Typically, two to three kits will be born in spring, each weighing less than 30g. The kits will stay in the den for about six weeks and are totally dependent on the female. Kits will then start exploring the area around the den and will stay with the female for at least six months, up to a maximum of 12–16 months. After this period, juveniles will disperse and attempt to establish their own territory. Only a small number of juveniles will survive to become adults and breed. Pine marten are considered to be slow breeders both in the terms of the number of young that are produced and the age at which reproductive maturity is reached.
Foraging/Hunting/Diet
In terms of diet, pine marten are omnivorous taking both plant and animal material. In Ireland, pine marten exploit a variety of resources including berries, fruits, small mammals, invertebrates, birds and amphibians. In some areas where pine marten occur close to towns and villages the species will exploit rubbish bins for food. In other countries, pine martens rely heavily on microtine rodents such as voles and also in colder countries on carrion, especially in winter. When foraging, pine marten will usually stay within their own territory, which will have a variety of food resources available within it.
Exploitant : Transdev Nanterre
Réseau : RATP
Ligne : 467
Lieu : Général Leclerc (Saint-Cloud, F-92)
Lien TC Infos : tc-infos.fr/id/24429
Exploitant : Keolis Dijon Mobilités
Réseau : Divia
Ligne : L7
Lieu : Chevigny (Chevigny-Saint-Sauveur, F-21)
Lien TC Infos : tc-infos.fr/vehicule/35251
The National Center for Missing & Exploited Children (NCMEC) honors its 2023 “Heroes” who have gone above and beyond to help protect the nation’s most valuable resource – children. The event was hosted at the Spy Museum in Washington, DC. Claire Edkins/NCMEC
PHOTOS: JOEL C.FILDES
Contact presents
CRYSTAL KISSES
By Avaes Mohammed and Sabrina Mahfouz
Directed by Benji Reid.
‘..in a world where bad things happen – and they do. They always happen to me...’
Toyah — young, vulnerable and in care — protects herself with her spitfire tongue, but her world is rapidly crumbling; Ally is the ‘golden girl’ but behind a perfect façade lies a mess of confusion, sex and loss; young runaway Jay, meanwhile, has finally found the care he craves in the arms of a stranger — but what price will he have to pay?
Stirring movement, music and words combine to confront the difficult and complex realities surrounding child sexual exploitation, exploring the subject with sensitivity, empathy and insight.
Suitable for ages 14+. Contains strong language and mature themes.
Tue 12 October, 7:30pm, £5 Preview
Wed 13 to Sat 16 October, 7:30pm.
Plus Wed 13 & Thu 14, 1:30pm. Tickets: £8/5
(BSL interpreted performance Thu 14 Oct, 7:30pm)
Booking: 0161 274 0600 / www.contact-theatre.org
Contact, Oxford Road, Manchester M15 6JA
Presented in association with:
Partners:
Contact, Barnardos NW, Protect, GMP, Manchester Children’s Services, Brook, NHS FRESH.
Funded by Lankelly Chase, Greater Manchester Sexual Health Network, and Awards for All.