Bolloré Bluebus 22 n°1962 du réseau LE MET' au Centre d'Exploitation et de Maintenance des TAMM. Le réseau a reçu début juillet ses deux Bolloré Bluebus 22 destinés à l'exploitation sur la navette N83 CITY. Le 13 août 2019, les deux minibus Bolloré Bluebus 22 en électrique sont entrés en circulation sur le réseau LE MET'. Ils sont affectés à la ligne N83 CITY et remplace deux Dietrich City 23 en attendant un troisième Bolloré Bluebus 22 attendu pour 2020 afin de rendre l'exploitation de cette navette en 100% électrique. A cette date et jusqu'au 2 septembre environ, seul une unité sur les deux circule sur la navette afin de libérer un Dietrich City 23 pour l'affecter sur une navette de substitution pour la ligne C13 entre « Jugan » et le terminus « Mey-les-Vignes » suite à des travaux pendant environ deux semaines fin août. Le samedi 31 août 2019, la N83 CITY était exploitée pendant plusieurs heures le matin puis l'après-midi à l'aide des deux Bluebus 22 suite à la formation de conducteurs pendant leurs services sur cette navette. En conséquence de l'arrivée de ces deux minibus électriques, les Dietrich City 23 n°1662 et n°1663 ont été affrétés à Keolis 3 Frontières.

. . . 2. 3. 2007 - this is the first day of a funeral ceremony in Bori for a High Class Woman. She died on 18. 1. 2007 at the age of 85 years. The ceremony will last for one week. Today we will see the showing of the water buffalos, pigs, cow, horse, deer and chicken. All these animals are offered to be the servants of the died woman in her new life after death in Puya. We will see buffalo fighting. Men bet for the winner of those fightings. Two buffalos fight each other - the one running away lost the fight!

If you wonder why the quality of the pictures is a little less: these are no photographs - it all are snapshots of my videos! So sorry for the less resolution, but I think, they are worth to be shown.

_____________________________________

The Toraja are an ethnic group indigenous to a mountainous region of South Sulawesi, Indonesia. Their population is approximately 1,100,000, of whom 450,000 live in the regency of Tana Toraja ("Land of Toraja"). Most of the population is Christian, and others are Muslim or have local animist beliefs known as aluk ("the way"). The Indonesian government has recognized this animist belief as Aluk To Dolo ("Way of the Ancestors").

The word toraja comes from the Bugis Buginese language term to riaja, meaning "people of the uplands". The Dutch colonial government named the people Toraja in 1909. Torajans are renowned for their elaborate funeral rites, burial sites carved into rocky cliffs, massive peaked-roof traditional houses known as tongkonan, and colorful wood carvings. Toraja funeral rites are important social events, usually attended by hundreds of people and lasting for several days.

Before the 20th century, Torajans lived in autonomous villages, where they practised animism and were relatively untouched by the outside world. In the early 1900s, Dutch missionaries first worked to convert Torajan highlanders to Christianity. When the Tana Toraja regency was further opened to the outside world in the 1970s, it became an icon of tourism in Indonesia: it was exploited by tourism developers and studied by anthropologists. By the 1990s, when tourism peaked, Toraja society had changed significantly, from an agrarian model - in which social life and customs were outgrowths of the Aluk To Dolo - to a largely Christian society. Today, tourism and remittances from migrant Torajans have made for major changes in the Toraja highland, giving the Toraja a celebrity status within Indonesia and enhancing Toraja ethnic group pride.

ETHNIC IDENTITY

The Torajan people had little notion of themselves as a distinct ethnic group before the 20th century. Before Dutch colonization and Christianization, Torajans, who lived in highland areas, identified with their villages and did not share a broad sense of identity. Although complexes of rituals created linkages between highland villages, there were variations in dialects, differences in social hierarchies, and an array of ritual practices in the Sulawesi highland region. "Toraja" (from the coastal languages' to, meaning people; and riaja, uplands) was first used as a lowlander expression for highlanders. As a result, "Toraja" initially had more currency with outsiders - such as the Bugis and Makassarese, who constitute a majority of the lowland of Sulawesi - than with insiders. The Dutch missionaries' presence in the highlands gave rise to the Toraja ethnic consciousness in the Sa'dan Toraja region, and this shared identity grew with the rise of tourism in the Tana Toraja Regency. Since then, South Sulawesi has four main ethnic groups - the Bugis (the majority, including shipbuilders and seafarers), the Makassarese (lowland traders and seafarers), the Mandarese (traders and fishermen), and the Toraja (highland rice cultivators).

HISTORY

From the 17th century, the Dutch established trade and political control on Sulawesi through the Dutch East Indies Company. Over two centuries, they ignored the mountainous area in the central Sulawesi, where Torajans lived, because access was difficult and it had little productive agricultural land. In the late 19th century, the Dutch became increasingly concerned about the spread of Islam in the south of Sulawesi, especially among the Makassarese and Bugis peoples. The Dutch saw the animist highlanders as potential Christians. In the 1920s, the Reformed Missionary Alliance of the Dutch Reformed Church began missionary work aided by the Dutch colonial government. In addition to introducing Christianity, the Dutch abolished slavery and imposed local taxes. A line was drawn around the Sa'dan area and called Tana Toraja ("the land of Toraja"). Tana Toraja was first a subdivision of the Luwu kingdom that had claimed the area. In 1946, the Dutch granted Tana Toraja a regentschap, and it was recognized in 1957 as one of the regencies of Indonesia.

Early Dutch missionaries faced strong opposition among Torajans, especially among the elite, because the abolition of their profitable slave trade had angered them. Some Torajans were forcibly relocated to the lowlands by the Dutch, where they could be more easily controlled. Taxes were kept high, undermining the wealth of the elites. Ultimately, the Dutch influence did not subdue Torajan culture, and only a few Torajans were converted. In 1950, only 10% of the population had converted to Christianity.

In the 1930s, Muslim lowlanders attacked the Torajans, resulting in widespread Christian conversion among those who sought to align themselves with the Dutch for political protection and to form a movement against the Bugis and Makassarese Muslims. Between 1951 and 1965 (following Indonesian independence), southern Sulawesi faced a turbulent period as the Darul Islam separatist movement fought for an Islamic state in Sulawesi. The 15 years of guerrilla warfare led to massive conversions to

CHRISTIANITY

Alignment with the Indonesian government, however, did not guarantee safety for the Torajans. In 1965, a presidential decree required every Indonesian citizen to belong to one of five officially recognized religions: Islam, Christianity (Protestantism and Catholicism), Hinduism, or Buddhism. The Torajan religious belief (aluk) was not legally recognized, and the Torajans raised their voices against the law. To make aluk accord with the law, it had to be accepted as part of one of the official religions. In 1969, Aluk To Dolo ("the way of ancestors") was legalized as a sect of Agama Hindu Dharma, the official name of Hinduism in Indonesia.

SOCIETY

There are three main types of affiliation in Toraja society: family, class and religion.

FAMILY AFFILIATION

Family is the primary social and political grouping in Torajan society. Each village is one extended family, the seat of which is the tongkonan, a traditional Torajan house. Each tongkonan has a name, which becomes the name of the village. The familial dons maintain village unity. Marriage between distant cousins (fourth cousins and beyond) is a common practice that strengthens kinship. Toraja society prohibits marriage between close cousins (up to and including the third cousin) - except for nobles, to prevent the dispersal of property. Kinship is actively reciprocal, meaning that the extended family helps each other farm, share buffalo rituals, and pay off debts.

Each person belongs to both the mother's and the father's families, the only bilateral family line in Indonesia. Children, therefore, inherit household affiliation from both mother and father, including land and even family debts. Children's names are given on the basis of kinship, and are usually chosen after dead relatives. Names of aunts, uncles and cousins are commonly referred to in the names of mothers, fathers and siblings.

Before the start of the formal administration of Toraja villages by the Tana Toraja Regency, each Toraja village was autonomous. In a more complex situation, in which one Toraja family could not handle their problems alone, several villages formed a group; sometimes, villages would unite against other villages. Relationship between families was expressed through blood, marriage, and shared ancestral houses (tongkonan), practically signed by the exchange of water buffalo and pigs on ritual occasions. Such exchanges not only built political and cultural ties between families but defined each person's place in a social hierarchy: who poured palm wine, who wrapped a corpse and prepared offerings, where each person could or could not sit, what dishes should be used or avoided, and even what piece of meat constituted one's share.

CLASS AFFILIATION

In early Toraja society, family relationships were tied closely to social class. There were three strata: nobles, commoners, and slaves (slavery was abolished in 1909 by the Dutch East Indies government). Class was inherited through the mother. It was taboo, therefore, to marry "down" with a woman of lower class. On the other hand, marrying a woman of higher class could improve the status of the next generation. The nobility's condescending attitude toward the commoners is still maintained today for reasons of family prestige.

Nobles, who were believed to be direct descendants of the descended person from heaven, lived in tongkonans, while commoners lived in less lavish houses (bamboo shacks called banua). Slaves lived in small huts, which had to be built around their owner's tongkonan. Commoners might marry anyone, but nobles preferred to marry in-family to maintain their status. Sometimes nobles married Bugis or Makassarese nobles. Commoners and slaves were prohibited from having death feasts. Despite close kinship and status inheritance, there was some social mobility, as marriage or change in wealth could affect an individuals status. Wealth was counted by the ownership of water buffaloes.

Slaves in Toraja society were family property. Sometimes Torajans decided to become slaves when they incurred a debt, pledging to work as payment. Slaves could be taken during wars, and slave trading was common. Slaves could buy their freedom, but their children still inherited slave status. Slaves were prohibited from wearing bronze or gold, carving their houses, eating from the same dishes as their owners, or having sex with free women - a crime punishable by death.

RELIGIOUS AFFILIATION

Toraja's indigenous belief system is polytheistic animism, called aluk, or "the way" (sometimes translated as "the law"). In the Toraja myth, the ancestors of Torajan people came down from heaven using stairs, which were then used by the Torajans as a communication medium with Puang Matua, the Creator. The cosmos, according to aluk, is divided into the upper world (heaven), the world of man (earth), and the underworld. At first, heaven and earth were married, then there was a darkness, a separation, and finally the light. Animals live in the underworld, which is represented by rectangular space enclosed by pillars, the earth is for mankind, and the heaven world is located above, covered with a saddle-shaped roof. Other Toraja gods include Pong Banggai di Rante (god of Earth), Indo' Ongon-Ongon (a goddess who can cause earthquakes), Pong Lalondong (god of death), and Indo' Belo Tumbang (goddess of medicine); there are many more.

The earthly authority, whose words and actions should be cleaved to both in life (agriculture) and death (funerals), is called to minaa (an aluk priest). Aluk is not just a belief system; it is a combination of law, religion, and habit. Aluk governs social life, agricultural practices, and ancestral rituals. The details of aluk may vary from one village to another. One common law is the requirement that death and life rituals be separated. Torajans believe that performing death rituals might ruin their corpses if combined with life rituals. The two rituals are equally important. During the time of the Dutch missionaries, Christian Torajans were prohibited from attending or performing life rituals, but were allowed to perform death rituals. Consequently, Toraja's death rituals are still practised today, while life rituals have diminished.

CULTURE

TONGKONAN

Tongkonan are the traditional Torajan ancestral houses. They stand high on wooden piles, topped with a layered split-bamboo roof shaped in a sweeping curved arc, and they are incised with red, black, and yellow detailed wood carvings on the exterior walls. The word "tongkonan" comes from the Torajan tongkon ("to sit").

Tongkonan are the center of Torajan social life. The rituals associated with the tongkonan are important expressions of Torajan spiritual life, and therefore all family members are impelled to participate, because symbolically the tongkonan represents links to their ancestors and to living and future kin. According to Torajan myth, the first tongkonan was built in heaven on four poles, with a roof made of Indian cloth. When the first Torajan ancestor descended to earth, he imitated the house and held a large ceremony.

The construction of a tongkonan is laborious work and is usually done with the help of the extended family. There are three types of tongkonan. The tongkonan layuk is the house of the highest authority, used as the "center of government". The tongkonan pekamberan belongs to the family members who have some authority in local traditions. Ordinary family members reside in the tongkonan batu. The exclusivity to the nobility of the tongkonan is diminishing as many Torajan commoners find lucrative employment in other parts of Indonesia. As they send back money to their families, they enable the construction of larger tongkonan.

WOOD CARVINGS

To express social and religious concepts, Torajans carve wood, calling it Pa'ssura (or "the writing"). Wood carvings are therefore Toraja's cultural manifestation.

Each carving receives a special name, and common motifs are animals and plants that symbolize some virtue. For example, water plants and animals, such as crabs, tadpoles and water weeds, are commonly found to symbolize fertility. In some areas noble elders claim these symbols refer to strength of noble family, but not everyone agrees. The overall meaning of groups of carved motifs on houses remains debated and tourism has further complicated these debates because some feel a uniform explanation must be presented to tourists. The image to the left shows an example of Torajan wood carving, consisting of 15 square panels. The center bottom panel represents buffalo or wealth, a wish for many buffaloes for the family. The center panel represents a knot and a box, a hope that all of the family's offspring will be happy and live in harmony, like goods kept safe in a box. The top left and top right squares represent an aquatic animal, indicating the need for fast and hard work, just like moving on the surface of water. It also represents the need for a certain skill to produce good results.

Regularity and order are common features in Toraja wood carving (see table below), as well as abstracts and geometrical designs. Nature is frequently used as the basis of Toraja's ornaments, because nature is full of abstractions and geometries with regularities and ordering. Toraja's ornaments have been studied in ethnomathematics to reveal their mathematical structure, but Torajans base this art only on approximations. To create an ornament, bamboo sticks are used as a geometrical tool.

FUNERAL RITES

In Toraja society, the funeral ritual is the most elaborate and expensive event. The richer and more powerful the individual, the more expensive is the funeral. In the aluk religion, only nobles have the right to have an extensive death feast. The death feast of a nobleman is usually attended by thousands and lasts for several days. A ceremonial site, called rante, is usually prepared in a large, grassy field where shelters for audiences, rice barns, and other ceremonial funeral structures are specially made by the deceased family. Flute music, funeral chants, songs and poems, and crying and wailing are traditional Toraja expressions of grief with the exceptions of funerals for young children, and poor, low-status adults.

The ceremony is often held weeks, months, or years after the death so that the deceased's family can raise the significant funds needed to cover funeral expenses. Torajans traditionally believe that death is not a sudden, abrupt event, but a gradual process toward Puya (the land of souls, or afterlife). During the waiting period, the body of the deceased is wrapped in several layers of cloth and kept under the tongkonan. The soul of the deceased is thought to linger around the village until the funeral ceremony is completed, after which it begins its journey to Puya.

Another component of the ritual is the slaughter of water buffalo. The more powerful the person who died, the more buffalo are slaughtered at the death feast. Buffalo carcasses, including their heads, are usually lined up on a field waiting for their owner, who is in the "sleeping stage". Torajans believe that the deceased will need the buffalo to make the journey and that they will be quicker to arrive at Puya if they have many buffalo. Slaughtering tens of water buffalo and hundreds of pigs using a machete is the climax of the elaborate death feast, with dancing and music and young boys who catch spurting blood in long bamboo tubes. Some of the slaughtered animals are given by guests as "gifts", which are carefully noted because they will be considered debts of the deceased's family. However, a cockfight, known as bulangan londong, is an integral part of the ceremony. As with the sacrifice of the buffalo and the pigs, the cockfight is considered sacred because it involves the spilling of blood on the earth. In particular, the tradition requires the sacrifice of at least three chickens. However, it is common for at least 25 pairs of chickens to be set against each other in the context of the ceremony.

There are three methods of burial: the coffin may be laid in a cave or in a carved stone grave, or hung on a cliff. It contains any possessions that the deceased will need in the afterlife. The wealthy are often buried in a stone grave carved out of a rocky cliff. The grave is usually expensive and takes a few months to complete. In some areas, a stone cave may be found that is large enough to accommodate a whole family. A wood-carved effigy, called Tau tau, is usually placed in the cave looking out over the land. The coffin of a baby or child may be hung from ropes on a cliff face or from a tree. This hanging grave usually lasts for years, until the ropes rot and the coffin falls to the ground.

In the ritual called Ma'Nene, that takes place each year in August, the bodies of the deceased are exhumed to be washed, groomed and dressed in new clothes. The mummies are then walked around the village.

DANCE AND MUSIC

Torajans perform dances on several occasions, most often during their elaborate funeral ceremonies. They dance to express their grief, and to honour and even cheer the deceased person because he is going to have a long journey in the afterlife. First, a group of men form a circle and sing a monotonous chant throughout the night to honour the deceased (a ritual called Ma'badong). This is considered by many Torajans to be the most important component of the funeral ceremony. On the second funeral day, the Ma'randing warrior dance is performed to praise the courage of the deceased during life. Several men perform the dance with a sword, a large shield made from buffalo skin, a helmet with a buffalo horn, and other ornamentation. The Ma'randing dance precedes a procession in which the deceased is carried from a rice barn to the rante, the site of the funeral ceremony. During the funeral, elder women perform the Ma'katia dance while singing a poetic song and wearing a long feathered costume. The Ma'akatia dance is performed to remind the audience of the generosity and loyalty of the deceased person. After the bloody ceremony of buffalo and pig slaughter, a group of boys and girls clap their hands while performing a cheerful dance called Ma'dondan.

As in other agricultural societies, Torajans dance and sing during harvest time. The Ma'bugi dance celebrates the thanksgiving event, and the Ma'gandangi dance is performed while Torajans are pounding rice. There are several war dances, such as the Manimbong dance performed by men, followed by the Ma'dandan dance performed by women. The aluk religion governs when and how Torajans dance. A dance called Ma'bua can be performed only once every 12 years. Ma'bua is a major Toraja ceremony in which priests wear a buffalo head and dance around a sacred tree.

A traditional musical instrument of the Toraja is a bamboo flute called a Pa'suling (suling is an Indonesian word for flute). This six-holed flute (not unique to the Toraja) is played at many dances, such as the thanksgiving dance Ma'bondensan, where the flute accompanies a group of shirtless, dancing men with long fingernails. The Toraja have indigenous musical instruments, such as the Pa'pelle (made from palm leaves) and the Pa'karombi (the Torajan version of a jaw harp). The Pa'pelle is played during harvest time and at house inauguration ceremonies.

LANGUAGE

The ethnic Toraja language is dominant in Tana Toraja with the main language as the Sa'dan Toraja. Although the national Indonesian language is the official language and is spoken in the community, all elementary schools in Tana Toraja teach Toraja language.Language varieties of Toraja, including Kalumpang, Mamasa, Tae' , Talondo' , Toala' , and Toraja-Sa'dan, belong to the Malayo-Polynesian language from the Austronesian family. At the outset, the isolated geographical nature of Tana Toraja formed many dialects between the Toraja languages themselves. After the formal administration of Tana Toraja, some Toraja dialects have been influenced by other languages through the transmigration program, introduced since the colonialism period, and it has been a major factor in the linguistic variety of Toraja languages. A prominent attribute of Toraja language is the notion of grief. The importance of death ceremony in Toraja culture has characterized their languages to express intricate degrees of grief and mourning. The Toraja language contains many terms referring to sadness, longing, depression, and mental pain. Giving a clear expression of the psychological and physical effect of loss is a catharsis and sometimes lessens the pain of grief itself.

ECONOMY

Prior to Suharto's "New Order" administration, the Torajan economy was based on agriculture, with cultivated wet rice in terraced fields on mountain slopes, and supplemental cassava and maize crops. Much time and energy were devoted to raising water buffalo, pigs, and chickens, primarily for ceremonial sacrifices and consumption. Coffee was the first significant cash crop produced in Toraja, and was introduced in the mid 19th century, changing the local economy towards commodity production for external markets and gaining an excellent reputation for quality in the international market .

With the commencement of the New Order in 1965, Indonesia's economy developed and opened to foreign investment. In Toraja, a coffee plantation and factory was established by Key Coffee of Japan, and Torajan coffee regained a reputation for quality within the growing international specialty coffee sector Multinational oil and mining companies opened new operations in Indonesia during the 1970s and 1980s. Torajans, particularly younger ones, relocated to work for the foreign companies - to Kalimantan for timber and oil, to Papua for mining, to the cities of Sulawesi and Java, and many went to Malaysia. The out-migration of Torajans was steady until 1985. and has continued since, with remittances sent back by emigre Torajans performing an important role within the contemporary economy.

Tourism commenced in Toraja in the 1970s, and accelerated in the 1980s and 1990s. Between 1984 and 1997, a significant number of Torajans obtained their incomes from tourism, working in and owning hotels, as tour guides, drivers, or selling souvenirs. With the rise of political and economic instability in Indonesia in the late 1990s - including religious conflicts elsewhere on Sulawesi - tourism in Tana Toraja has declined dramatically. Toraja continues to be a well known origin for Indonesian coffee, grown by both smallholders and plantation estates, although migration, remittances and off-farm income is considered far more important to most households, even those in rural areas.

TOURISM AND CULTURAL CHANGE

Before the 1970s, Toraja was almost unknown to Western tourism. In 1971, about 50 Europeans visited Tana Toraja. In 1972, at least 400 visitors attended the funeral ritual of Puang of Sangalla, the highest-ranking nobleman in Tana Toraja and the so-called "last pure-blooded Toraja noble." The event was documented by National Geographic and broadcast in several European countries. In 1976, about 12,000 tourists visited the regency and in 1981, Torajan sculpture was exhibited in major North American museums. "The land of the heavenly kings of Tana Toraja", as written in the exhibition brochure, embraced the outside world.

In 1984, the Indonesian Ministry of Tourism declared Tana Toraja Regency the prima donna of South Sulawesi. Tana Toraja was heralded as "the second stop after Bali". Tourism was increasing dramatically: by 1985, a total number of 150,000 foreigners had visited the Regency (in addition to 80,000 domestic tourists), and the annual number of foreign visitors was recorded at 40,000 in 1989. Souvenir stands appeared in Rantepao, the cultural center of Toraja, roads were sealed at the most-visited tourist sites, new hotels and tourist-oriented restaurants were opened, and an airstrip was opened in the Regency in 1981.

Tourism developers have marketed Tana Toraja as an exotic adventure - an area rich in culture and off the beaten track. Western tourists expected to see stone-age villages and pagan funerals. Toraja is for tourists who have gone as far as Bali and are willing to see more of the wild, "untouched" islands. However, they were more likely to see a Torajan wearing a hat and denim, living in a Christian society. Tourists felt that the tongkonan and other Torajan rituals had been preconceived to make profits, and complained that the destination was too commercialized. This has resulted in several clashes between Torajans and tourism developers, whom Torajans see as outsiders.

A clash between local Torajan leaders and the South Sulawesi provincial government (as a tourist developer) broke out in 1985. The government designated 18 Toraja villages and burial sites as traditional tourist attractions. Consequently, zoning restrictions were applied to these areas, such that Torajans themselves were barred from changing their tongkonans and burial sites. The plan was opposed by some Torajan leaders, as they felt that their rituals and traditions were being determined by outsiders. As a result, in 1987, the Torajan village of Kété Kesú and several other designated tourist attractions closed their doors to tourists. This closure lasted only a few days, as the villagers found it too difficult to survive without the income from selling souvenirs.

Tourism has also transformed Toraja society. Originally, there was a ritual which allowed commoners to marry nobles (puang) and thereby gain nobility for their children. However, the image of Torajan society created for the tourists, often by "lower-ranking" guides, has eroded its traditional strict hierarchy. High status is not as esteemed in Tana Toraja as it once was. Many low-ranking men can declare themselves and their children nobles by gaining enough wealth through work outside the region and then marrying a noble woman.

WIKIPEDIA

.

.

1ovide opportunity to view porn sites to the girls studying computers there and .

They would teach chatting an· . Jl abuse of those girls; another way in which Love Jihadis operate. Many of the .

subsequently pave way for sc he Malabar region are conversion centers. Intimate actions of couples visiting .

massage parlours operating i ,fes are photographed with the help of hidden cameras and then they are : ~ Jihadis are successfully attaining their goals by exploiting the weaknesses of ice-cream parlours" and net blackmailed into converting. )ined experts in this field with clear foresight and extensive preparation. women, i.e., new and trendy J esses, cinema, ice-cream, sightseeing trips, etc. These Love Jihadis operate in .

Kozhikode, Kochi, and Thiruvananthapuram centers are monitored by Abdul .

Kerala under the guidance of zibul Rehman who have been trained by the Lashkar-e Taiba. They have Love .

ommittees working on a district basis to coordinate the activities of the Jihadi .

.

The Jihadi activities i .

Romeos. They have legal cell~ for dealing with the legal aspects of conversion. The activities of the legal cell in .

Shukur/ Anwar Saadat, and t .

Wayanad are monitored by /,yub, an active member of NDF, a Musl1m extremist organization in Kerala. The .

Zone Chairman and various .

girls who are brought by the Romeos who had promised to marry them are first converted and then they are .

Kottayam, Kasargode, and .

in .

sent to a "Religious Study 0 2nter" for "religious studies". The conversion takes place in conversion centers in .

Ponnani and Kozhikode Muhdar. The ''Religious Study Centers" operate .

investigations. Tasraan Valiyat and Shaheen Force are two of the many "Women" Jihadi orga7iTzations .

.

are some of the organizations that are providing support to Love Jihad as has surfaced in several of the .

Karunagappally. Campus Front, Muslims Youth Forum, Tasreen Millayat, Shaheed Force, Islam Association, etc., .

conducting their operations secretly in Kerala. These women Jihadis help the Jihadi Romeos in all ways possible .

Further investigation~ have revealed that all over India some 4,000 young women have been recruited .

.

several funding agencies that collect money in the name of Islamic scholarship. .

for Love Jihad. Each unit is given an initial expenditure amount of about Rs. 50,000 to Rs. 80,000. There are .

have fallen victim to the 'love Jihad' racket. According to the in this manner to be trainee against their will as terrorists and suicide bombers. In Kerala alone the police .

500 w omen gangs have been freely operating without the police or intelligence agencies getting even a whiff a their .

suspect that over .

activities. The operation is extremely well organised with several households and 'safe houses' ready to Thiruvananthapuram victim who gave a statement before Justice R Basant of the Kerala High Court, Islamist able to abduct and train as many as 4,000 Indian women for terror operations over the last several .

accommodate the unsuspecting women and their so-called husbands. Ifjihadi outfits in Pakistan have been .

years, it speaks very poorly of our intelligence apparatus. The prevailing political environment that 1994 for waging war against the state and shooting an Assistant .

treats the perpetrators of jihadi violence with kid gloves is equally to blame. A report from Hyderabad in the Indian Express on August 28 said that Mujeeb Ahmed, who was sentenced to life imprisonment in .

and the 151, and was a member of the first terror cell in Andhra Pradesh. It was Rajasthan Police's discovery of Superintendent of Police, was released under a speCial remission scheme in 2004. He then went underground .

and, as subsequently established by the IB and CID; he became an active member of the Hizbul Mujahideen .

charged with procuring arms from Pakistan to launch terror attacks in Hyderabad. This jihadi has now been .

convicted for sedition and terrorism. Despite the fact that Mujeeb went back to being a full-fledged terrorist rifles, detonators and explosive material in a truck in Ajmer that led to the arrest of Mujeeb once again. He was .

after his release on compassionate grounds, the Andhra Pradesh Government is now planning to release some .

984 life convicts/ many of whom have been charged with similar cnmes as Mujeeb's. The Indian Express report .

quotes police officers who have revealed that the State Government neither consulted the IB nor the State is freed. That the jihadi cancer is widespread and eating into the v1tals of our country is now becoming evident police before the list of convicts to be released was prepared. Like Mujeeb, a person who was arrested a decade .

ago for trying to carry out terror attacks in this country will now easily go back to being an active jihadi once he .

day by day. The Union Government led by Congress makes all the right noises in acknowledging this cancer but .

when it comes to taking action, the Government backs out. We should all watch out for the Centre's reaction to .

the revelation of the abduction of thousands of girls for terror-training. .

going on for several years in every state, city, gali, nukkad, mohalla, university, college, coaching Kerala is not the only state targeted by the Jihadis for their "love-Jihad". These activities are .

boys trying to trap Hindu girls in their ugly .

"LOVE" in the name of Jihad and after the marriage forcibly convert their wives. ABVP questions the institutes and other such premises. Even our esteemed university JNU is also within the radar of .

Do they fear of recede of their so-called Muslim vote bank?? Why the " Love-Jihadis" choose Kerala.

Jihadis for their "love-Jihad" operations... Muslim .

as their prime target ...?? Do the Congress and left Government of Kerala patronise "love-Jihadis" or give them an easy escape from the law in nam e of ugly secularism ...??? ABVP appeals to all the stand of the 'Leftists' and Women's rights activists on this issue? Why are they keeping mum..??? .

Hindu, Sikhs and Christian girls not to get trapped in the "LOVE" of Muslims as there is a high .

possibility of them being converted into Islam (statistics say so) or of getting trapped .in the .

danaerous "Love-Jihad"! .

Sd/-Sunil, Jt. Secretary, ABVP, JNU. Visit us: jnuabvp.blogspot.com/ .

Sd/-Vivek Vishal, Vice-President, ABVP, JNU: .

Email us: abvpjnu@gmail.com .

.

.

Our Child Sexual Exploitation Unit were out in Oldham and Manchester earlier today executing warrants as part of an investigation into non-recent child sexual abuse dating back to the early 2000s.

This is part of our ongoing operation to tackle all forms of CSE in Greater Manchester.

Always call 999 in an emergency, such as when a crime is in progress, violence is being used or threatened or where there is danger to life.

You can also call anonymously with information about crime to Crimestoppers on 0800 555 111. Crimestoppers is an independent charity who will not want your name, just your information. Your call will not be traced or recorded and you do not have to go to court or give a statement.

You can access many of our services online at www.gmp.police.uk

#30Glorieuses & Dynamisme @ les kilométres d' #archives cachées d #Mémoire2cité Les guerres jouent un rôle majeur dans l'histoire architecturale d'un pays. Alors que les commémorations orchestrées par la mission Centenaire 1914-1918 battent leur plein, il paraît intéressant de revenir sur ce que la Grande Guerre a représenté pour les architectes, au-delà des destructions et du traumatisme. Ce premier épisode de « mobilisation totale » - suivant les termes utilisés par Ernst Jünger en 1930 -, a notamment entraîné une industrialisation accéléré des processus de production, qui a marqué les esprits. Certains architectes comme Félix Dumail et Marcel Lods se sont alors engagés dans la définition d'un cadre urbanistique nouveau pour le logement social : au sein de l'Office public d'habitations à bon marché du département de la Seine, ils ont largement contribué à l'invention du « grand ensemble ».

La reconstruction de l'après Première Guerre mondiale a souvent été présentée comme une occasion manquée. Cette antienne a même servi de repoussoir après la Seconde. C'est pourtant un bilan à tempérer, puisqu'au sortir de l'une et l'autre, on est parvenu à reconstruire un nombre de logements comparable en valeur relative, dans à peu près le même laps de temps. Plus généralement, les vicissitudes des chantiers de l'entre-deux-guerres tiennent au contexte économique et politique, au problème du moratoire des loyers, aux effets de la crise de 1929, etc., plutôt qu'à une défaillance des savoir-faire des entreprises et des architectes. Dans cette période ouverte cohabitent, au contraire, des procédés constructifs aussi nombreux qu'efficaces. L'élaboration des programmes modernes - logement social, équipements sportifs, sociaux et éducatifs, grande distribution, etc. - est l'objet d'un éventail de recherches d'une grande pluralité. On aura rarement inventé autant de types architecturaux. Ainsi, pour paraphraser ce que Jean-Louis Cohen écrit de la Seconde Guerre (1), on peut suggérer que la Première ne représente pas seulement quatre années de « page blanche », ni même une répétition de la suivante, mais bien, elle aussi, un temps de condensation « technologique, typologique et esthétique ». Si la Seconde Guerre coïncide avec la « victoire » et la « suprématie » de la modernité architecturale, la Premièren'est pas en reste, qui pose les conditions de diffusion du fordisme, de la préfabrication des bâtiments et dessine les contours urbanistiques de la construction de masse.

Certes, le XIXe siècle, avec le Paris d'Haussmann et les expositions universelles, avait largement plus que défricher les champs de la rapidité, de l'étendue et de la quantité, mais, spécifiquement, l'entre-deux-guerres est marqué par le perfectionnement de la répétition (2). Un des effets de la Grande Guerre réside dans l'accélération de la mise en place d'un cadre de production pour le logement collectif et dans la définition progressive du « grand ensemble ». Ce concept, apparu en juin 1935 sous la plume de Maurice Rotival dans L'Architecture d'aujourd'hui, ressortit à la tentative « d'un urbanisme contemporain : un urbanisme des habitations » (3). Son héraut est l'Office public d'habitations à bon marché du département de la Seine (OPHBMS) d'Henri Sellier, futur ministre de la Santé publique du Front populaire. Imaginé en 1913, organisé pendant la guerre, l'OPHBMS sera, avant 1939, le maître d'ouvrage de plus de 17 000 logements répartis en une vingtaine d'opérations banlieusardes.

Dans une perspective de généalogie du logement de masse français, il y a grand intérêt à suivre les parcours des architectes de l'OPHBMS pendant la Grande Guerre. Parmi la vingtaine de protagonistes concernés, seuls deux étaient trop âgés pour participer au conflit : Raphaël Loiseau (1856-1925), architecte-conseil, et Alexandre Maistrasse (1860-1951), qui s'applique dès avant l'armistice au projet de la « cité-jardins » de Suresnes, dont Sellier sera maire de 1919 à 1940. Il y livrera près de 2 500 logements. Bien que plus jeune, Maurice Payret-Dortail (1874-1929) n'est pas mobilisé et participe à la mise en place de l'Office durant la guerre, avant de travailler jusqu'à son décès prématuré à une autre grande cité-jardins, celle du Plessis-Robinson. Nés entre 1868 et 1900, les autres architectes correspondent exactement aux classes d'âge appelées au front.

Les figures de Marcel Lods et de Felix Dumail

Deux d'entre eux (4) ont laissé des archives significatives sur ces années : Félix Dumail (1883-1955), un des plus fidèles compagnons de Sellier, et Marcel Lods (1891-1978), brillant cadet entré dans un second temps à l'OPHBMS avec son associé Eugène Beaudouin (1898-1983). Dumail est diplômé de l'Atelier Bernier en 1908 et lorsqu'il est mobilisé, il figure déjà parmi les pionniers du logement social. Lods, quant à lui, est admis dans le même atelier en 1911, mais, conscrit l'année suivante, il ne quitte l'uniforme qu'une fois la guerre terminée. Il obtient son diplôme en 1923, tout en collaborant dès 1921 sur d'importantes opérations HBM avec Albert Beaudouin, architecte de la Société des logements économiques pour familles nombreuses depuis 1907. Celui-ci lui cédera son agence en 1929, ainsi qu'à son neveu Eugène.

Vers des logements sociaux en grande série

Il faut rappeler qu'à l'approche de la guerre, ce que l'on nomme le logement ouvrier se situe à un tournant : fin 1912, la loi Bonnevay a affirmé son caractère public. Elle autorise alors les collectivités locales à constituer des offices d'habitations à bon marché, domaine jusque-là réservé des sociétés anonymes et des fondations philanthropiques. Peu avant, la Ville de Paris a obtenu la possibilité de produire elle-même des logements sociaux. Si les résultats du concours qu'elle lance en 1912 sont suspendus, du fait de ses terrains petits et irrégulier ayant inspiré des propositions peu généralisables, quelques architectes se sont d'ores et déjà essayés à décliner des plans en immeubles libres et cours ouvertes. C'est le cas de Payret-Dortail, lauréat sur le site de l'avenue Émile-Zola, et du jeune groupement Dumail, Jean Hébrard et Antonin Trévelas. Au concours de 1913, ce trio peut développer ses principes à l'échelle plus favorable de vastes terrains. Il se retrouve lauréat de 600 logements rue Marcadet, avec un projet désigné dix ans plus tard comme un des plus avancés des « standards d'avant-guerre » (5). Ce deuxième concours, qui porte l'ambition d'entamer un processus de construction en grande série sur la base de plans-modèles, suscite l'engouement, puisque près de 700 châssis ont été adressés et que, comme l'affirme L'Architecture : « On sent qu'il y a maintenant une génération d'architectes s'intéressant à la question des habitations à bon marché, et qui l'ont comprise. » (6) Sellier ne s'y trompe pas, qui forme, entre 1916 et 1921, la première équipe d'architectes-directeurs de l'OPHBMS en puisant parmi les lauréats des concours parisiens : Albenque et Gonnot ; Arfvidson, Bassompierre et de Rutté ; Hébrard et Dumail, Maistrasse, Payret-Dortail, Pelletier, Teisseire.

L'entrée en guerre, dans un premier temps, coupe net l'élan de cette génération, avant de la décimer. Ainsi, Trévelas aura son nom gravé sur le monument aux morts de la cour du mûrier, au cœur de l'École des beaux-arts. Mobilisé dans l'infanterie, Dumail décrit dans ses courriers et dans son journal, le manque d'organisation, la faim, la fatigue, les douleurs corporelles, l'ampleur des destructions et les atrocités : blessures par obus, barricades élevées avec des couches de cadavres, etc. Si l'épisode napoléonien avait déjà provoqué des tueries de masse, celles-ci se singularisent. Leur mécanisation et l'annihilation du territoire représenteront une source inextinguible de réflexions pour les architectes, faisant écho à une sensibilité récente : les théories premières de Prosper Mérimée ou Viollet-le-Duc - suite au « vandalisme » de la révolution et aux effets de l'industrialisation - venaient justement d'accoucher le 31 décembre 1913 de l'actuelle loi sur les monuments historiques. Après guerre, les architectes se passionneront du sort des monuments endommagés - la cathédrale de Reims notamment - et du statut des ruines, quasi sacralisées par un Auguste Perret. Simultanément les avant-gardes mettront en avant l'idée de la table rase. Le spectacle des manœuvres de nuit sous le feu des projecteurs procure ainsi à Dumail un sentiment ambigu de fascination-répulsion, évoquant la sidération exprimée par un Apollinaire.

Dumail manifeste des capacités d'observation hors du commun, qui lui vaudront la légion d'honneur. Sous les bombardements, il exécute des plans et des panoramas des positions ennemies, permettant de mieux diriger les tirs. Nommé sous-lieutenant en octobre 1915, il entame des démarches pour être affecté à l'aviation. À l'appui de sa demande, il mentionne sa passion pour les sports mécaniques, sa pratique assidue de la moto et souligne son succès en 1912 au concours Chenavard consacré à une école d'aviation militaire. C'est pourtant un projet dans lequel l'aéroport représentait surtout un emblème. À l'instar, du reste, de l'aéroport de la cité-jardins du Grand Paris imaginée par l'OHBMS en 1919 en marge des projets du Plessis-Robinson et de la Butte-Rouge (Châtenay-Malabry), ou encore, à partir de 1922, de celui qu'associe Le Corbusier à une autoroute sur la rive droite de Paris, dans son fameux Plan Voisin soutenu par le fabricant automobile et aéronautique éponyme. Bien que Dumail juge plus aisé de piloter un avion qu'une auto et malgré le soutien de ses officiers, ses démarches n'aboutissent pas. Pas plus que ses tentatives d'entrer au Génie puis au service technique de Peugeot ou encore, en 1917, ses propositions d'adaptation d'une mitrailleuse Hotchkiss auprès du sous-secrétariat d'État des inventions. Comme beaucoup d'appelés, Dumail attendra sa démobilisation quasiment jusqu'au traité de Versailles, en 1919. Durant ces années incertaines, alors que ne se concrétisent ni le chantier de la rue Marcadet ni sa nomination définitive par l'OPHBMS - il y est inscrit avec Hébrard sur la liste d'architectes depuis 1917 -, il voyage dans les régions dévastées. Dumail et Hébrard sont agréés pour la reconstruction des Ardennes en 1921, au moment où les études de la rue Marcadet reprennent et celles de la cité-jardins de Gennevilliers deviennent opérationnelles.

Cette concentration de commandes explique que leur activité de reconstruction se limite au seul village d'Attigny (Ardennes), d'autant que leurs aspirations vont bientôt dépasser l'horizon hexagonal. En effet, lorsque Dumail retrouve Hébrard, celui-ci enseigne l'architecture dans le cadre de l'American Expeditionary Forces University, prolongeant son expérience à l'université Cornell-Ithaca entre 1906 et 1911. Leurs deux frères, eux aussi architectes, sont à l'étranger : GabrielDumail, fait prisonnier en 1915, est parti pour la Chine ; quant à ErnestHébrard, Grand Prix de Rome 1904, il a aussi été fait prisonnier avant de se voir confier, en 1918, la reconstruction de Salonique, puis de devenir architecte en chef d'Indochine. Pionnier de l'urbanisme - néologisme de 1910 -, il est membre fondateur de la Société française des architectes urbanistes en 1911, et l'une des premières figures de l'architecture internationale, voire « mondialisée ». Il avait entraîné, peu avant la guerre, son frère et les Dumail dans l'aventure de l'International World Centre : un essai de capitale pour les États-Unis du monde, précurseur de la Société des Nations, dans lequel La Construction moderne voyait en janvier 1914 « une école mondiale de la paix »... arrivée trop tard ! De cette tentation de l'ailleurs, Dumail tire quelques réalisations en Indochine entre 1924 et 1928. Jean Hébrard, lui, s'expatrie en 1925 pour devenir un des théoriciens du City Planning dans les universités de Pennsylvanie puis du Michigan.

Des chantiers d'expérience

Dumail consacrera dès lors l'essentiel de sa carrière à l'OPHBMS, en tant qu'architecte-directeur des cités-jardins de Gennevilliers, du Pré-Saint-Gervais, de Dugny, de l'achèvement de Suresnes, et d'un ensemble HBM pour militaires à Saint-Mandé, immédiatement reconnus pour la qualité de leurs logements et de leur greffe urbaine. Comme pour la cité de la rue Marcadet, il y conçoit « des bâtiments isolés, absolument entourés d'air et de lumière » (7). Ces « chantiers d'expériences », suivant une expression des années 1920 qui deviendra emblématique à la Libération, sont souvent mis en œuvre par des entreprises ayant fourbi leurs premières armes avec les troupes américaines pour des constructions de baraquements préfabriqués. Ils permettront à Dumail de figurer parmi les rares architectes français à avoir édifié plus de 2 000 logements avant la Seconde Guerre, dans lesquels il étrennera les chemins de grue et les principes de coffrage des Trente Glorieuses.On ne peut que faire le lien entre ses aspirations pendant la guerre, sa culture technique, son goût pour la mécanique, et ceux d'autres acteurs de la modernité architecturale. Quelques années avant lui, en 1904, son associé Hébrard brille lui aussi au concours Chenavard, avec pour sujet un Palais de l'automobile. En 1908, le Salon de l'automobile accueille à Paris ses premiers exposants aéronautiques et c'est justement un architecte de la même génération, AndréGranet (1881-1974), futur gendre d'Eiffel, qui contribue l'année suivante à lancer au Grand Palais la première exposition internationale de la locomotion aérienne, ancêtre du salon du Bourget. Plus précisément, le passage de l'observation militaire à l'aviation renvoie à WalterGropius (1883-1969). Comme Dumail ou encore André Lurçat, mais dans le camp d'en face, le fondateur du Bauhaus dessine d'abord ses repérages de ligne de front à pied, avant d'être affecté à l'aviation et d'y connaître une révélation, déterminante pour sa carrière (8). Cette passion de la photographie aérienne sera partagée par son alter ego français dans l'expérimentation de la préfabrication, Marcel Lods, en pleine résonance avec une attention voulue « scientifique » au territoire et à sa documentation - une des constantes des équipes de l'OPHBMS. Si Lods s'engage comme aviateur en 1939, il est vingt-cinq ans plus tôt affecté comme instructeur d'artillerie. Et il ne lui échappe pas qu'avec presque 900 millions d'obus tirés, son arme représente l'instrument par excellence de l'industrialisation de la guerre. Puis, il suit l'arrivée des troupes américaines et de leurs engins et se passionne pour le développement spectaculaire des industries automobile et aéronautique aux États-Unis. Pays où était née, dès 1908, la fameuse Ford T, premier véhicule de série. Du début des années 1920 jusqu'à la fin de sa carrière, aux côtés de grands ingénieurs, Lods tente d'exporter ce modèle à celui du bâtiment et de ses composants. Ce seront notamment les chantiers de la Cité du Champ des Oiseaux, à Bagneux (1927-1933), et de La Muette, à Drancy (1931-1934). Puis, après guerre, les Grandes Terres de Marly-le-Roi (1952-1960) et surtout la Grand'Mare de Rouen (1960-1977). C'est aussi une myriade de petites réalisations prototypiques, à commencer par l'aéroclub de Buc abordé au moment où Lods obtient son brevet de pilote, en 1932.

Ses chantiers qui se veulent de pur montage, rêvés en gants blanc, ne sont pas dénués d'utopie. Ils participent au sentiment qui sourd au début du XXe siècle, selon lequel l'homme s'apprête à faire quasi corps avec la machine. Charlie Chaplin a génialement montré dans Les Temps modernes en 1936 la part tragique de cette nouvelle condition. Elle apparaît comme un des effets les plus paradoxaux de la guerre, dans laquelle toute une génération a été confrontée aux corps mutilés en masse, soumis aux éléments et à la putréfaction en plein champ, mais aussi possiblement transcendés par la mécanisation et la science. Alfred Jarry en avait eu l'intuition dès 1902 avec Le Surmâle : roman moderne dans lequel il dressait le récit de la course - en forme d'hécatombe - d'un train à vapeur et de cyclistes dopés à la « perpetual-motion food ». Le Corbusier est l'architecte qui, au contact des Planistes et du théoricien eugéniste Alexis Carrel, captera le mieux ce nouveau rapport au corps, avec ses recherches sur l'immeuble-villa puis sur l'« unité d'habitation de grandeur conforme », instruments d'une « fabrique de l'homme nouveau » liant sport, biologie et habitation. Intégré à la fondation Carrel entre 1943 à 1945 (9), Dumail n'échappera pas à ce programme « d'hygiène sociale et de prophylaxie » énoncé par Sellier lui-même au moins dès 1921.Ces proches de Sellier que sont Dumail et Lods ont vu leurs réalisations de l'OPHBMS données en 1935 comme modèles du programme du grand ensemble du futur, dans cette période accidentée où s'élaborait une culture politique de gestion de la croissance des périphéries urbaines. À la Libération, ils affirment ensemble le logement comme la grande « affaire » du XXe siècle dans un livret du comité Henri-Sellier (10). En 1951, ils s'engagent presque simultanément dans les chantiers respectifs des deux SHAPE Villages : Dumail à Saint-Germain-en-Laye, aux côtés de Jean Dubuisson, et Lods à Fontainebleau. Les logements qu'ils bâtissent, chacun à sa façon mais tous deux en un temps record, pour les sous-officiers et officiers du quartier général des forces alliées en Europe, constituent un des moments fondateurs de la politique de construction à venir : les grands ensembles français ne sont décidément pas tombés du ciel avec la croissance et le baby-boom. * Architecte, Hubert Lempereur a consacré de nombreux articles à la généalogie et à l'histoire matérielle et culturelle des premiers grands ensembles français et à la construction de masse. À paraître, Félix Dumail, architecte de la « cité-jardins », aux éditions du patrimoine et La Samaritaine, Paris, aux éditions Picard, ouvrage codirigé avec Jean-François Cabestan. 1. J.-L. Cohen, Architecture en uniforme. Projeter et construire pour la Seconde Guerre mondiale, Hazan/Centre Canadien d'Architecture, 2011. 2. Voir P. Chemetov et B. Marrey, Architectures. Paris 1848-1914, Dunod, 1980. 3. M. Rotival, « Urbanisme des H.B.M. - Formes de la cité », L'Architecture d'aujourd'hui, n° 6, juin 1935. 4. Leurs archives sont conservées au centre d'archives d'architecture du XXe siècle. La famille Dumail conserve de son côté ses correspondances de guerre. 5. J. Posener, « Historique des H.B.M. - Naissance du problème, premières solutions », L'Architecture d'aujourd'hui, n° 6, juin 1935. 6. G. Ernest, « Concours pour la construction par la Ville de Paris d'immeubles collectifs à bon marché », L'Architecture, 28 fév. 1914. 7. A. Gaillardin, « Les derniers concours de la Ville de Paris pour la construction d'habitations à bon marché », La Construction moderne, 28 juin 1914. 8. J. Gubler, « L'aérostation, prélude à l'aviation ? Notes sur la découverte architecturale du paysage aérien », Matières, 1998. 9. H. Lempereur, « La fondation Carrel (1941-1945), Le Corbusier et Félix Dumail : portraits d'architectes en bio-sociologues », fabricA, 2009. 10. F. Dumail, P. Grünebaum-Ballin, R. Hummel, M. Lods, P. Pelletier et P. Sirvin, L'affaire du logement social, préface de Léon Blum, Éditions de la Liberté, 1947. TEXTE DU MONITEUR @ les #Constructions #Modernes #BANLIEUE @ l' #Urbanisme & l es #Chantiers d'#ApresGuerre ici #Mémoire2ville le #Logement Collectif* dans tous ses états..#Histoire & #Mémoire de l'#Habitat / Département territoire terroir region ville souvenirs du temps passé d une époque revolue #Archives ANRU / #Rétro #Banlieue / Renouvellement #Urbain / #Urbanisme / #HLM #postwar #postcard #cartepostale twitter.com/Memoire2cite Villes et rénovation urbaine..Tout savoir tout connaitre sur le sujet ici via le PDF de l'UNION SOCIALE POUR L HABITAT (l'USH)... des textes à savoir, à apprendre, des techniques de demolition jusqu a la securisation..& bien plus encore.. union-habitat.org/sites/default/files/articles/documents/...

www.dailymotion.com/video/xk6xui Quatre murs et un toit 1953 - Le Corbusier, l'architecte du bonheur 1957 conceptions architecturales le modulor, l'architecture de la ville radieuse, Chandigarh, Marseille, Nantes www.dailymotion.com/video/xw8prl Un documentaire consacré aux conceptions architecturales et urbanistiques de Le Corbusier.Exposées par l'architecte lui-même et étayées par des plans, dessins et images de ses réalisations en France et à l'étranger, ces théories témoignent d'une réflexion approfondie et originale sur la ville et sa nécessaire adaptation à la vie moderne, notamment Paris dont l'aménagement révolutionnaire rêvé par Le Corbusier est ici exposé. Un classique du documentaire.Les premiers projets de Le Corbusier resteront à l'état de maquette : le plan de modernisation de la ville d'Alger. Certains seront réalisés par d'autres architectes : ministère de l'éducation à Rio de Janeiro, Palais de l'ONU à New York. Dès l'après-guerre en moins de 10 ans, Le Corbusier réalise de grandes unités d'habitation à Marseille, Nantes une chapelle à Ronchamps, une usine à Saint-Dié, une ville Chandigarh en Inde. Par des schémas, l'architecte présente sa théorie de la "ville radieuse", le modulor clef mathématique de son œuvre ainsi que son projet de réorganisation de la campagne, des cités industrielles et urbaine en un regroupement autour d'un système coopératif. Le film expose les conceptions architecturales de Le Corbusier, dans la ligne des précurseurs de l'architecture moderne comme Claude-Nicolas Ledoux. Paris et le désert français 1957 réalisation : Roger Leenhardt et Sydney Jezequel, résoudre le déséquilibre démographique ville campagne www.dailymotion.com/video/x177lrp Film réalisé par Roger Leenhardt et Sydney Jezequel en 1957, d'après le livre de Jean-François Gravier. Document d'information général proposant les solutions de l'époque pour éviter la désertification des campagnes et la folie concentrationnaire des villes. Dès 1957, la désertification des campagnes prend des proportions tragiques. L'exemple est donné pour le village de Gourdon dans le Quercy.

Quelles évolutions proposer pour éviter l'exode rural et le développement anarchique, qui s'amorce, des villes champignons, construites en plein champ sans urbanisme et sans âme ? Le commentaire propose les solutions de l'époque : modernisation de l'agriculture, adaptation de l'artisanat, implantations d'industries dans les provinces. Gazoducs dans le sud-ouest, barrage en Haute-Savoie, polder en Bretagne semblaient à l'époque pouvoir résoudre le déséquilibre ville campagne. Visages de la France 1957 Production - réalisation Atlantic-Film Marcel de Hubsch www.dailymotion.com/video/x19g59p Le film commence avec des vues de villages et d'architecture traditionnelle du Pays Basque, des Landes, de la Touraine, de la Normandie, de la Bretagne, d'Alsace. La voix off s'interroge : faut il transformer la France en un musée de ses vieilles demeures ? et poursuit : pourquoi des maisons de 10 à 15 mètres de hauteur à Honfleur n'ont elles que 3 à 5 mètres de large ? Le commentaire se pose la question du nombre de maisons individuelles dans les villes qui entrainent l'étalement urbain. Lorsque les villes ont bâtit des immeubles, le commentaire se demande que cachent ces façades ? Des coures étroites que le soleil ne visite jamais, un enchevêtrement inouï de constructions hétéroclites. L'époque de grande prospérité de la troisième république n'a rien su construire de grand poursuit la voix off. Ce document nous propose ensuite une animation de maquette pour l'aménagement d'une friche. Dans un premier temps à la façon d'avant avec la maison individuelle. La voix off s'exclame : ce n'est pas autrement que d'affreuses banlieues naquirent que tant de villes furent à jamais enlaidies, essayons autre chose. L'animation se met à empiler les maisons individuelles et propose des bâtiments collectifs dans des jardins. Le commentaire poursuit : maintenant c'est l'heure de l'urbaniste à lui de répartir les constructions dans la cité. Plusieurs organisation de logements collectifs sont proposées en maquettes. La voix off pointe les défauts d'un urbanisme des grands ensemble trop ennuyeux. Puis une solution émerge de l'animation : pour que la cité vive il faut mettre au place d'honneur école, dispensaire, bibliothèque, salle de réunion, puis viennent les deux pièces maîtresse deux grands immeubles puis les rues se glissent dans la composition et enfin les pelouse et les jardins apparaissent et voila conclue le commentaire. Le film montre ensuite de réalisation de grands ensemble et on entre dans un immeuble au sein d'une famille : air et lumière sont au rendes-vous. On voit des enfants faire du patin à roulette dans le parc de l'immeuble la voix off annonce : finit l'individualisme renfrogné de l'échoppe d'antan : la cité tout entière est un jardin, les jeux d'enfants se mêlent aux fleurs. Le film se termine sur des vues de réalisation de grands ensemble sur toute la France (vue entre autre de la cité radieuse de Le Corbusier à Marseille). Production Films Caravelle MRU (ministère de la reconstruction et de l'urbanisme) Scenario et réalisation : Pierre JaLLAUDSur les routes de France les ponts renaissent 1945 reconstruction de la France après la Seconde Guerre mondiale www.dailymotion.com/video/xuxrii?playlist=x34ije , Quelques mois après la fin de la Seconde Guerre mondiale, un triste constat s'impose : 5 944 passages sont coupés, soit plus de 110 km de brèches ; de nombreuses villes se trouvent isolées. Les chantiers s'activent dans toute la France pour "gagner la bataille des communications routières". Mais outre la pénurie de main d’œuvre, il faut faire face au manque de matériaux (béton, métal) et donc déployer des trésors d'imagination pour reconstruire les ponts détruits. Si le savoir faire des tailleurs de pierre est exploité, le plus spectaculaire est le relevage des ponts, comme le pont de Galliéni à Lyon, où 7 à 800 tonnes d'acier sont sorti de l'eau avec des moyens de l'époque. En avril 1945, il reste 5 700 ponts à reconstruire soit 200 000 tonnes d'acier, 600 000 tonnes de ciment, 250 000 m3 de bois, 10 millions de journées d'ouvrier, prix de l'effort de reconstruction. Titre : Sur les routes de France les ponts renaissenT Année de réalisation : 1945 Auteurs / réalisateurs : images : G.Delaunay, A.Pol, son : C.Gauguier Production : Direction Technique des Services des Ponts et Chaussées / Ministère des Travaux Publics et des Transports

Lyon, Tournon, Caen - Le Bosquel, un village renait 1947 l'album cinématographique de la reconstruction, réalisation Paul de Roubaix production ministère de la Reconstruction et de l'Urbanisme, village prototype, architecte Paul Dufournet, www.dailymotion.com/video/xx5tx8?playlist=x34ije - Demain Paris 1959 dessin animé présentant l'aménagement de la capitale dans les années 60, Animation, dessin animé à vocation pédagogique visant à promouvoir la politique d’aménagement suivie dans les années 60 à Paris.Un raccourci historique sur l’extension de Paris du Moyen Âge au XIXe siècle (Lutèce, œuvres de Turgot, Napoléon, Haussmann), ce dessin animé retrace la naissance de la banlieue et de ses avatars au XXe siècle. Il annonce les grands principes d’aménagement des villes nouvelles et la restructuration du centre de Paris (référence implicite à la charte d’Athènes). Le texte est travaillé en rimes et vers. Une chanson du vieux Paris conclut poétiquement cette vision du futur. Thèmes principaux : Aménagement urbain / planification-aménagement régional Mots-clés : Banlieue, extension spatiale, histoire, quartier, ville, ville nouvelle Lieu géographique : Paris 75 Architectes ou personnalités : Eugène Haussmann, Napoléon, Turgot Réalisateurs : André Martin, Michel Boschet Production : les films Roger Leenhardt

www.dailymotion.com/video/xw6lak?playlist=x34ije -Rue neuve 1956 la reconstruction de la France dix ans après la fin de la seconde guerre mondiale, villes, villages, grands ensembles réalisation : Jack Pinoteau , Panorama de la reconstruction de la France dix ans après la fin de la seconde guerre mondiale, ce film de commande évoque les villes et villages français détruits puis reconstruits dans un style respectant la tradition : Saint-Malo, Gien, Thionville, Ammerschwihr, etc. ainsi que la reconstruction en rupture avec l'architecture traditionnelle à Châtenay-Malabry, Arles, Saint Étienne, Évreux, Chambéry, Villeneuve-Saint-Georges, Abbeville, Le Havre, Marseille, Boulogne-sur-Mer, Dunkerque. Le documentaire explique par exemple la manière dont a été réalisée la reconstruction de Saint-Malo à l'intérieur des rempart de la vieille ville : "c'est la fidélité à l'histoire et la force du souvenir qui a guidé l'architecte". Dans le même esprit à Gien, au trois quart détruite en 1940, seul le château construit en 1494 pour Anne de Beaujeu, fille aînée de Louis XI, fut épargné par les bombardements. La ville fut reconstruite dans le style des rares immeubles restant. Gien est relevé de ses ruines et le nouvel ensemble harmonieux est appelé « Joyau de la Reconstruction française ».Dans un deuxième temps est abordé le chapitre de la construction des cités et des grands ensembles, de l’architecture du renouveau qualifiée de "grandiose incontestablement". S’il est précisé "on peut aimer ou de ne pas aimer ce style", l’emporte au final l’argument suivant : les grands ensembles, c'est la campagne à la ville, un urbanisme plus aéré, plus vert." les films caravelles 1956, Réalisateur : Jack Pinoteau (connu pour être le metteur en scène du film Le Triporteur 1957 qui fit découvrir Darry Cowl)

www.dailymotion.com/video/xuz3o8?playlist=x34ije ,

Film d'archive actualités de 1952 Reconstruction de la France sept ans après la fin de la seconde guerre mondiale état des lieux de la crise du logement , Actualités de 1952.

Sept ans après la fin de la seconde guerre Mondiale état des lieux de la reconstruction de la France et de la crise du logement à l’œuvre, pénurie de logement, logements insalubres. Les actualités montrent des images d'archives de la destruction de la France, les Chars de la division Leclerc qui défilent sur les Champs Elysees. Le commentaire dénonce la lenteur de la reconstruction et notamment des manifestations qui ont eu lieue à Royan afin d''accélérer la reconstruction de la ville détruite.Le film montre à Strasbourg, Mulhouse, des réalisation moderne de grands ensembles et des images d'archive de la reconstruction du Havre de Saint Nazaire.

Le film se termine à Marseille sur les réalisation nouvelles autour du vieux port puis on assiste à l'inauguration de la Cité Radieuse par le ministre de la Reconstruction et de l'Urbanisme Eugène Claudius-Petit en présence de son architecte Le Corbusier à qui le ministre remet la cravate de commandeur de la légion d'honneur. www.dailymotion.com/video/xk1g5j?playlist=x34ije Brigitte Gros - Urbanisme - Filmer les grands ensembles 2016 - par Camille Canteux chercheuse au CHS -Centre d'Histoire Sociale - Jeanne Menjoulet - Ce film du CHS daté de 2014 www.youtube.com/watch?v=VDUBwVPNh0s … L'UNION SOCIALE POUR L'HABITAT le Musée des H.L.M. musee-hlm.fr/ / - www.union-habitat.org/ / - www.institutfrancais.com/sites/default/files/dp_expositio... archives-histoire.centraliens.net/pdfs/revues/rev625.pdf tel.archives-ouvertes.fr/tel-00554230/document Quatre murs et un toit 1953 - Le Corbusier, l'architecte du bonheur 1957 conceptions architecturales le modulor, l'architecture de la ville radieuse, Chandigarh, Marseille, Nantes www.dailymotion.com/video/xw8prl Un documentaire consacré aux conceptions architecturales et urbanistiques de Le Corbusier.Exposées par l'architecte lui-même et étayées par des plans, dessins et images de ses réalisations en France et à l'étranger, ces théories témoignent d'une réflexion approfondie et originale sur la ville et sa nécessaire adaptation à la vie moderne, notamment Paris dont l'aménagement révolutionnaire rêvé par Le Corbusier est ici exposé. Un classique du documentaire.Les premiers projets de Le Corbusier resteront à l'état de maquette : le plan de modernisation de la ville d'Alger. Certains seront réalisés par d'autres architectes : ministère de l'éducation à Rio de Janeiro, Palais de l'ONU à New York. Dès l'après-guerre en moins de 10 ans, Le Corbusier réalise de grandes unités d'habitation à Marseille, Nantes une chapelle à Ronchamps, une usine à Saint-Dié, une ville Chandigarh en Inde. Par des schémas, l'architecte présente sa théorie de la "ville radieuse", le modulor clef mathématique de son œuvre ainsi que son projet de réorganisation de la campagne, des cités industrielles et urbaine en un regroupement autour d'un système coopératif. Le film expose les conceptions architecturales de Le Corbusier, dans la ligne des précurseurs de l'architecture moderne comme Claude-Nicolas Ledoux. Paris et le désert français 1957 réalisation : Roger Leenhardt et Sydney Jezequel, résoudre le déséquilibre démographique ville campagne www.dailymotion.com/video/x177lrp Film réalisé par Roger Leenhardt et Sydney Jezequel en 1957, d'après le livre de Jean-François Gravier. Document d'information général proposant les solutions de l'époque pour éviter la désertification des campagnes et la folie concentrationnaire des villes. Dès 1957, la désertification des campagnes prend des proportions tragiques. L'exemple est donné pour le village de Gourdon dans le Quercy.Quelles évolutions proposer pour éviter l'exode rural et le développement anarchique, qui s'amorce, des villes champignons, construites en plein champ sans urbanisme et sans âme ? Le commentaire propose les solutions de l'époque : modernisation de l'agriculture, adaptation de l'artisanat, implantations d'industries dans les provinces. Gazoducs dans le sud-ouest, barrage en Haute-Savoie, polder en Bretagne semblaient à l'époque pouvoir résoudre le déséquilibre ville campagne. Visages de la France 1957 Production - réalisation Atlantic-Film Marcel de Hubsch www.dailymotion.com/video/x19g59p Le film commence avec des vues de villages et d'architecture traditionnelle du Pays Basque, des Landes, de la Touraine, de la Normandie, de la Bretagne, d'Alsace. La voix off s'interroge : faut il transformer la France en un musée de ses vieilles demeures ? et poursuit : pourquoi des maisons de 10 à 15 mètres de hauteur à Honfleur n'ont elles que 3 à 5 mètres de large ? Le commentaire se pose la question du nombre de maisons individuelles dans les villes qui entrainent l'étalement urbain. Lorsque les villes ont bâtit des immeubles, le commentaire se demande que cachent ces façades ? Des coures étroites que le soleil ne visite jamais, un enchevêtrement inouï de constructions hétéroclites. L'époque de grande prospérité de la troisième république n'a rien su construire de grand poursuit la voix off. Ce document nous propose ensuite une animation de maquette pour l'aménagement d'une friche. Dans un premier temps à la façon d'avant avec la maison individuelle. La voix off s'exclame : ce n'est pas autrement que d'affreuses banlieues naquirent que tant de villes furent à jamais enlaidies, essayons autre chose. L'animation se met à empiler les maisons individuelles et propose des bâtiments collectifs dans des jardins. Le commentaire poursuit : maintenant c'est l'heure de l'urbaniste à lui de répartir les constructions dans la cité. Plusieurs organisation de logements collectifs sont proposées en maquettes. La voix off pointe les défauts d'un urbanisme des grands ensemble trop ennuyeux. Puis une solution émerge de l'animation : pour que la cité vive il faut mettre au place d'honneur école, dispensaire, bibliothèque, salle de réunion, puis viennent les deux pièces maîtresse deux grands immeubles puis les rues se glissent dans la composition et enfin les pelouse et les jardins apparaissent et voila conclue le commentaire. Le film montre ensuite de réalisation de grands ensemble et on entre dans un immeuble au sein d'une famille : air et lumière sont au rendes-vous. On voit des enfants faire du patin à roulette dans le parc de l'immeuble la voix off annonce : finit l'individualisme renfrogné de l'échoppe d'antan : la cité tout entière est un jardin, les jeux d'enfants se mêlent aux fleurs. Le film se termine sur des vues de réalisation de grands ensemble sur toute la France (vue entre autre de la cité radieuse de Le Corbusier à Marseille). Production Films Caravelle MRU (ministère de la reconstruction et de l'urbanisme) Scenario et réalisation : Pierre JaLLAUD

Sur les routes de France les ponts renaissent 1945 reconstruction de la France après la Seconde Guerre mondiale www.dailymotion.com/video/xuxrii?playlist=x34ije , Quelques mois après la fin de la Seconde Guerre mondiale, un triste constat s'impose : 5 944 passages sont coupés, soit plus de 110 km de brèches ; de nombreuses villes se trouvent isolées. Les chantiers s'activent dans toute la France pour "gagner la bataille des communications routières". Mais outre la pénurie de main d’œuvre, il faut faire face au manque de matériaux (béton, métal) et donc déployer des trésors d'imagination pour reconstruire les ponts détruits. Si le savoir faire des tailleurs de pierre est exploité, le plus spectaculaire est le relevage des ponts, comme le pont de Galliéni à Lyon, où 7 à 800 tonnes d'acier sont sorti de l'eau avec des moyens de l'époque. En avril 1945, il reste 5 700 ponts à reconstruire soit 200 000 tonnes d'acier, 600 000 tonnes de ciment, 250 000 m3 de bois, 10 millions de journées d'ouvrier, prix de l'effort de reconstruction. Titre : Sur les routes de France les ponts renaissenT Année de réalisation : 1945 Auteurs / réalisateurs : images : G.Delaunay, A.Pol, son : C.Gauguier Production : Direction Technique des Services des Ponts et Chaussées / Ministère des Travaux Publics et des Transport

Lieux : Lyon, Tournon, Caen - Le Bosquel, un village renait 1947 l'album cinématographique de la reconstruction, réalisation Paul de Roubaix production ministère de la Reconstruction et de l'Urbanisme, village prototype, architecte Paul Dufournet, www.dailymotion.com/video/xx5tx8?playlist=x34ije - Demain Paris 1959 dessin animé présentant l'aménagement de la capitale dans les années 60, Animation, dessin animé à vocation pédagogique visant à promouvoir la politique d’aménagement suivie dans les années 60 à Paris.

Un raccourci historique sur l’extension de Paris du Moyen Âge au XIXe siècle (Lutèce, œuvres de Turgot, Napoléon, Haussmann), ce dessin animé retrace la naissance de la banlieue et de ses avatars au XXe siècle. Il annonce les grands principes d’aménagement des villes nouvelles et la restructuration du centre de Paris (référence implicite à la charte d’Athènes). Le texte est travaillé en rimes et vers. Une chanson du vieux Paris conclut poétiquement cette vision du futur. Thèmes principaux : Aménagement urbain / planification-aménagement régional Mots-clés : Banlieue, extension spatiale, histoire, quartier, ville, ville nouvelle Lieu géographique : Paris 75 Architectes ou personnalités : Eugène Haussmann, Napoléon, Turgot Réalisateurs : André Martin, Michel Boschet Production : les films Roger Leenhardt

www.dailymotion.com/video/xw6lak?playlist=x34ije -Rue neuve 1956 la reconstruction de la France dix ans après la fin de la seconde guerre mondiale, villes, villages, grands ensembles réalisation : Jack Pinoteau , Panorama de la reconstruction de la France dix ans après la fin de la seconde guerre mondiale, ce film de commande évoque les villes et villages français détruits puis reconstruits dans un style respectant la tradition : Saint-Malo, Gien, Thionville, Ammerschwihr, etc. ainsi que la reconstruction en rupture avec l'architecture traditionnelle à Châtenay-Malabry, Arles, Saint Étienne, Évreux, Chambéry, Villeneuve-Saint-Georges, Abbeville, Le Havre, Marseille, Boulogne-sur-Mer, Dunkerque. Le documentaire explique par exemple la manière dont a été réalisée la reconstruction de Saint-Malo à l'intérieur des rempart de la vieille ville : "c'est la fidélité à l'histoire et la force du souvenir qui a guidé l'architecte". Dans le même esprit à Gien, au trois quart détruite en 1940, seul le château construit en 1494 pour Anne de Beaujeu, fille aînée de Louis XI, fut épargné par les bombardements. La ville fut reconstruite dans le style des rares immeubles restant. Gien est relevé de ses ruines et le nouvel ensemble harmonieux est appelé « Joyau de la Reconstruction française ».

Dans un deuxième temps est abordé le chapitre de la construction des cités et des grands ensembles, de l’architecture du renouveau qualifiée de "grandiose incontestablement". S’il est précisé "on peut aimer ou de ne pas aimer ce style", l’emporte au final l’argument suivant : les grands ensembles, c'est la campagne à la ville, un urbanisme plus aéré, plus vert." les films caravelles 1956, Réalisateur : Jack Pinoteau (connu pour être le metteur en scène du film Le Triporteur 1957 qui fit découvrir Darry Cowl)

www.dailymotion.com/video/xuz3o8?playlist=x34ije ,

Film d'archive actualités de 1952 Reconstruction de la France sept ans après la fin de la seconde guerre mondiale état des lieux de la crise du logement , Actualités de 1952.

Sept ans après la fin de la seconde guerre Mondiale état des lieux de la reconstruction de la France et de la crise du logement à l’œuvre, pénurie de logement, logements insalubres. Les actualités montrent des images d'archives de la destruction de la France, les Chars de la division Leclerc qui défilent sur les Champs Elysees. Le commentaire dénonce la lenteur de la reconstruction et notamment des manifestations qui ont eu lieue à Royan afin d''accélérer la reconstruction de la ville détruite.Le film montre à Strasbourg, Mulhouse, des réalisation moderne de grands ensembles et des images d'archive de la reconstruction du Havre de Saint Nazaire.

Le film se termine à Marseille sur les réalisation nouvelles autour du vieux port puis on assiste à l'inauguration de la Cité Radieuse par le ministre de la Reconstruction et de l'Urbanisme Eugène Claudius-Petit en présence de son architecte Le Corbusier à qui le ministre remet la cravate de commandeur de la légion d'honneur. www.dailymotion.com/video/xk1g5j?playlist=x34ije Brigitte Gros - Urbanisme - Filmer les grands ensembles 2016 - par Camille Canteux chercheuse au CHS -Centre d'Histoire Sociale - Jeanne Menjoulet - Ce film du CHS daté de 2014 www.youtube.com/watch?v=VDUBwVPNh0s … L'UNION SOCIALE POUR L'HABITAT le Musée des H.L.M. musee-hlm.fr/ / - www.union-habitat.org/ / - www.institutfrancais.com/sites/default/files/dp_expositio... archives-histoire.centraliens.net/pdfs/revues/rev625.pdf tel.archives-ouvertes.fr/tel-00554230/document .le Logement Collectif* 50,60,70's, dans tous ses états..Histoire & Mémoire d'H.L.M. de Copropriété Renouvellement Urbain-Réha-NPNRU., twitter.com/Memoire2cite tout içi sig.ville.gouv.fr/atlas/ZUS/ - media/InaEdu01827/la-creatio" rel="noreferrer nofollow">fresques.ina.fr/jalons/fiche-media/InaEdu01827/la-creatio Bâtir mieux plus vite et moins cher 1975 l'industrialisation du bâtiment et ses innovations : www.dailymotion.com/video/xyjudq?playlist=x34ije la préfabrication en usine www.dailymotion.com/video/xx6ob5?playlist=x34ije , le coffrage glissant www.dailymotion.com/video/x19lwab?playlist=x34ije ... De nouvelles perspectives sont nées dans l'industrie du bâtiment avec les principes de bases de l'industrialisation du bâtiment www.dailymotion.com/video/x1a98iz?playlist=x34ije ,

www.dailymotion.com/video/xk6xui?playlist=x34ije , www.dailymotion.com/video/xk1dh2?playlist=x34ije : mécanisation, rationalisation et élaboration industrielle de la production. Des exemples concrets sont présentés afin d'illustrer l'utilisation des différentes innovations : les coffrages outils, coffrage glissant, le tunnel, des procédés pour accélérer le durcissement du béton. Le procédé dit de coffrage glissant est illustré sur le chantier des tours Pablo Picasso à Nanterre. Le principe est de s'affranchir des échafaudages : le coffrage épouse le contour du bâtiment, il s'élève avec la construction et permet de réaliser simultanément l'ensemble des murs verticaux. Au centre du plancher de travail, une grue distribue en continu le ferraillage et le béton. Sur un tel chantier les ouvriers se relaient 24h / 24 , www.dailymotion.com/video/xwytke?playlist=x34ije , www.dailymotion.com/video/x1bci6m?playlist=x34ije

Le reportage se penche ensuite sur la préfabrication en usine. Ces procédés de préfabrication en usine selon le commentaire sont bien adaptés aux pays en voie de développement, cela est illustré dans le reportage par une réalisation en Libye à Benghazi. Dans la course à l'allégement des matériaux un procédé l'isola béton est présenté. Un chapitre sur la construction métallique explique les avantage de ce procédé. La fabrication de composants ouvre de nouvelles perspectives à l'industrie du bâtiment.

Lieux géographiques : la Grande Borne 91, le Vaudreuil 27, Avoriaz, Avenue de Flandres à Paris, tours Picasso à Nanterre, vues de la défense, Benghazi Libye

www.dailymotion.com/playlist/x34ije_territoiresgouv_cinem... - mémoire2cité - le monde de l'Architecture locative collective et bien plus encore - mémoire2cité - Bâtir mieux plus vite et moins cher 1975 l'industrialisation du bâtiment et ses innovations : www.dailymotion.com/video/xyjudq?playlist=x34ije la préfabrication en usine www.dailymotion.com/video/xx6ob5?playlist=x34ije , le coffrage glissant www.dailymotion.com/video/x19lwab?playlist=x34ije ... De nouvelles perspectives sont nées dans l'industrie du bâtiment avec les principes de bases de l'industrialisation du bâtiment www.dailymotion.com/video/x1a98iz?playlist=x34ije ,

Le Joli Mai (Restauré) - Les grands ensembles BOBIGNY l Abreuvoir www.youtube.com/watch?v=eUY9XzjvWHE … et la www.youtube.com/watch?v=hK26k72xIkU … www.youtube.com/watch?v=xCKF0HEsWWo …

Genève Le Grand Saconnex & la Bulle Pirate - architecte Marçel Lachat -

Un film de Julien Donada içi www.youtube.com/watch?time_continue=1&v=4E723uQcpnU … … .Genève en 1970. pic.twitter.com/1dbtkAooLM è St-Etienne - La muraille de Chine, en 1973 ce grand immeuble du quartier de Montchovet, existait encore photos la Tribune/Progres.

www.youtube.com/watch?v=AJAylpe8G48 …, - la tour 80 HLM située au 1 rue Proudhon à Valentigney dans le quartier des Buis Cette tour emblématique du quartier avec ces 15 étages a été abattu par FERRARI DEMOLITION (68). VALENTIGNEY (25700) 1961 - Ville nouvelle-les Buis 3,11 mn www.youtube.com/watch?v=C_GvwSpQUMY … - Au nord-Est de St-Etienne, aux confins de la ville, se dresse une colline Montreynaud la ZUP de Raymond Martin l'architecte & Alexandre Chemetoff pour les paysages de St-Saens.. la vidéo içi * Réalisation : Dominique Bauguil www.youtube.com/watch?v=Sqfb27hXMDo … … - www.dailymotion.com/video/xk6xui?playlist=x34ije , www.dailymotion.com/video/xk1dh2?playlist=x34ije : mécanisation, rationalisation et élaboration industrielle de la production. Des exemples concrets sont présentés afin d'illustrer l'utilisation des différentes innovations : les coffrages outils, coffrage glissant, le tunnel, des procédés pour accélérer le durcissement du béton. Le procédé dit de coffrage glissant est illustré sur le chantier des tours Pablo Picasso à Nanterre. Le principe est de s'affranchir des échafaudages : le coffrage épouse le contour du bâtiment, il s'élève avec la construction et permet de réaliser simultanément l'ensemble des murs verticaux. Au centre du plancher de travail, une grue distribue en continu le ferraillage et le béton. Sur un tel chantier les ouvriers se relaient 24h / 24 , www.dailymotion.com/video/xwytke?playlist=x34ije , www.dailymotion.com/video/x1bci6m?playlist=x34ije

Le reportage se penche ensuite sur la préfabrication en usine. Ces procédés de préfabrication en usine selon le commentaire sont bien adaptés aux pays en voie de développement, cela est illustré dans le reportage par une réalisation en Libye à Benghazi. Dans la course à l'allégement des matériaux un procédé l'isola béton est présenté. Un chapitre sur la construction métallique explique les avantage de ce procédé. La fabrication de composants ouvre de nouvelles perspectives à l'industrie du bâtiment.

la Grande Borne 91, le Vaudreuil 27, Avoriaz, Avenue de Flandres à Paris, tours Picasso à Nanterre, vues de la défense, Benghazi Libye 1975 Réalisateur : Sydney Jézéquel, Karenty

la construction des Autoroutes en France - Les liaisons moins dangereuses 1972 www.dailymotion.com/video/xxi0ae?playlist=x34ije - Ministère de l'Équipement et de l'Aménagement du Territoire - Dotation par la France d'autoroutes modernes "nécessité vitale" pour palier à l'inadaptation du réseau routier de l'époque voué à la paralysie : le reportage nous montre des images d'embouteillages. Le ministre de l'Équipement et de l'Aménagement du Territoire dans les deux gouvernements de Pierre Messmer, de 1972 à 1974, Olivier Guichard explique les ambitions du programme de construction qui doit atteindre 800 km par ans en 1978. L'ouverture de section nouvelles va bon train : Nancy / Metz par exemple. Le reportage nous montre l'intérieur des bureaux d'études qui conçoivent ces autoroute dont la conception est assistée par ordinateurs dont le projet d'ensemble en 3D est visualisé sur un écran. La voix off nous informe sur le financement de ces équipements. Puis on peut voir des images de la construction du pont sur la Seine à Saint Cloud reliant l'autoroute de Normandie au périphérique, de l'échangeur de Palaiseau sur 4 niveau : record d'Europe précise le commentaire. Le reportage nous informe que des sociétés d'économies mixtes ont étés crées pour les tronçons : Paris / Lille, Paris / Marseille, Paris / Normandie. Pour accélérer la construction l’État a eu recours à des concessions privées par exemple pour le tronçon Paris / Chartres. "Les autoroutes changent le visage de la France : artères économiques favorisant le développement industriel elles permettent de revitaliser des régions en perte de vitesse et de l'intégrer dans le mouvement général de l'expansion" Sur le plan européen elles vont combler le retard de la France et réaliser son insertion. Images de l'inauguration de l'autoroute entre Paris et Bruxelles par le président Georges Pompidou. Le reportage rappel que l'autre fonction capitale des autoroute est de favoriser la sécurité. La question de la limitation de vitesse est posée au ministre de l’Équipement, qui n'y est favorable que sur certains tronçons. Un des facteur de sécurité selon le commentaire est l'humanisation des autoroutes : aires de repos, restaurants, signalisation touristiques... "Rien n'est impossible aux techniques modernes" nous apprend la voix off qui prend comme exemple le déplacement sur rail de 65 mètres d'un château classé afin de faire passer l'autoroute Lille / Dunkerque.Durée Sur les routes de France les ponts renaissent 1945 reconstruction de la France après la Seconde Guerre mondiale www.dailymotion.com/video/xuxrii?playlist=x34ije , Quelques mois après la fin de la Seconde Guerre mondiale, un triste constat s'impose : 5 944 passages sont coupés, soit plus de 110 km de brèches ; de nombreuses villes se trouvent isolées.Les chantiers s'activent dans toute la France pour "gagner la bataille des communications routières". Mais outre la pénurie de main d’œuvre, il faut faire face au manque de matériaux (béton, métal) et donc déployer des trésors d'imagination pour reconstruire les ponts détruits. Si le savoir faire des tailleurs de pierre est exploité, le plus spectaculaire est le relevage des ponts, comme le pont de Galliéni à Lyon, où 7 à 800 tonnes d'acier sont sorti de l'eau avec des moyens de l'époque. En avril 1945, il reste 5 700 ponts à reconstruire soit 200 000 tonnes d'acier, 600 000 tonnes de ciment, 250 000 m3 de bois, 10 millions de journées d'ouvrier, prix de l'effort de reconstruction.1945

Auteurs / réalisateurs : images : G.Delaunay, A.Pol, son : C.Gauguier Production : Direction Technique des Services des Ponts et Chaussées / Ministère des Travaux Publics et des Transports Support original : 16 mm noir et blanc Durée : 14 min Thèmes principaux : infrastructures-ouvrages d'art Mot clés : chantier, pont, Reconstruction, restauration, béton précontraint, ministère des travaux publics et des transports

Lieux : Lyon, Tournon, Caen - Le Bosquel, un village renait 1947 l'album cinématographique de la reconstruction, réalisation Paul de Roubaix production ministère de la Reconstruction et de l'Urbanisme, village prototype, architecte Paul Dufournet, www.dailymotion.com/video/xx5tx8?playlist=x34ije - Demain Paris 1959 dessin animé présentant l'aménagement de la capitale dans les années 60, Animation, dessin animé à vocation pédagogique visant à promouvoir la politique d’aménagement suivie dans les années 60 à Paris. Un raccourci historique sur l’extension de Paris du Moyen Âge au XIXe siècle (Lutèce, œuvres de Turgot, Napoléon, Haussmann), ce dessin animé retrace la naissance de la banlieue et de ses avatars au XXe siècle. Il annonce les grands principes d’aménagement des villes nouvelles et la restructuration du centre de Paris (référence implicite à la charte d’Athènes). Le texte est travaillé en rimes et vers. Une chanson du vieux Paris conclut poétiquement cette vision du futur. Thèmes principaux : Aménagement urbain / planification-aménagement régional Mots-clés : Banlieue, extension spatiale, histoire, quartier, ville, ville nouvelle Lieu géographique : Paris 75 Architectes ou personnalités : Eugène Haussmann, Napoléon, Turgot Réalisateurs : André Martin, Michel Boschet Production : les films Roger Leenhardt

www.dailymotion.com/video/xw6lak?playlist=x34ije - Rue neuve 1956 la reconstruction de la France dix ans après la fin de la seconde guerre mondiale, villes, villages, grands ensembles réalisation : Jack Pinoteau , Panorama de la reconstruction de la France dix ans après la fin de la seconde guerre mondiale, ce film de commande évoque les villes et villages français détruits puis reconstruits dans un style respectant la tradition : Saint-Malo, Gien, Thionville, Ammerschwihr, etc. ainsi que la reconstruction en rupture avec l'architecture traditionnelle à Châtenay-Malabry, Arles, Saint Étienne, Évreux, Chambéry, Villeneuve-Saint-Georges, Abbeville, Le Havre, Marseille, Boulogne-sur-Mer, Dunkerque. Le documentaire explique par exemple la manière dont a été réalisée la reconstruction de Saint-Malo à l'intérieur des rempart de la vieille ville : "c'est la fidélité à l'histoire et la force du souvenir qui a guidé l'architecte". Dans le même esprit à Gien, au trois quart détruite en 1940, seul le château construit en 1494 pour Anne de Beaujeu, fille aînée de Louis XI, fut épargné par les bombardements. La ville fut reconstruite dans le style des rares immeubles restant. Gien est relevé de ses ruines et le nouvel ensemble harmonieux est appelé « Joyau de la Reconstruction française ». Dans un deuxième temps est abordé le chapitre de la construction des cités et des grands ensembles, de l’architecture du renouveau qualifiée de "grandiose incontestablement". S’il est précisé "on peut aimer ou de ne pas aimer ce style", l’emporte au final l’argument suivant : les grands ensembles, c'est la campagne à la ville, un urbanisme plus aéré, plus vert." les films caravelles 1956, Réalisateur : Jack Pinoteau (connu pour être le metteur en scène du film Le Triporteur 1957 qui fit découvrir Darry Cowl) www.dailymotion.com/video/xuz3o8?playlist=x34ije , Film d'archive actualités de 1952 Reconstruction de la France sept ans après la fin de la seconde guerre mondiale état des lieux de la crise du logement , Actualités de 1952. Sept ans après la fin de la seconde guerre Mondiale état des lieux de la reconstruction de la France et de la crise du logement à l’œuvre, pénurie de logement, logements insalubres. Les actualités montrent des images d'archives de la destruction de la France, les Chars de la division Leclerc qui défilent sur les Champs Elysees. Le commentaire dénonce la lenteur de la reconstruction et notamment des manifestations qui ont eu lieue à Royan afin d''accélérer la reconstruction de la ville détruite.Le film montre à Strasbourg, Mulhouse, des réalisation moderne de grands ensembles et des images d'archive de la reconstruction du Havre de Saint Nazaire.

Le film se termine à Marseille sur les réalisation nouvelles autour du vieux port puis on assiste à l'inauguration de la Cité Radieuse par le ministre de la Reconstruction et de l'Urbanisme Eugène Claudius-Petit en présence de son architecte Le Corbusier à qui le ministre remet la cravate de commandeur de la légion d'honneur. www.dailymotion.com/video/xk1g5j?playlist=x34ije Brigitte Gros - Urbanisme - Filmer les grands ensembles 2016 - par Camille Canteux chercheuse au CHS -Centre d'Histoire Sociale - Jeanne Menjoulet - Ce film du CHS daté de 2014 www.youtube.com/watch?v=VDUBwVPNh0s … L'UNION SOCIALE POUR L'HABITAT le Musée des H.L.M. musee-hlm.fr/ union-habitat.org/ - EXPOSITION :LES 50 ANS DE LA RESIDENCe SALMSON POINT-Du JOUR www.salmsonlepointdujour.fr/pdf/Exposition_50_ans.pdf - Sotteville Construction de l’Anjou, le premier immeuble de la Zone Verte sottevilleaufildutemps.fr/2017/05/04/construction-de-limm... - www.20minutes.fr/paris/diaporama-7346-photo-854066-100-an... - www.ladepeche.fr/article/2010/11/02/940025-140-ans-en-arc... dreux-par-pierlouim.over-blog.com/article-chamards-1962-9... missionphoto.datar.gouv.fr/fr/photographe/7639/serie/7695... www.twitter.com/Memoire2cite Villes et rénovation urbaine..Tout savoir tout connaitre sur le sujet ici via le PDF de l'UNION SOCIALE POUR L HABITAT (l'USH)... des textes à savoir, à apprendre, des techniques de demolition jusqu a la securisation..& bien plus encore.. union-habitat.org/sites/default/files/articles/documents/...

www.dailymotion.com/video/xk6xui Quatre murs et un toit 1953 - Le Corbusier, l'architecte du bonheur 1957 conceptions architecturales le modulor, l'architecture de la ville radieuse, Chandigarh, Marseille, Nantes

Exploitant : Transdev TVO

Réseau : R'Bus (Argenteuil)

Ligne : 5

Lieu : Gare de Sartrouville (Sartrouville, F-78)

Lien TC Infos : tc-infos.fr/id/35642

Exploitant : Transdev TVO

Réseau : R'Bus (Argenteuil)

Ligne : 1

Lieu : Gare d'Argenteuil (Argenteuil, F-95)

Lien TC Infos : tc-infos.fr/id/27846

Visite d'une exploitation agricole sur terrain sableux et argileux : coupe et observation du sol. Cours d'écologie, séminaire « Terres » portant sur la reconnaissance des principaux types de sols de parcelles agricoles.

Sonchamp 78-Yvelines France

No animals were harmed in the course of making this self portrait.

( I can't say the same for a large number of dog treats..)

Digital Media Technical Exploitation Instructor Christopher Esposito leads a class on computer forensic examination to US Army ROTC Cadets during the NFSTC@FIU 2018 Biometrics Internship. Photo by Michelle Chernicoff

La maglietta degli Exploited è nuova >__< Mi sono aggiudicata un'asta qualche giorno fa. Ad Haru piace proprio :D

Exploitant : Keolis CIF

Réseau : Navette Substitution SNCF Île-de-France

Ligne : Navette Transilien H

Lieu : Gare d'Épinay – Villetaneuse (Épinay-sur-Seine, F-93)

twitter.com/Memoire2cite Les 30 Glorieuses . com et la carte postale.l'UNION SOCIALE POUR L HABITAT fete ses 90 ans "TOUT savoir tout voir, tout connaitre, sur le LOGEMENT SOCIAL des HLM aux HBM avec le Musée HLM" en ligne sur le WEB içi www.banquedesterritoires.fr/lunion-sociale-pour-lhabitat-... … De grandes barres d’immeubles, appelées les grands ensembles, sont le symbole de nos banlieues. Entrée Libre revient sur le phénomène de destruction de ces bâtiments qui reflètent aujourd’hui la misere www.youtube.com/watch?v=mCqHBP5SBiM twitter.com/Memoire2cite/status/1121877386491043840/photo... Beaulieu par son constructeur la Cimaise :" Entre les années 50 et 60, et suite à la seconde guerre mondiale, la municipalité stéphanoise a vu sa population passée d’un peu moins de 180 000 habitants en 1950 à plus de 200 000 habitants dix ans plus tard en 1960. Cette forte augmentation de la population pouvait s’expliquer par le fort taux de natalité de cette époque (baby-boom), mais aussi par l’afflux de travailleurs de la classe ouvrière venus dans la grande cité stéphanoise pour trouver un travail. De ce fait, la construction d’un logement sain pour chaque ouvrier était devenue une priorité absolue pour les élus qui considéraient à raison que cela était une condition vitale dans le cadre de ce grand développement. Pour ce faire, la ville a lancé dans les années 50 une vaste opération de construction de barres d’habitation dans la zone de Beaulieu, destinée à fournir un logement à une population grandissante.

------------------ Bâtir mieux plus vite et moins cher 1975 l'industrialisation du bâtiment et ses innovations : la préfabrication en usine, le coffrage glissant... www.dailymotion.com/video/xyjudq --------------

BEAULIEU une barre d’habitation innovante

a l’époque, avec une majorité d’architectes, les appartements modernes construits possédaient des cloisons lourdes empêchant toute modification interne ainsi que des espaces de renvoi sombres et non ventilés ressemblant à des alcôves.

mais à l’inverse, pour certains architectes précurseurs de la région à l’image d’Yves et Henri Gouyon, la modernité reflétait le gout de la clarté, de l’air, et du soleil, avec de larges horizons. Ainsi, ces derniers donnaient la priorité non pas aux façades qu’ils considéraient comme de simples élévations du plan, mais aux cellules d’habitations et à leur orientation. Dans cette optique, le bâtiment proposé par Henri Gouyon, qui était donc un partisan de l’espace ouvert moderne, supprimait les circulations et profitait de ce gain de place pour aménager de nouveaux espaces de vie communes. De plus, dans ces cellules d’habitations, les architectes ont tirés profit au maximum de la double orientation des appartements (ces derniers étaient traversant) avec par exemple l’accolement de balcons. Conception et réalisation d’un quartier entier. Pour le projet de Beaulieu, l’on confia la conception ainsi que la réalisation des interventions aux agences Henri et Yves Gouyon puis Yves Gouyon et associés. Ainsi, dés le milieu des années 50, des études concernant Beaulieu II – La Marandinière furent conduites, suivis de la construction du bâtiment entre 1957 et 1959. S’en suivit Beaulieu III – Montchovet entre 1962 et 1964, surnommé la « Muraille de Chine la plus grande barre d'Europe avec 540 appartements à sa livraison mi 1964, les chantiers de l'OPAC devenu Métropole-Habitat, www.ina.fr/video/LY00001263522 », qui comprenait entre autres, une barre de type HLM haute de 10 à 17 mètres et longue de 270 mètres, avec 560 logements. Suites à ces constructions, l’urbanisation des vallées et collines du sud-est de Saint-Etienne continua jusque dans les années 70 avec les séries de la Métare I, II, et III. Au total, ce sont plus de 8 000 logements, pour l’essentiel de type HLM, qui ont été construits durant cette période. Ces constructions ont également contribué à la création du parc de l’Europe et d’un boulevard circulaire qui servait de jonction entre les différents édifices et le centre-ville de la cité stéphanoise.

Un projet pharaonique

Le centre commercial fut un projet d’une dimension sans précédent pour la ville, plus grand centre commercial intra-urbain de la région Loire-Auvergne, avec 100 magasins, 1500 places de stationnement, 90 000 m² de surface, et sur 3 niveaux (4 niveaux avec la terrasse). Le 2 octobre 1979, CENTRE DEUX ouvre ses portes pour la première fois, et constitue une renaissance et un véritable tournant pour la ville. L’avis de l’architecte De toutes les constructions de cette époque, Beaulieu est un des ensembles construits qui se porte le mieux si l’on en croit les nombreuses enquêtes menées auprès de la population de ces logements, dont certains l’occupe pratiquement depuis le début. Les arbres atteignent désormais le haut des immeubles, et la rue Le Corbusier adjacente a pris les allures « d’une banlieue des années 30 » avec un niveau d’urbanisme parfaitement acceptable. En conclusion, on peut parler pour cette construction d’un véritable savoir faire architectural et en quelques sortes d’art urbain. Ce projet a été récompensé par un prix d’urbanisme, mettant en valeur le travail en amont du projet. www.cimaise-architectes.com/realisations/divers/construct... cité HLM labellisée Patrimoine du XXeme siecle -"Il faut bien le dire, avant même d’être livré, Beaulieu est l' un des grands-ensembles, parmis 6 autres qui fasçinait en 1954..En effet c'etait le début de la longue & grande histoire des chantiers de l'Office Public de l'Aménagement et de la Construction* içi, ou à Montreynaud, Solaure, Monthieu etc Bref, les habituels promeneurs du coin genre les "Bois du Four (la Metare, le nom ançien, qui par ailleurs appartenait a Mme de Métarie une veuve riche qui légua son domaine soit "la Métare" à la ville, pour un Franc symbolique à l'epoque et aux CHU anciennement les HCL Hospiçes Civils de la Ville comme à Lyon... (on notera qu il y a des tas de logements en centre ville propriété du CHU)..se rendant le dimanche

dans le Pilat ou à Rochetaillée et sur les collines* alentours (on en a 7 comme a Rome) font un léger détour par le chantier. Ils constatent

alors de visu cet avancement des travaux que la presse qualifie de « belle prouesse ». Le rythme est en effet rapide : « un étage par semaine » pour certaines barres, comme le raconte un témoin. Les « grandes maisons », soient les immeubles de hauteur et nombre de logements importants (IGH), étant alors encore rares dans la

ville, les Stéphanois n’y sont pas habitués@ les H.L.M. Beaulieu est la 1ere cité Stéphanoise de toutes,. Les barres de dix-sept et quatorze niveaux gises respectivement rues Gomy Herriot et de Vlaminck, ainsi que la tour de 22 niveaux au 33 rue Le-Corbusier,

surprennent donc encore pire pour la plus grande barre d'Europe qui arrvera 7 ans plus tard, la Muraille qui mettront certains certaines à la renverse , le gigantisme à l'état brut, du lourd.... La référence qui vient à l’esprit de beaucoup ajoute à la fascination : l’Amérique. « C’est New-York ! c'est tres joile, tres vert... », se rappelle avoir pensé un habitant de la première harre...Mais plus que les immeubles, ce sont surtout les logements qui emportent l’adhésion des « heureux locataires », comme aime à les appeler la presse tout court. La satisfaction procurée aux habitants par l’hygiène et le confort des logements des Grands-Ensembles soit les quartiers NEUF est une information connue, les études de sciences humaines sur le sujet abondent. Aussi, pour le cas de Beaulieu devenu un cas d'Ecole idem pour Montchovet (Beaulieu3) et les transformations de la Marandiniere (Beaulieu2)...

Les entretiens réalisés avec des locataires n’apportent pas sur ce point-ci d’éléments nouveaux :kes premiers motifs de satisfaction invoqués sont, comme pour bien d’autres Grands-Ensembles Français,

l’eau courante, le chauffage central dont sont pourvus les immeubles les plus hauts, les WC intérieurs et salles de bain, l’ensoleillement et la luminosité permis par l’orientation, la hauteur et la disposition des immeubles, les placards et les tout aussi pratiques balcons à parois séchoirs permettant de faire sécher le linge, hiver compris.

Entretien avec François Tomas, géographe, spécialiste de l'aménagement urbain, et enseignant à l'université et à l'école d'architecture de Saint-Etienne. Il est notamment l'auteur des Grands Ensembles, une histoire qui continue (Publications de l'université de Saint-Etienne, 2003). Cet intellectuel a également mis la main à la pâte. Entre 1977 et 1983, il fut adjoint à l'urbanisme du maire communiste de l'époque, Joseph Sanguedolce. Engagé au PC de 1974 à 1985, il a, depuis, rejoint le Parti socialiste «comme militant de base»

Quelle est l'ampleur des destructions provoquées par la Seconde Guerre mondiale à Saint-Etienne?

La ville subit un important bombardement des Alliés le 26 mai 1944. Celui-ci vise les usines qu'utilisaient les Allemands dans la région pour leur effort de guerre et les noeuds de communication ferroviaire. Comme prévu, la gare de Châteaucreux, les usines de Marais et le tunnel de Tardy sont touchés. Mais les bombes, larguées trop rapidement, atteignent aussi les quartiers du Soleil et de Tardy - notamment les écoles - ainsi que l'église Saint-François, emplie de fidèles. Au total, le bilan est lourd: un millier de morts, 1 500 blessés, 22 000 sinistrés; 800 immeubles ont été plus ou moins détruits. Que prévoit-on pour la reconstruction Pas grand-chose. A la différence de la refonte spectaculaire du Havre, par exemple, on se contente ici de bâtir de petits immeubles, plus modernes bien sûr, mais sans réelle innovation architecturale ou urbanistique.

Est-il vrai que Saint-Etienne, après guerre, traîne une réputation de «capitale des taudis»?

C'est exact, et celle-ci n'est pas usurpée. En 1946, 7% seulement des logements sont jugés «confortables», et 17%, «acceptables»; 56% sont médiocres, et 20% peuvent véritablement être qualifiés de taudis: 1 logement sur 5 n'a pas d'eau à l'évier, les deux tiers ne disposent pas de WC, et 95%, de salle d'eau. Mais le problème n'a pas été créé par la guerre. Depuis la fin du XIXe siècle, Saint-Etienne a beaucoup grandi, mais très peu construit. Résultat: la ville a vieilli sur elle-même et se trouve après guerre dans une situation désastreuse, que les bombardements ont simplement aggravée. C'est alors qu'Alexandre de Fraissinette, maire élu en 1947, fixe le logement comme l'une de ses priorités.

Oui. Et ce ne sera pas un vain mot. Rendez-vous compte: on passe de 114 logements construits en 1948 à 531 en 1951, 1 085 en 1954, 1 694 en 1957 et même 2 932 en 1959! L'effort est gigantesque. Mais le changement est aussi qualitatif. A la fin des années 1940 et au début des années 1950, la France va connaître une rupture architecturale avec l'apparition des premiers grands ensembles. Saint-Etienne sera l'une des villes symboles de cette rupture.

Comment cette nouvelle architecture est-elle accueillie?

Très favorablement par les classes moyennes, beaucoup moins par les classes populaires.

Cela paraît paradoxal, pour du logement social!

Le paradoxe n'est qu'apparent. On l'a oublié aujourd'hui, mais les premiers grands ensembles sont réservés aux familles de moins de trois enfants ayant des revenus corrects, autrement dit aux classes moyennes. Alors que, depuis la guerre, celles-ci devaient se contenter d'une ou de deux pièces mal équipées, elles se voient soudain proposer des logements spacieux, avec de la verdure, de la lumière, une salle d'eau, des WC, le chauffage central. Cela leur paraît merveilleux! Les pauvres, eux, continuent de s'entasser dans de petits appartements sans confort, quand ce ne sont pas des taudis, en particulier à Tarentaize et à Beaubrun, ou des bidonvilles, du côté de Méons, près des puits de mine et des usines sidérurgiques. Ce n'est que plus tard, à partir des années 1970, que les grands ensembles seront prioritairement réservés aux pauvres et aux familles immigrées. Mais, dans les années 1950, les grands ensembles sont encore synonymes de progrès social. Et même au-delà. On est persuadé que ce nouvel habitat va entraîner le recul de la maladie, de la délinquance, voire de la mésentente entre les époux! Il existe ainsi une «commission du bonheur ou des grands ensembles»! On croit rêver...

C'était l'ambiance de l'époque, avec ses utopies et ses excès. Pour les architectes, si l'un des repoussoirs est le taudis de centre-ville, l'autre est le petit pavillon de banlieue, symbole à leurs yeux de l'individualisme petit-bourgeois, avec ses gaspillages de terrain, son absence d'horizon et son coût pour la communauté...

Quels sont les quartiers typiques de cette période, à Saint-Etienne?

Le premier est constitué par le très bel ensemble de la place du Maréchal-Foch. Il s'agit d'une étape intermédiaire entre l'îlot traditionnel (des immeubles accolés, formant un pâté de maisons) et sa suppression totale. Du côté de la Grand-Rue, plusieurs immeubles constituent encore des semi-îlots. Mais, à l'ouest, deux immeubles sont déjà totalement indépendants: ils sont construits au milieu de la verdure. Et cela, c'est très nouveau. Jusqu'à présent, tous les immeubles érigés à Saint-Etienne, y compris les plus hauts, étaient accolés à d'autres édifices. Cela reste encore, cinquante ans plus tard, l'un des quartiers chics de Saint-Etienne.

L'autre grande opération de l'époque, c'est Beaulieu I.

Evidemment. On est, cette fois, face à un grand ensemble «pur». Le chantier commence en 1953 - il y a juste cinquante ans - et s'achève en 1955. Ce nouveau quartier de 1 264 logements est remarquablement conçu. Non seulement il respecte la topographie des lieux, mais aussi il joue avec elle: les bâtiments sont implantés soit parallèlement, soit perpendiculairement aux courbes de niveau, ce qui met en valeur la colline tout en préservant son sommet. Pour rompre l'anonymat, les entrées, les façades et les balcons sont individualisés. Les logements sont de qualité, et les espaces verts, confiés aux services de la ville, tout simplement magnifiques. Beaulieu produit d'ailleurs un effet prodigieux sur ses premiers habitants.

Son implantation n'est pas non plus le fait du hasard...

En effet. Compte tenu des préoccupations hygiénistes de l'époque, le conseil municipal a choisi ce site «loin des zones minières et industrielles, à l'abri des poussières et des fumées, au climat salubre». Il souligne qu'il ne sera «jamais exploité par les houillères, car son sous-sol est stérile» et qu'il est également «bien relié à Saint-Etienne par le cours Fauriel, la seule avenue large de la ville». C'est véritablement le contre-modèle du taudis. Il a d'ailleurs, lui également, remarquablement bien vieilli.

Etes-vous aussi enthousiaste pour les projets qui ont suivi Beaulieu I?

Hélas!... Beaulieu II-La Marandinière (1957-1959), Beaulieu III-Montchovet (1962-1964), avec la fameuse «muraille de Chine», Beaulieu IV-la Palle (1967-1970) et la Métare (1962-1974), représentant à eux tous quelque 6 000 logements, constituent - à l'exception de la Métare, qui ne comprend que des appartements en copropriété - des échecs complets. Et tragiques. Pourquoi cette différence?

Beaulieu I a bénéficié d'une accumulation de partis pris judicieux qui n'ont pas été appliqués par la suite. Outre la qualité de son architecture et de ses espaces verts, on a évité le zonage bête et méchant, qui allait s'imposer plus tard: les zones commerciales, d'un côté; les tours et les barres d'habitation, d'un deuxième; les emplois, d'un troisième. Enfin, Beaulieu I, réservé presque exclusivement aux classes moyennes, n'a pas connu le processus de dégradation que l'on constatera ailleurs, et dont la destruction de la «muraille de Chine» constituera le symbole.

Qui ont été les grands aménageurs de cette époque?

Parmi les politiques: le maire, Alexandre de Fraissinette (modéré), et son premier adjoint, qui lui succédera à sa mort, le radical Michel Durafour. Parmi les architectes: Edouard Hur et Henri Gouyon, concepteurs de Beaulieu I. Et, bien sûr, l'Etat, qui reste très présent. C'est lui qui, de manière générale, garde la haute main sur l'urbanisme. Beaulieu constitue une opération nationale, décidée de Paris. Cependant, ce qui est remarquable, c'est que, pour Beaulieu I, l'Etat va accepter de composer. Dans quels domaines?

Le ministère de la Reconstruction souhaitait, ici comme ailleurs, que l'opération fût entièrement industrialisée. Autrement dit, que l'on adaptât au bâtiment les méthodes de l'automobile. Les constructions devaient se faire en préfabriqué, et l'on devait se contenter de les monter sur place. Mais, à Saint-Etienne, les architectes, soutenus par le maire, s'opposent à cette directive. Parce qu'ils sont expérimentés, et reconnus, ils vont obtenir gain de cause. Et heureusement.

Y a-t-il eu des projets, conçus à cette époque, qui n'ont pas vu le jour?

A la fin des années 1950, l'Etat fait appel à de grands architectes pour remodeler les villes. A Saint-Etienne, c'est Dufau, distingué par le prix de Rome, qui est choisi. Il présente un projet radical: raser les 70 îlots qui se trouvent à l'est de la Grand-Rue, entre la place du Peuple et Bellevue, et les remplacer par autant de tours et de barres! Son projet, finalement, ne sera appliqué qu'en partie. Au sud, jusqu'à Bellevue, presque tout est démoli, beaucoup de tours et de barres sont construites. Au nord, les démolitions sont également presque systématiques, mais, cette fois, les nouveaux immeubles reproduisent la forme traditionnelle de l'îlot. On détruit également une partie du quartier derrière la grande poste, ainsi que l'ancienne caserne de Tréfilerie et la prison de Bizillon. Le futur Centre-Deux...

C'est cela. Au départ, l'opération se nomme «prison-Tréfilerie», mais les promoteurs, qui ont le sens du commerce, préfèrent la rebaptiser. Ce quartier est conçu comme un centre d'affaires à l'américaine, type la Défense, à Paris, ou la Part-Dieu, à Lyon. On explique aux élus que, s'ils veulent que Saint-Etienne devienne une grande ville, ils doivent la doter d'un centre d'affaires, avec des immeubles atteignant 100 ou 150 mètres de hauteur, comme aux Etats-Unis! Le projet est lancé (en 1969), mais il sera peu à peu amendé, pour tenir compte de la réalité économique, de la montée des oppositions et de l'évolution des mentalités.

Comment l'économie stéphanoise se porte-t-elle alors?

La ville croit encore à l'avenir de la mine et des industries traditionnelles. Cela se comprend: le plan Monnet pour la relance de l'économie française s'appuie sur l'énergie, les transports, les industries lourdes... Bref, tous les points forts de Saint-Etienne, mais ce sera un cadeau empoisonné, car, bercée par cette illusion, la cité s'endort. Quand elle se décidera à moderniser ses structures industrielles, ce sera toujours avec quelques années de retard. Au fond, c'est dans les années 1950 que l'on commet les erreurs qui conduiront, plus tard, au démantèlement des industries locales.

Le secteur tertiaire a-t-il déjà commencé son essor?

Pas encore. Dans les années 1950, Saint-Etienne reste une ville très fortement industrielle. La tertiarisation, avec l'enseignement supérieur, la transformation de l'hôpital en centre hospitalier régional et universitaire et l'essor de Casino, avec les supermarchés et les hypermarchés, ne commencera véritablement que dans les années 1960.

Culturellement, la ville est aussi très active...

Elle est même, à ce moment-là, l'un des hauts lieux de la création culturelle en France, notamment dans les domaines théâtral et artistique. Maurice Allemand fait du musée de Saint-Etienne l'un des plus grands musées d'art moderne en France. Et Jean Dasté propose au public le théâtre moderne. Ce bouillonnement est dû, notamment, à Alexandre de Fraissinette. Comme, après lui, Michel Durafour, il est persuadé que l'avenir de la cité est dans la modernité. Il considère donc qu'elle doit être déclinée dans tous ses aspects: économique, urbanistique et culturel.

La population comprend-elle cette volonté?

Oui et non. Dans les années 1950, il existe un certain consensus, car tout le monde partage la vision d'un avenir meilleur. Mais, en réalité, Fraissinette, et surtout Durafour, sont très décalés. Dans leur obsession d'une ville «blanche», ils refusent en bloc le passé, dont on a heureusement découvert depuis lors les richesses. Ils rêvent d'une ville qui n'existe pas, peuplée d'habitants qui ne ressemblent pas aux Stéphanois réels... C'est d'ailleurs ce qui, plus tard, provoquera la chute de Michel Durafour. --------------

Pour une architecture différente 1975 Réalisation : ministère de l'Équipement , www.dailymotion.com/video/xgj3ex ---

Les films du MRU -Industrialiser la construction, par le biais de la préfabrication.Cette industrialisation a abouti, dans les années 1950, à un choix politique de l'Etat, la construction massive de G.E. pour résoudre la très forte crise du logement dont souffrait la France www.youtube.com/watch?v=zR_jxCANYac&fbclid=IwAR2IzWlM... … Le temps de l'urbanisme, 1962, Réalisation : Philippe Brunet www.dailymotion.com/video/xgj2zz?playlist=x34ije … … … … -Les grands ensembles en images Les ministères en charge du logement et leur production audiovisuelle (1944-1966) MASSY - Les films du MRU - La Cité des hommes, 1966, Réalisation : Fréderic Rossif, Albert Knobler www.dailymotion.com/video/xgiqzr?playlist=x34i - Les films du MRU @ les AUTOROUTES - Les liaisons moins dangereuses 1972 la construction des autoroutes en France - Le réseau autoroutier 1960 Histoire de France Transports et Communications - www.dailymotion.com/video/xxi0ae?playlist=x34ije … - A quoi servaient les films produits par le MRU ministère de la Reconstruction et de l'Urbanisme ? la réponse de Danielle Voldman historienne spécialiste de la reconstruction www.dailymotion.com/video/x148qu4?playlist=x34ije … -les films du MRU - Bâtir mieux plus vite et moins cher 1975 l'industrialisation du bâtiment et ses innovations : la préfabrication en usine, le coffrage glissant... www.dailymotion.com/video/xyjudq?playlist=x34ije … - TOUT SUR LA CONSTRUCTION DE NOTRE DAME LA CATHEDRALE DE PARIS Içi www.notredamedeparis.fr/la-cathedrale/histoire/historique... Avril 1993, 6 ans après l'implosion de la tour DEBUSSY des 4000, 30% seulement des travaux de rénovation ont été réalisés et le chômage frappe toujours 1/3 des hbts. C'est un échec. A Mantes la Jolie, 6 mois après la destruction des 4 tours du Val Fourré, www.youtube.com/watch?v=ta4kj05KJOM … Banlieue 89, Bacalan à Bordeaux 1986 - Un exemple de rénovation urbaine et réhabilitation de l'habitat dans un des quartiers de Bordeaux La Cité Claveau à BACALAN. A l'initiative du mouvementla video içi www.youtube.com/watch?v=IN0JtGBaA1o … L'assoçiation de ROLLAND CASTRO @ Le Plan Banlieue 89 - mode d'emploi - Archive INA - La video içi. TRANSFORMER LES PAYSAGES URBAINS AVEC UNE APPROCHE CULTURELLE www.youtube.com/watch?v=Aw-_f-bT2TQ … SNCF les EDITIONS DU CABRI PRESENTE PARIS LA BANLIEUE 1960-1980 -La video Içi.

www.youtube.com/watch?v=lDEQOsdGjsg … Içi la DATAR en 1000 clichés missionphotodatar.cget.gouv.fr/accueil - Notre Paris, 1961, Réalisation : André Fontaine, Henri Gruel Les archives filmées de la cinémathèque du ministère de 1945 à nos jours içi www.dailymotion.com/video/xgis6v?playlist=x34ije

31 TOULOUSE - le Mirail 1962 réalisation : Mario Marret construction de la ville nouvelle Toulouse le Mirail, commentée par l'architecte urbaniste Georges Candilis le film www.dailymotion.com/video/xn4t4q?playlist=x34ije Il existe de nos jours, de nombreux photographes qui privilégient la qualité artistique de leurs travaux cartophiles. A vous de découvrir ces artistes inconnus aujourd’hui, mais qui seront peut-être les grands noms de demain.Les films du MRU - Le temps de l'urbanisme, 1962, Réalisation : Philippe Brunet www.dailymotion.com/video/xgj2zz?playlist=x34ije … … … … -Les grands ensembles en images Les ministères en charge du logement et leur production audiovisuelle (1944-1966) MASSY - Les films du MRU - La Cité des hommes, 1966, Réalisation : Fréderic Rossif, Albert Knobler www.dailymotion.com/video/xgiqzr?playlist=x34i - Les films du MRU @ les AUTOROUTES - Les liaisons moins dangereuses 1972 la construction des autoroutes en France - Le réseau autoroutier 1960 Histoire de France Transports et Communications - www.dailymotion.com/video/xxi0ae?playlist=x34ije … - A quoi servaient les films produits par le MRU ministère de la Reconstruction et de l'Urbanisme ? la réponse de Danielle Voldman historienne spécialiste de la reconstruction www.dailymotion.com/video/x148qu4?playlist=x34ije … -les films du MRU - Bâtir mieux plus vite et moins cher 1975 l'industrialisation du bâtiment et ses innovations : la préfabrication en usine, le coffrage glissant... www.dailymotion.com/video/xyjudq?playlist=x34ije … - TOUT SUR LA CONSTRUCTION DE NOTRE DAME LA CATHEDRALE DE PARIS Içi www.notredamedeparis.fr/la-cathedrale/histoire/historique... -MRU Les films - Le Bonheur est dans le béton - 2015 Documentaire réalisé par Lorenz Findeisen produit par Les Films du Tambour de Soie içi www.dailymotion.com/video/x413amo?playlist=x34ije …

archipostcard.blogspot.com/search?updated-max=2009-02-13T... -Créteil.un couple à la niaiserie béate exalte les multiples bonheurs de la vie dans les new G.E. www.youtube.com/watch?v=FT1_abIteFE … La Ville bidon était un téléfilm d'1 heure intitulé La Décharge.Mais la censure de ces temps de présidence Pompidou en a interdit la diffusion télévisuelle - museedelacartepostale.fr/periode-semi-moderne/ - archipostalecarte.blogspot.com/ - Hansjörg Schneider BAUNETZWOCHE 87 über Papiermoderne www.baunetz.de/meldungen/Meldungen_BAUNETZWOCHE_87_ueber_... … - ARCHITECTURE le blog de Claude LOTHIER içi leblogdeclaudelothier.blogspot.com/2006/ - - Le balnéaire en cartes postales autour de la collection de David Liaudet, et ses excellents commentaires.. www.dailymotion.com/video/x57d3b8 -Restaurants Jacques BOREL, Autoroute A 6, 1972 Canton d'AUXERRE youtu.be/LRNhNzgkUcY munchies.vice.com/fr/article/43a4kp/jacques-borel-lhomme-... … Celui qu'on appellera le « Napoléon du prêt-à-manger » se détourne d'ailleurs peu à peu des Wimpy, s'engueule avec la maison mère et fait péricliter la franchise ...

museedelacartepostale.fr/blog/ - museedelacartepostale.fr/exposition-permanente/ - www.queenslandplaces.com.au/category/headwords/brisbane-c... - collection-jfm.fr/t/cartes-postales-anciennes/france#.XGe... - www.cparama.com/forum/la-collection-de-cpa-f1.html - www.dauphinomaniac.org/Cartespostales/Francaises/Cartes_F... - furtho.tumblr.com/archive

le Logement Collectif* 50,60,70's, dans tous ses états..Histoire & Mémoire d'H.L.M. de Copropriété Renouvellement Urbain-Réha-NPNRU., twitter.com/Memoire2cite tout içi sig.ville.gouv.fr/atlas/ZUS/ - media/InaEdu01827/la-creatio" rel="noreferrer nofollow">fresques.ina.fr/jalons/fiche-media/InaEdu01827/la-creatio Bâtir mieux plus vite et moins cher 1975 l'industrialisation du bâtiment et ses innovations : www.dailymotion.com/video/xyjudq?playlist=x34ije la préfabrication en usine www.dailymotion.com/video/xx6ob5?playlist=x34ije , le coffrage glissant www.dailymotion.com/video/x19lwab?playlist=x34ije ... De nouvelles perspectives sont nées dans l'industrie du bâtiment avec les principes de bases de l'industrialisation du bâtiment www.dailymotion.com/video/x1a98iz?playlist=x34ije ,

www.dailymotion.com/video/xk6xui?playlist=x34ije , www.dailymotion.com/video/xk1dh2?playlist=x34ije :- que dire de RICARDO BOFFIL Les meilleures balades que j’ai fait autour de Paris je les ai faites dans l’application Plans. Je ne minore pas le rôle de Google Maps, révolution cartographique sans précédent et sans égale, qui aura réalisé nos fantasmes d’Aleph borgesien — l’idée d’un point d’où le monde serait visible en totalité — parachevé Mercator et permis d’explorer des parties du globe inconnues de Cook, Bougainville et Amundsen. Je n’oublie pas non plus cet exercice de cartographie au collège, qui nous avait démontré que nous étions à 3 cartes IGN de la capitale, et que le tissu urbain était de plus en plus serré à mesure que nous avancions vers le nord. Mais Plan possédait une fonctionnalité inédite, le Flyover, technologie à l’origine destinée aux pilotes de chasse, et qui fournissait des rendus 3D spectaculaire des bâtiments survolés — ainsi que des arbres et des déclivités du sol.

On quittait enfin les champs asphyxiants de la photographie aérienne pour des vues à l’oblique des villes visitées : après un siècle d’écrasement — la photographie aérienne est étroitement contemporaine du bombardement aérien — les villes reprenaient enfin de la vigueur et remontaient vers le ciel. J’avais d’ailleurs effectué moi-même une manœuvre de redressement similaire le jour où j’étais parti, à pied depuis Paris, visiter à Nanterre une exposition sur la photographie aérienne. J’étais à la quête des premières vues de Paris qu’avait prises Nadar depuis un ballon captif. À défaut de ces images, définitivement manquantes, j’avais parcouru, après la Grande Arche, les derniers kilomètres de la Voie Royale, cette prodigieuse perspective historique partie du Louvre — rare exemple de frise chronologique implémentée dans une structure urbanistique.

J’avais en réalité un peu dévié de la ligne droite pour aller voir les tours Nuages d’Emile Aillaud, le Facteur Cheval du modernisme, dont je connaissais déjà les autres chefs d’œuvres d'architecture naïve, les nouilles chinoises de Grigny et le spaghetti de Pantin.

C’était précisément l’usage que j’avais fait de l’application Plans : j’étais parti à la recherche de tous les groupements de tour qu’elle m’avait permis d’identifier, sur mon iPad. Je les faisais tourner avec deux doigts, comme un éclaireur qui marcherait autour d’un donjon, avant de les immortaliser, sous leur plus bel angle, par une capture d’écran.Un éclaireur autour d’un donjon : c’était exactement cela, qui m’avait fasciné. Les guerres territoriales entre Les Tarterêts de Corbeil et les Pyramides d’Evry avaient marqué mon enfance. La notion de cité, telle qu’elle avait été définie, à partir des années 80, dans le second âge des grands ensembles, l’âge du déclin, avait conservé un cachet médiéval. Ici, vivaient guetteurs et trafiquants, condottieres à la tête d’une écurie de go-fast et entretenant des chenils remplis de mâtins rares et dangereux. Ici, l’État central ne remplissait plus ses tâches régaliennes, ici la modernité laïque était entrée en crise. Mais ce que j’avais découvert, en collectionnant ces captures d’écran, c’était à quel point l’urbanisme de la banlieue parisienne était, strictement, d’obédience médiévale. On était passé, d’un seul mouvement et sans même s’en rendre compte de Château-Gaillard à la Cité 4000, du Donjon de Vincennes aux tours de Sarcelles, du château de Gisors aux choux fleurs de Créteil.J’ai même retrouvé la colonne détruite du désert de Retz dans le babylonien château d’eau de Noisiel.

Des hauteurs de Rosny à celle de Chanteloup, du plateau de Clichy à la dalle d’Argenteuil, on avait bizarrement livré des pastiches inconscients de la grande architecture militaire médiévales : les environs de Paris s’étaient retrouvés à nouveau fortifiés, la vieille tour de Montlhéry n’était plus solitaire, et même les immeubles de briques rouges qui avaient succédé à l’enceinte de Thiers évoquaient des murailles.

Et ce que j’avais initialement pris pour des anomalies, des accidents malheureux du post-modernisme, les grand ensembles voûtés et cannelés de Ricardo Boffil, étaient peut-être ce qui exprimait le mieux tout cela — ou du moins qui clôturaient avec le génie le plus clair cet âge des grands ensembles.

Car c’était cela, ces Carcassonnes, ces Acropoles, ces Atlandides qui surnageaient avec le plus de conviction au milieu des captures d’écrans de ruines médiévales qui s’accumulaient sur mon bureau.

Si décriées, dès leur construction, pour leur kitch intolérable ces mégastructures me sont soudain apparues comme absolument nécessaires.

Si les Villes Nouvelles n’ont jamais existé, et persisteront dans la mémoire des hommes, elles le doivent à ces rêveries bizarres et grandioses, à ces hybridations impossibles entre les cités idéales de Ledoux et les utopies corbuséennes.

L’Aqueduc de Saint-Quentin-en-Yvelines, les Espaces d’Abraxas à Marne-la-Vallée, les Colonnes de Saint-Christophe à Cergy-Pontoise sont les plus belles ruines du Grand Paris.

www.franceculture.fr/emissions/la-conclusion/ricardo-bofill immerssion dans le monde du logement social, l'univers des logements sociaux, des H.B.M au H.L.M - Retour sur l'histoire du logement collectif d'apres guerre - En Françe, sur l’ensemble du territoire avant, 4 millions d’immeubles étaient vétustes, dont 500.000 à démolir; au total 10% des logements étaient considérés comme insalubres et 40% réputés d’une qualité médiocre, et surpeuplés. C’est pour ces raisons que, à partir de 1954, le Ministre à la Reconstruction et au Logement évalue le besoin en logements à 2.000.660, devenant ainsi une priorité nationale. Quelques années plus tard à l’appel de l’Abbé Pierre, le journaliste Gilbert Mathieu, en avril 1957 publiait dans le quotidien Le Monde une série d’articles sur la situation dramatique du logement : Logement, notre honte et dénonçant le nombre réduit de logements et leur impitoyable état. Robert Doisneau, Banlieue après-guerre, 1943-1949 /Le mandat se veut triple : reconstruire le parc immobilier détruit durant les bombardements essentiellement du printemps/été 1944, faire face à l’essor démographique et enfin résorber l’habitat insalubre notamment les bidonvilles et les cités de transit. Une ambition qui paraît, dès le début, très élevée, associée à l’industrialisation progressive de la nation entre autre celle du secteur de la construction (voir le vidéo de l’INA du 17 juillet 1957 intitulée La crise du logement, un problème national. Cela dit, l’effort pour l’État français était d’une ampleur jamais vue ailleurs. La double nécessité de construire davantage et vite, est en partie la cause de la forme architecturale excentrique qui constituera les Grands Ensembles dans les banlieues françaises. Cinq caractéristiques permettent de mieux comprendre ce terme : la rupture avec le tissu urbain ancien, un minimum de mille logements, une forme collective (tours, barres) de quatre jusqu’à vingt niveaux, la conception d’appartements aménagés et équipés et enfin une gestion destinée pour la plupart à des bailleurs de logement social.

Pour la banlieue parisienne leur localisation s’est opérée majoritairement dans la périphérie, tandis que dans les autres cas, plus de la moitié a été construite dans le centre ville, le plus souvent à la limite des anciens faubourgs.

Architecture d’Aujourd’hui n° 46, 1953 p. 58-55

C’est le triomphe de l’urbanisme fonctionnel et rationaliste cher à Le Corbusier. Entre 1958 et 1973, cent quatre-vingt-quinze Zones à Urbaniser en Priorité (ZUP) sont créées, comprenant deux millions de logements, essentiellement de type populaire en Habitations à Loyer Modéré (HLM), mais pas exclusivement, remplaçant ainsi les anciennes Habitations à Bon Marché (HBM) crées en 1894. Selon le décret du 27 mars 1954 qui en fixe les conditions d’attribution, les bénéficiaires de la législation n’ont pas changé, ce sont toujours des « personnes peu fortunées vivant principalement de leur salaire », selon la loi Strauss de 1906. En 1953, tous les HLM voient leur surface maximale se réduire, en passant de 71 à 65 mètres carrés pour un quatre pièces. L’accès au logement des familles modestes se fera donc au détriment de la qualité et quantité de l’espace habité pour des familles nombreuses. À ce propos, le sociologue Thierry Oblet a bien montré comment se sont articulées les pensées des architectes et des ingénieurs modernistes, avec leur souci planificateur d’un État interventionniste[8] grâce à l’hégémonie du béton, de la ligne droite et de la standardisation de la construction.

Les exemples de cette architecture restent nombreux : de la Cité de 4000 (pour 4000 logements) à la Courneuve en Seine-Saint-Denis (93) aux logements de 15 étages aux balcons pétales, appelés « Chou-fleur » à Créteil en Val-de Marne (94) dessinés au début des années 70 par l’architecte Gérard Grandval. De la Cité des nuages à Nanterre dans les Hauts-de-Seine (92) à la Grande borne construite entre 1967 et 1971 sur le territoire des communes de Grigny et Viry-Châtillon, dans l’Essonne (91) en passant par la Noé à Chanteloup-les-Vignes dans le département des Yvelines (78) scénario du célèbre film La Haine[9] de Kassovits.

Récemment, plusieurs expositions photographiques se sont

concentrées sur cette nouvelle figure de l’urbanisme fonctionnaliste français de l’après-guerre. Par exemple Toit&Moi, 100 ans de logement social (2012), Les Grands ensembles 1960-2010 (2012) produite par l’école supérieure d’arts & médias de Caen/Cherbourg, selon un projet du Ministère de la Culture et de la Communication. Enfin l’exposition Photographie à l’œuvre, (2011-2012) d’Henri Salesse, photographe du service de l’inventaire du Ministère de la Reconstruction et de l’Urbanisme et Voyage en périphérie (2012) de Cyrus Cornut.

Il s’agissait là non seulement d’un progrès matériel, mais aussi démocratique, donnant ainsi à chaque citoyen, la possibilité d’accéder à son petit appartement doté de tous les conforts de l’époque. La recherche d’économie et de rapidité dans la conduite des chantiers portent à l’utilisation du béton comme matériel privilégié et à des plans architecturaux aussi simples que possible avec la réalisation de logements standardisés, dont les barres et les tours deviennent les figures principales : Au mitan des années cinquante, apparurent d’étranges formes urbaines. Des immeubles d’habitation de plus en plus longs et de plus en plus hauts, assemblés en blocs qui ne s’intégraient pas aux villes existantes. Ces blocs s’en différenciaient ostensiblement et parfois comme systématiquement, s’en isolaient. Ils semblaient faire ville à part. Surtout ils ne ressemblaient pas à ce qu’on avait l’habitude d’appeler ville. Et leur architecture aussi, qui était tellement déroutante. On les a nommés » grands ensembles. Cité de l’Abreuvoir, Bobigny (93), 2003 (Inventaire général du Patrimoine, Région Ile de France / Stéphane Asseline)

Bref, entre 1946 et 1975 le parc immobilier français passe de 12,7 millions à 21 millions de logements. Environ 8 millions de ceux-ci sont neufs, construits entre 1953-1975 – dont la moitié sous forme de grands ensembles – et près de 80 % des logements grâce à une aide de l’État avec des crédits publics. Le nombre de logements sociaux passe de moins de 500.000 à près de 3 millions, dont 43 % en région parisienne, où la demande est la plus forte[11]. Ce qui témoigne d’un effort énorme. Secrétariat d’État à la Reconstruction et au Logement, Supplément du logement en 1954, cité par Bachmann, C. Le Guennec, N., Violences urbaines…Op.cit, p.24. Alors que l’hiver 1954 est particulièrement rigoureux, l’abbé Pierre lance un appel en faveur des sans-logis et déshérités et organise des collectes de vêtements et de nourriture pour les plus démunis. Cela nous rappelle également que les inégalités sociales restaient particulièrement importantes à l’époque, malgré les débuts de la croissance économique, et que la crise du logement n’était pas encore complètement résolue. Danièle Voldman, La reconstruction des villes françaises de 1940 à 1954 : histoire d’une politique, Paris, L’Harmattan, 1997. Les Actualités françaises, La crise du logement, un problème national, 17 juillet, 1957, in fresques.ina.fr/…/la-crise-du-logement-un-probleme-n…, consulté le 20/02/2014. C’est l’urbaniste Marcel Rotival dans un numéro d’Architecture d’Aujourd’hui de juin 1935 (vol.1, n°6, juin 1935, p.57) qui propose pour la première fois cette terminologie pour désigner les Habitations à Bon Marché (HBM) et leur transformation en Habitations à Loyer Modéré (HLM), par la loi du 21 juillet 1951: « Nous espérons, un jour, sortir des villes comme Paris, non seulement par l’avenue des Champs Elysées, la seule réalisation de tenue sans laquelle Paris n’existerait pas, mais sortir par Belleville, par Charonne, par Bobigny, etc., et trouver harmonieusement disposés le long de larges autostrades, au milieu de grands espaces boisés, de parcs, de stades, de grandes cités claires, bien orientées, lumineusement éclairées par le soleil. » Largement reprise depuis les années 1950 dans le jargon administratif et public, elle apparaît pour la première fois dans un texte officiel qu’en 1973 avec la Circulaire Guichard, alors Ministre de l’Aménagement du territoire, de l’Equipement, du Logement et du tourisme. Celui-ci met un terme à la politique initiée après-guerre afin « d’empêcher la réalisation des formes d’urbanisation désignées généralement sous le nom de “grands ensembles”, peu conforme aux aspirations des habitants et sans justification économique sérieuse ». Paradoxalement, le terme de grands ensembles s’officialise donc au moment même où ils son mis en question. ZUP est un acronyme qui signifie Zone à Urbaniser en Priorité. Elles ont été créées par le décret N°58-1464 du 31 décembre 1958, afin de planifier et d’encadrer sur le territoire national, le développement urbain pour répondre à la carence de logements face à l’accroissement démographique et favoriser enfin la résorption de l’habitat insalubre. Oblet, Thierry, Gouverner la ville. Les voies urbaines de la démocratie moderne, Paris, PUF, 2003. En particulier par l’intermédiaire de la Société centrale de construction et de la Société centrale pour l’équipement du territoire, créées au milieu des années 1950 en tant que filiales de la Caisse des dépôts et consignations.

Kassovitz, Mathieu, La Haine, France, 1995.

Cornu, Marcel, Libérer la ville, Bruxelles, Casterman, 1977, p.60. Annie Fourcaut « Les banlieues populaires ont aussi une histoire », Projet 4/2007 (n° 299), pp. 7-15.

www.dailymotion.com/video/xw6lak?playlist=x34ije - Rue neuve 1956 la reconstruction de la France dix ans après la fin de la seconde guerre mondiale, villes, villages, grands ensembles réalisation : Jack Pinoteau , Panorama de la reconstruction de la France dix ans après la fin de la seconde guerre mondiale, ce film de commande évoque les villes et villages français détruits puis reconstruits dans un style respectant la tradition : Saint-Malo, Gien, Thionville, Ammerschwihr, etc. ainsi que la reconstruction en rupture avec l'architecture traditionnelle à Châtenay-Malabry, Arles, Saint Étienne, Évreux, Chambéry, Villeneuve-Saint-Georges, Abbeville, Le Havre, Marseille, Boulogne-sur-Mer, Dunkerque. Le documentaire explique par exemple la manière dont a été réalisée la reconstruction de Saint-Malo à l'intérieur des rempart de la vieille ville : "c'est la fidélité à l'histoire et la force du souvenir qui a guidé l'architecte". Dans le même esprit à Gien, au trois quart détruite en 1940, seul le château construit en 1494 pour Anne de Beaujeu, fille aînée de Louis XI, fut épargné par les bombardements. La ville fut reconstruite dans le style des rares immeubles restant. Gien est relevé de ses ruines et le nouvel ensemble harmonieux est appelé « Joyau de la Reconstruction française ». Dans un deuxième temps est abordé le chapitre de la construction des cités et des grands ensembles, de l’architecture du renouveau qualifiée de "grandiose incontestablement". S’il est précisé "on peut aimer ou de ne pas aimer ce style", l’emporte au final l’argument suivant : les grands ensembles, c'est la campagne à la ville, un urbanisme plus aéré, plus vert." les films caravelles 1956, Réalisateur : Jack Pinoteau (connu pour être le metteur en scène du film Le Triporteur 1957 qui fit découvrir Darry Cowl) www.dailymotion.com/video/xuz3o8?playlist=x34ije - www.dailymotion.com/video/xk1g5j?playlist=x34ije Brigitte Gros - Urbanisme - Filmer les grands ensembles 2016 - par Camille Canteux chercheuse au CHS -Centre d'Histoire Sociale - Jeanne Menjoulet - Ce film du CHS daté de 2014 www.youtube.com/watch?v=VDUBwVPNh0s … L'UNION SOCIALE POUR L'HABITAT le Musée des H.L.M. musee-hlm.fr/ union-habitat.org/ - EXPOSITION :LES 50 ANS DE LA RESIDENCe SALMSON POINT-Du JOUR www.salmsonlepointdujour.fr/pdf/Exposition_50_ans.pdf - Sotteville Construction de l’Anjou, le premier immeuble de la Zone Verte sottevilleaufildutemps.fr/2017/05/04/construction-de-limm... - www.20minutes.fr/paris/diaporama-7346-photo-854066-100-an... - www.ladepeche.fr/article/2010/11/02/940025-140-ans-en-arc... dreux-par-pierlouim.over-blog.com/article-chamards-1962-9... missionphoto.datar.gouv.fr/fr/photographe/7639/serie/7695...

Official Trailer - the Pruitt-Igoe Myth: an Urban History

www.youtube.com/watch?v=g7RwwkNzF68 - la dérive des continents youtu.be/kEeo8muZYJU Et la disparition des Mammouths - RILLIEUX LA PAPE & Dynacité - Le 23 février 2017, à 11h30, les tours Lyautey étaient foudroyées. www.youtube.com/watch?v=W---rnYoiQc …

Ginger CEBTP Démolition, filiale déconstruction du Groupe Ginger, a réalisé la maîtrise d'oeuvre de l'opération et produit les études d'exécution. L'emblématique ZUP Pruitt Igoe. vaste quartier HLM (33 barres de 11 étages) de Saint-Louis (Missouri) USA. démoli en 1972 www.youtube.com/watch?v=nq_SpRBXRmE … "Life is complicated, i killed people, smuggled people, sold people, but perhaps in here.. things will be different." ~ Niko Bellic - cité Balzac, à Vitry-sur-Seine (23 juin 2010).13H & Boom, quelques secondes plus tard, la barre «GHJ», 14 étages et 168 lgts, s’effondrait comme un château de cartes sous les applaudissements et les sifflets, bientôt enveloppés dans un nuage de poussière. www.youtube.com/watch?v=d9nBMHS7mzY … - "La Chapelle" Réhabilitation thermique de 667 logements à Andrézieux-Bou... youtu.be/0tswIPdoVCE - 11 octobre 1984 www.youtube.com/watch?v=Xk-Je1eQ5po …

DESTRUCTION par explosifs de 10 tours du QUARTIER DES MINGUETTES, à LYON. les tours des Minguettes ; VG des tours explosant et s'affaissant sur le côté dans un nuage de fumée blanche ; à 13H15, nous assistons à l'explosion de 4 autres tours - St-Etienne Métropole & Montchovet - la célèbre Muraille de Chine ( 540 lgts 270m de long 15 allees) qui était à l'époque en 1964 la plus grande barre HLM jamais construit en Europe. Après des phases de rénovation, cet immeuble a été dynamité en mai 2000 www.youtube.com/watch?v=YB3z_Z6DTdc … - PRESQU'ILE DE GENNEVILLIERS...AUJOURD'HUI...DEMAIN... (LA video içi parcours.cinearchives.org/Les-films-PRESQU-ILE-DE-GENNEVI... … ) Ce film de la municipalité de Gennevilliers explique la démarche et les objectifs de l’exposition communale consacrée à la presqu’île, exposition qui se tint en déc 1972 et janvier 1973 - le mythe de Pruitt-Igoe en video içi nextcity.org/daily/entry/watch-the-trailer-for-the-pruitt... … - 1964, quand les loisirs n’avaient (deja) pas le droit de cité poke @Memoire2cite youtu.be/Oj64jFKIcAE - Devenir de la ZUP de La Paillade youtu.be/1qxAhsqsV8M v - Regard sur les barres Zum' youtu.be/Eow6sODGct8 v - MONTCHOVET EN CONSTRUCTION Saint Etienne, ses travaux - Vidéo Ina.fr www.ina.fr/video/LXF99004401 … via - La construction de la Grande Borne à Grigny en 1969 Archive INA www.youtube.com/watch?time_continue=12&v=t843Ny2p7Ww (discours excellent en seconde partie) -David Liaudet : l'image absolue, c'est la carte postale" phothistory.wordpress.com/2016/04/27/david-liaudet-limage... … l'architecture sanatoriale Histoire des sanatoriums en France (1915-1945). Une architecture en quête de rendement thérapeutique..

passy-culture.com/wp-content/uploads/2009/10/Les-15-Glori... … … & hal.archives-ouvertes.fr/tel-01935993/document … explosion des tours Gauguin Destruction par implosion des Tours Gauguin (quartier de La Bastide) de Limoges le dimanche 28 novembre 2010 à 11 heures. Limoges 28/11/2010 youtu.be/cd0ln4Nqqbs … 42 Roanne - c'etait le 11 novembre 2013 - Souvenirs des HLM quartier du Parc... Après presque 45 minutes de retard, les trois dernières tours Chanteclair sont tombées. Le tir prévu etait à 11h14 La vidéo içi www.leprogres.fr/loire/2013/11/01/roanne-les-3-dernieres-... … … www.leprogres.fr/loire/2013/11/01/roanne-une-vingtaine-de... …Besançon (25) - la Nouvelle cité d'HLM La Planoise en 1960 avec la video des premiers habitants de Planoise en juin 1968 www.youtube.com/watch?v=LVKAkJSsCGk … … … archive INA … BEGIN Japanology - les utopies de l'extreme et Kenzo Tange l'architecte japonnais - la video içi www.youtube.com/watch?v=ZlAOtYFE4GM … 71 les Prés Saint-Jean a Chalon-sur-Saône - L'Implosion des 3 tours HLM de 15 etages le 5 décembre 2009 par FERRARI DEMOLITION içi www.youtube.com/watch?v=oDsqOjQJS8E … … … & là www.youtube.com/watch?v=ARQYQLORBBE … 21 DIJON Cité des Grésilles - c'etait l'implosion de la residençe HLM Paul Bur le 19 02 2010 www.youtube.com/watch?v=fAEuaq5mivM … … & la www.youtube.com/watch?v=mTUm-mky-sw … 59 - la technique dite du basculement - Destruction de l'immeuble Rhone a Lille avec pleins de ralentit içi video-streaming.orange.fr/actu-politique/destruction-de-l... … 21 Chenôve (le GRAND DIJON) - Implosion de la barre François RUDE le 3 nov 2010 (top video !!) www.youtube.com/watch?v=ClmeXzo3r5A … …Quand l histoire çe repete et çe repetera autant de fois que nesçessaire quand on voie la quantitée de barres 60 70's...dans le collimateur de l'ANRU2.. 77 MEAUX 3 grandes tours..& puis s'en vont.. Démolition Pierre Collinet Batiment Genêt, Hortensia et Iris - Reportage Journal le 26 juin 2011 youtu.be/fpPcaC2wRIc 71 CHALON SUR SAONE C'etait les Prés Saint Jean le 05 décembre 2009 , pour une implosion hlm hors du commun !!! Caméra mise à même le sol , à une vingtaine de mètres de la première tour .... www.youtube.com/watch?v=kVlC9rYU-gs … 78 les MUREAUX le 3 octobre 2010 ,Les dernières minutes de la Tour Molière aux Mureaux (Yvelines) et sa démolition par semi-foudroyage, filmés du quartier de la Vigne Blanche. www.youtube.com/watch?v=u2FDMxrLHcw …71 MACON LES GRANDES PERRIERES C'etait un 30 juin 2013, avec l'implosion de la barre HLM des Perrières par GINGER www.youtube.com/watch?v=EzYwTcCGUGA … … une video exceptionnelle ! c'etait Le Norfolk Court un ensemble résidentiel, le Norfolk Court, construit dans les années 1970, a été démoli à Glasgow en Ecosse le 9 mai 2016 . Il rate la démolition d'un immeuble au tout dernier moment LES PASSAGERS DU BUS EN PROFITE A SA PLAçE lol www.20minutes.fr/tv/t-as-vu/237077-il-rate-la-demolition-... … 69 LYON Quand La Duchère disait adieu à sa barre 230 le jeudi 2 juillet 2015

www.youtube.com/watch?v=BSwidwLw0NA … www.youtube.com/watch?v=BdLjUAK1oUk … www.youtube.com/watch?v=-DZ5RSLpYrM …Avenir Deconstruction : Foudroyage de 3 barres HLM - VAULX-EN-VELIN (69) www.youtube.com/watch?v=-E02NUMqDno Démolition du quartier Bachelard à Vaulx-en-Velin www.youtube.com/watch?v=DSAEBIYYpXY Démolition des tours du Pré de l'Herpe (Vaulx-en-Velin)

www.youtube.com/watch?v=fG5sD1G-QgU REPORTAGE - En sept secondes, un ensemble de 407 appartements à Vaulx-en-Velin a été détruit à l'explosif dans le cadre du renouvellement urbain... www.youtube.com/watch?v=Js6w9bnUuRM www.youtube.com/watch?v=MCj5D1NhxhI - St-QUENTIN LA ZUP (scic)- NOUMEA - NOUVELLE CALEDONIE historique de la cité Saint-Quentin içi www.agence-concept.com/savoir-faire/sic/

www.youtube.com/watch?v=_Gt6STiH_pM …[VIDEOS] Trois tours de la cité des Indes de Sartrouville ont été démolies dans le cadre du plan de rénovation urbaine du quartier Mille quatre cent soixante-deux détonateurs, 312 kilos le 06/06/2010 à 11 heures. la belle video içi www.youtube.com/watch?v=fY1B07GWyDE VIGNEUX-SUR-SEINE, VOTRE HISTOIRE, VOS SOUVENIRS. içi www.youtube.com/watch?v=8o_Ke26mB48 … , Film des Tours et du quartier de la Croix Blanche, de 1966 à 1968. Les Tours en train de finir de se construire, ainsi que le centre commerciale. Destruction de la Tour 21, pour construire de nouveaux HLM...

42 LOIRE ST-ETIENNE MONTREYNAUD tout une histoire youtu.be/ietu6yPB5KQ - Mascovich & la tour de Montreynaud www.youtube.com/watch?v=p7Zmwn224XE … -Travaux dalle du Forum à Montreynaud Saint-Etienne www.youtube.com/watch?v=0WaFbrBEfU4 … & içi www.youtube.com/watch?v=aHnT_I5dEyI … - et fr3 là www.youtube.com/watch?v=hCsXNOMRWW4 … - Au nord-Est de St-Etienne, aux confins de la ville, se dresse une colline et sur les pentes de cette colline s’accroche une petite ville, un quartier, un peu à part. Cet endroit niché au milieu de la verdure, c’est le quartier de Montreynaud. www.youtube.com/watch?v=Sqfb27hXMDo&fbclid=IwAR2ALN4d... …Et sinon, avez-vous remarqué au dessus du P de AGIP ? On voit, dans le film, la Tour Réservoir Plein Ciel du quartier de Montreynaud, détruite 3 ans plus tard par foudroyage ! Sûr que @Memoire2cite a des photos du quartier et de la tout à l'époque ! ;-) 42 LOIRE SAINT-ETIENNE MONTREYNAUD LA ZUP Souvenirs avec Mascovich & son clip "la tour de Montreynaud" www.youtube.com/watch?v=p7Zmwn224XE …

- Que de chemin parcouru, Muraille de Chine La Palle Beaulieu jusqu'aux années 90. L habitat se transforme et s adapte aux nouveaux besoins. Autre temps, période d'essor économique et du "vivre ensemble". Merci à @Memoire2cite pour cette introspection du passé! -

Navire polytherme de la Cie Générale Maritime

Embarqué comme chef mécanicien du 17 mai au 15 juillet 1993 avant dernier embarquement.

--------------------------------------------

FORT FLEUR D'ÉPÉ - 1980-2006-

Cie Générale Maritimes C.G.M.

Navires conçus pour être exploités sur la ligne des Antilles en remplacement des anciens navires polythermes de la Compagnie Générale Transatlantique. Les commandes de ces navires ont été confirmées aux Chantiers de France Dunkerque. Le FORT FLEUR D'ÉPÉE est le 2ème des deux PCRP.

1978 le 11 décembre : mise sur cale

1979 le11 aout : Lancement

1980 janvier : Navire recetté et pris en charge.

-----------------------------------------------

CARACTÉRISTIQUES :

Navire à long gaillard avant s'étendant au-dessus des cales 1 et 2. Ils possèdent une double coque qui s'étend de chaque bord, du peak avant et s'élevant du double fond au pont supérieur. La partie supérieure de chacune de ses doubles coques constitue une galerie technique.

Toutes les cales sont équipées de glissières à conteneurs. Le nombre total de conteneurs en cales est de 616 EVP (cales 1 à 6 contiennent chacune 2 travées pour conteneurs 20 pieds. Les cales 7 à 9 une travée pour conteneurs 40 pieds) Tous les conteneurs peuvent être réfrigérés à partir de gaines de réfrigération)

Longueur hors-tout : 210 m Overall lengh

Longueur entre perpendiculaires : 198 m Lengh between perpendiculars

Longueur pour la classification : 198,630 m Classification length

Largeur hors membres : 32,20 m Moulded width

Creux sur quille au pont supérieur : 18,800 m Moulded depth

Tirant d'eau au franc-bord d'été : 11,020 m Draft at summer waterline

Port en lourd correspondant : 20.508 tonnes Correponding deadwight capacity

Tirant d'eau d'exploitation : 9 m Operaying draft

Vitesse au tirant d'eau d'exploitation : 22,27 noeuds Speed at operating draft

Puissance correspondante : 30.600 cv Corresponding power

Vitesse maxi aux essais sur ballast à 36.000 cv 23,90 noeuds Max speed during tests on ballast at 36,000 h.p.

Rayon d'action : 9.500 milles Range

Jauge brute internationale : 32.184 tonneaux GRT

Jauge nette internationale : 16.238 tonneaux NRT

-------------------------------------------------

PROPULSION :

2 appareils propulsifs entièrement indépendants entrainant deux hélices monoblocs 4 pales Diamètre 6 m

2 moteurs semi-rapides de marque STEM PIELSTICK type 12 PC4 V 570 – 4 temps simple effet réversibles, suralimentés.

Puissance maximale continue par moteur : 18.000 cv

Puissance en service par moteur : 15.300 cv

Vitesse maximale de rotation des moteurs : 400 t/mn

Vitesse de rotation des lignes d'arbres : 122 t/mn

Moteur alimentés en F.O. lourd viscosité 3.500 s/Redwood

Transmission puissance du moteur à la ligne d'arbre par amortisseur de vibration (Damper), et par un G.F.L. destiné à diminuer les efforts en cas de délignage.

Réducteur épicycloïdal à trois satellites MPU70W avec butée incorporée.

Frein à air comprimé de type UNICUM 60 VC 1600

Afin de permettre la marche sur une ligne d'arbre à faible allure, une butée auxiliaire et un tourteau d'accouplement avec un frein manuel.

Production de vapeur par 2 chaudières de récupération 7 bars et 3,5 tonnes de production

1 chaudière de mouillage à 7 bars et 5 tonnes de production

6 diesels alternateurs de 1420 kW - Alternateurs 1.420 kW 440 volts 60 Hz triphasé

Marque AUT du Bureau Veritas

PRODUCTION FROID :

Descente et maintien en froid commandé à la COGER pour 138 conteneurs de 40 pieds et 616 de 20 pieds isolés thermiquement Produits congelés à -25°c – Produits réfrigérés -2° et + 8° Bananes à +12°c

126 gaines associées aux piles de conteneurs alimentent et reprennent l'air de chaque conteneur.

Ventilateurs assurant un taux de brassage de l'air de 80 en grande vitesse (bananes)

Dans un local dédié à la réfrigération des conteneurs:

5 groupes de refroidissement de saumure fonctionnant au fréon R22.

Puissance moteur 750kW 1800 t/mn – 1.750.000 fg/h

5 condenseurs refroidis à l'eau de mer.

5 évaporateurs de saumure.

5 pompes de saumure de chacune 400 m3/heure

5 pompes eau de mer de chacune 272 m3/h

126 régulateurs de température d'air de soufflage avec précision à+ ou – 0,1°c (précision pour transport des bananes)

ITINÉRAIRE:

Le Havre – Montoir- Le Verdon – Fort de France – Le Havre Rotation complète Le Havre – Le Havre 27 à 30 jours

-----------------------------------------

1996 - Passe à la CMA-CGM

1998/1999 Modernisation.

2003 - Devient le CGM HUDSON

2006 - MARSHALL ZHIVAGO

2006 en novembre. Démolition à Alang.

Exploitant : Transdev TVO

Réseau : R'Bus (Argenteuil)

Ligne : 2

Lieu : Gare d'Argenteuil (Argenteuil, F-95)

Lien TC Infos : tc-infos.fr/id/21907

The EU must combat the "biopiracy" of multinationals that exploit plants with medicinal properties and traditional remedies originating from developing countries but fail to share the profits with indigenous peoples, say MEPs in a resolution adopted by a show of hands on Tuesday.

Read the full article here: www.europarl.europa.eu/news/en/headlines/content/20121203...

and press release here: www.europarl.europa.eu/news/en/pressroom/content/20130114...

These photos are copyright free, but must be credited: © European Union 2013 - European Parliament. (Attribution-NonCommercial-NoDerivs Creative Commons license). If you need high resolution files do not hesitate to contact us. Please do not forget to send the link or a copy of the publication to us: webcom-flickr(AT)europarl.europa.eu

Intérieur du Mercedes-Benz eCitaro (Démonstration Evobus) dans les ateliers du Centre d'Exploitation et de Maintenance des TAMM. Le G7 de l'Environnement s'est tenu à Metz les 5 et 6 mai. A cette occasion, le réseau LE MET' a mis en circulation plusieurs véhicules 100% électrique sur des navettes privées reliant le Centre des Congrès Robert Schuman/Centre Pompidou-Metz jusqu'au restaurant La Citadelle vers la Place de la République pour les ministres, mais aussi la presse. Les véhicules présents sont: Un Bolloré Bluebus 22 de démonstration, deux Lohr Cristal (Prototypes) attelés ensemble, un Mercedes-Benz eCitaro de démonstration, deux Irizar ie 18 Tram du réseau Ametis d'Amiens n°702 et n°714 destinés aux lignes Nemo et un Solaris Urbino 18 IV Electric du réseau ZTM (MZA) de Varsovie n°7100. Le Bolloré Bluebus 22 de démonstration a été testé sur la navette N83 CITY le vendredi 3 mai sur une courte durée en fin de matinée et en début d'après-midi. En effet, le réseau LE MET' a mis en circulation à compter du mois d'août 2019, deux véhicules neufs identiques sur cette ligne. Le Mercedes-Benz eCitaro présent ici avait été testé du 26 mars au 26 avril dans plusieurs villes en France avec Evobus lors du Roadshow Daimler Buses 2019. Du 7 au 10 mai inclus, l'eCitaro a été testé sur la ligne P106 du réseau LE MET'.

Exploitant : Archambault Travel

Réseau Tourisme

Substitution SNCF en raison de travaux pendant le week-end du 11 novembre 2022.

Le Château de Josselin est situé à Josselin, commune française du département du Morbihan en Bretagne.

Guéthénoc, vicomte de Porhoët, de Rohan et de Guéméné, membre de la famille des comtes de Rennes, aurait construit un premier château vers l'an 1008. Il exploitait un site de haute valeur militaire et commerciale comprenant un surplomb rocheux dominant en à-pic la rivière Oust. L'existence depuis le IXe siècle d'un pèlerinage à la Basilique Notre-Dame du Roncier (tous les huit septembre) ajoute beaucoup à la richesse des habitants et de leurs seigneurs. Ce pélerinage est d'ailleurs le plus important du Morbihan, après celui de Sainte-Anne-d'Auray.

En 1154, Eudon de Porhoët, beau-père, régent et tuteur du jeune duc de Bretagne, Conan IV, rassemble des seigneurs bretons pour priver son beau-fils de ses droits. Il sera défait par Henri II Plantagenêt, roi d'Angleterre et nouveau duc d'Anjou, auprès duquel s'était réfugié Conan IV. Henri II viendra en personne diriger la démolition du château et faire semer du sel dans les ruines.

Détail de la statue équestre d'Olivier de Clisson

Olivier V de Clisson, qui acquiert la seigneurie en 1370, reconstruit une imposante citadelle munie de huit tours et d'un donjon de 90 mètres. Il marie sa fille, Béatrix, à Alain VIII de Rohan, héritier des vicomtes de Rohan, dont le château était à une vingtaine de kilomètres.

En 1488, le duc de Bretagne François II prend le château et le démolit partiellement. Sa fille, Anne de Bretagne, le restitue à Jean II de Rohan, arrière-petit-fils d'Olivier de Clisson.

Celui-ci le transforme et construit dans l'enceinte un logis de plaisance avec une très belle façade de granit sculpté qui est un des premiers exemples de la Renaissance en France, car il avait fait venir des artistes et ouvriers italiens. Par reconnaissance, il fait sculpter de nombreux A surmontés d'une cordelière, emblème de la Duchesse-Reine.

Bannis de Josselin du fait de leur adhésion au protestantisme, les Rohan doivent laisser le gouverneur de Bretagne, le duc de Mercœur, faire de leur château une base pour la Ligue opposée au nouveau roi Henri IV.

En 1603, lors de l'érection de la vicomté de Rohan en duché-pairie par le roi Henri IV, Henri II de Rohan transfère le siège de son pouvoir au château de Pontivy. Le cardinal de Richelieu fait démanteler en 1629 le donjon et quatre et tours et annonce au duc Henri II, chef des insurgés protestants: « Monseigneur, je viens de jeter une bonne boule dans votre jeu de quilles ! »

Au XVIIIe siècle, le château n'est plus occupé et il devient prison et entrepôt pendant la Révolution et l'Empire. En 1822, la duchesse de Berry, lors de sa tournée aventureuse, convainc le duc de Rohan de le restaurer.

Il est actuellement toujours habité par le quatorzième duc de Rohan, Josselin de Rohan, sénateur, ancien président de la région Bretagne de 1992 à 2004, membre de l'UMP et fidèle de Jacques Chirac .

On peut visiter la cour et quelques pièces du rez-de-chaussée où sont exposés des meubles anciens (dont la table ayant servi à la signature de l'édit de Nantes), des portraits familiaux, des cadeaux royaux et une statue équestre d'Olivier V de Clisson par Emmanuel Frémiet. Dans les anciennes écuries a été installé le Musée de poupées.

L'imposante citadelle munie de huit tours et d'un donjon de 90 mètres date du XVe siècle a été partiellement détruite et un logis de plaisance avec une très belle façade de granit sculpté, un des premiers exemples de la Renaissance en France le remplace et a été restauré au XIXe siècle.

Le jardin à la française créé au début du XXe siècle par le paysagiste Achille Duchêne s’étend devant la façade Renaissance du château. Les buis et des ifs taillés encadrent les pelouses.

Une roseraie a été aménagée en 2001 sous le direction du paysagiste Louis Benech. Elle comporte 160 rosiers appartenant à 40 variétés différentes

Un parc à l'anglaise lui aussi créé par le paysagiste Achille Duchêne et revu par Louis Benech s'étend au pied des remparts, le long d’un cours d’eau. Ce parc présente des espèces rares d’azalées, de camélias et de nombreux rhododendrons et des arbres centenaires. Il est ouvert au public pour les Journées du Patrimoine et Rendez-vous au jardin .

le chateau de Josselin est très lié à l'alchimie notamment ses cheminées et sa cour extérieure sur le parc.Il s'inscrit dans le patrimoine de Brocéliande qui n'appartient pas qu'aux druides .En effet , il est tout à fait possible de lire de maniere alchimique la vita merlini de G. de Monmouth ainsi que le mythe de Brocéliande lui même.. et si on suit le parcours des salles du chateau on s'aperçoit que ce dernier met en évidence une progression alchimique qui peut se retrouver dans la chevalerie et dans les degrés d'élévation maçonnique , car le corrélat est précisément dans ce savoir acquis par le premier des Josselin .

Source wikipedia

My old 1984 Alembic Series II "Exploiter" bass. The height-adjustable nut seen here. Someone at Alembic should have been given the Nobel Prize for the design of this nut.

I had this bass built in the summer of 1984. The only options (besides the walnut/maple/purple heart construction) were graphite rods in the neck and a neck shaped like a Rickenbacker 4001 that I'd been very comfortable playing. This is still the most musical bass I've ever owned, but it also weighs so much that it's seen relatively little use.

Mojo the British Transport Police dog at the ready.

Police and partner agencies have been focusing on young people who run away or go missing from home and those that may exploit them during a week of action that began across Greater Manchester on Monday 14 March.

The focus of the campaign during this year’s week of action has been raising awareness around the strong link between child sexual exploitation and children who go missing.

Going missing can mean bunking off school, staying out overnight, or running away from home for a few days or longer. Whatever the context, the reality is that 95% children at risk from child sexual exploitation have gone missing at least once.

GMP Assistant Chief Constable Rob Potts said: “The statistics speak for themselves – there is a clear correlation between young people at risk of child sexual exploitation and their inclination to run away or go missing.

“More often than not, the young people who do run away do so regularly. This not only places a significant strain on policing but also increases the chances of that person coming to harm.

“Young people are often unaware of the dangers that are posed when they stay away from home without telling anyone and we urge them to keep in touch somehow, whether that’s through a friend, relative or anyone you trust.

“If you have concerns about your child’s whereabouts or don’t know where they are, please contact the police. With our partners in Project Phoenix we are doing all we can to work with these young people to get to the root of the problem, and keep them safe.

“Child sexual exploitation is a horrific crime and we will continue to work hard to both locate and protect those vulnerable to abuse, working with missing children on their return to break the cycle. Officers are patrolling around the clock, and will take robust action to tackle anyone who seeks to exploit these young people.”

Greater Manchester Mayor and Police and Crime Commissioner Tony Lloyd said: “Greater Manchester is leading the fight against child sexual exploitation. We’re engaging with local people to raise awareness of the abuse and how to spot the signs, and partner agencies are working together to tackle the issue, bring perpetrators to justice, and provide much-needed support to victims and those at risk, including children who run away or go missing.

“Child sexual exploitation is child sex abuse, plain and simple. We must come down heavily on those who exploit and manipulate vulnerable children for their own sexual pleasure, and arm our young people with the means to keep safe and recognise unhealthy, abusive relationships.”

Paul Maher, Greater Manchester Area Manager at The Children’s Society, which works with children and young people who go missing or are at risk of going missing, said: “Children and young people who go missing are among the most vulnerable children in our society.

“Some may be running from neglect and abuse, family breakdown or drug and alcohol misuse by their parents - while others go missing under the influence of predatory adults seeking to exploit them.

“Whatever the reason for them going missing, we know these children are at particular risk of being sexually exploited or falling victim to other types of harm. Our research has shown that around a quarter are either hurt or harmed in some way.

“That is why it is vital they receive more support at an early stage to help address the issues that cause them to go missing and protect them from the risks of sexual exploitation or becoming a victim of other crimes.”

The week of activity is the latest from Project Phoenix’s ‘It’s Not Okay’ campaign, and will be publicising resources and support related to child sexual exploitation.

‘It’s Not Okay’ was created as part of Project Phoenix, the Greater Manchester response to tackling child sexual exploitation - a collaboration of public and third sector partners throughout Greater Manchester working together to protect young people.

Since the campaign launched in September 2014, public awareness and understanding of child sexual exploitation in Greater Manchester has increased considerably amongst young people and parents and carers, as well as professionals.

In the 18 months since the launch of the ‘It’s Not Okay’ campaign, Project Phoenix has undertaken substantial work with schools, healthcare providers and support services to ensure that vulnerable young people are helped at every stage - from prevention through to support and rehabilitation.

Regular weeks of awareness-raising have included direct engagement with young people and those who care for them; police targeting and disruption, dedicated days of publicity focusing on key trends and close collaboration across Greater Manchester authorities means that hundreds more young people are being identified, educated and safeguarded than ever before. Visit www.itsnotokay.co.uk to find out more.

For more information about Policing in Greater Manchester please visit our website. www.gmp.police.uk

To report crime call police on 101 the national non-emergency number.

You can also call anonymously with information about crime to Crimestoppers on 0800 555 111.

Crimestoppers is an independent charity who will not want your name, just your information. Your call will not be traced or recorded and you do not have to go to court or give a statement.

Animals exploited without the use of hormones or steroids still don't want to die for anyone's unnecessary pleasures. Go vegan!

www.vegankit.com

. . . 2. 3. 2007 - this is the first day of a funeral ceremony in Bori for a High Class Woman. She died on 18. 1. 2007 at the age of 85 years. The ceremony will last for one week. Today we will see the showing of the water buffalos, pigs, cow, horse, deer and chicken. All these animals are offered to be the servants of the died woman in her new life after death in Puya. We will see buffalo fighting. Men bet for the winner of those fightings. Two buffalos fight each other - the one running away lost the fight!

If you wonder why the quality of the pictures is a little less: these are no photographs - it all are snapshots of my videos! So sorry for the less resolution, but I think, they are worth to be shown.

_____________________________________

The Toraja are an ethnic group indigenous to a mountainous region of South Sulawesi, Indonesia. Their population is approximately 1,100,000, of whom 450,000 live in the regency of Tana Toraja ("Land of Toraja"). Most of the population is Christian, and others are Muslim or have local animist beliefs known as aluk ("the way"). The Indonesian government has recognized this animist belief as Aluk To Dolo ("Way of the Ancestors").

The word toraja comes from the Bugis Buginese language term to riaja, meaning "people of the uplands". The Dutch colonial government named the people Toraja in 1909. Torajans are renowned for their elaborate funeral rites, burial sites carved into rocky cliffs, massive peaked-roof traditional houses known as tongkonan, and colorful wood carvings. Toraja funeral rites are important social events, usually attended by hundreds of people and lasting for several days.

Before the 20th century, Torajans lived in autonomous villages, where they practised animism and were relatively untouched by the outside world. In the early 1900s, Dutch missionaries first worked to convert Torajan highlanders to Christianity. When the Tana Toraja regency was further opened to the outside world in the 1970s, it became an icon of tourism in Indonesia: it was exploited by tourism developers and studied by anthropologists. By the 1990s, when tourism peaked, Toraja society had changed significantly, from an agrarian model - in which social life and customs were outgrowths of the Aluk To Dolo - to a largely Christian society. Today, tourism and remittances from migrant Torajans have made for major changes in the Toraja highland, giving the Toraja a celebrity status within Indonesia and enhancing Toraja ethnic group pride.

ETHNIC IDENTITY

The Torajan people had little notion of themselves as a distinct ethnic group before the 20th century. Before Dutch colonization and Christianization, Torajans, who lived in highland areas, identified with their villages and did not share a broad sense of identity. Although complexes of rituals created linkages between highland villages, there were variations in dialects, differences in social hierarchies, and an array of ritual practices in the Sulawesi highland region. "Toraja" (from the coastal languages' to, meaning people; and riaja, uplands) was first used as a lowlander expression for highlanders. As a result, "Toraja" initially had more currency with outsiders - such as the Bugis and Makassarese, who constitute a majority of the lowland of Sulawesi - than with insiders. The Dutch missionaries' presence in the highlands gave rise to the Toraja ethnic consciousness in the Sa'dan Toraja region, and this shared identity grew with the rise of tourism in the Tana Toraja Regency. Since then, South Sulawesi has four main ethnic groups - the Bugis (the majority, including shipbuilders and seafarers), the Makassarese (lowland traders and seafarers), the Mandarese (traders and fishermen), and the Toraja (highland rice cultivators).

HISTORY

From the 17th century, the Dutch established trade and political control on Sulawesi through the Dutch East Indies Company. Over two centuries, they ignored the mountainous area in the central Sulawesi, where Torajans lived, because access was difficult and it had little productive agricultural land. In the late 19th century, the Dutch became increasingly concerned about the spread of Islam in the south of Sulawesi, especially among the Makassarese and Bugis peoples. The Dutch saw the animist highlanders as potential Christians. In the 1920s, the Reformed Missionary Alliance of the Dutch Reformed Church began missionary work aided by the Dutch colonial government. In addition to introducing Christianity, the Dutch abolished slavery and imposed local taxes. A line was drawn around the Sa'dan area and called Tana Toraja ("the land of Toraja"). Tana Toraja was first a subdivision of the Luwu kingdom that had claimed the area. In 1946, the Dutch granted Tana Toraja a regentschap, and it was recognized in 1957 as one of the regencies of Indonesia.

Early Dutch missionaries faced strong opposition among Torajans, especially among the elite, because the abolition of their profitable slave trade had angered them. Some Torajans were forcibly relocated to the lowlands by the Dutch, where they could be more easily controlled. Taxes were kept high, undermining the wealth of the elites. Ultimately, the Dutch influence did not subdue Torajan culture, and only a few Torajans were converted. In 1950, only 10% of the population had converted to Christianity.

In the 1930s, Muslim lowlanders attacked the Torajans, resulting in widespread Christian conversion among those who sought to align themselves with the Dutch for political protection and to form a movement against the Bugis and Makassarese Muslims. Between 1951 and 1965 (following Indonesian independence), southern Sulawesi faced a turbulent period as the Darul Islam separatist movement fought for an Islamic state in Sulawesi. The 15 years of guerrilla warfare led to massive conversions to

CHRISTIANITY

Alignment with the Indonesian government, however, did not guarantee safety for the Torajans. In 1965, a presidential decree required every Indonesian citizen to belong to one of five officially recognized religions: Islam, Christianity (Protestantism and Catholicism), Hinduism, or Buddhism. The Torajan religious belief (aluk) was not legally recognized, and the Torajans raised their voices against the law. To make aluk accord with the law, it had to be accepted as part of one of the official religions. In 1969, Aluk To Dolo ("the way of ancestors") was legalized as a sect of Agama Hindu Dharma, the official name of Hinduism in Indonesia.

SOCIETY

There are three main types of affiliation in Toraja society: family, class and religion.

FAMILY AFFILIATION

Family is the primary social and political grouping in Torajan society. Each village is one extended family, the seat of which is the tongkonan, a traditional Torajan house. Each tongkonan has a name, which becomes the name of the village. The familial dons maintain village unity. Marriage between distant cousins (fourth cousins and beyond) is a common practice that strengthens kinship. Toraja society prohibits marriage between close cousins (up to and including the third cousin) - except for nobles, to prevent the dispersal of property. Kinship is actively reciprocal, meaning that the extended family helps each other farm, share buffalo rituals, and pay off debts.

Each person belongs to both the mother's and the father's families, the only bilateral family line in Indonesia. Children, therefore, inherit household affiliation from both mother and father, including land and even family debts. Children's names are given on the basis of kinship, and are usually chosen after dead relatives. Names of aunts, uncles and cousins are commonly referred to in the names of mothers, fathers and siblings.

Before the start of the formal administration of Toraja villages by the Tana Toraja Regency, each Toraja village was autonomous. In a more complex situation, in which one Toraja family could not handle their problems alone, several villages formed a group; sometimes, villages would unite against other villages. Relationship between families was expressed through blood, marriage, and shared ancestral houses (tongkonan), practically signed by the exchange of water buffalo and pigs on ritual occasions. Such exchanges not only built political and cultural ties between families but defined each person's place in a social hierarchy: who poured palm wine, who wrapped a corpse and prepared offerings, where each person could or could not sit, what dishes should be used or avoided, and even what piece of meat constituted one's share.

CLASS AFFILIATION

In early Toraja society, family relationships were tied closely to social class. There were three strata: nobles, commoners, and slaves (slavery was abolished in 1909 by the Dutch East Indies government). Class was inherited through the mother. It was taboo, therefore, to marry "down" with a woman of lower class. On the other hand, marrying a woman of higher class could improve the status of the next generation. The nobility's condescending attitude toward the commoners is still maintained today for reasons of family prestige.

Nobles, who were believed to be direct descendants of the descended person from heaven, lived in tongkonans, while commoners lived in less lavish houses (bamboo shacks called banua). Slaves lived in small huts, which had to be built around their owner's tongkonan. Commoners might marry anyone, but nobles preferred to marry in-family to maintain their status. Sometimes nobles married Bugis or Makassarese nobles. Commoners and slaves were prohibited from having death feasts. Despite close kinship and status inheritance, there was some social mobility, as marriage or change in wealth could affect an individuals status. Wealth was counted by the ownership of water buffaloes.

Slaves in Toraja society were family property. Sometimes Torajans decided to become slaves when they incurred a debt, pledging to work as payment. Slaves could be taken during wars, and slave trading was common. Slaves could buy their freedom, but their children still inherited slave status. Slaves were prohibited from wearing bronze or gold, carving their houses, eating from the same dishes as their owners, or having sex with free women - a crime punishable by death.

RELIGIOUS AFFILIATION

Toraja's indigenous belief system is polytheistic animism, called aluk, or "the way" (sometimes translated as "the law"). In the Toraja myth, the ancestors of Torajan people came down from heaven using stairs, which were then used by the Torajans as a communication medium with Puang Matua, the Creator. The cosmos, according to aluk, is divided into the upper world (heaven), the world of man (earth), and the underworld. At first, heaven and earth were married, then there was a darkness, a separation, and finally the light. Animals live in the underworld, which is represented by rectangular space enclosed by pillars, the earth is for mankind, and the heaven world is located above, covered with a saddle-shaped roof. Other Toraja gods include Pong Banggai di Rante (god of Earth), Indo' Ongon-Ongon (a goddess who can cause earthquakes), Pong Lalondong (god of death), and Indo' Belo Tumbang (goddess of medicine); there are many more.

The earthly authority, whose words and actions should be cleaved to both in life (agriculture) and death (funerals), is called to minaa (an aluk priest). Aluk is not just a belief system; it is a combination of law, religion, and habit. Aluk governs social life, agricultural practices, and ancestral rituals. The details of aluk may vary from one village to another. One common law is the requirement that death and life rituals be separated. Torajans believe that performing death rituals might ruin their corpses if combined with life rituals. The two rituals are equally important. During the time of the Dutch missionaries, Christian Torajans were prohibited from attending or performing life rituals, but were allowed to perform death rituals. Consequently, Toraja's death rituals are still practised today, while life rituals have diminished.

CULTURE

TONGKONAN

Tongkonan are the traditional Torajan ancestral houses. They stand high on wooden piles, topped with a layered split-bamboo roof shaped in a sweeping curved arc, and they are incised with red, black, and yellow detailed wood carvings on the exterior walls. The word "tongkonan" comes from the Torajan tongkon ("to sit").

Tongkonan are the center of Torajan social life. The rituals associated with the tongkonan are important expressions of Torajan spiritual life, and therefore all family members are impelled to participate, because symbolically the tongkonan represents links to their ancestors and to living and future kin. According to Torajan myth, the first tongkonan was built in heaven on four poles, with a roof made of Indian cloth. When the first Torajan ancestor descended to earth, he imitated the house and held a large ceremony.

The construction of a tongkonan is laborious work and is usually done with the help of the extended family. There are three types of tongkonan. The tongkonan layuk is the house of the highest authority, used as the "center of government". The tongkonan pekamberan belongs to the family members who have some authority in local traditions. Ordinary family members reside in the tongkonan batu. The exclusivity to the nobility of the tongkonan is diminishing as many Torajan commoners find lucrative employment in other parts of Indonesia. As they send back money to their families, they enable the construction of larger tongkonan.

WOOD CARVINGS

To express social and religious concepts, Torajans carve wood, calling it Pa'ssura (or "the writing"). Wood carvings are therefore Toraja's cultural manifestation.

Each carving receives a special name, and common motifs are animals and plants that symbolize some virtue. For example, water plants and animals, such as crabs, tadpoles and water weeds, are commonly found to symbolize fertility. In some areas noble elders claim these symbols refer to strength of noble family, but not everyone agrees. The overall meaning of groups of carved motifs on houses remains debated and tourism has further complicated these debates because some feel a uniform explanation must be presented to tourists. The image to the left shows an example of Torajan wood carving, consisting of 15 square panels. The center bottom panel represents buffalo or wealth, a wish for many buffaloes for the family. The center panel represents a knot and a box, a hope that all of the family's offspring will be happy and live in harmony, like goods kept safe in a box. The top left and top right squares represent an aquatic animal, indicating the need for fast and hard work, just like moving on the surface of water. It also represents the need for a certain skill to produce good results.

Regularity and order are common features in Toraja wood carving (see table below), as well as abstracts and geometrical designs. Nature is frequently used as the basis of Toraja's ornaments, because nature is full of abstractions and geometries with regularities and ordering. Toraja's ornaments have been studied in ethnomathematics to reveal their mathematical structure, but Torajans base this art only on approximations. To create an ornament, bamboo sticks are used as a geometrical tool.

FUNERAL RITES

In Toraja society, the funeral ritual is the most elaborate and expensive event. The richer and more powerful the individual, the more expensive is the funeral. In the aluk religion, only nobles have the right to have an extensive death feast. The death feast of a nobleman is usually attended by thousands and lasts for several days. A ceremonial site, called rante, is usually prepared in a large, grassy field where shelters for audiences, rice barns, and other ceremonial funeral structures are specially made by the deceased family. Flute music, funeral chants, songs and poems, and crying and wailing are traditional Toraja expressions of grief with the exceptions of funerals for young children, and poor, low-status adults.

The ceremony is often held weeks, months, or years after the death so that the deceased's family can raise the significant funds needed to cover funeral expenses. Torajans traditionally believe that death is not a sudden, abrupt event, but a gradual process toward Puya (the land of souls, or afterlife). During the waiting period, the body of the deceased is wrapped in several layers of cloth and kept under the tongkonan. The soul of the deceased is thought to linger around the village until the funeral ceremony is completed, after which it begins its journey to Puya.

Another component of the ritual is the slaughter of water buffalo. The more powerful the person who died, the more buffalo are slaughtered at the death feast. Buffalo carcasses, including their heads, are usually lined up on a field waiting for their owner, who is in the "sleeping stage". Torajans believe that the deceased will need the buffalo to make the journey and that they will be quicker to arrive at Puya if they have many buffalo. Slaughtering tens of water buffalo and hundreds of pigs using a machete is the climax of the elaborate death feast, with dancing and music and young boys who catch spurting blood in long bamboo tubes. Some of the slaughtered animals are given by guests as "gifts", which are carefully noted because they will be considered debts of the deceased's family. However, a cockfight, known as bulangan londong, is an integral part of the ceremony. As with the sacrifice of the buffalo and the pigs, the cockfight is considered sacred because it involves the spilling of blood on the earth. In particular, the tradition requires the sacrifice of at least three chickens. However, it is common for at least 25 pairs of chickens to be set against each other in the context of the ceremony.

There are three methods of burial: the coffin may be laid in a cave or in a carved stone grave, or hung on a cliff. It contains any possessions that the deceased will need in the afterlife. The wealthy are often buried in a stone grave carved out of a rocky cliff. The grave is usually expensive and takes a few months to complete. In some areas, a stone cave may be found that is large enough to accommodate a whole family. A wood-carved effigy, called Tau tau, is usually placed in the cave looking out over the land. The coffin of a baby or child may be hung from ropes on a cliff face or from a tree. This hanging grave usually lasts for years, until the ropes rot and the coffin falls to the ground.

In the ritual called Ma'Nene, that takes place each year in August, the bodies of the deceased are exhumed to be washed, groomed and dressed in new clothes. The mummies are then walked around the village.

DANCE AND MUSIC

Torajans perform dances on several occasions, most often during their elaborate funeral ceremonies. They dance to express their grief, and to honour and even cheer the deceased person because he is going to have a long journey in the afterlife. First, a group of men form a circle and sing a monotonous chant throughout the night to honour the deceased (a ritual called Ma'badong). This is considered by many Torajans to be the most important component of the funeral ceremony. On the second funeral day, the Ma'randing warrior dance is performed to praise the courage of the deceased during life. Several men perform the dance with a sword, a large shield made from buffalo skin, a helmet with a buffalo horn, and other ornamentation. The Ma'randing dance precedes a procession in which the deceased is carried from a rice barn to the rante, the site of the funeral ceremony. During the funeral, elder women perform the Ma'katia dance while singing a poetic song and wearing a long feathered costume. The Ma'akatia dance is performed to remind the audience of the generosity and loyalty of the deceased person. After the bloody ceremony of buffalo and pig slaughter, a group of boys and girls clap their hands while performing a cheerful dance called Ma'dondan.

As in other agricultural societies, Torajans dance and sing during harvest time. The Ma'bugi dance celebrates the thanksgiving event, and the Ma'gandangi dance is performed while Torajans are pounding rice. There are several war dances, such as the Manimbong dance performed by men, followed by the Ma'dandan dance performed by women. The aluk religion governs when and how Torajans dance. A dance called Ma'bua can be performed only once every 12 years. Ma'bua is a major Toraja ceremony in which priests wear a buffalo head and dance around a sacred tree.

A traditional musical instrument of the Toraja is a bamboo flute called a Pa'suling (suling is an Indonesian word for flute). This six-holed flute (not unique to the Toraja) is played at many dances, such as the thanksgiving dance Ma'bondensan, where the flute accompanies a group of shirtless, dancing men with long fingernails. The Toraja have indigenous musical instruments, such as the Pa'pelle (made from palm leaves) and the Pa'karombi (the Torajan version of a jaw harp). The Pa'pelle is played during harvest time and at house inauguration ceremonies.

LANGUAGE

The ethnic Toraja language is dominant in Tana Toraja with the main language as the Sa'dan Toraja. Although the national Indonesian language is the official language and is spoken in the community, all elementary schools in Tana Toraja teach Toraja language.Language varieties of Toraja, including Kalumpang, Mamasa, Tae' , Talondo' , Toala' , and Toraja-Sa'dan, belong to the Malayo-Polynesian language from the Austronesian family. At the outset, the isolated geographical nature of Tana Toraja formed many dialects between the Toraja languages themselves. After the formal administration of Tana Toraja, some Toraja dialects have been influenced by other languages through the transmigration program, introduced since the colonialism period, and it has been a major factor in the linguistic variety of Toraja languages. A prominent attribute of Toraja language is the notion of grief. The importance of death ceremony in Toraja culture has characterized their languages to express intricate degrees of grief and mourning. The Toraja language contains many terms referring to sadness, longing, depression, and mental pain. Giving a clear expression of the psychological and physical effect of loss is a catharsis and sometimes lessens the pain of grief itself.

ECONOMY

Prior to Suharto's "New Order" administration, the Torajan economy was based on agriculture, with cultivated wet rice in terraced fields on mountain slopes, and supplemental cassava and maize crops. Much time and energy were devoted to raising water buffalo, pigs, and chickens, primarily for ceremonial sacrifices and consumption. Coffee was the first significant cash crop produced in Toraja, and was introduced in the mid 19th century, changing the local economy towards commodity production for external markets and gaining an excellent reputation for quality in the international market .

With the commencement of the New Order in 1965, Indonesia's economy developed and opened to foreign investment. In Toraja, a coffee plantation and factory was established by Key Coffee of Japan, and Torajan coffee regained a reputation for quality within the growing international specialty coffee sector Multinational oil and mining companies opened new operations in Indonesia during the 1970s and 1980s. Torajans, particularly younger ones, relocated to work for the foreign companies - to Kalimantan for timber and oil, to Papua for mining, to the cities of Sulawesi and Java, and many went to Malaysia. The out-migration of Torajans was steady until 1985. and has continued since, with remittances sent back by emigre Torajans performing an important role within the contemporary economy.

Tourism commenced in Toraja in the 1970s, and accelerated in the 1980s and 1990s. Between 1984 and 1997, a significant number of Torajans obtained their incomes from tourism, working in and owning hotels, as tour guides, drivers, or selling souvenirs. With the rise of political and economic instability in Indonesia in the late 1990s - including religious conflicts elsewhere on Sulawesi - tourism in Tana Toraja has declined dramatically. Toraja continues to be a well known origin for Indonesian coffee, grown by both smallholders and plantation estates, although migration, remittances and off-farm income is considered far more important to most households, even those in rural areas.

TOURISM AND CULTURAL CHANGE

Before the 1970s, Toraja was almost unknown to Western tourism. In 1971, about 50 Europeans visited Tana Toraja. In 1972, at least 400 visitors attended the funeral ritual of Puang of Sangalla, the highest-ranking nobleman in Tana Toraja and the so-called "last pure-blooded Toraja noble." The event was documented by National Geographic and broadcast in several European countries. In 1976, about 12,000 tourists visited the regency and in 1981, Torajan sculpture was exhibited in major North American museums. "The land of the heavenly kings of Tana Toraja", as written in the exhibition brochure, embraced the outside world.

In 1984, the Indonesian Ministry of Tourism declared Tana Toraja Regency the prima donna of South Sulawesi. Tana Toraja was heralded as "the second stop after Bali". Tourism was increasing dramatically: by 1985, a total number of 150,000 foreigners had visited the Regency (in addition to 80,000 domestic tourists), and the annual number of foreign visitors was recorded at 40,000 in 1989. Souvenir stands appeared in Rantepao, the cultural center of Toraja, roads were sealed at the most-visited tourist sites, new hotels and tourist-oriented restaurants were opened, and an airstrip was opened in the Regency in 1981.

Tourism developers have marketed Tana Toraja as an exotic adventure - an area rich in culture and off the beaten track. Western tourists expected to see stone-age villages and pagan funerals. Toraja is for tourists who have gone as far as Bali and are willing to see more of the wild, "untouched" islands. However, they were more likely to see a Torajan wearing a hat and denim, living in a Christian society. Tourists felt that the tongkonan and other Torajan rituals had been preconceived to make profits, and complained that the destination was too commercialized. This has resulted in several clashes between Torajans and tourism developers, whom Torajans see as outsiders.

A clash between local Torajan leaders and the South Sulawesi provincial government (as a tourist developer) broke out in 1985. The government designated 18 Toraja villages and burial sites as traditional tourist attractions. Consequently, zoning restrictions were applied to these areas, such that Torajans themselves were barred from changing their tongkonans and burial sites. The plan was opposed by some Torajan leaders, as they felt that their rituals and traditions were being determined by outsiders. As a result, in 1987, the Torajan village of Kété Kesú and several other designated tourist attractions closed their doors to tourists. This closure lasted only a few days, as the villagers found it too difficult to survive without the income from selling souvenirs.

Tourism has also transformed Toraja society. Originally, there was a ritual which allowed commoners to marry nobles (puang) and thereby gain nobility for their children. However, the image of Torajan society created for the tourists, often by "lower-ranking" guides, has eroded its traditional strict hierarchy. High status is not as esteemed in Tana Toraja as it once was. Many low-ranking men can declare themselves and their children nobles by gaining enough wealth through work outside the region and then marrying a noble woman.

WIKIPEDIA

July 20, 2016--New York City-- Governor Andrew M. Cuomo announced that the Task Force to Combat Worker Exploitation has directed 1,547 businesses to pay nearly $4 million in back wages and damages to more than 7,500 workers since its inception in July 2015. The Governor also announced several initiatives to improve worker health and safety, including a multi-agency investigation into the exploitation of dry cleaning workers and a coordinated effort to ban harmful chemicals, such as perchlorethylene (PERC), that are commonly used in the industry. Additionally, the state will launch a new $5 million grant program and RFP for non-profit organizations to expand services to help exploited workers. (Don Pollard/Office of the Governor)

Go Jin ge!

Jin Ge has estimated there are at least half million goldfarmers working throughout China in organized game sweatshops, where they work to produce gold/points for market consumption--pimarily for gamers in America.

The development of virtual economies may appear to be an accelerated growth of the entertainment and online services industry, but it is not that simple. It also appears to be a new economy - new relations - new virtual hopes. But - nope!

Virtual economies are subject to the same abstract structural domination of capitalism that is seen in material economies because value still have the same function.

We are witnessing a new transition in capitalism, a transition to a virtual economy that transforms the way capital is exchanged, labor is sold, production is organized, and value is created. Although, this new economy is not as new or different as it may seem. It reproduces the basic structures of market capitalism. The accelerated growth has rendered virtual economies to become incredibly complex, in that the actual economy of virtual worlds embodies and reproduces the very capitalistic structures of production and organized labor that Jin Ge explores in his documentary.

What's also interesting is to think about how a thing becomes "valuable" in traditional Marxian analysis versus more Structural Marxian analysis - I think the latter can give us a more holistic understaning. Moishe Postone has written about value in a capitalistic society that is completely dominated by its very own structures of the capitalistic culture. For Postone, surplus is not just about the laborers overproducing for owners to reinvest, surplus is the actual measurement of wealth. So when we peg the model to the goldfarming industry, we can think of value of the gold not only as valuable for its worth in the gaming economy, but as an actual measure of wealth that structurally dictates the actual set up of even producing gold in the first place! So this global gold farming process is not just about the Chinese laborer's being controlled by a big bad gaming factory owner, its about this abstract notion of value that we have in a capitalistic society that determines what is valuable - which is equated with wealth. So in this schema, to be able to purchase gold points from Chinese goldfarmers, is a measure of wealth for the purchaser and it shows the extent of capitalism's domination in that anything can be commodified!

So the alienation is structural, in that every individual is alienated not only from the products they consume and produce, but an individual is alienated in the endless climb to reach the end goal of wealth, yet the end goal is one without a finish line, a ever moving mirage. For a virtual gaming economy, the structural domination of capitalism is revealed in the changing value of intangible gold, which was originally meant for in-game points, has now climbed its way out to have value in out-of-game contexts. Even intangible in-game gold points could not evade capitalism.

So I am sure Marx would have been surprised to see how much capitalism dominates and can capitalize on, and avoids self-destruction by constantly finding new "things" to attribute "value" to-- for the goal of increasing overall wealth. I am definitely sure he would not have been surprised to see how this process creates extreme prosperity in the face of extreme poverty.

So however virtual this seems to be - it is still an economy that takes place with real people. There is a lot of out-of-game processes happening - I argue it is the virtual transaction of labor and assignment of value to entertainment goods that truly exaggerated the alienation, mystification, inequitable relations that render the entire market exchange process invisible to a high degree we have yet to see even in complex material capitalist economies.

For info on his documentary about Chinese Goldfarmers, go to their Chinese Gold Farmer's website.

To read more about virtual economies, check out Terra Nova, a collaborative blog. Edward Castronova, one of the bloggers, has just written Synthetic Worlds: The Business and Culture of Online Games.

www.youmeiti.com/youth/china/jin_ges_documentary_on_chine...

Duclair est relié à Rouen et au Havre par la route départementale 982 (ancienne route nationale 182).

À Duclair est exploité, par le Département de Seine-Maritime, un bac maritime permettant la traversée de la Seine pour les automobiles et les poids-lourds.

Les bacs de Seine désignent les bateaux chargés d'effectuer un service public de traversée de la Seine entre Rouen et Le Havre. Depuis des siècles, le franchissement du fleuve a toujours été d'une importance cruciale dans les relations entre les deux rives de la Basse Seine.

Les bacs ont longtemps été le seul moyen de franchir la Seine entre Rouen et l'estuaire. L'absence de pont sur le fleuve jusqu'en 1959 avec l'ouverture du Pont de Tancarville est due au fait que la Seine doit être navigable par les navires de haute mer se rendant jusqu'au port de rouen. Une hauteur libre sous les ponts d'au moins 50 mètres devant être disponible.

Longtemps assurée par le Port autonome de Rouen, l'exploitation des 8 passages d'eau de le Seine a été reprise depuis 2001 par le Service des Bacs du Département de Seine-Maritime. Aujourd'hui les bacs de seine assurent un service indispensable aussi bien pour la population locale, que pour les touristes visitant la vallée de la basse Seine. Chaque année, le service des bacs permet la traversée de 10 millions de passagers.

July 20, 2016--New York City-- Governor Andrew M. Cuomo announced that the Task Force to Combat Worker Exploitation has directed 1,547 businesses to pay nearly $4 million in back wages and damages to more than 7,500 workers since its inception in July 2015. The Governor also announced several initiatives to improve worker health and safety, including a multi-agency investigation into the exploitation of dry cleaning workers and a coordinated effort to ban harmful chemicals, such as perchlorethylene (PERC), that are commonly used in the industry. Additionally, the state will launch a new $5 million grant program and RFP for non-profit organizations to expand services to help exploited workers. (Don Pollard/Office of the Governor)

48cm frame, 650B! wheels

Exploitant : Transdev Montesson Les Rabaux

Réseau : Résalys

Ligne : R5

Lieu : Gare de Saint-Germain-en-Laye (Saint-Germain-en-Laye, F-78)

Using pioneering new technologies in Superfoods and nutrition, CFTRI has developed amazing new products which are on show at CFTRI stall at Pragati Maidan:

· Chia and Quinoa based Chocolates and Laddoos;

· Omega-3 enriched ice-cream;

· Multigrain banana bar

· Fruit juice based carbonated drinks.

New Delhi, 24th November, 2016: CSIR-Central Food Technological Research Institute (CFTRI), the premier national institute for food technology is exhibiting a range of new agri-products now grown in India, called Superfoods that bring health and nutrition best practices to everyday eating and living to the common man. The exhibits by CFTRI at the Trade Fair at Pragati Maidan in New Delhi both impress and surprise with the range and scope of their utility and potency.

The Indian population is presently going through a nutrition transition and there is an increase in incidence of diabetes, impaired heart health and obesity while there is still rampant malnutrition in the nation.

Keeping in mind an effective solution needed to address these concerns, CSIR-CFTRI is working on bringing Superfoods to the Indian population. CFTRI works on various facets of food technology, food processing, advanced nutrition, Superfoods and allied sciences. Superfoods are foods which have superior nutrition profiles which upon regular consumption can help improve health and wellness of the consumer.

CFTRI has developed the agro-technology for growing Superfoods viz. Chia and Quinoa in Indian conditions. Chia is the richest source of omega-3 fats from a vegetarian source and Quinoa has excellent protein quality and low glycemic load carbohydrates. Comprehensively, Chia and Quinoa have potential to improve population health and both blend seamlessly into traditional food preparations.

CSIR-CFTRI also infuses the spirit of entrepreneurship in their students. One of the doctoral students after completing her academic program started her own technology provider start-up company, Oleome Biosolutions Pvt Ltd. In a global first, CSIR-CFTRI in collaboration with Oleome, has developed a 100% vegetarian, Omega-3-enriched Ice cream called “Nutriice” using Chia oil.

CSIR-CFTRI is also in the process of the final phase of testing of diacylglycerol (DAG) oil, a unique cooking oil that has “Anti-Obesity” functionalities. One can consume it as part of daily regular diet and while the oil is available as energy but does not get stored as fat in our bodies. The final phase of human clinical trial is presently under progress.

CFTRI has also designed and developed snacks with advanced nutrition designs to support the nutrition needs of growing children. These have been implemented in the aganwadi levels to complement the existing government mid-day meal and will be scaled up soon. The products, such as Nutri Chikki with spirulina, rice beverage mix, high protein rusk, energy food, nutri sprinkle, seasame paste and fortified mango bars have been well received by the children and the anganwadis alike. Multi-grain Banana bar is a new addition to in this product portfolio.

Another exciting area of multidisciplinary research being done at CSIR-CFTRI is on nanotechnology, food technology and nutrition. Nanomaterials are known for their characteristic properties and CSIR-CFTRI is working on the use of nanoparticles for various applications. One of our interesting developments is the design and development of food packaging material with nanoparticles with antimicrobial and antioxidant properties to improve shelf-life of processed foods.

CSIR-CFTRI is also working on “Smart Foods” to answer specific needs of the consumer. These promising and specifically designed innovations are being developed for better sleep, better skin health, improved digestion, better cognitive performance and better stress management. The high science is brought into a simple food product, like a cereal bar which helps one to be more attentive over the day, or a unique dosa mix that helps in working out better at the gym with lower perceived exhaustion and even a special soup to help sleep better at night!

Speaking on the sidelines of the CSIR-CFTRI exhibition at Pragati Maidn, Prof. Ram Rajasekharan, Director, CFTRI said “Our mandate is to find innovative solutions to India agricultural and nutritional challenges. Our aim is to develop products to make Indian agriculture productive, efficient and at a consumer level gradually replace drugs with foods that will promote better health and wellness. We strive to deliver our best in improving food security and nutrition security, also developing a stronger, smarter and healthier India”.

About CSIR-CFTRI:

CSIR − Central Food Technological Research Institute (CFTRI), Mysore (A constituent laboratory of Council of Scientific and Industrial Research, New Delhi) came into existence during 1950 with the great vision of its founders, and a network of inspiring as well as dedicated scientists who had a fascination to pursue in-depth research and development in the areas of food science and technology.

CSIR-CFTRI is today a large and diversified laboratory headed by Prof. Ram Rajasekharan, Director, CSIR-CFTRI. Presently the institute has a great team of scientists, technologists, engineers, technicians, skilled workers, and support staff. There are seventeen research and development departments, including laboratories focusing on lipid science, molecular nutrition, food engineering, food biotechnology, microbiology, biochemistry, food safety etc.

The institute has designed over 300 products, processes, and equipment types. It holds several patents and has a large number of high impact peer reviewed journal articles to its credit. India is the world's second largest food grain, fruit and vegetable producer, and the institute is engaged in research and development in the production and handling of grains, pulses, oilseeds, spices, fruits, vegetables, meat, fish, and poultry.

The institute develops technologies to increase efficiency and reduce postharvest losses, add convenience, increase export, find new sources of food products, integrate human resources in food industries and develops solutions to improve the health and wellness of the population.

CFTRI has a vast portfolio of over 300 products, processes and equipment designs, and close to 4000 licensees have availed themselves of these technologies for commercial exploitation. The achievements have been of considerable industrial value, social importance and national relevance, and coupled with the institute's wide-ranging facilities and services, have created an extensive impact on the Indian food industry and Indian society at large.

Marine conservation activists marched to the London hedge fund HQ of Sea World marine park owners, Arle Capital Investments, to demand that all marine parks, dolphinariums and aquariums be closed down and all captive marine mammals be freed into the wild.

All photos © Pete Riches

Do not reproduce, alter, re-transmit or blog my images without my written permission. I remain at all times the copyright owner of this image.

Media buyers and publications can access this story on Demotix. Standard industry rates apply.

Hi-Res, un-watermarked versions of these files are available on application solely at my discretion

If you want to use any image found in my Flickr Photostream, please Email me directly.

about.me/peteriches

WASHINGTON, DC: National Center for Missing & Exploited (NCMEC) 2022 Hope Gala, Oct. 20, 2022

The National Center for Missing & Exploited Children’s (NCMEC) Hope Gala held on Oct. 20, 2022 at the District Pier at The Wharf, Washington, D.C. The event is a celebration of the inspiring work being done globally to protect children. We recognized leaders in child safety, honor survivors, and remember the families and victims who are still seeking justice and safety. Claire Edkins /NCMEC

Kelsey, D. M. Deeds of Daring by Both Blue and Gray: Thrilling Narratives of Personal Adventure, Exploits of Scouts and Spies, Forlorn Hopes, Heroic Bravery… Philadelphia: Scammell & Company, Publishers, 1891.

973.78 K29d0

I think the shelves look pretty neat now the front room is painted. We have no idea what to use this room for, it's kind of a spare sitting room.

Having grown up with the Dewey Decimal Classification system I'm finding Nicola's "sort out books by colour" system a bit of a challenge.

twitter.com/Memoire2citeil existe de nos jours, de nombreux photographes qui privilégient la qualité artistique de leurs travaux cartophiles. A vous de découvrir ces artistes inconnus aujourd’hui, mais qui seront peut-être les grands noms de demain. archipostcard.blogspot.com/search?updated-max=2009-02-13T... - museedelacartepostale.fr/periode-semi-moderne/ - archipostalecarte.blogspot.com/ - museedelacartepostale.fr/blog/ - museedelacartepostale.fr/exposition-permanente/ - www.queenslandplaces.com.au/category/headwords/brisbane-c... - collection-jfm.fr/t/cartes-postales-anciennes/france#.XGe... - www.cparama.com/forum/la-collection-de-cpa-f1.html - www.dauphinomaniac.org/Cartespostales/Francaises/Cartes_F... - furtho.tumblr.com/archive

le Logement Collectif* 50,60,70's, dans tous ses états..Histoire & Mémoire d'H.L.M. de Copropriété Renouvellement Urbain-Réha-NPNRU., twitter.com/Memoire2cite tout içi sig.ville.gouv.fr/atlas/ZUS/ - media/InaEdu01827/la-creatio" rel="noreferrer nofollow">fresques.ina.fr/jalons/fiche-media/InaEdu01827/la-creatio Bâtir mieux plus vite et moins cher 1975 l'industrialisation du bâtiment et ses innovations : www.dailymotion.com/video/xyjudq?playlist=x34ije la préfabrication en usine www.dailymotion.com/video/xx6ob5?playlist=x34ije , le coffrage glissant www.dailymotion.com/video/x19lwab?playlist=x34ije ... De nouvelles perspectives sont nées dans l'industrie du bâtiment avec les principes de bases de l'industrialisation du bâtiment www.dailymotion.com/video/x1a98iz?playlist=x34ije ,

www.dailymotion.com/video/xk6xui?playlist=x34ije , www.dailymotion.com/video/xk1dh2?playlist=x34ije : mécanisation, rationalisation et élaboration industrielle de la production. Des exemples concrets sont présentés afin d'illustrer l'utilisation des différentes innovations : les coffrages outils, coffrage glissant, le tunnel, des procédés pour accélérer le durcissement du béton. Le procédé dit de coffrage glissant est illustré sur le chantier des tours Pablo Picasso à Nanterre. Le principe est de s'affranchir des échafaudages : le coffrage épouse le contour du bâtiment, il s'élève avec la construction et permet de réaliser simultanément l'ensemble des murs verticaux. Au centre du plancher de travail, une grue distribue en continu le ferraillage et le béton. Sur un tel chantier les ouvriers se relaient 24h / 24 , www.dailymotion.com/video/xwytke?playlist=x34ije , www.dailymotion.com/video/x1bci6m?playlist=x34ije

Le reportage se penche ensuite sur la préfabrication en usine. Ces procédés de préfabrication en usine selon le commentaire sont bien adaptés aux pays en voie de développement, cela est illustré dans le reportage par une réalisation en Libye à Benghazi. Dans la course à l'allégement des matériaux un procédé l'isola béton est présenté. Un chapitre sur la construction métallique explique les avantage de ce procédé. La fabrication de composants ouvre de nouvelles perspectives à l'industrie du bâtiment.

Lieux géographiques : la Grande Borne 91, le Vaudreuil 27, Avoriaz, Avenue de Flandres à Paris, tours Picasso à Nanterre, vues de la défense, Benghazi Libye

www.dailymotion.com/playlist/x34ije_territoiresgouv_cinem... - mémoire2cité - le monde de l'Architecture locative collective et bien plus encore - mémoire2cité - Bâtir mieux plus vite et moins cher 1975 l'industrialisation du bâtiment et ses innovations : www.dailymotion.com/video/xyjudq?playlist=x34ije la préfabrication en usine www.dailymotion.com/video/xx6ob5?playlist=x34ije , le coffrage glissant www.dailymotion.com/video/x19lwab?playlist=x34ije ... De nouvelles perspectives sont nées dans l'industrie du bâtiment avec les principes de bases de l'industrialisation du bâtiment www.dailymotion.com/video/x1a98iz?playlist=x34ije ,

Le Joli Mai (Restauré) - Les grands ensembles BOBIGNY l Abreuvoir www.youtube.com/watch?v=eUY9XzjvWHE … et la www.youtube.com/watch?v=hK26k72xIkU … www.youtube.com/watch?v=xCKF0HEsWWo …

Genève Le Grand Saconnex & la Bulle Pirate - architecte Marçel Lachat -

Un film de Julien Donada içi www.youtube.com/watch?time_continue=1&v=4E723uQcpnU … … .Genève en 1970. pic.twitter.com/1dbtkAooLM è St-Etienne - La muraille de Chine, en 1973 ce grand immeuble du quartier de Montchovet, existait encore photos la Tribune/Progres.

www.youtube.com/watch?v=AJAylpe8G48 …, - la tour 80 HLM située au 1 rue Proudhon à Valentigney dans le quartier des Buis Cette tour emblématique du quartier avec ces 15 étages a été abattu par FERRARI DEMOLITION (68). VALENTIGNEY (25700) 1961 - Ville nouvelle-les Buis 3,11 mn www.youtube.com/watch?v=C_GvwSpQUMY … - Au nord-Est de St-Etienne, aux confins de la ville, se dresse une colline Montreynaud la ZUP de Raymond Martin l'architecte & Alexandre Chemetoff pour les paysages de St-Saens.. la vidéo içi * Réalisation : Dominique Bauguil www.youtube.com/watch?v=Sqfb27hXMDo … … - www.dailymotion.com/video/xk6xui?playlist=x34ije , www.dailymotion.com/video/xk1dh2?playlist=x34ije : mécanisation, rationalisation et élaboration industrielle de la production. Des exemples concrets sont présentés afin d'illustrer l'utilisation des différentes innovations : les coffrages outils, coffrage glissant, le tunnel, des procédés pour accélérer le durcissement du béton. Le procédé dit de coffrage glissant est illustré sur le chantier des tours Pablo Picasso à Nanterre. Le principe est de s'affranchir des échafaudages : le coffrage épouse le contour du bâtiment, il s'élève avec la construction et permet de réaliser simultanément l'ensemble des murs verticaux. Au centre du plancher de travail, une grue distribue en continu le ferraillage et le béton. Sur un tel chantier les ouvriers se relaient 24h / 24 , www.dailymotion.com/video/xwytke?playlist=x34ije , www.dailymotion.com/video/x1bci6m?playlist=x34ije

Le reportage se penche ensuite sur la préfabrication en usine. Ces procédés de préfabrication en usine selon le commentaire sont bien adaptés aux pays en voie de développement, cela est illustré dans le reportage par une réalisation en Libye à Benghazi. Dans la course à l'allégement des matériaux un procédé l'isola béton est présenté. Un chapitre sur la construction métallique explique les avantage de ce procédé. La fabrication de composants ouvre de nouvelles perspectives à l'industrie du bâtiment.

la Grande Borne 91, le Vaudreuil 27, Avoriaz, Avenue de Flandres à Paris, tours Picasso à Nanterre, vues de la défense, Benghazi Libye 1975 Réalisateur : Sydney Jézéquel, Karenty

la construction des Autoroutes en France - Les liaisons moins dangereuses 1972 www.dailymotion.com/video/xxi0ae?playlist=x34ije - Ministère de l'Équipement et de l'Aménagement du Territoire - Dotation par la France d'autoroutes modernes "nécessité vitale" pour palier à l'inadaptation du réseau routier de l'époque voué à la paralysie : le reportage nous montre des images d'embouteillages. Le ministre de l'Équipement et de l'Aménagement du Territoire dans les deux gouvernements de Pierre Messmer, de 1972 à 1974, Olivier Guichard explique les ambitions du programme de construction qui doit atteindre 800 km par ans en 1978. L'ouverture de section nouvelles va bon train : Nancy / Metz par exemple. Le reportage nous montre l'intérieur des bureaux d'études qui conçoivent ces autoroute dont la conception est assistée par ordinateurs dont le projet d'ensemble en 3D est visualisé sur un écran. La voix off nous informe sur le financement de ces équipements. Puis on peut voir des images de la construction du pont sur la Seine à Saint Cloud reliant l'autoroute de Normandie au périphérique, de l'échangeur de Palaiseau sur 4 niveau : record d'Europe précise le commentaire. Le reportage nous informe que des sociétés d'économies mixtes ont étés crées pour les tronçons : Paris / Lille, Paris / Marseille, Paris / Normandie. Pour accélérer la construction l’État a eu recours à des concessions privées par exemple pour le tronçon Paris / Chartres. "Les autoroutes changent le visage de la France : artères économiques favorisant le développement industriel elles permettent de revitaliser des régions en perte de vitesse et de l'intégrer dans le mouvement général de l'expansion" Sur le plan européen elles vont combler le retard de la France et réaliser son insertion. Images de l'inauguration de l'autoroute entre Paris et Bruxelles par le président Georges Pompidou. Le reportage rappel que l'autre fonction capitale des autoroute est de favoriser la sécurité. La question de la limitation de vitesse est posée au ministre de l’Équipement, qui n'y est favorable que sur certains tronçons. Un des facteur de sécurité selon le commentaire est l'humanisation des autoroutes : aires de repos, restaurants, signalisation touristiques... "Rien n'est impossible aux techniques modernes" nous apprend la voix off qui prend comme exemple le déplacement sur rail de 65 mètres d'un château classé afin de faire passer l'autoroute Lille / Dunkerque.Durée : 4 minutes 30 secondes

Sur les routes de France les ponts renaissent 1945 reconstruction de la France après la Seconde Guerre mondiale www.dailymotion.com/video/xuxrii?playlist=x34ije , Quelques mois après la fin de la Seconde Guerre mondiale, un triste constat s'impose : 5 944 passages sont coupés, soit plus de 110 km de brèches ; de nombreuses villes se trouvent isolées.Les chantiers s'activent dans toute la France pour "gagner la bataille des communications routières". Mais outre la pénurie de main d’œuvre, il faut faire face au manque de matériaux (béton, métal) et donc déployer des trésors d'imagination pour reconstruire les ponts détruits. Si le savoir faire des tailleurs de pierre est exploité, le plus spectaculaire est le relevage des ponts, comme le pont de Galliéni à Lyon, où 7 à 800 tonnes d'acier sont sorti de l'eau avec des moyens de l'époque. En avril 1945, il reste 5 700 ponts à reconstruire soit 200 000 tonnes d'acier, 600 000 tonnes de ciment, 250 000 m3 de bois, 10 millions de journées d'ouvrier, prix de l'effort de reconstruction.1945

Auteurs / réalisateurs : images : G.Delaunay, A.Pol, son : C.Gauguier Production : Direction Technique des Services des Ponts et Chaussées / Ministère des Travaux Publics et des Transports Support original : 16 mm noir et blanc Durée : 14 min Thèmes principaux : infrastructures-ouvrages d'art Mot clés : chantier, pont, Reconstruction, restauration, béton précontraint, ministère des travaux publics et des transportsLieux : Lyon, Tournon, Caen - Le Bosquel, un village renait 1947 l'album cinématographique de la reconstruction, réalisation Paul de Roubaix production ministère de la Reconstruction et de l'Urbanisme, village prototype, architecte Paul Dufournet, www.dailymotion.com/video/xx5tx8?playlist=x34ije - Demain Paris 1959 dessin animé présentant l'aménagement de la capitale dans les années 60, Animation, dessin animé à vocation pédagogique visant à promouvoir la politique d’aménagement suivie dans les années 60 à Paris. Un raccourci historique sur l’extension de Paris du Moyen Âge au XIXe siècle (Lutèce, œuvres de Turgot, Napoléon, Haussmann), ce dessin animé retrace la naissance de la banlieue et de ses avatars au XXe siècle. Il annonce les grands principes d’aménagement des villes nouvelles et la restructuration du centre de Paris (référence implicite à la charte d’Athènes). Le texte est travaillé en rimes et vers. Une chanson du vieux Paris conclut poétiquement cette vision du futur. Thèmes principaux : Aménagement urbain / planification-aménagement régional Mots-clés : Banlieue, extension spatiale, histoire, quartier, ville, ville nouvelle Lieu géographique : Paris 75 Architectes ou personnalités : Eugène Haussmann, Napoléon, Turgot Réalisateurs : André Martin, Michel Boschet Production : les films Roger Leenhardt

www.dailymotion.com/video/xw6lak?playlist=x34ije - Rue neuve 1956 la reconstruction de la France dix ans après la fin de la seconde guerre mondiale, villes, villages, grands ensembles réalisation : Jack Pinoteau , Panorama de la reconstruction de la France dix ans après la fin de la seconde guerre mondiale, ce film de commande évoque les villes et villages français détruits puis reconstruits dans un style respectant la tradition : Saint-Malo, Gien, Thionville, Ammerschwihr, etc. ainsi que la reconstruction en rupture avec l'architecture traditionnelle à Châtenay-Malabry, Arles, Saint Étienne, Évreux, Chambéry, Villeneuve-Saint-Georges, Abbeville, Le Havre, Marseille, Boulogne-sur-Mer, Dunkerque. Le documentaire explique par exemple la manière dont a été réalisée la reconstruction de Saint-Malo à l'intérieur des rempart de la vieille ville : "c'est la fidélité à l'histoire et la force du souvenir qui a guidé l'architecte". Dans le même esprit à Gien, au trois quart détruite en 1940, seul le château construit en 1494 pour Anne de Beaujeu, fille aînée de Louis XI, fut épargné par les bombardements. La ville fut reconstruite dans le style des rares immeubles restant. Gien est relevé de ses ruines et le nouvel ensemble harmonieux est appelé « Joyau de la Reconstruction française ». Dans un deuxième temps est abordé le chapitre de la construction des cités et des grands ensembles, de l’architecture du renouveau qualifiée de "grandiose incontestablement". S’il est précisé "on peut aimer ou de ne pas aimer ce style", l’emporte au final l’argument suivant : les grands ensembles, c'est la campagne à la ville, un urbanisme plus aéré, plus vert." les films caravelles 1956, Réalisateur : Jack Pinoteau (connu pour être le metteur en scène du film Le Triporteur 1957 qui fit découvrir Darry Cowl) www.dailymotion.com/video/xuz3o8?playlist=x34ije , Film d'archive actualités de 1952 Reconstruction de la France sept ans après la fin de la seconde guerre mondiale état des lieux de la crise du logement , Actualités de 1952. Sept ans après la fin de la seconde guerre Mondiale état des lieux de la reconstruction de la France et de la crise du logement à l’œuvre, pénurie de logement, logements insalubres. Les actualités montrent des images d'archives de la destruction de la France, les Chars de la division Leclerc qui défilent sur les Champs Elysees. Le commentaire dénonce la lenteur de la reconstruction et notamment des manifestations qui ont eu lieue à Royan afin d''accélérer la reconstruction de la ville détruite.Le film montre à Strasbourg, Mulhouse, des réalisation moderne de grands ensembles et des images d'archive de la reconstruction du Havre de Saint Nazaire.Le film se termine à Marseille sur les réalisation nouvelles autour du vieux port puis on assiste à l'inauguration de la Cité Radieuse par le ministre de la Reconstruction et de l'Urbanisme Eugène Claudius-Petit en présence de son architecte Le Corbusier à qui le ministre remet la cravate de commandeur de la légion d'honneur. www.dailymotion.com/video/xk1g5j?playlist=x34ije Brigitte Gros - Urbanisme - Filmer les grands ensembles 2016 - par Camille Canteux chercheuse au CHS -Centre d'Histoire Sociale - Jeanne Menjoulet - Ce film du CHS daté de 2014 www.youtube.com/watch?v=VDUBwVPNh0s … L'UNION SOCIALE POUR L'HABITAT le Musée des H.L.M. musee-hlm.fr/ union-habitat.org/ - EXPOSITION :LES 50 ANS DE LA RESIDENCe SALMSON POINT-Du JOUR www.salmsonlepointdujour.fr/pdf/Exposition_50_ans.pdf - Sotteville Construction de l’Anjou, le premier immeuble de la Zone Verte sottevilleaufildutemps.fr/2017/05/04/construction-de-limm... - www.20minutes.fr/paris/diaporama-7346-photo-854066-100-an... - www.ladepeche.fr/article/2010/11/02/940025-140-ans-en-arc... dreux-par-pierlouim.over-blog.com/article-chamards-1962-9... missionphoto.datar.gouv.fr/fr/photographe/7639/serie/7695...

Sadistic Exploits gig somewhere in Philly circa 1981.

. . . 2. 3. 2007 - this is the first day of a funeral ceremony in Bori for a High Class Woman. She died on 18. 1. 2007 at the age of 85 years. The ceremony will last for one week. Today we will see the showing of the water buffalos, pigs, cow, horse, deer and chicken. All these animals are offered to be the servants of the died woman in her new life after death in Puya. We will see buffalo fighting. Men bet for the winner of those fightings. Two buffalos fight each other - the one running away lost the fight!

If you wonder why the quality of the pictures is a little less: these are no photographs - it all are snapshots of my videos! So sorry for the less resolution, but I think, they are worth to be shown.

_____________________________________

The Toraja are an ethnic group indigenous to a mountainous region of South Sulawesi, Indonesia. Their population is approximately 1,100,000, of whom 450,000 live in the regency of Tana Toraja ("Land of Toraja"). Most of the population is Christian, and others are Muslim or have local animist beliefs known as aluk ("the way"). The Indonesian government has recognized this animist belief as Aluk To Dolo ("Way of the Ancestors").

The word toraja comes from the Bugis Buginese language term to riaja, meaning "people of the uplands". The Dutch colonial government named the people Toraja in 1909. Torajans are renowned for their elaborate funeral rites, burial sites carved into rocky cliffs, massive peaked-roof traditional houses known as tongkonan, and colorful wood carvings. Toraja funeral rites are important social events, usually attended by hundreds of people and lasting for several days.

Before the 20th century, Torajans lived in autonomous villages, where they practised animism and were relatively untouched by the outside world. In the early 1900s, Dutch missionaries first worked to convert Torajan highlanders to Christianity. When the Tana Toraja regency was further opened to the outside world in the 1970s, it became an icon of tourism in Indonesia: it was exploited by tourism developers and studied by anthropologists. By the 1990s, when tourism peaked, Toraja society had changed significantly, from an agrarian model - in which social life and customs were outgrowths of the Aluk To Dolo - to a largely Christian society. Today, tourism and remittances from migrant Torajans have made for major changes in the Toraja highland, giving the Toraja a celebrity status within Indonesia and enhancing Toraja ethnic group pride.

ETHNIC IDENTITY

The Torajan people had little notion of themselves as a distinct ethnic group before the 20th century. Before Dutch colonization and Christianization, Torajans, who lived in highland areas, identified with their villages and did not share a broad sense of identity. Although complexes of rituals created linkages between highland villages, there were variations in dialects, differences in social hierarchies, and an array of ritual practices in the Sulawesi highland region. "Toraja" (from the coastal languages' to, meaning people; and riaja, uplands) was first used as a lowlander expression for highlanders. As a result, "Toraja" initially had more currency with outsiders - such as the Bugis and Makassarese, who constitute a majority of the lowland of Sulawesi - than with insiders. The Dutch missionaries' presence in the highlands gave rise to the Toraja ethnic consciousness in the Sa'dan Toraja region, and this shared identity grew with the rise of tourism in the Tana Toraja Regency. Since then, South Sulawesi has four main ethnic groups - the Bugis (the majority, including shipbuilders and seafarers), the Makassarese (lowland traders and seafarers), the Mandarese (traders and fishermen), and the Toraja (highland rice cultivators).

HISTORY

From the 17th century, the Dutch established trade and political control on Sulawesi through the Dutch East Indies Company. Over two centuries, they ignored the mountainous area in the central Sulawesi, where Torajans lived, because access was difficult and it had little productive agricultural land. In the late 19th century, the Dutch became increasingly concerned about the spread of Islam in the south of Sulawesi, especially among the Makassarese and Bugis peoples. The Dutch saw the animist highlanders as potential Christians. In the 1920s, the Reformed Missionary Alliance of the Dutch Reformed Church began missionary work aided by the Dutch colonial government. In addition to introducing Christianity, the Dutch abolished slavery and imposed local taxes. A line was drawn around the Sa'dan area and called Tana Toraja ("the land of Toraja"). Tana Toraja was first a subdivision of the Luwu kingdom that had claimed the area. In 1946, the Dutch granted Tana Toraja a regentschap, and it was recognized in 1957 as one of the regencies of Indonesia.

Early Dutch missionaries faced strong opposition among Torajans, especially among the elite, because the abolition of their profitable slave trade had angered them. Some Torajans were forcibly relocated to the lowlands by the Dutch, where they could be more easily controlled. Taxes were kept high, undermining the wealth of the elites. Ultimately, the Dutch influence did not subdue Torajan culture, and only a few Torajans were converted. In 1950, only 10% of the population had converted to Christianity.

In the 1930s, Muslim lowlanders attacked the Torajans, resulting in widespread Christian conversion among those who sought to align themselves with the Dutch for political protection and to form a movement against the Bugis and Makassarese Muslims. Between 1951 and 1965 (following Indonesian independence), southern Sulawesi faced a turbulent period as the Darul Islam separatist movement fought for an Islamic state in Sulawesi. The 15 years of guerrilla warfare led to massive conversions to

CHRISTIANITY

Alignment with the Indonesian government, however, did not guarantee safety for the Torajans. In 1965, a presidential decree required every Indonesian citizen to belong to one of five officially recognized religions: Islam, Christianity (Protestantism and Catholicism), Hinduism, or Buddhism. The Torajan religious belief (aluk) was not legally recognized, and the Torajans raised their voices against the law. To make aluk accord with the law, it had to be accepted as part of one of the official religions. In 1969, Aluk To Dolo ("the way of ancestors") was legalized as a sect of Agama Hindu Dharma, the official name of Hinduism in Indonesia.

SOCIETY

There are three main types of affiliation in Toraja society: family, class and religion.

FAMILY AFFILIATION

Family is the primary social and political grouping in Torajan society. Each village is one extended family, the seat of which is the tongkonan, a traditional Torajan house. Each tongkonan has a name, which becomes the name of the village. The familial dons maintain village unity. Marriage between distant cousins (fourth cousins and beyond) is a common practice that strengthens kinship. Toraja society prohibits marriage between close cousins (up to and including the third cousin) - except for nobles, to prevent the dispersal of property. Kinship is actively reciprocal, meaning that the extended family helps each other farm, share buffalo rituals, and pay off debts.

Each person belongs to both the mother's and the father's families, the only bilateral family line in Indonesia. Children, therefore, inherit household affiliation from both mother and father, including land and even family debts. Children's names are given on the basis of kinship, and are usually chosen after dead relatives. Names of aunts, uncles and cousins are commonly referred to in the names of mothers, fathers and siblings.

Before the start of the formal administration of Toraja villages by the Tana Toraja Regency, each Toraja village was autonomous. In a more complex situation, in which one Toraja family could not handle their problems alone, several villages formed a group; sometimes, villages would unite against other villages. Relationship between families was expressed through blood, marriage, and shared ancestral houses (tongkonan), practically signed by the exchange of water buffalo and pigs on ritual occasions. Such exchanges not only built political and cultural ties between families but defined each person's place in a social hierarchy: who poured palm wine, who wrapped a corpse and prepared offerings, where each person could or could not sit, what dishes should be used or avoided, and even what piece of meat constituted one's share.

CLASS AFFILIATION

In early Toraja society, family relationships were tied closely to social class. There were three strata: nobles, commoners, and slaves (slavery was abolished in 1909 by the Dutch East Indies government). Class was inherited through the mother. It was taboo, therefore, to marry "down" with a woman of lower class. On the other hand, marrying a woman of higher class could improve the status of the next generation. The nobility's condescending attitude toward the commoners is still maintained today for reasons of family prestige.

Nobles, who were believed to be direct descendants of the descended person from heaven, lived in tongkonans, while commoners lived in less lavish houses (bamboo shacks called banua). Slaves lived in small huts, which had to be built around their owner's tongkonan. Commoners might marry anyone, but nobles preferred to marry in-family to maintain their status. Sometimes nobles married Bugis or Makassarese nobles. Commoners and slaves were prohibited from having death feasts. Despite close kinship and status inheritance, there was some social mobility, as marriage or change in wealth could affect an individuals status. Wealth was counted by the ownership of water buffaloes.

Slaves in Toraja society were family property. Sometimes Torajans decided to become slaves when they incurred a debt, pledging to work as payment. Slaves could be taken during wars, and slave trading was common. Slaves could buy their freedom, but their children still inherited slave status. Slaves were prohibited from wearing bronze or gold, carving their houses, eating from the same dishes as their owners, or having sex with free women - a crime punishable by death.

RELIGIOUS AFFILIATION

Toraja's indigenous belief system is polytheistic animism, called aluk, or "the way" (sometimes translated as "the law"). In the Toraja myth, the ancestors of Torajan people came down from heaven using stairs, which were then used by the Torajans as a communication medium with Puang Matua, the Creator. The cosmos, according to aluk, is divided into the upper world (heaven), the world of man (earth), and the underworld. At first, heaven and earth were married, then there was a darkness, a separation, and finally the light. Animals live in the underworld, which is represented by rectangular space enclosed by pillars, the earth is for mankind, and the heaven world is located above, covered with a saddle-shaped roof. Other Toraja gods include Pong Banggai di Rante (god of Earth), Indo' Ongon-Ongon (a goddess who can cause earthquakes), Pong Lalondong (god of death), and Indo' Belo Tumbang (goddess of medicine); there are many more.

The earthly authority, whose words and actions should be cleaved to both in life (agriculture) and death (funerals), is called to minaa (an aluk priest). Aluk is not just a belief system; it is a combination of law, religion, and habit. Aluk governs social life, agricultural practices, and ancestral rituals. The details of aluk may vary from one village to another. One common law is the requirement that death and life rituals be separated. Torajans believe that performing death rituals might ruin their corpses if combined with life rituals. The two rituals are equally important. During the time of the Dutch missionaries, Christian Torajans were prohibited from attending or performing life rituals, but were allowed to perform death rituals. Consequently, Toraja's death rituals are still practised today, while life rituals have diminished.

CULTURE

TONGKONAN

Tongkonan are the traditional Torajan ancestral houses. They stand high on wooden piles, topped with a layered split-bamboo roof shaped in a sweeping curved arc, and they are incised with red, black, and yellow detailed wood carvings on the exterior walls. The word "tongkonan" comes from the Torajan tongkon ("to sit").

Tongkonan are the center of Torajan social life. The rituals associated with the tongkonan are important expressions of Torajan spiritual life, and therefore all family members are impelled to participate, because symbolically the tongkonan represents links to their ancestors and to living and future kin. According to Torajan myth, the first tongkonan was built in heaven on four poles, with a roof made of Indian cloth. When the first Torajan ancestor descended to earth, he imitated the house and held a large ceremony.

The construction of a tongkonan is laborious work and is usually done with the help of the extended family. There are three types of tongkonan. The tongkonan layuk is the house of the highest authority, used as the "center of government". The tongkonan pekamberan belongs to the family members who have some authority in local traditions. Ordinary family members reside in the tongkonan batu. The exclusivity to the nobility of the tongkonan is diminishing as many Torajan commoners find lucrative employment in other parts of Indonesia. As they send back money to their families, they enable the construction of larger tongkonan.

WOOD CARVINGS

To express social and religious concepts, Torajans carve wood, calling it Pa'ssura (or "the writing"). Wood carvings are therefore Toraja's cultural manifestation.

Each carving receives a special name, and common motifs are animals and plants that symbolize some virtue. For example, water plants and animals, such as crabs, tadpoles and water weeds, are commonly found to symbolize fertility. In some areas noble elders claim these symbols refer to strength of noble family, but not everyone agrees. The overall meaning of groups of carved motifs on houses remains debated and tourism has further complicated these debates because some feel a uniform explanation must be presented to tourists. The image to the left shows an example of Torajan wood carving, consisting of 15 square panels. The center bottom panel represents buffalo or wealth, a wish for many buffaloes for the family. The center panel represents a knot and a box, a hope that all of the family's offspring will be happy and live in harmony, like goods kept safe in a box. The top left and top right squares represent an aquatic animal, indicating the need for fast and hard work, just like moving on the surface of water. It also represents the need for a certain skill to produce good results.

Regularity and order are common features in Toraja wood carving (see table below), as well as abstracts and geometrical designs. Nature is frequently used as the basis of Toraja's ornaments, because nature is full of abstractions and geometries with regularities and ordering. Toraja's ornaments have been studied in ethnomathematics to reveal their mathematical structure, but Torajans base this art only on approximations. To create an ornament, bamboo sticks are used as a geometrical tool.

FUNERAL RITES

In Toraja society, the funeral ritual is the most elaborate and expensive event. The richer and more powerful the individual, the more expensive is the funeral. In the aluk religion, only nobles have the right to have an extensive death feast. The death feast of a nobleman is usually attended by thousands and lasts for several days. A ceremonial site, called rante, is usually prepared in a large, grassy field where shelters for audiences, rice barns, and other ceremonial funeral structures are specially made by the deceased family. Flute music, funeral chants, songs and poems, and crying and wailing are traditional Toraja expressions of grief with the exceptions of funerals for young children, and poor, low-status adults.

The ceremony is often held weeks, months, or years after the death so that the deceased's family can raise the significant funds needed to cover funeral expenses. Torajans traditionally believe that death is not a sudden, abrupt event, but a gradual process toward Puya (the land of souls, or afterlife). During the waiting period, the body of the deceased is wrapped in several layers of cloth and kept under the tongkonan. The soul of the deceased is thought to linger around the village until the funeral ceremony is completed, after which it begins its journey to Puya.

Another component of the ritual is the slaughter of water buffalo. The more powerful the person who died, the more buffalo are slaughtered at the death feast. Buffalo carcasses, including their heads, are usually lined up on a field waiting for their owner, who is in the "sleeping stage". Torajans believe that the deceased will need the buffalo to make the journey and that they will be quicker to arrive at Puya if they have many buffalo. Slaughtering tens of water buffalo and hundreds of pigs using a machete is the climax of the elaborate death feast, with dancing and music and young boys who catch spurting blood in long bamboo tubes. Some of the slaughtered animals are given by guests as "gifts", which are carefully noted because they will be considered debts of the deceased's family. However, a cockfight, known as bulangan londong, is an integral part of the ceremony. As with the sacrifice of the buffalo and the pigs, the cockfight is considered sacred because it involves the spilling of blood on the earth. In particular, the tradition requires the sacrifice of at least three chickens. However, it is common for at least 25 pairs of chickens to be set against each other in the context of the ceremony.

There are three methods of burial: the coffin may be laid in a cave or in a carved stone grave, or hung on a cliff. It contains any possessions that the deceased will need in the afterlife. The wealthy are often buried in a stone grave carved out of a rocky cliff. The grave is usually expensive and takes a few months to complete. In some areas, a stone cave may be found that is large enough to accommodate a whole family. A wood-carved effigy, called Tau tau, is usually placed in the cave looking out over the land. The coffin of a baby or child may be hung from ropes on a cliff face or from a tree. This hanging grave usually lasts for years, until the ropes rot and the coffin falls to the ground.

In the ritual called Ma'Nene, that takes place each year in August, the bodies of the deceased are exhumed to be washed, groomed and dressed in new clothes. The mummies are then walked around the village.

DANCE AND MUSIC

Torajans perform dances on several occasions, most often during their elaborate funeral ceremonies. They dance to express their grief, and to honour and even cheer the deceased person because he is going to have a long journey in the afterlife. First, a group of men form a circle and sing a monotonous chant throughout the night to honour the deceased (a ritual called Ma'badong). This is considered by many Torajans to be the most important component of the funeral ceremony. On the second funeral day, the Ma'randing warrior dance is performed to praise the courage of the deceased during life. Several men perform the dance with a sword, a large shield made from buffalo skin, a helmet with a buffalo horn, and other ornamentation. The Ma'randing dance precedes a procession in which the deceased is carried from a rice barn to the rante, the site of the funeral ceremony. During the funeral, elder women perform the Ma'katia dance while singing a poetic song and wearing a long feathered costume. The Ma'akatia dance is performed to remind the audience of the generosity and loyalty of the deceased person. After the bloody ceremony of buffalo and pig slaughter, a group of boys and girls clap their hands while performing a cheerful dance called Ma'dondan.

As in other agricultural societies, Torajans dance and sing during harvest time. The Ma'bugi dance celebrates the thanksgiving event, and the Ma'gandangi dance is performed while Torajans are pounding rice. There are several war dances, such as the Manimbong dance performed by men, followed by the Ma'dandan dance performed by women. The aluk religion governs when and how Torajans dance. A dance called Ma'bua can be performed only once every 12 years. Ma'bua is a major Toraja ceremony in which priests wear a buffalo head and dance around a sacred tree.

A traditional musical instrument of the Toraja is a bamboo flute called a Pa'suling (suling is an Indonesian word for flute). This six-holed flute (not unique to the Toraja) is played at many dances, such as the thanksgiving dance Ma'bondensan, where the flute accompanies a group of shirtless, dancing men with long fingernails. The Toraja have indigenous musical instruments, such as the Pa'pelle (made from palm leaves) and the Pa'karombi (the Torajan version of a jaw harp). The Pa'pelle is played during harvest time and at house inauguration ceremonies.

LANGUAGE

The ethnic Toraja language is dominant in Tana Toraja with the main language as the Sa'dan Toraja. Although the national Indonesian language is the official language and is spoken in the community, all elementary schools in Tana Toraja teach Toraja language.Language varieties of Toraja, including Kalumpang, Mamasa, Tae' , Talondo' , Toala' , and Toraja-Sa'dan, belong to the Malayo-Polynesian language from the Austronesian family. At the outset, the isolated geographical nature of Tana Toraja formed many dialects between the Toraja languages themselves. After the formal administration of Tana Toraja, some Toraja dialects have been influenced by other languages through the transmigration program, introduced since the colonialism period, and it has been a major factor in the linguistic variety of Toraja languages. A prominent attribute of Toraja language is the notion of grief. The importance of death ceremony in Toraja culture has characterized their languages to express intricate degrees of grief and mourning. The Toraja language contains many terms referring to sadness, longing, depression, and mental pain. Giving a clear expression of the psychological and physical effect of loss is a catharsis and sometimes lessens the pain of grief itself.

ECONOMY

Prior to Suharto's "New Order" administration, the Torajan economy was based on agriculture, with cultivated wet rice in terraced fields on mountain slopes, and supplemental cassava and maize crops. Much time and energy were devoted to raising water buffalo, pigs, and chickens, primarily for ceremonial sacrifices and consumption. Coffee was the first significant cash crop produced in Toraja, and was introduced in the mid 19th century, changing the local economy towards commodity production for external markets and gaining an excellent reputation for quality in the international market .

With the commencement of the New Order in 1965, Indonesia's economy developed and opened to foreign investment. In Toraja, a coffee plantation and factory was established by Key Coffee of Japan, and Torajan coffee regained a reputation for quality within the growing international specialty coffee sector Multinational oil and mining companies opened new operations in Indonesia during the 1970s and 1980s. Torajans, particularly younger ones, relocated to work for the foreign companies - to Kalimantan for timber and oil, to Papua for mining, to the cities of Sulawesi and Java, and many went to Malaysia. The out-migration of Torajans was steady until 1985. and has continued since, with remittances sent back by emigre Torajans performing an important role within the contemporary economy.

Tourism commenced in Toraja in the 1970s, and accelerated in the 1980s and 1990s. Between 1984 and 1997, a significant number of Torajans obtained their incomes from tourism, working in and owning hotels, as tour guides, drivers, or selling souvenirs. With the rise of political and economic instability in Indonesia in the late 1990s - including religious conflicts elsewhere on Sulawesi - tourism in Tana Toraja has declined dramatically. Toraja continues to be a well known origin for Indonesian coffee, grown by both smallholders and plantation estates, although migration, remittances and off-farm income is considered far more important to most households, even those in rural areas.

TOURISM AND CULTURAL CHANGE

Before the 1970s, Toraja was almost unknown to Western tourism. In 1971, about 50 Europeans visited Tana Toraja. In 1972, at least 400 visitors attended the funeral ritual of Puang of Sangalla, the highest-ranking nobleman in Tana Toraja and the so-called "last pure-blooded Toraja noble." The event was documented by National Geographic and broadcast in several European countries. In 1976, about 12,000 tourists visited the regency and in 1981, Torajan sculpture was exhibited in major North American museums. "The land of the heavenly kings of Tana Toraja", as written in the exhibition brochure, embraced the outside world.

In 1984, the Indonesian Ministry of Tourism declared Tana Toraja Regency the prima donna of South Sulawesi. Tana Toraja was heralded as "the second stop after Bali". Tourism was increasing dramatically: by 1985, a total number of 150,000 foreigners had visited the Regency (in addition to 80,000 domestic tourists), and the annual number of foreign visitors was recorded at 40,000 in 1989. Souvenir stands appeared in Rantepao, the cultural center of Toraja, roads were sealed at the most-visited tourist sites, new hotels and tourist-oriented restaurants were opened, and an airstrip was opened in the Regency in 1981.

Tourism developers have marketed Tana Toraja as an exotic adventure - an area rich in culture and off the beaten track. Western tourists expected to see stone-age villages and pagan funerals. Toraja is for tourists who have gone as far as Bali and are willing to see more of the wild, "untouched" islands. However, they were more likely to see a Torajan wearing a hat and denim, living in a Christian society. Tourists felt that the tongkonan and other Torajan rituals had been preconceived to make profits, and complained that the destination was too commercialized. This has resulted in several clashes between Torajans and tourism developers, whom Torajans see as outsiders.

A clash between local Torajan leaders and the South Sulawesi provincial government (as a tourist developer) broke out in 1985. The government designated 18 Toraja villages and burial sites as traditional tourist attractions. Consequently, zoning restrictions were applied to these areas, such that Torajans themselves were barred from changing their tongkonans and burial sites. The plan was opposed by some Torajan leaders, as they felt that their rituals and traditions were being determined by outsiders. As a result, in 1987, the Torajan village of Kété Kesú and several other designated tourist attractions closed their doors to tourists. This closure lasted only a few days, as the villagers found it too difficult to survive without the income from selling souvenirs.

Tourism has also transformed Toraja society. Originally, there was a ritual which allowed commoners to marry nobles (puang) and thereby gain nobility for their children. However, the image of Torajan society created for the tourists, often by "lower-ranking" guides, has eroded its traditional strict hierarchy. High status is not as esteemed in Tana Toraja as it once was. Many low-ranking men can declare themselves and their children nobles by gaining enough wealth through work outside the region and then marrying a noble woman.

WIKIPEDIA

The Toraja are an ethnic group indigenous to a mountainous region of South Sulawesi, Indonesia. Their population is approximately 1,100,000, of whom 450,000 live in the regency of Tana Toraja ("Land of Toraja"). Most of the population is Christian, and others are Muslim or have local animist beliefs known as aluk ("the way"). The Indonesian government has recognized this animist belief as Aluk To Dolo ("Way of the Ancestors").

The word toraja comes from the Bugis Buginese language term to riaja, meaning "people of the uplands". The Dutch colonial government named the people Toraja in 1909. Torajans are renowned for their elaborate funeral rites, burial sites carved into rocky cliffs, massive peaked-roof traditional houses known as tongkonan, and colorful wood carvings. Toraja funeral rites are important social events, usually attended by hundreds of people and lasting for several days.

Before the 20th century, Torajans lived in autonomous villages, where they practised animism and were relatively untouched by the outside world. In the early 1900s, Dutch missionaries first worked to convert Torajan highlanders to Christianity. When the Tana Toraja regency was further opened to the outside world in the 1970s, it became an icon of tourism in Indonesia: it was exploited by tourism developers and studied by anthropologists. By the 1990s, when tourism peaked, Toraja society had changed significantly, from an agrarian model - in which social life and customs were outgrowths of the Aluk To Dolo - to a largely Christian society. Today, tourism and remittances from migrant Torajans have made for major changes in the Toraja highland, giving the Toraja a celebrity status within Indonesia and enhancing Toraja ethnic group pride.

ETHNIC IDENTITY

The Torajan people had little notion of themselves as a distinct ethnic group before the 20th century. Before Dutch colonization and Christianization, Torajans, who lived in highland areas, identified with their villages and did not share a broad sense of identity. Although complexes of rituals created linkages between highland villages, there were variations in dialects, differences in social hierarchies, and an array of ritual practices in the Sulawesi highland region. "Toraja" (from the coastal languages' to, meaning people; and riaja, uplands) was first used as a lowlander expression for highlanders. As a result, "Toraja" initially had more currency with outsiders - such as the Bugis and Makassarese, who constitute a majority of the lowland of Sulawesi - than with insiders. The Dutch missionaries' presence in the highlands gave rise to the Toraja ethnic consciousness in the Sa'dan Toraja region, and this shared identity grew with the rise of tourism in the Tana Toraja Regency. Since then, South Sulawesi has four main ethnic groups - the Bugis (the majority, including shipbuilders and seafarers), the Makassarese (lowland traders and seafarers), the Mandarese (traders and fishermen), and the Toraja (highland rice cultivators).

HISTORY

From the 17th century, the Dutch established trade and political control on Sulawesi through the Dutch East Indies Company. Over two centuries, they ignored the mountainous area in the central Sulawesi, where Torajans lived, because access was difficult and it had little productive agricultural land. In the late 19th century, the Dutch became increasingly concerned about the spread of Islam in the south of Sulawesi, especially among the Makassarese and Bugis peoples. The Dutch saw the animist highlanders as potential Christians. In the 1920s, the Reformed Missionary Alliance of the Dutch Reformed Church began missionary work aided by the Dutch colonial government. In addition to introducing Christianity, the Dutch abolished slavery and imposed local taxes. A line was drawn around the Sa'dan area and called Tana Toraja ("the land of Toraja"). Tana Toraja was first a subdivision of the Luwu kingdom that had claimed the area. In 1946, the Dutch granted Tana Toraja a regentschap, and it was recognized in 1957 as one of the regencies of Indonesia.

Early Dutch missionaries faced strong opposition among Torajans, especially among the elite, because the abolition of their profitable slave trade had angered them. Some Torajans were forcibly relocated to the lowlands by the Dutch, where they could be more easily controlled. Taxes were kept high, undermining the wealth of the elites. Ultimately, the Dutch influence did not subdue Torajan culture, and only a few Torajans were converted. In 1950, only 10% of the population had converted to Christianity.

In the 1930s, Muslim lowlanders attacked the Torajans, resulting in widespread Christian conversion among those who sought to align themselves with the Dutch for political protection and to form a movement against the Bugis and Makassarese Muslims. Between 1951 and 1965 (following Indonesian independence), southern Sulawesi faced a turbulent period as the Darul Islam separatist movement fought for an Islamic state in Sulawesi. The 15 years of guerrilla warfare led to massive conversions to

CHRISTIANITY

Alignment with the Indonesian government, however, did not guarantee safety for the Torajans. In 1965, a presidential decree required every Indonesian citizen to belong to one of five officially recognized religions: Islam, Christianity (Protestantism and Catholicism), Hinduism, or Buddhism. The Torajan religious belief (aluk) was not legally recognized, and the Torajans raised their voices against the law. To make aluk accord with the law, it had to be accepted as part of one of the official religions. In 1969, Aluk To Dolo ("the way of ancestors") was legalized as a sect of Agama Hindu Dharma, the official name of Hinduism in Indonesia.

SOCIETY

There are three main types of affiliation in Toraja society: family, class and religion.

FAMILY AFFILIATION

Family is the primary social and political grouping in Torajan society. Each village is one extended family, the seat of which is the tongkonan, a traditional Torajan house. Each tongkonan has a name, which becomes the name of the village. The familial dons maintain village unity. Marriage between distant cousins (fourth cousins and beyond) is a common practice that strengthens kinship. Toraja society prohibits marriage between close cousins (up to and including the third cousin) - except for nobles, to prevent the dispersal of property. Kinship is actively reciprocal, meaning that the extended family helps each other farm, share buffalo rituals, and pay off debts.

Each person belongs to both the mother's and the father's families, the only bilateral family line in Indonesia. Children, therefore, inherit household affiliation from both mother and father, including land and even family debts. Children's names are given on the basis of kinship, and are usually chosen after dead relatives. Names of aunts, uncles and cousins are commonly referred to in the names of mothers, fathers and siblings.

Before the start of the formal administration of Toraja villages by the Tana Toraja Regency, each Toraja village was autonomous. In a more complex situation, in which one Toraja family could not handle their problems alone, several villages formed a group; sometimes, villages would unite against other villages. Relationship between families was expressed through blood, marriage, and shared ancestral houses (tongkonan), practically signed by the exchange of water buffalo and pigs on ritual occasions. Such exchanges not only built political and cultural ties between families but defined each person's place in a social hierarchy: who poured palm wine, who wrapped a corpse and prepared offerings, where each person could or could not sit, what dishes should be used or avoided, and even what piece of meat constituted one's share.

CLASS AFFILIATION

In early Toraja society, family relationships were tied closely to social class. There were three strata: nobles, commoners, and slaves (slavery was abolished in 1909 by the Dutch East Indies government). Class was inherited through the mother. It was taboo, therefore, to marry "down" with a woman of lower class. On the other hand, marrying a woman of higher class could improve the status of the next generation. The nobility's condescending attitude toward the commoners is still maintained today for reasons of family prestige.

Nobles, who were believed to be direct descendants of the descended person from heaven, lived in tongkonans, while commoners lived in less lavish houses (bamboo shacks called banua). Slaves lived in small huts, which had to be built around their owner's tongkonan. Commoners might marry anyone, but nobles preferred to marry in-family to maintain their status. Sometimes nobles married Bugis or Makassarese nobles. Commoners and slaves were prohibited from having death feasts. Despite close kinship and status inheritance, there was some social mobility, as marriage or change in wealth could affect an individuals status. Wealth was counted by the ownership of water buffaloes.

Slaves in Toraja society were family property. Sometimes Torajans decided to become slaves when they incurred a debt, pledging to work as payment. Slaves could be taken during wars, and slave trading was common. Slaves could buy their freedom, but their children still inherited slave status. Slaves were prohibited from wearing bronze or gold, carving their houses, eating from the same dishes as their owners, or having sex with free women - a crime punishable by death.

RELIGIOUS AFFILIATION

Toraja's indigenous belief system is polytheistic animism, called aluk, or "the way" (sometimes translated as "the law"). In the Toraja myth, the ancestors of Torajan people came down from heaven using stairs, which were then used by the Torajans as a communication medium with Puang Matua, the Creator. The cosmos, according to aluk, is divided into the upper world (heaven), the world of man (earth), and the underworld. At first, heaven and earth were married, then there was a darkness, a separation, and finally the light. Animals live in the underworld, which is represented by rectangular space enclosed by pillars, the earth is for mankind, and the heaven world is located above, covered with a saddle-shaped roof. Other Toraja gods include Pong Banggai di Rante (god of Earth), Indo' Ongon-Ongon (a goddess who can cause earthquakes), Pong Lalondong (god of death), and Indo' Belo Tumbang (goddess of medicine); there are many more.

The earthly authority, whose words and actions should be cleaved to both in life (agriculture) and death (funerals), is called to minaa (an aluk priest). Aluk is not just a belief system; it is a combination of law, religion, and habit. Aluk governs social life, agricultural practices, and ancestral rituals. The details of aluk may vary from one village to another. One common law is the requirement that death and life rituals be separated. Torajans believe that performing death rituals might ruin their corpses if combined with life rituals. The two rituals are equally important. During the time of the Dutch missionaries, Christian Torajans were prohibited from attending or performing life rituals, but were allowed to perform death rituals. Consequently, Toraja's death rituals are still practised today, while life rituals have diminished.

CULTURE

TONGKONAN

Tongkonan are the traditional Torajan ancestral houses. They stand high on wooden piles, topped with a layered split-bamboo roof shaped in a sweeping curved arc, and they are incised with red, black, and yellow detailed wood carvings on the exterior walls. The word "tongkonan" comes from the Torajan tongkon ("to sit").

Tongkonan are the center of Torajan social life. The rituals associated with the tongkonan are important expressions of Torajan spiritual life, and therefore all family members are impelled to participate, because symbolically the tongkonan represents links to their ancestors and to living and future kin. According to Torajan myth, the first tongkonan was built in heaven on four poles, with a roof made of Indian cloth. When the first Torajan ancestor descended to earth, he imitated the house and held a large ceremony.

The construction of a tongkonan is laborious work and is usually done with the help of the extended family. There are three types of tongkonan. The tongkonan layuk is the house of the highest authority, used as the "center of government". The tongkonan pekamberan belongs to the family members who have some authority in local traditions. Ordinary family members reside in the tongkonan batu. The exclusivity to the nobility of the tongkonan is diminishing as many Torajan commoners find lucrative employment in other parts of Indonesia. As they send back money to their families, they enable the construction of larger tongkonan.

WOOD CARVINGS

To express social and religious concepts, Torajans carve wood, calling it Pa'ssura (or "the writing"). Wood carvings are therefore Toraja's cultural manifestation.

Each carving receives a special name, and common motifs are animals and plants that symbolize some virtue. For example, water plants and animals, such as crabs, tadpoles and water weeds, are commonly found to symbolize fertility. In some areas noble elders claim these symbols refer to strength of noble family, but not everyone agrees. The overall meaning of groups of carved motifs on houses remains debated and tourism has further complicated these debates because some feel a uniform explanation must be presented to tourists. The image to the left shows an example of Torajan wood carving, consisting of 15 square panels. The center bottom panel represents buffalo or wealth, a wish for many buffaloes for the family. The center panel represents a knot and a box, a hope that all of the family's offspring will be happy and live in harmony, like goods kept safe in a box. The top left and top right squares represent an aquatic animal, indicating the need for fast and hard work, just like moving on the surface of water. It also represents the need for a certain skill to produce good results.

Regularity and order are common features in Toraja wood carving (see table below), as well as abstracts and geometrical designs. Nature is frequently used as the basis of Toraja's ornaments, because nature is full of abstractions and geometries with regularities and ordering. Toraja's ornaments have been studied in ethnomathematics to reveal their mathematical structure, but Torajans base this art only on approximations. To create an ornament, bamboo sticks are used as a geometrical tool.

FUNERAL RITES

In Toraja society, the funeral ritual is the most elaborate and expensive event. The richer and more powerful the individual, the more expensive is the funeral. In the aluk religion, only nobles have the right to have an extensive death feast. The death feast of a nobleman is usually attended by thousands and lasts for several days. A ceremonial site, called rante, is usually prepared in a large, grassy field where shelters for audiences, rice barns, and other ceremonial funeral structures are specially made by the deceased family. Flute music, funeral chants, songs and poems, and crying and wailing are traditional Toraja expressions of grief with the exceptions of funerals for young children, and poor, low-status adults.

The ceremony is often held weeks, months, or years after the death so that the deceased's family can raise the significant funds needed to cover funeral expenses. Torajans traditionally believe that death is not a sudden, abrupt event, but a gradual process toward Puya (the land of souls, or afterlife). During the waiting period, the body of the deceased is wrapped in several layers of cloth and kept under the tongkonan. The soul of the deceased is thought to linger around the village until the funeral ceremony is completed, after which it begins its journey to Puya.

Another component of the ritual is the slaughter of water buffalo. The more powerful the person who died, the more buffalo are slaughtered at the death feast. Buffalo carcasses, including their heads, are usually lined up on a field waiting for their owner, who is in the "sleeping stage". Torajans believe that the deceased will need the buffalo to make the journey and that they will be quicker to arrive at Puya if they have many buffalo. Slaughtering tens of water buffalo and hundreds of pigs using a machete is the climax of the elaborate death feast, with dancing and music and young boys who catch spurting blood in long bamboo tubes. Some of the slaughtered animals are given by guests as "gifts", which are carefully noted because they will be considered debts of the deceased's family. However, a cockfight, known as bulangan londong, is an integral part of the ceremony. As with the sacrifice of the buffalo and the pigs, the cockfight is considered sacred because it involves the spilling of blood on the earth. In particular, the tradition requires the sacrifice of at least three chickens. However, it is common for at least 25 pairs of chickens to be set against each other in the context of the ceremony.

There are three methods of burial: the coffin may be laid in a cave or in a carved stone grave, or hung on a cliff. It contains any possessions that the deceased will need in the afterlife. The wealthy are often buried in a stone grave carved out of a rocky cliff. The grave is usually expensive and takes a few months to complete. In some areas, a stone cave may be found that is large enough to accommodate a whole family. A wood-carved effigy, called Tau tau, is usually placed in the cave looking out over the land. The coffin of a baby or child may be hung from ropes on a cliff face or from a tree. This hanging grave usually lasts for years, until the ropes rot and the coffin falls to the ground.

In the ritual called Ma'Nene, that takes place each year in August, the bodies of the deceased are exhumed to be washed, groomed and dressed in new clothes. The mummies are then walked around the village.

DANCE AND MUSIC

Torajans perform dances on several occasions, most often during their elaborate funeral ceremonies. They dance to express their grief, and to honour and even cheer the deceased person because he is going to have a long journey in the afterlife. First, a group of men form a circle and sing a monotonous chant throughout the night to honour the deceased (a ritual called Ma'badong). This is considered by many Torajans to be the most important component of the funeral ceremony. On the second funeral day, the Ma'randing warrior dance is performed to praise the courage of the deceased during life. Several men perform the dance with a sword, a large shield made from buffalo skin, a helmet with a buffalo horn, and other ornamentation. The Ma'randing dance precedes a procession in which the deceased is carried from a rice barn to the rante, the site of the funeral ceremony. During the funeral, elder women perform the Ma'katia dance while singing a poetic song and wearing a long feathered costume. The Ma'akatia dance is performed to remind the audience of the generosity and loyalty of the deceased person. After the bloody ceremony of buffalo and pig slaughter, a group of boys and girls clap their hands while performing a cheerful dance called Ma'dondan.

As in other agricultural societies, Torajans dance and sing during harvest time. The Ma'bugi dance celebrates the thanksgiving event, and the Ma'gandangi dance is performed while Torajans are pounding rice. There are several war dances, such as the Manimbong dance performed by men, followed by the Ma'dandan dance performed by women. The aluk religion governs when and how Torajans dance. A dance called Ma'bua can be performed only once every 12 years. Ma'bua is a major Toraja ceremony in which priests wear a buffalo head and dance around a sacred tree.

A traditional musical instrument of the Toraja is a bamboo flute called a Pa'suling (suling is an Indonesian word for flute). This six-holed flute (not unique to the Toraja) is played at many dances, such as the thanksgiving dance Ma'bondensan, where the flute accompanies a group of shirtless, dancing men with long fingernails. The Toraja have indigenous musical instruments, such as the Pa'pelle (made from palm leaves) and the Pa'karombi (the Torajan version of a jaw harp). The Pa'pelle is played during harvest time and at house inauguration ceremonies.

LANGUAGE

The ethnic Toraja language is dominant in Tana Toraja with the main language as the Sa'dan Toraja. Although the national Indonesian language is the official language and is spoken in the community, all elementary schools in Tana Toraja teach Toraja language.Language varieties of Toraja, including Kalumpang, Mamasa, Tae' , Talondo' , Toala' , and Toraja-Sa'dan, belong to the Malayo-Polynesian language from the Austronesian family. At the outset, the isolated geographical nature of Tana Toraja formed many dialects between the Toraja languages themselves. After the formal administration of Tana Toraja, some Toraja dialects have been influenced by other languages through the transmigration program, introduced since the colonialism period, and it has been a major factor in the linguistic variety of Toraja languages. A prominent attribute of Toraja language is the notion of grief. The importance of death ceremony in Toraja culture has characterized their languages to express intricate degrees of grief and mourning. The Toraja language contains many terms referring to sadness, longing, depression, and mental pain. Giving a clear expression of the psychological and physical effect of loss is a catharsis and sometimes lessens the pain of grief itself.

ECONOMY

Prior to Suharto's "New Order" administration, the Torajan economy was based on agriculture, with cultivated wet rice in terraced fields on mountain slopes, and supplemental cassava and maize crops. Much time and energy were devoted to raising water buffalo, pigs, and chickens, primarily for ceremonial sacrifices and consumption. Coffee was the first significant cash crop produced in Toraja, and was introduced in the mid 19th century, changing the local economy towards commodity production for external markets and gaining an excellent reputation for quality in the international market .

With the commencement of the New Order in 1965, Indonesia's economy developed and opened to foreign investment. In Toraja, a coffee plantation and factory was established by Key Coffee of Japan, and Torajan coffee regained a reputation for quality within the growing international specialty coffee sector Multinational oil and mining companies opened new operations in Indonesia during the 1970s and 1980s. Torajans, particularly younger ones, relocated to work for the foreign companies - to Kalimantan for timber and oil, to Papua for mining, to the cities of Sulawesi and Java, and many went to Malaysia. The out-migration of Torajans was steady until 1985. and has continued since, with remittances sent back by emigre Torajans performing an important role within the contemporary economy.

Tourism commenced in Toraja in the 1970s, and accelerated in the 1980s and 1990s. Between 1984 and 1997, a significant number of Torajans obtained their incomes from tourism, working in and owning hotels, as tour guides, drivers, or selling souvenirs. With the rise of political and economic instability in Indonesia in the late 1990s - including religious conflicts elsewhere on Sulawesi - tourism in Tana Toraja has declined dramatically. Toraja continues to be a well known origin for Indonesian coffee, grown by both smallholders and plantation estates, although migration, remittances and off-farm income is considered far more important to most households, even those in rural areas.

TOURISM AND CULTURAL CHANGE

Before the 1970s, Toraja was almost unknown to Western tourism. In 1971, about 50 Europeans visited Tana Toraja. In 1972, at least 400 visitors attended the funeral ritual of Puang of Sangalla, the highest-ranking nobleman in Tana Toraja and the so-called "last pure-blooded Toraja noble." The event was documented by National Geographic and broadcast in several European countries. In 1976, about 12,000 tourists visited the regency and in 1981, Torajan sculpture was exhibited in major North American museums. "The land of the heavenly kings of Tana Toraja", as written in the exhibition brochure, embraced the outside world.

In 1984, the Indonesian Ministry of Tourism declared Tana Toraja Regency the prima donna of South Sulawesi. Tana Toraja was heralded as "the second stop after Bali". Tourism was increasing dramatically: by 1985, a total number of 150,000 foreigners had visited the Regency (in addition to 80,000 domestic tourists), and the annual number of foreign visitors was recorded at 40,000 in 1989. Souvenir stands appeared in Rantepao, the cultural center of Toraja, roads were sealed at the most-visited tourist sites, new hotels and tourist-oriented restaurants were opened, and an airstrip was opened in the Regency in 1981.

Tourism developers have marketed Tana Toraja as an exotic adventure - an area rich in culture and off the beaten track. Western tourists expected to see stone-age villages and pagan funerals. Toraja is for tourists who have gone as far as Bali and are willing to see more of the wild, "untouched" islands. However, they were more likely to see a Torajan wearing a hat and denim, living in a Christian society. Tourists felt that the tongkonan and other Torajan rituals had been preconceived to make profits, and complained that the destination was too commercialized. This has resulted in several clashes between Torajans and tourism developers, whom Torajans see as outsiders.

A clash between local Torajan leaders and the South Sulawesi provincial government (as a tourist developer) broke out in 1985. The government designated 18 Toraja villages and burial sites as traditional tourist attractions. Consequently, zoning restrictions were applied to these areas, such that Torajans themselves were barred from changing their tongkonans and burial sites. The plan was opposed by some Torajan leaders, as they felt that their rituals and traditions were being determined by outsiders. As a result, in 1987, the Torajan village of Kété Kesú and several other designated tourist attractions closed their doors to tourists. This closure lasted only a few days, as the villagers found it too difficult to survive without the income from selling souvenirs.

Tourism has also transformed Toraja society. Originally, there was a ritual which allowed commoners to marry nobles (puang) and thereby gain nobility for their children. However, the image of Torajan society created for the tourists, often by "lower-ranking" guides, has eroded its traditional strict hierarchy. High status is not as esteemed in Tana Toraja as it once was. Many low-ranking men can declare themselves and their children nobles by gaining enough wealth through work outside the region and then marrying a noble woman.

WIKIPEDIA

Finally a Tree-lichen Beauty!

A combined catch result for this week chaps, as I haven't had much time to update thy blog.

Being officially married now means that my mothing exploits will apparently subdue over the years to come (but not too soon I must add!)

I trapped on the 6th, 8th and 9th this week with pretty mixed results but with a downward trend starting to happen as we go into the beginning of the end....or is it?

There was me going through the trap each time expecting to not be that thrilled with late Summer catches (Yes in the moth world it is nearing Autumn already) then to stumble upon rare and interesting moths in each of the three session.

6th was the Cydia amplana night, on the 8th star of the show was Acrolepiopsis assectella, both completely new moths for me. The on the 9th after EVERYBODY else has had one, finally I managed a Tree-lichen Beauty....it's never too late is it!

Also a Footman needs checking for Hoary.

All in all a good end to the week trapping.

Catch Report - 06-08-09/08/14 - Back Garden Stevenage - 1x 125w MV Robinson Trap

Macro Moths

1x Tree-lichen Beauty [NFG]

1x Small Waved Umber [NFG]

2x Lesser Swallow Prominent [NFY]

6x Square-spot Rustic [NFY]

1x Vapourer Moth [NFY]

3x Angle Shades

3x Black Arches

3x Brimstone Moth

1x Broad-bordered Yellow Underwing

1x Cloaked Minor

1x Common Carpet

22x Common Rustic

3x Dark Arches

1x Dot Moth

2x Double-striped Pug

2x Dun-bar

3x Dusky Thorn

2x Flame Shoulder

8x Flounced Rustic

1x Green Carpet

5x Large Yellow Underwing

1x Least Carpet

42x Lesser Broad-bordered Yellow Underwing

1x Lesser Yellow Underwing

1x Maiden's Blush

2x Maple Pug

2x Marbled Beauty

1x Nut-tree Tussock

1x Oak Hook-tip

4x Orange Swift

2x Pale Mottled Willow

1x Poplar Hawk-moth

1x Red Twin-spot Carpet

11x Riband Wave

1x Scarce Footman

4x September Thorn

3x Setaceous Hebrew Character

6x Shuttle-shaped Dart

1x Silver-Y

1x Small Emerald

1x Small Rivulet

4x Spectacle

2x Square-spotted Clay

1x Straw Dot

5x Straw Underwing

1x Uncertain

1x Vine's Rustic

10x Willow Beauty

2x Yellow Shell

Micro Moths

1x Acrolepiopsis assectella [NEW!]

1x Cydia amplana [NEW!]

1x Ypsolopha sequella [NFG]

1x Dichrorampha acuminatana [NFG]

1x Pyrausta purpuralis [NFG]

1x Mompha divisella [NFG]

6x Agriphila geniculea [NFY]

2x Ypsolopha parenthesella [NFY]

4x Evergestis forficalis

1x Hypsopygia costalis

4x Amblyptilia acanthadactyla

3x Eurrhypara hortulata

1x Mompha subbistrigella

1x Monopis laevigella

2x Endotricha flammealis

15x Blastobasis adustella

2x Emmelina monodactyla

2x Eudonia mercurella

1x Ypsolopha dentella

2x Trachycera advenella

1x Trachycera suavella

3x Carcina quercana

7x Epiphyas postvittana

1x Paronix sp

1x Celypha lacunana

1x Apotomis betuletana

3x Argyrotaenia ljungiana

5x Agriphila straminella

2x Phycita roborella

6x Agriphila tristella

2x Spilonota ocellana

1x Caloptilia betulicola

2x Argyresthia goedartella

1x Argyresthia pruniella

5x Plutella xylostella

2x Batia unitella

1x Hofmannophila pseudospretella

. . . 2. 3. 2007 - this is the first day of a funeral ceremony in Bori for a High Class Woman. She died on 18. 1. 2007 at the age of 85 years. The ceremony will last for one week. Today we will see the showing of the water buffalos, pigs, cow, horse, deer and chicken. All these animals are offered to be the servants of the died woman in her new life after death in Puya. We will see buffalo fighting. Men bet for the winner of those fightings. Two buffalos fight each other - the one running away lost the fight!

If you wonder why the quality of the pictures is a little less: these are no photographs - it all are snapshots of my videos! So sorry for the less resolution, but I think, they are worth to be shown.

_____________________________________

The Toraja are an ethnic group indigenous to a mountainous region of South Sulawesi, Indonesia. Their population is approximately 1,100,000, of whom 450,000 live in the regency of Tana Toraja ("Land of Toraja"). Most of the population is Christian, and others are Muslim or have local animist beliefs known as aluk ("the way"). The Indonesian government has recognized this animist belief as Aluk To Dolo ("Way of the Ancestors").

The word toraja comes from the Bugis Buginese language term to riaja, meaning "people of the uplands". The Dutch colonial government named the people Toraja in 1909. Torajans are renowned for their elaborate funeral rites, burial sites carved into rocky cliffs, massive peaked-roof traditional houses known as tongkonan, and colorful wood carvings. Toraja funeral rites are important social events, usually attended by hundreds of people and lasting for several days.

Before the 20th century, Torajans lived in autonomous villages, where they practised animism and were relatively untouched by the outside world. In the early 1900s, Dutch missionaries first worked to convert Torajan highlanders to Christianity. When the Tana Toraja regency was further opened to the outside world in the 1970s, it became an icon of tourism in Indonesia: it was exploited by tourism developers and studied by anthropologists. By the 1990s, when tourism peaked, Toraja society had changed significantly, from an agrarian model - in which social life and customs were outgrowths of the Aluk To Dolo - to a largely Christian society. Today, tourism and remittances from migrant Torajans have made for major changes in the Toraja highland, giving the Toraja a celebrity status within Indonesia and enhancing Toraja ethnic group pride.

ETHNIC IDENTITY

The Torajan people had little notion of themselves as a distinct ethnic group before the 20th century. Before Dutch colonization and Christianization, Torajans, who lived in highland areas, identified with their villages and did not share a broad sense of identity. Although complexes of rituals created linkages between highland villages, there were variations in dialects, differences in social hierarchies, and an array of ritual practices in the Sulawesi highland region. "Toraja" (from the coastal languages' to, meaning people; and riaja, uplands) was first used as a lowlander expression for highlanders. As a result, "Toraja" initially had more currency with outsiders - such as the Bugis and Makassarese, who constitute a majority of the lowland of Sulawesi - than with insiders. The Dutch missionaries' presence in the highlands gave rise to the Toraja ethnic consciousness in the Sa'dan Toraja region, and this shared identity grew with the rise of tourism in the Tana Toraja Regency. Since then, South Sulawesi has four main ethnic groups - the Bugis (the majority, including shipbuilders and seafarers), the Makassarese (lowland traders and seafarers), the Mandarese (traders and fishermen), and the Toraja (highland rice cultivators).

HISTORY

From the 17th century, the Dutch established trade and political control on Sulawesi through the Dutch East Indies Company. Over two centuries, they ignored the mountainous area in the central Sulawesi, where Torajans lived, because access was difficult and it had little productive agricultural land. In the late 19th century, the Dutch became increasingly concerned about the spread of Islam in the south of Sulawesi, especially among the Makassarese and Bugis peoples. The Dutch saw the animist highlanders as potential Christians. In the 1920s, the Reformed Missionary Alliance of the Dutch Reformed Church began missionary work aided by the Dutch colonial government. In addition to introducing Christianity, the Dutch abolished slavery and imposed local taxes. A line was drawn around the Sa'dan area and called Tana Toraja ("the land of Toraja"). Tana Toraja was first a subdivision of the Luwu kingdom that had claimed the area. In 1946, the Dutch granted Tana Toraja a regentschap, and it was recognized in 1957 as one of the regencies of Indonesia.

Early Dutch missionaries faced strong opposition among Torajans, especially among the elite, because the abolition of their profitable slave trade had angered them. Some Torajans were forcibly relocated to the lowlands by the Dutch, where they could be more easily controlled. Taxes were kept high, undermining the wealth of the elites. Ultimately, the Dutch influence did not subdue Torajan culture, and only a few Torajans were converted. In 1950, only 10% of the population had converted to Christianity.

In the 1930s, Muslim lowlanders attacked the Torajans, resulting in widespread Christian conversion among those who sought to align themselves with the Dutch for political protection and to form a movement against the Bugis and Makassarese Muslims. Between 1951 and 1965 (following Indonesian independence), southern Sulawesi faced a turbulent period as the Darul Islam separatist movement fought for an Islamic state in Sulawesi. The 15 years of guerrilla warfare led to massive conversions to

CHRISTIANITY

Alignment with the Indonesian government, however, did not guarantee safety for the Torajans. In 1965, a presidential decree required every Indonesian citizen to belong to one of five officially recognized religions: Islam, Christianity (Protestantism and Catholicism), Hinduism, or Buddhism. The Torajan religious belief (aluk) was not legally recognized, and the Torajans raised their voices against the law. To make aluk accord with the law, it had to be accepted as part of one of the official religions. In 1969, Aluk To Dolo ("the way of ancestors") was legalized as a sect of Agama Hindu Dharma, the official name of Hinduism in Indonesia.

SOCIETY

There are three main types of affiliation in Toraja society: family, class and religion.

FAMILY AFFILIATION

Family is the primary social and political grouping in Torajan society. Each village is one extended family, the seat of which is the tongkonan, a traditional Torajan house. Each tongkonan has a name, which becomes the name of the village. The familial dons maintain village unity. Marriage between distant cousins (fourth cousins and beyond) is a common practice that strengthens kinship. Toraja society prohibits marriage between close cousins (up to and including the third cousin) - except for nobles, to prevent the dispersal of property. Kinship is actively reciprocal, meaning that the extended family helps each other farm, share buffalo rituals, and pay off debts.

Each person belongs to both the mother's and the father's families, the only bilateral family line in Indonesia. Children, therefore, inherit household affiliation from both mother and father, including land and even family debts. Children's names are given on the basis of kinship, and are usually chosen after dead relatives. Names of aunts, uncles and cousins are commonly referred to in the names of mothers, fathers and siblings.

Before the start of the formal administration of Toraja villages by the Tana Toraja Regency, each Toraja village was autonomous. In a more complex situation, in which one Toraja family could not handle their problems alone, several villages formed a group; sometimes, villages would unite against other villages. Relationship between families was expressed through blood, marriage, and shared ancestral houses (tongkonan), practically signed by the exchange of water buffalo and pigs on ritual occasions. Such exchanges not only built political and cultural ties between families but defined each person's place in a social hierarchy: who poured palm wine, who wrapped a corpse and prepared offerings, where each person could or could not sit, what dishes should be used or avoided, and even what piece of meat constituted one's share.

CLASS AFFILIATION

In early Toraja society, family relationships were tied closely to social class. There were three strata: nobles, commoners, and slaves (slavery was abolished in 1909 by the Dutch East Indies government). Class was inherited through the mother. It was taboo, therefore, to marry "down" with a woman of lower class. On the other hand, marrying a woman of higher class could improve the status of the next generation. The nobility's condescending attitude toward the commoners is still maintained today for reasons of family prestige.

Nobles, who were believed to be direct descendants of the descended person from heaven, lived in tongkonans, while commoners lived in less lavish houses (bamboo shacks called banua). Slaves lived in small huts, which had to be built around their owner's tongkonan. Commoners might marry anyone, but nobles preferred to marry in-family to maintain their status. Sometimes nobles married Bugis or Makassarese nobles. Commoners and slaves were prohibited from having death feasts. Despite close kinship and status inheritance, there was some social mobility, as marriage or change in wealth could affect an individuals status. Wealth was counted by the ownership of water buffaloes.

Slaves in Toraja society were family property. Sometimes Torajans decided to become slaves when they incurred a debt, pledging to work as payment. Slaves could be taken during wars, and slave trading was common. Slaves could buy their freedom, but their children still inherited slave status. Slaves were prohibited from wearing bronze or gold, carving their houses, eating from the same dishes as their owners, or having sex with free women - a crime punishable by death.

RELIGIOUS AFFILIATION

Toraja's indigenous belief system is polytheistic animism, called aluk, or "the way" (sometimes translated as "the law"). In the Toraja myth, the ancestors of Torajan people came down from heaven using stairs, which were then used by the Torajans as a communication medium with Puang Matua, the Creator. The cosmos, according to aluk, is divided into the upper world (heaven), the world of man (earth), and the underworld. At first, heaven and earth were married, then there was a darkness, a separation, and finally the light. Animals live in the underworld, which is represented by rectangular space enclosed by pillars, the earth is for mankind, and the heaven world is located above, covered with a saddle-shaped roof. Other Toraja gods include Pong Banggai di Rante (god of Earth), Indo' Ongon-Ongon (a goddess who can cause earthquakes), Pong Lalondong (god of death), and Indo' Belo Tumbang (goddess of medicine); there are many more.

The earthly authority, whose words and actions should be cleaved to both in life (agriculture) and death (funerals), is called to minaa (an aluk priest). Aluk is not just a belief system; it is a combination of law, religion, and habit. Aluk governs social life, agricultural practices, and ancestral rituals. The details of aluk may vary from one village to another. One common law is the requirement that death and life rituals be separated. Torajans believe that performing death rituals might ruin their corpses if combined with life rituals. The two rituals are equally important. During the time of the Dutch missionaries, Christian Torajans were prohibited from attending or performing life rituals, but were allowed to perform death rituals. Consequently, Toraja's death rituals are still practised today, while life rituals have diminished.

CULTURE

TONGKONAN

Tongkonan are the traditional Torajan ancestral houses. They stand high on wooden piles, topped with a layered split-bamboo roof shaped in a sweeping curved arc, and they are incised with red, black, and yellow detailed wood carvings on the exterior walls. The word "tongkonan" comes from the Torajan tongkon ("to sit").

Tongkonan are the center of Torajan social life. The rituals associated with the tongkonan are important expressions of Torajan spiritual life, and therefore all family members are impelled to participate, because symbolically the tongkonan represents links to their ancestors and to living and future kin. According to Torajan myth, the first tongkonan was built in heaven on four poles, with a roof made of Indian cloth. When the first Torajan ancestor descended to earth, he imitated the house and held a large ceremony.

The construction of a tongkonan is laborious work and is usually done with the help of the extended family. There are three types of tongkonan. The tongkonan layuk is the house of the highest authority, used as the "center of government". The tongkonan pekamberan belongs to the family members who have some authority in local traditions. Ordinary family members reside in the tongkonan batu. The exclusivity to the nobility of the tongkonan is diminishing as many Torajan commoners find lucrative employment in other parts of Indonesia. As they send back money to their families, they enable the construction of larger tongkonan.

WOOD CARVINGS

To express social and religious concepts, Torajans carve wood, calling it Pa'ssura (or "the writing"). Wood carvings are therefore Toraja's cultural manifestation.

Each carving receives a special name, and common motifs are animals and plants that symbolize some virtue. For example, water plants and animals, such as crabs, tadpoles and water weeds, are commonly found to symbolize fertility. In some areas noble elders claim these symbols refer to strength of noble family, but not everyone agrees. The overall meaning of groups of carved motifs on houses remains debated and tourism has further complicated these debates because some feel a uniform explanation must be presented to tourists. The image to the left shows an example of Torajan wood carving, consisting of 15 square panels. The center bottom panel represents buffalo or wealth, a wish for many buffaloes for the family. The center panel represents a knot and a box, a hope that all of the family's offspring will be happy and live in harmony, like goods kept safe in a box. The top left and top right squares represent an aquatic animal, indicating the need for fast and hard work, just like moving on the surface of water. It also represents the need for a certain skill to produce good results.

Regularity and order are common features in Toraja wood carving (see table below), as well as abstracts and geometrical designs. Nature is frequently used as the basis of Toraja's ornaments, because nature is full of abstractions and geometries with regularities and ordering. Toraja's ornaments have been studied in ethnomathematics to reveal their mathematical structure, but Torajans base this art only on approximations. To create an ornament, bamboo sticks are used as a geometrical tool.

FUNERAL RITES

In Toraja society, the funeral ritual is the most elaborate and expensive event. The richer and more powerful the individual, the more expensive is the funeral. In the aluk religion, only nobles have the right to have an extensive death feast. The death feast of a nobleman is usually attended by thousands and lasts for several days. A ceremonial site, called rante, is usually prepared in a large, grassy field where shelters for audiences, rice barns, and other ceremonial funeral structures are specially made by the deceased family. Flute music, funeral chants, songs and poems, and crying and wailing are traditional Toraja expressions of grief with the exceptions of funerals for young children, and poor, low-status adults.

The ceremony is often held weeks, months, or years after the death so that the deceased's family can raise the significant funds needed to cover funeral expenses. Torajans traditionally believe that death is not a sudden, abrupt event, but a gradual process toward Puya (the land of souls, or afterlife). During the waiting period, the body of the deceased is wrapped in several layers of cloth and kept under the tongkonan. The soul of the deceased is thought to linger around the village until the funeral ceremony is completed, after which it begins its journey to Puya.

Another component of the ritual is the slaughter of water buffalo. The more powerful the person who died, the more buffalo are slaughtered at the death feast. Buffalo carcasses, including their heads, are usually lined up on a field waiting for their owner, who is in the "sleeping stage". Torajans believe that the deceased will need the buffalo to make the journey and that they will be quicker to arrive at Puya if they have many buffalo. Slaughtering tens of water buffalo and hundreds of pigs using a machete is the climax of the elaborate death feast, with dancing and music and young boys who catch spurting blood in long bamboo tubes. Some of the slaughtered animals are given by guests as "gifts", which are carefully noted because they will be considered debts of the deceased's family. However, a cockfight, known as bulangan londong, is an integral part of the ceremony. As with the sacrifice of the buffalo and the pigs, the cockfight is considered sacred because it involves the spilling of blood on the earth. In particular, the tradition requires the sacrifice of at least three chickens. However, it is common for at least 25 pairs of chickens to be set against each other in the context of the ceremony.

There are three methods of burial: the coffin may be laid in a cave or in a carved stone grave, or hung on a cliff. It contains any possessions that the deceased will need in the afterlife. The wealthy are often buried in a stone grave carved out of a rocky cliff. The grave is usually expensive and takes a few months to complete. In some areas, a stone cave may be found that is large enough to accommodate a whole family. A wood-carved effigy, called Tau tau, is usually placed in the cave looking out over the land. The coffin of a baby or child may be hung from ropes on a cliff face or from a tree. This hanging grave usually lasts for years, until the ropes rot and the coffin falls to the ground.

In the ritual called Ma'Nene, that takes place each year in August, the bodies of the deceased are exhumed to be washed, groomed and dressed in new clothes. The mummies are then walked around the village.

DANCE AND MUSIC

Torajans perform dances on several occasions, most often during their elaborate funeral ceremonies. They dance to express their grief, and to honour and even cheer the deceased person because he is going to have a long journey in the afterlife. First, a group of men form a circle and sing a monotonous chant throughout the night to honour the deceased (a ritual called Ma'badong). This is considered by many Torajans to be the most important component of the funeral ceremony. On the second funeral day, the Ma'randing warrior dance is performed to praise the courage of the deceased during life. Several men perform the dance with a sword, a large shield made from buffalo skin, a helmet with a buffalo horn, and other ornamentation. The Ma'randing dance precedes a procession in which the deceased is carried from a rice barn to the rante, the site of the funeral ceremony. During the funeral, elder women perform the Ma'katia dance while singing a poetic song and wearing a long feathered costume. The Ma'akatia dance is performed to remind the audience of the generosity and loyalty of the deceased person. After the bloody ceremony of buffalo and pig slaughter, a group of boys and girls clap their hands while performing a cheerful dance called Ma'dondan.

As in other agricultural societies, Torajans dance and sing during harvest time. The Ma'bugi dance celebrates the thanksgiving event, and the Ma'gandangi dance is performed while Torajans are pounding rice. There are several war dances, such as the Manimbong dance performed by men, followed by the Ma'dandan dance performed by women. The aluk religion governs when and how Torajans dance. A dance called Ma'bua can be performed only once every 12 years. Ma'bua is a major Toraja ceremony in which priests wear a buffalo head and dance around a sacred tree.

A traditional musical instrument of the Toraja is a bamboo flute called a Pa'suling (suling is an Indonesian word for flute). This six-holed flute (not unique to the Toraja) is played at many dances, such as the thanksgiving dance Ma'bondensan, where the flute accompanies a group of shirtless, dancing men with long fingernails. The Toraja have indigenous musical instruments, such as the Pa'pelle (made from palm leaves) and the Pa'karombi (the Torajan version of a jaw harp). The Pa'pelle is played during harvest time and at house inauguration ceremonies.

LANGUAGE

The ethnic Toraja language is dominant in Tana Toraja with the main language as the Sa'dan Toraja. Although the national Indonesian language is the official language and is spoken in the community, all elementary schools in Tana Toraja teach Toraja language.Language varieties of Toraja, including Kalumpang, Mamasa, Tae' , Talondo' , Toala' , and Toraja-Sa'dan, belong to the Malayo-Polynesian language from the Austronesian family. At the outset, the isolated geographical nature of Tana Toraja formed many dialects between the Toraja languages themselves. After the formal administration of Tana Toraja, some Toraja dialects have been influenced by other languages through the transmigration program, introduced since the colonialism period, and it has been a major factor in the linguistic variety of Toraja languages. A prominent attribute of Toraja language is the notion of grief. The importance of death ceremony in Toraja culture has characterized their languages to express intricate degrees of grief and mourning. The Toraja language contains many terms referring to sadness, longing, depression, and mental pain. Giving a clear expression of the psychological and physical effect of loss is a catharsis and sometimes lessens the pain of grief itself.

ECONOMY

Prior to Suharto's "New Order" administration, the Torajan economy was based on agriculture, with cultivated wet rice in terraced fields on mountain slopes, and supplemental cassava and maize crops. Much time and energy were devoted to raising water buffalo, pigs, and chickens, primarily for ceremonial sacrifices and consumption. Coffee was the first significant cash crop produced in Toraja, and was introduced in the mid 19th century, changing the local economy towards commodity production for external markets and gaining an excellent reputation for quality in the international market .

With the commencement of the New Order in 1965, Indonesia's economy developed and opened to foreign investment. In Toraja, a coffee plantation and factory was established by Key Coffee of Japan, and Torajan coffee regained a reputation for quality within the growing international specialty coffee sector Multinational oil and mining companies opened new operations in Indonesia during the 1970s and 1980s. Torajans, particularly younger ones, relocated to work for the foreign companies - to Kalimantan for timber and oil, to Papua for mining, to the cities of Sulawesi and Java, and many went to Malaysia. The out-migration of Torajans was steady until 1985. and has continued since, with remittances sent back by emigre Torajans performing an important role within the contemporary economy.

Tourism commenced in Toraja in the 1970s, and accelerated in the 1980s and 1990s. Between 1984 and 1997, a significant number of Torajans obtained their incomes from tourism, working in and owning hotels, as tour guides, drivers, or selling souvenirs. With the rise of political and economic instability in Indonesia in the late 1990s - including religious conflicts elsewhere on Sulawesi - tourism in Tana Toraja has declined dramatically. Toraja continues to be a well known origin for Indonesian coffee, grown by both smallholders and plantation estates, although migration, remittances and off-farm income is considered far more important to most households, even those in rural areas.

TOURISM AND CULTURAL CHANGE

Before the 1970s, Toraja was almost unknown to Western tourism. In 1971, about 50 Europeans visited Tana Toraja. In 1972, at least 400 visitors attended the funeral ritual of Puang of Sangalla, the highest-ranking nobleman in Tana Toraja and the so-called "last pure-blooded Toraja noble." The event was documented by National Geographic and broadcast in several European countries. In 1976, about 12,000 tourists visited the regency and in 1981, Torajan sculpture was exhibited in major North American museums. "The land of the heavenly kings of Tana Toraja", as written in the exhibition brochure, embraced the outside world.

In 1984, the Indonesian Ministry of Tourism declared Tana Toraja Regency the prima donna of South Sulawesi. Tana Toraja was heralded as "the second stop after Bali". Tourism was increasing dramatically: by 1985, a total number of 150,000 foreigners had visited the Regency (in addition to 80,000 domestic tourists), and the annual number of foreign visitors was recorded at 40,000 in 1989. Souvenir stands appeared in Rantepao, the cultural center of Toraja, roads were sealed at the most-visited tourist sites, new hotels and tourist-oriented restaurants were opened, and an airstrip was opened in the Regency in 1981.

Tourism developers have marketed Tana Toraja as an exotic adventure - an area rich in culture and off the beaten track. Western tourists expected to see stone-age villages and pagan funerals. Toraja is for tourists who have gone as far as Bali and are willing to see more of the wild, "untouched" islands. However, they were more likely to see a Torajan wearing a hat and denim, living in a Christian society. Tourists felt that the tongkonan and other Torajan rituals had been preconceived to make profits, and complained that the destination was too commercialized. This has resulted in several clashes between Torajans and tourism developers, whom Torajans see as outsiders.

A clash between local Torajan leaders and the South Sulawesi provincial government (as a tourist developer) broke out in 1985. The government designated 18 Toraja villages and burial sites as traditional tourist attractions. Consequently, zoning restrictions were applied to these areas, such that Torajans themselves were barred from changing their tongkonans and burial sites. The plan was opposed by some Torajan leaders, as they felt that their rituals and traditions were being determined by outsiders. As a result, in 1987, the Torajan village of Kété Kesú and several other designated tourist attractions closed their doors to tourists. This closure lasted only a few days, as the villagers found it too difficult to survive without the income from selling souvenirs.

Tourism has also transformed Toraja society. Originally, there was a ritual which allowed commoners to marry nobles (puang) and thereby gain nobility for their children. However, the image of Torajan society created for the tourists, often by "lower-ranking" guides, has eroded its traditional strict hierarchy. High status is not as esteemed in Tana Toraja as it once was. Many low-ranking men can declare themselves and their children nobles by gaining enough wealth through work outside the region and then marrying a noble woman.

WIKIPEDIA

Ligne 4 - Arrêt : Île de Nantes

Exploitant : SEMITAN

Réseau TAN - Nantes

The London School of Exploitation Under Occupation: London School of Economics and Political Science (LSE) Students Stand Against Exploitation and Corporate Education: Vera Anstey Suite: Old Building, London School of Economics, London, March 20, 2015.

Statement from the Occupation:

Why we are occupying

We have have occupied the Vera Anstey Suite, the central meeting room of the university administration, to demand a change to the current university system.

LSE is the epitome of the neoliberal university. Universities are increasingly implementing the privatised, profit-driven, and bureaucratic ‘business model’ of higher education, which locks students into huge debts and turns the university into a degree-factory and students into consumers. LSE has become the model for the transformation of the other university systems in Britain and beyond. Massive indebtedness, market-driven benchmarks, and subordination to corporate interests have deeply perverted what we think university and education should be about.

We demand an education that is liberating – which does not have a price tag. We want a university run by students, lecturers and workers.

When a University becomes a business the whole of student life is transformed. When a university is more concerned with its image, its marketability and the ‘added value’ of its degrees, the student is no longer a student - they become a commodity and education becomes a service. Institutional sexism and racism, as well as conditions of work for staff and lecturers, becomes a distraction for an institution geared to profit.

We join the ongoing struggles in the UK, Europe and the world to reject this system that has changed not only our education but our entire society. From the occupations in Sheffield, Warwick, Birmingham and Oxford, to the ongoing collective takeover of the University of Amsterdam– students have made clear that the current system simply cannot continue.

We are not alone in this struggle.

Why Occupy?

In this occupation we aim to create an open, creative and liberated space, where all are free to participate in the building of a new directly democratic, non-hierarchical and universally accessible education: The Free University of London.

The space will be organized around the creation of workshops, discussions and meetings to share ideas freely. Knowledge is not a commodity but something precious and valuable in its own right. And we hope to prove, if only within a limited time and space, that education can be free.This liberated space should also be a space for an open discussion on the direction this university and our educational system as a whole is heading. We want to emphasise that this process is not only for students, and we encourage the participation of all LSE staff, non-academic and academic.

We base our struggle on principles of equality, direct democracy, solidarity, mutual care and support. These are our current demands which we invite all to openly discuss, debate and add to.

1 - Free and universally accessible education not geared to making profit

We demand that the management of LSE lobby the government to scrap tuition fees for both domestic and international students.

2 - Workers Rights

In solidarity with the LSE workers, we demand real job security, an end to zero-hour contracts, fair remuneration and a drastic reduction in the gap between the highest and lowest paid employees.

3 - Genuine University Democracy

We demand a student-staff council, directly elected by students and academic and non-academic staff, responsible for making all managerial decisions of the institution.

4 - Divestment

We demand that the school cuts its ties to exploitative and destructive organisations, such as those involved in wars, military occupations and the destruction of the planet. This includes but is not limited to immediate divestment from the fossil fuel industry and from all companies which make a profit from the Israeli state’s occupation of Palestine.

5 - Liberation

We demand that LSE changes its harassment policy, and to have zero tolerance to harassment.

We demand that LSE does not implement the Counter Terrorism Bill that criminalises dissent, particularly targeting Muslim students and staff.

We demand that the police are not allowed on campus.

We demand that LSE becomes a liberated space free of racism, sexism, ableism, homophobia, transphobia and religious discrimination.

We demand that the school immediately reinstates the old ethics code and makes it legally binding, in line with the recently passed SU motion.

We demand that the school ensures the security and equality of international students, particularly with regards to their precarious visa status, and fully include them in our project for a free university.

occupylse.tumblr.com/

Pour assurer les dispositions de la convention du 15 janvier 1881 qui a créée la ligne d'Australie et qui prévoie un départ de Marseille toutes les 4 semaines avec des paquebots assurant une traversée avec une vitesse de 15 nœuds aux essais et une vitesse d'exploitation de 13 nœuds, la Compagnie des Services Contractuels des Messageries Maritimes fera construire 7 paquebots aux chantiers navals de La Ciotat entre 1881 et 1884.

Les coques auront les mêmes dimensions que celle du SAGHALIEN construit en 1880 sur les plans de Vésigné pour la ligne de Chine. Par contre la machine aura une puissance de 500 cv de plus. Ces paquebots seront gréés en 3 mâts barque, puis par la suite transformés en 3 mâts goélette en perdant leurs vergues et leurs guis avant la 1ère guerre mondiale de 1914 à laquelle seul le SALAZIE ne participera pas car perdu par échouage à Madagascar en 1912.

SALAZIE sera lancé le 8 avril 1883 sous le contrôle de l'ingénieur Risbec. Il porte le nom d'une région de l'île de La Réunion

--------------

Caractéristiques :

Paquebot poste à hélice avec 2 cheminées. Avant droit et long gaillard, roof arrière entre les 2èmes et 3èmes mâts. Gréé en 3 mâts barque à l'origine.

Longueur : 130,75 mHT – 126,15 mPP

Largeur : 12,6 m

Jauge brute : 4256 tjb

Port en lourd : 2450 tonnes

Déplacement : 6900 tonnes avec 6.75 m de TE

-------------------------

Propulsion et installations :

Une machine compound à 3 cylindres HPØ 1,10m - MP Ø 1.53m- HP Ø 1.53m - Course 1.10m

8 chaudières cylindriques à 6 kg/cm²

Chauffe au charbon

Puissance : 3400 CV

Vitesse : 15,6 nœuds aux essais.

1 hélice

2 cheminées

1885/1886 – Installation d'un salon de musique

1886/1887 – Installation à La Ciotat d'un éclairage électrique par lampes à incandescences

1895 Modification de la propulsion. Machine à triple expansion

Puissance portée à 4000 cv

Vitesse passant à 16 nœuds aux essais

------------------------

Personnel :

État-major : 11 officiers

Équipage : 185 Maitres, matelots et ADSG

-------------------

Passagers

90 en premières classes

44 en secondes classes

75 en troisièmes classes

-------------------

LIGNES :

1883 le 23 novembre Premier départ de Marseille pour l'Extrême-Orient, il inaugure la nouvelle ligne Suez – Mahé des Seychelles – La Réunion – Maurice – Australie – Nouvelle Calédonie. Il effectuera un second voyage sur la même ligne.

1983 le 27 septembre première traversée de nuit du canal de Suez avec un projecteur

1882-1890, assure la ligne Marseille-Nouméa par la Réunion et Sydney.

-----------------------

Événements remarquables :

1886, il gagne de vitesse le HOHENSTAUFEN de la Norddeutscher Lloyd entre Adélaïde et Melbourne.

1889 (d'aucuns donnent la date de 1888) Il gagne de vitesse le VALETTA de la P&O entre Suez et Aden.

1891, il passe sur la ligne de Chine et subit des transformations (reçoit une machine à triple expansion, plus puissante).

1896 le 3 mai, s'échoue pendant 24 heures devant Djibouti.

1904 Il assure après cette date les lignes d’Égypte, d'Extrême Orient ou de Madagascar, selon les besoins.

1912 le 23 novembre: Il quitte Diégo-Suarez pour Tamatave. A 100 milles au sud il est pris dans un cyclone exceptionnel. Après 24h de lutte il se retrouve désemparé par des amarres balayées du pont et qui vont se prendre dans l'hélice. Dans la soirée du 24 novembre, il finit par s'échouer sur l'ilot de ''Nosy Akoumby'' au nord de ''Vohémar'' (Madagascar). Les passagers doivent camper pendant 3 jours sur l'îlot avant d'être rapatriés par l'EUGENE GROSOS de la Compagnie Havraise Péninsulaire. L'épave est irrécupérable et sera vendue sur place.

NB: Sur le site de Monsieur Philippe Ramona '' -http://www.messageries-maritimes.org/salazie.htm'' - Vous pouvez lire ''un voyage de Colombo à Nagasaki à bord du SALAZIE en 1901'', et ''un voyage de Marseille à Shangai à bord du SALAZIE en 1902''