The separate colony of Queensland was established in 1859. The few inhabitants of the new colony looked to intensify economic exploitation of the land and increase the size of the population. The building of railways was seen to facilitate both of these aims and as such was given a high priority by the new Queensland government. Consequently, the Southern and Western Railway Bill was introduced to parliament in August 1863 and the government appointed Abram Fitzgibbon, an Irish engineer with international experience in railway construction, as Chief Engineer (later Commissioner for Railways). Fitzgibbon's first task was the construction of a railway between Ipswich and Toowoomba.

Planning for the new railway meant serious economic and geographic challenges had to be overcome. Earlier railway construction in the southern Australian colonies was modelled on the railways of Great Britain and featured broad gauge, double track, easy grades, wide radius curves and substantial station buildings. It was quickly discovered that the construction costs for such a rail system were beyond the budget of the fledgling Queensland colonial government. The natural geography around the Darling Downs also precluded an easy grade, with any railway requiring a steep ascent of the eastern escarpment of the Great Dividing Range and the crossing of several creeks and streams.

Fitzgibbon proposed a radical engineering solution to these challenges through the adoption of a narrow 3 feet 6 inch (1067mm) gauge. Standard gauge at the time was 4 feet 8½ inches (1435mm) and was in itself considered narrow when compared with other broad rail gauges then in use throughout the world. By using narrow gauge, savings on construction costs could be achieved. The disadvantages of such a decision meant sharper curves on ascending ranges, lower speeds, lighter bridges and as a consequence, smaller locomotives and rolling-stock. The use of narrow gauge was largely untried anywhere else in the world, except for small-scale narrow gauge operations in New Zealand and Wales.

Substantial cost savings were also to be made through the use of standard designs for bridges, buildings, houses and yards. At this time, the quality of Queensland timber was largely unknown and little was to be used on the first railway, except for sleepers. Bridges were to be built of iron with brick and stone culverts. It was only later that Queensland became a leader in wooden bridge design, with the emergence of elaborate timber designs and later more economical timber structures.

Construction of the railway was contracted to Peto, Brassey & Betts, a firm with considerable railway construction experience worldwide. A fixed sum contract was negotiated for the construction of the first line between Ipswich and Bigges Camp (today's Grandchester), with a follow on contract for four other sections of line between Bigges Camp and Toowoomba. Lady Diamantina Roma Bowen, wife of the first Governor-General of Queensland, turned the first sod of earth for the first section of railway on 25 February 1864.

The first consignment of construction materials arrived in Ipswich by steamer on 15 August 1864. An initial line was laid down to the wharf in Ipswich to receive consignments of materials and move them to a workshops site on level ground above. Public pressure for a bridge across the river resulted in a change of plan and the terminus was moved to South Ipswich in the business centre. A bridge was constructed to carry both road and rail and was just completed in time for the opening of the first section of rail to Grandchester.

The first trial run along the line with a train was on 13 April 1865. The first section of line between Ipswich and Bigges Camp (a distance of twenty-one miles) was officially opened to traffic to great public fanfare on 31 July 1865. The line ran from the Bremer Bridge and passed the original workshops and running sheds (North Ipswich Railway Workshops Complex - 601526) to the west and crossed Wide Gully. Extensions to the line were later made to Toowoomba (1867), Dalby (1868) and Warwick (1871).

The building of the Sadlier's Crossing Bridge and deviation, which opened in 1875, made the old line via Mihi Creek redundant and it fell out of use except for a short section to the Ipswich workshops and to service a coalmine. The line was officially closed on 26 April 1875.

Queensland Railways demonstrated the viability of the use of narrow gauge, thereby influencing other countries including Japan, Africa and New Zealand to also adopt the technology. The construction of the Ipswich to Bigges Camp railway, of which the Sandstone Railway Culvert at Wulkuraka is a part, set the precedent for the construction and design of the many lightly constructed and sinuous narrow gauge railways that have since been built around the world.

Source: Queensland Heritage Register

This is a long description but worth the time.

Col. Peter J. Ortiz USMC

A Leathernecks war in Africa and Europe

By Rocklin D. Lyons

The obituary for Col. Peter J. Ortiz on May 21, 1988 read “Col. Peter J. Ortiz, a legendary officer in the Marine Corps, died of cancer Monday at the Veterans Medical Center in Prescott Arizona. He was 75 years old and lived in Prescott”.

During his active military service Ortiz was awarded two Navy Crosses, The Legion of Merit with combat V, Two Purple Hearts, The Order of the British Empire, and five Croix de Guerre. The French government also made him a Chevalier of the Legion of Honor along with numerous other military honors.

In a ceremony at Arlington National Cemetery Col. Ortiz was laid to rest with full military honors with representatives of the British and French governments in attendance along with a large delegation of Marines. Thus ended a remarkable life. Two not very memorable films 13 Rue Madeleine (1947) and Operation Secret (1952) were based on his exploits.

Born in 1913 in New York City to a French father and an American mother, Ortiz spent most of his early years in La Jolla in Southern California. However, after elementary school, at the insistence of his father he moved to France and attended the Lycée de Pau and Bayonne. Later he spent a year at the College du Montcel in Versailles. Young Ortiz enjoyed sports and outdoor activity more than study and in 1932 at the age of 19 he enlisted in the French Foreign legion. When his father, a wealthy publisher, learned what he had done he tried to buy young Peter’s way out but Ortiz refused.

The true motivation for young Peter Ortiz to join the Foreign Legion will probably never be known. Many who join the Legion are running away from the law or serious family problems. There is no evidence that that was the case with Ortiz, who was from a upper class background and had never been in any serious trouble. Perhaps it was merely a youthful desire for adventure. Whatever the reasons for his joining, he did well in the Legion.

Over the next five years he rose from private to acting lieutenant within the Legion. During this time he fought boredom more than the Riff Berbers. He was a model soldier in the 7th Regiment where he received his initial parachute training and advanced to the rank of sergeant in charge of an armoured car squadron. Wounded in 1933 while serving in Africa he received numerous decorations, including the Croix De Guerre with two palms, one gold star, one silver star, five citations, the Croix de Combatants, the Ouissam Alouite and the Medal Militaire. Although offered a permanent commission if he would re-enlist, he resigned in 1937 and returned to the states.

For a brief period Ortiz acted as a technical director in Hollywood on military matters, however when war broke out in 1939 he was determined to return to France to fight. Sailing out of Canada for Europe, his ship was torpedoed by a German U-boat but his luck held and he was picked up and continued on to France.

In October of 1939 he once again enlisted in the French Foreign Legion and in May of 1940 he received a battlefield commission and rose to First lieutenant. During this period he received numerous additional French decorations. Ortiz was badly wounded in June of 1940 when he drove a motorcycle through a German camp and blew up a gasoline storage facility. His wound left him temporarily paralyzed and he was captured and imprisoned as a POW by the Germans

For the next year Ortiz was moved from one prison camp to another in Germany, Poland and Austria. Having made several escape attempts the Germans regarded him as a troublemaker and treated him accordingly. Finally, in October of 1941 he was successful in his escape and in evading the Gestapo and made it safely into Portugal. While in Lisbon both the British and the Free French offered him commissions but his back was not yet completely healed and he wanted to serve as an American.

Returning to the States by way of Lisbon, Ortiz found himself the subject of intense interest by the Army and Navy intelligence services who debriefed him extensively. He was promised a commission but when it was not forthcoming by June of 1942 he enlisted in the United States Marine Corps and reported to Parris Island for recruit training.

One can imagine the consternation of his drill instructors when he appeared wearing his decorations (as he was entitled to do) while a recruit in training. His unique history quickly came to the attention of Colonel Louis R. Jones the Chief of Staff of the recruit depot who promptly recommended Ortiz for a commission. His recommendation included the comment "We spotted him shortly after his arrival. From appearances, the Marine Corps would be unbeatable if all our men were like him."

On August 1st of 1942 Peter J. Ortiz was commissioned a second lieutenant in the Marine Corps reserve and due to his special qualifications he was promoted again on December 3, 1942 to the rank of Captain. Shortly after receiving his commission he received orders to attend the Parachute school at Camp LeJeune, North Carolina even though he was a qualified parachutist with over one hundred jumps with the Legion.

Among his other unique skills, Ortiz spoke ten languages, five fluently, including French and Arabic. On December 21st 1942 he was assigned duties as assistant naval attaché in Tangiers Morocco. Ortiz's orders were extraordinarily general which allowed him to attach himself to any unit he saw fit. In his after action report Captain Ortiz wrote:

I was, for excellent personal reasons and as a representative of the Marine Corps, particularly desirous of seeing and taking part in action against the Germans. I happened to be in Gafsa* when the evacuation order was received. Although later claimed by the press as a perfect example of an orderly and well-planned retreat, I thought it characterized by confusion and an alarming contagion of panic. Dozens of vehicles were damaged or abandoned and an number of American soldiers and local civilians run over through inadequate traffic control. Bridges were prematurely blown up, stranding our men on the wrong side

In the weeks following, Ortiz attached himself first to the British Derbyshire Yoemanry; next with a Foreign Legion unit and then with the American 1st Armored Division. During this time he came under fire from mortars, aircraft and the deadly German 88mm dual-purpose guns.

On 8 March Ortiz reported to The British Colonel commanding BRANDON at Guelmna and wsa sent forward to a base at Le Kouif supporting the 2nd Corps. Here he was assigned a mixed squad of 5 Spaniards and a British radio operator and ordered to meet up with another commando unit and “do some mischief with the jerries.”

In his excellent paper written for the Marine Corps Command and Staff College Major Robert E. Mattingly USMC described Ortiz actions: On the night of 18 March, Ortiz' squad pushed off in a pouring rain. Three days later, they were well beyond the Allied lines and moving across the rough cross-compartments northwest of the pass. It was still raining. At 2300, Ortiz called a halt. Leaving his assistant, a Spaniard named Amando, in charge, he struck out alone for the main roadway far below. Crossing a valley in which he constantly sank to his knees in mud, Ortiz finally reached the highway and began cautiously looking for tank tracks. It was pitch black and the downpour blotted out any sound.

Moving slowly in and out of the shallow wadis which cut across the roadbed, Ortiz spent nearly two hours on his personal reconnaissance. Then, just before turning back, the enemy he was seeking found him.

Ortiz was hit by the first burst of fire. One bullet shattered his right hand and another grazed his left leg. Rolling to his left, he saw the flashes of a machine gun 30 yards to his front. Rising to one knee he began throwing Petard anti-tank grenades left-handed. The first fell short, but the second scored a direct hit, exploding with "a terrific blast that stopped all automatic fire"

With rifle shots still singing around him from another position further to the right, Ortiz crawled away. Despite loss of blood and the effects of shock, he managed to reach his men, who carried and dragged him all the way back to friendly lines.

Ortiz was hospitalized and after successful surgery on his hand he returned to his commander and requested more combat duty. Instead he was ordered back to the states to recuperate. He arrived in Washington DC on April 27 and rather than take a well deserved rest he reported immediately to Headquarters Marine Corps for further assignment.

After recovering from his wounds he was assigned to the OSS and in July of 1943 Cpt. Ortiz flew to London for further assignment in France with the French resistance. Assigned to a team of British, French and American agents in Southeastern France in the Haute Savole region with a former British schoolmaster and an excellent French radio operator known as “Monnier” the team parachuted into France on January 6.

Code named UNION, the teams’ primary function was to organize guerilla warfare activity behind the German lines and to determine the military capabilities of the French units. Finding many of the French willing to fight but without weapons, UNION arranged for the clandestine delivery of weapons and then trained the French in their operation.

One of the episodes attributed to Col. Ortiz during this period appeared in Leatherneck magazine in January 1991.

“In the course of his duties he began frequenting a nightclub in Lyons that catered to German officers. This enabled Ortiz to gain much information regarding German activities in the area, which he turned to good use against the Germans. This Marine had worn his Marine uniform when leading Maquis groups in raids. To have an Allied officer leading them bolstered their morale immensely, especially when the uniform bore such impressive decorations.

One night, while Ortiz sat with the German officers at the club in Lyons, an enemy soldier damned President Franklin Roosevelt. He then damned the United States of America. And then, for whatever reason, he damned the United States Marine Corps (Ortiz later wrote that he "could not, for the life of me, figure why a German officer would so dislike American Marines when, chances were, he'd never met one.")

Perhaps Ortiz was bored. Perhaps he......he excused himself from the table and returned to his apartment where....changed into the uniform of a U.S. Marine....he then shrugged into a raincoat and returned to the club....he ordered a round of drinks ... refreshments were served.... removed his raincoat and stood brandishing his pistol. "A toast, he said, beaming, respendent in full greens and decorations, "to the President of the United States!" As the pistol moved from German officer to German officer, they emptied their glasses. He ordered another round of drinks and then offered a toast to the United States Marine Corps! After the Germans had drained their glasses, the Marine backed out, pistol leveled at his astonished hosts. He disappeared into the rainy, black night.”

A slightly different version of this story has Cpt. Ortiz in uniform but covered with an overcoat sitting at an outside café when upon hearing a German Officer curse the United State Marine Corps, Ortiz jumped up, threw off his coat and drawing two 45 caliber M1911 pistols proceeded to shoot the offending officers. Neither version explains why this German would single out the Marine Corps for his remarks as the Marines were not fighting in Europe other than a very few such as Ortiz on special assignments.

Lieutenant Colonel Robert Mattingly wrote a similar version in his prize-winning monograph, Herringbone Cloak--GI Dagger: Marines of the OSS:

Ortiz in particular was fond of going straight into the German-occupied towns. On one occasion, he strolled into a cafe dressed in a long cape. Several Germans were drinking and cursing the maquis. One mentioned the fate which would befall the filthy American swine when he was caught. (The Nazis apparently knew of Ortiz' existence in the area with the maquis) This proved a great mistake. Captain Ortiz threw back the cape revealing his Marine uniform. In each hand he held a .45 automatic. When the shooting stopped, there were fewer Nazis to plan his capture and Ortiz was gone into the night.

In spite of numerous difficulties due to lack of supplies, poor security and difficulty coordinating activities among the various resistance groups that often were at cross purposes to each other, Ortiz and his team successfully carried out training and operational missions against the Germans. One of his successful operation resulted in the repatriation of four allied pilots downed in France when he personally led them over the Pyrenees to safety.

In May of 1944 the UNION team was withdrawn to England. While in England Ortiz was promoted to Major and received the first of his Navy Crosses. The citation read::

For extraordinary heroism while attached to the United States Naval Command, Office of Strategic Services, London, England, in connection with military operations against an armed enemy, in enemy-occupied territory, from 8 January to 20 May 1944. Operating in civilian clothes and aware that he would be subject to execution in the event of his capture, Major Ortiz parachuted from an airplane with two other officers of an Inter-Allied mission to reorganize existing Maquis groups and organize additional groups in the region of Rhone. By his tact, resourcefulness and leadership, he was largely instrumental in effecting the acceptance of the mission by the local resistance leaders, and also in organizing parachute operations for the delivery of arms, ammunition and equipment for use by the Maquis in his region. Although his identity had become known to the Gestapo with the resultant increase in personal hazard, he voluntarily conducted to the Spanish border four Royal Air Force officers who had been shot down in his region, and later returned to resume his duties. Repeatedly leading successful raids during the period of this assignment, Major Ortiz inflicted heavy casualties on enemy forces greatly superior in number, with small losses to his own forces. By his heroic leadership and astuteness in planning and executing these hazardous forays, Major Ortiz served as an inspiration to his subordinates and upheld the highest traditions of the United States Naval Service.

The British Government also recognized Cpt. Ortiz bravery. The citation from King George VI which made him a member of the Most Honourable Order of the British Empire reads in part:

For four months this officer assisted in the organization of the Maquis in a most difficult department, where members were in constant danger of attack . . . he ran great risks in looking after four RAF officers who had been brought down in the neighborhood, and accompanied them to the Spanish border.

In the course of his efforts to obtain the release of these officers, he raided a German military garage and took ten Gestapo motors which he used frequently. . . . he procured a Gestapo pass for his own use in spite of the fact that he was well known to the enemy. . . "

On August 1st Maj. Ortiz returned to France in command of a team which included Army Air Forces Captain Francis Coolidge, Gunnery Sergeant Robert La Salle, Sergeants Charles Perry, John P. Bodnar, Frederick J. Brunner, and Jack R. Risler, all Marines, and a Free French officer, Joseph Arcelin, who carried false papers identifying him as a Marine. This mission was listed as UNION II. All team members wore their uniforms throughout this mission to avoid being shot as spies if captured.

The daylight drop into France started badly when Sergeant Perry’s parachute failed and he died in the fall. He was subsequently buried with military honors in spite of the danger that this created for those present. A total of 864 containers of equipment meant for the French Bulle Battalion were also dropped at that time adding substantially to the risk of discovery by the Germans or betrayal by local civilians.

During the days immediately following their insertion, the team instructed the battalion in the operation and maintenance of their new equipment and began patrols intended to link up with other resistance groups operating in the area. In an after action report Sergeant Brunner stated: On 14 August we proceeded to Beaufort where we made contact with other F.F.I. (Forces Francaises de liInterieur) companies and from there went on to Montgirod where we were told there were heavy concentrations of Germans. We were able to enter the town but had no sooner done so than we were heavily shelled by German batteries located in the hills around the city. We were forced to retire and hid out in the mountains near Montgirod with the Bulle Battalion. The Germans quickly surrounded the area.

On August 16th Maj. Ortiz and his men were in the town of Centron when a element consisting of several hundred soldiers of a German Alpine division entered the town surprising them both. Ortiz and his two of his men retreated under heavy fire to the South East part of Centron. The remainder of the team made it across the Isere River and met up with another resistance group.

As Ortiz and his men moved from house to house under fire from the pursuing Germans many French civilians fearing German reprisals begged the American to surrender. Knowing that the Germans had in fact conducted such reprisals Ortiz was faced with a dilemma, as he described after his liberation from a German POW camp.

Since the activities of Mission Union and its previous work were well know to the Gestapo, there was no reason to hope that we would be treated as ordinary prisoners of war. For me personally the decision to surrender was not too difficult. I had been involved in dangerous activities for many years and was mentally prepared for my number to turn up. Sergeant Bodnar was next to me and I explained the situation to him and what I intended to do. He looked me in the eye and replied, "Major, we are Marines, what you think is right goes for me too"

After his surrender with the two sergeants, the German commander wanted to know where the remainder of his troops were. When informed that it was just the tree of them the German was clearly skeptical, however after a thorough search of the town he was forced to accept that only three Marines had held off his battalion.

From September 29th thru April 10th 1945 Ortiz was held at a naval POW camp Marlag/Milag Nord where he tried several escape attempts. On April 10th the camp commandant ordered all prisoners to prepare to leave due to the proximity of allied troops. While enroute the column came under attack by British Spitfires. In the confusion Ortiz and three other prisoners made good their escape.

Once free in the heart of Germany there problems were not over. Maj. Ortiz in a later report stated: We spent ten days hiding, roving at night, blundering into enemy positions hoping to find our way into British lines. Luck was with us. Once we were discovered but managed to get away, and several other times we narrowly escaped detection...By the seventh night, we had returned near our camp. I made a reconnaissance of Marlag O....There seemed to be only a token guard and prisoners of war appeared to have assumed virtual control of the compounds.

Facing the very real threat of starvation the men simply walked back into the camp where they were met with a warm welcome by their fellow prisoners and virtually ignored by the remaining guards. On April 29th the British 7th Guards Armoured Division liberated the camp and Ortiz was flown back to England where he received his second Navy Cross. The citation read: For extraordinary heroism while serving with the Office of Strategic Services during operations behind enemy Axis lines in the Savoie Department of France, from 1 August 1944, to 27 April 1945. After parachuting into a region where his activities had made him an object of intensive search by the Gestapo, Major Ortiz valiantly continued his work in coordinating and leading resistance groups in that section. When he and his team were attacked and surrounded during a special mission designed to immobilize enemy reinforcements stationed in that area, he disregarded the possibility of escape and, in an effort to spare villagers severe reprisals by the Gestapo, surrendered to this sadistic Geheim Staats Polizei (sic). Subsequently imprisoned and subjected to numerous interrogations, he divulged nothing, and the story of this intrepid Marine Major and his team has become a brilliant legend in that section of France where acts of bravery were considered commonplace. By his outstanding loyalty and self-sacrificing devotion to duty, Major Ortiz contributed materially to the success of operations against a relentless enemy, and upheld the highest traditions of the United States Naval Service.

When the war ended, Ortiz was in California being briefed for a mission to Indo-China. After his discharge Ortiz resumed his association with John Ford and appeared in numerous movies in small parts including two with John Wayne. He was never comfortable as an actor and refused to watch his own movies. He also acted as a technical advisor on other films.

Maj. Ortiz remained in the Marine Corps reserve and was promoted to Lieutenant Colonel. In 1954 Lt. Col. Ortiz requested to be returned to active duty and assigned to South East Asia as an observer however his offer was declined because "current military policies will not permit the assignment requested." He was promoted to full Colonel upon his retirement in 1955.

In 1994, six years after his death, Col. Ortiz was again honored by the citizens of Centron and Les Saisies in ceremonies commemorating the fiftieth anniversary of the events which Col. Ortiz played such a prominent part. In attendance were Colonel Ortiz' wife, Jean, and their son, Marine Lieutenant Colonel Peter J. Ortiz, Jr., retired Sergeant Major John P. Bodnar, and former Sergeant Jack R. Risler. Also present at the ceremonies were Lieutenant Colonel Robert L. Parnell II, USMC, assistant Naval Attaché in Paris, and Colonel Peter T. Metzger, commander of the 26th Marine Expeditionary Unit, then in the Mediterranean, together with a color guard and an honor guard from his unit.

A short time later the town of Centron held its own ceremonies when it unveiled a plaque naming the town center ";Place Peter Ortiz"

A final comment about Peter Ortiz came from the son of one of the Royal Air force Pilots who Ortiz assisted to escape in 1944. Ian Bell, the son of Ernest Bell DFC wrote that his father could not talk about the war without talking about the courage of Col. Ortiz. What amazed him most about Ortiz was that throughout the time of their escape Ortiz wore his complete Marine Corps uniform under his coat even in rail stations swarming with Germans and knowing that the Germans would have loved to have captured him. Ian Bell maintained that Peter Ortiz was probably the bravest man he had ever met.

Semper fi, Colonel.

Authors note: Sources for material on Col. Ortiz are limited. Much of the material contained above comes from a monograph written by Marine Historian Benis Frank and Herringbone Cloak—GI Dagger: Marines of the OSS by Major Robert E. Mattingly, USMC.

Exploitant : Voyages Nombalais

Réseau Tourisme

Substitution SNCF en raison de travaux pendant le week-end du 11 novembre 2022.

Goma, Nord-Kivu, RD Congo : Troupe de théâtre de l’Union Culturelle Africaine après une prestation donnée au cours de l’atelier de protection et de soutien aux victimes de l’exploitation et abus sexuels, organisé le 23 Novembre 2018 par l’équipe chargée de la Conduite et Discipline (CDT) en collaboration avec les agences telles que UNFPA, UNICEF, le Groupe de Travail sur l’exploitation et les abus sexuels (SEA Task-Force) et le Bureau Conjoints des Nations Unies aux Droits de l’Homme (BCNUDH). Photo MONUSCO/Michael Ali

Goma, North Kivu, DR Congo: African Cultural Union (Theater troupe), after a performance during a workshop on protection and support to victims of sexual exploitation and abuse, organized on November 23, 2018 by the MONUSCO Conduct and Discipline Team (CDT) in collaboration with UN Agencies such as UNFPA, UNICEF, the Task Force on Sexual Exploitation and Abuse (SEA Task Force) and the United Nations Joint Human Rights Office (UNJHRO). Photo MONUSCO / Michael Ali

Exploits River Central NL

Exploitant : Keolis Argenteuil Boucles de Seine

Réseau : IDF Mobilités – Argenteuil – Boucles de Seine

Ligne : B

Lieu : Gare de Sartrouville (Sartrouville, F-78)

Lien TC Infos : tc-infos.fr/vehicule/14525

Also sometimes credited to Mack Browne & The Brothers.

Pure Blaxploitation exploitation record by veteran arranger and producer Sy Mann. This record's version of "Bumpy's lament" was famously sampled by the likes of Dr. Dre and Erykah Badu.

Used to be quite easy to find but i haven't seen a decent copy for awhile.

Early seventies French pressing on Musidisc label.

People responsible for protecting children from across the UK attended a national child sexual exploitation conference last Thursday (21 May) in Manchester.

Hosted by Project Phoenix – Greater Manchester’s multi-agency response to tackling child sexual exploitation, the event showcased the work being done across the region to protect children from abuse.

Greater Manchester Police and Crime Commissioner Tony Lloyd, Director of Salford City Council and Lead Officer for Project Phoenix Jim Taylor, and Greater Manchester Police Chief Constable Sir Peter Fahy all spoke at the event.

Sir Peter Fahy said: “There is still much to do but agencies now work much closer together. There are no easy answers when the nature of an abusive relationship means the victim continues to put themselves at risk. Parents need help in understanding how victims are groomed on the internet and we need to do more so that teachers and peers can recognise the signs of inappropriate and risky relationships.”

Tony Lloyd said: “Project Phoenix stands as an exemplar of partnership working and what can be achieved when partner agencies truly pull together with a single goal in mind. This event is a chance for us to showcase the work being done across the region and teach others what we’ve learnt in our combined efforts to prevent abuse, encourage victims to come forward, and bring offenders to justice.

“But, while we should be proud of our successes so far, we are still on a long journey with much yet to do. I urge everyone – members of the public as well as statutory agencies – to continue prioritising this issue, to continue doing all we can to fight this terrible scourge on our society, and to support those victims that have been through so much.”

Jim Taylor said: “The Project Phoenix CSE Conference provides an invaluable opportunity to share best practice and strengthen our multi-agency response to safeguarding young people. We feel it will be a hugely beneficial day for police officers and those working within the public and third sector with a responsibility for tackling CSE.”

Following the speakers, a selection of practical workshops gave delegates the chance to talk with experts from across Project Phoenix about the work they have done to safeguard children and young people in Greater Manchester.

Project Phoenix is a multi-agency response to CSE across the whole of Greater Manchester. The project brings together police, local authorities, NHS and third sector organisations, using their collective expertise to safeguard vulnerable young people at risk of exploitation and target those who would try to exploit them.

Please visit www.itsnotokay.co.uk for information for children, young people, parents, carers and professionals on how to spot the signs of child sex exploitation and what to do about it.

To find out more about Greater Manchester Police please visit our website.

www.gmp.police.uk

You should call 101, the national non-emergency number, to report crime and other concerns that do not require an emergency response.

Always call 999 in an emergency, such as when a crime is in progress, violence is being used or threatened or where there is danger to life.

You can also call anonymously with information about crime to Crimestoppers on 0800 555 111.

Crimestoppers is an independent charity who will not want your name, just your information. Your call will not be traced or recorded and you do not have to go to court or give a statement.

Exploitation Madness! This is now my largest DVD set :) It's gonna take awhile to get around to watching all of these.

DVDs, presents.

movie: Assassin Of Youth. movie: Damaged Lives. movie: Exploitation Madness. movie: Gambling With Souls. movie: Maniac. movie: Marihuana. movie: Narcotic. movie: Reefer Madness. movie: Sex Madness. movie: Test Tube Babies. movie: The Cocaine Fiends.

January 15, 2009.

... Read my blog at ClintJCL.wordpress.com

arte.tv/hellfest

© Titouan Massé

exploited

Wales must exploit more EU funding opportunities – says National Assembly committee

Bilingual drama series Hinterland/Y Gwyll is an excellent example of how Wales can benefit from EU funding opportunities – according to the National Assembly’s Enterprise and Business Committee.

The Committee has conducted an inquiry examining a range of funding streams available to Wales for 2014-2020, building on the Committee’s previous work on Structural Funding and the EU’s new research programme Horizon 2020.

There is currently around €42billion (£33billion) available across the EU through initiatives such as Erasmus+, INTERREG, Creative Europe, and Connecting Europe. The Committee was keen to see how much priority is given to making the most of these opportunities in Wales by the Welsh Government and other organisations.

It concluded that Wales’s creative sector is leading the way in unlocking European funds, while there is also evidence that some parts of the Welsh higher and further education sectors are also performing well in accessing funding. Yet these are exceptions rather than the rule.

The Committee concluded that the over-emphasis on Structural Funds and Rural Development Programmes in Wales means that the significant opportunities provided by other funding programmes haven’t been properly realised.

The Committee heard that Scotland and Ireland have a much more joined-up strategic approach to applying for such funds and wants to see a coherent strategy for all EU policy and funding programmes, which can maximise engagement from Wales and create synergy with Welsh Government priorities and initiatives.

The Committee has also called for the establishment of an ‘EU funding champion’ to drive delivery and implementation of the Welsh Government’s new EU strategy.

Rhaid i Gymru fanteisio mwy ar gyfleoedd cyllid yr UE - yn ôl pwyllgor yn y Cynulliad Cenedlaethol

Mae'r gyfres ddrama ddwyieithog Y Gwyll/Hinterland yn enghraifft wych o'r modd y gall Cymru elwa ar gyfleoedd cyllid yr UE - yn ôl Pwyllgor Menter a Busnes y Cynulliad Cenedlaethol.

Mae'r Pwyllgor wedi cynnal ymchwiliad i'r ffrydiau ariannu sydd ar gael i Gymru ar gyfer 2014-20, a hynny ar sail ei waith blaenorol ar ariannu strwythurol a Horizon 2020, sef rhaglen ymchwil newydd yr UE .

Mae tua €42 biliwn (£33 biliwn) ar gael drwy'r UE drwy fentrau fel Erasmus+, INTERREG, Ewrop Greadigol, a Chyfleuster Cysylltu Ewrop, felly roedd y Pwyllgor yn awyddus i weld i ba raddau y mae gwneud y gorau o'r cyfleodd hyn yn flaenoriaeth i Lywodraeth Cymru a sefydliadau eraill.

Casglodd y Pwyllgor Menter a Busnes mai sector creadigol Cymru sy'n arwain y ffordd o ran rhyddhau cronfeydd Ewropeaidd, ond mae tystiolaeth hefyd bod rhannau o'r sector addysg uwch a’r sector addysg bellach yn perfformio'n dda o ran cael mynediad at gyllid. Mae'r enghreifftiau hyn yn eithriad i'r rheol, sut bynnag.

Daeth y Pwyllgor i'r casgliad bod pwysleisio'n ormodol ar Gronfeydd Strwythurol a Rhaglenni Datblygu Gwledig yng Nghymru yn golygu nad yw'r cyfleoedd sylweddol y mae rhaglenni ariannu eraill yn eu cynnig wedi cael eu gwireddu'n iawn.

Clywodd y Pwyllgor fod dulliau’r Alban ac Iwerddon ar gyfer gwneud cais am gyllid o'r fath yn llawer mwy strategol a chydlynol.

Felly, mae'r Pwyllgor am weld strategaeth gydlynol ar gyfer holl raglenni polisi a chyllid yr UE er mwyn gwneud y gorau o ymgysylltu o du Cymru ac i greu synergedd â blaenoriaethau a mentrau Llywodraeth Cymru.

Mae'r Pwyllgor hefyd wedi galw am i 'hyrwyddwr cyllid yr UE' gael ei sefydlu er mwyn gyrru strategaeth newydd Llywodraeth Cymru ar gyfer yr UE o ran ei chyflawni a’i gweithredu

© Dpt40

Exploits River NL Canada

arte.tv/hellfest

© Titouan Massé

arte.tv/hellfest

© Gwendal Le Flem

WE ARE HERE!

Before the G20-summit in Hamburg, where the mightiest heads of government responsible for exploitation, war and flight will talk about their further strategies, we want to show our face. All of us, united on the streets!

We are not to be overlooked! We are loud! We are angry, because again they speak about us instead with us. We want to create spaces for all those that are usually not heard or that are supposed to remain unheard. Like us. We say: Welcome United!

When we take to the streets, we want to be many. Everyone who cares about the common good and solidarity should come out. Everyone who can no longer bear that people are forced to stay in miserable conditions or left to suffer and die at Europe’s borders, should come out. Everyone should come, who cannot endure to see humans isolated in camps for years, who wants to stop the division which is being made between those who were born here and those just arrived, between ‚good’ and ‚bad’ refugees. We fight for our future. Now is the time to act together. We are more than we think! We’ll come united!

We further invite you to participate with us in a national demonstration on the 16th of September in Berlin, one week ahead of the general elections – come and join a large parade struggling for societal participation, equal rights, and solidarity. Because: Our voices count!

Welcome united! We’ll come united!

'The White House exploits the potential of new construction technologies to develop a new house-type – 'the suburban loft' – appropriate for modern living.

Large, open plan loft area containing kitchen, dining and living areas.'

www.scotlandshousingexpo.com/plot16.php

A real shame this - apparently the contractor used for both this and the other Graeme Massie design (Plot 21: Black House) went bust before the Expo opened... I think both homes could have been two of the most interesting on the site.

Composite image of all the properties.

Exploitant : Cars Hourtoule

Réseau : SQYBUS

Ligne : 417

Lieu : Gare de La Verrière (La Verrière, F-78)

Lien TC Infos : tc-infos.fr/id/54989

arte.tv/hellfest

© Gwendal Le Flem

arte.tv/hellfest

© Gwendal Le Flem

Service scolaire

Exploitant : RGO Mobilités

Réseau STAR - Rennes

Exploitant : Transdev SETRA

Réseau : Mobilien

Ligne : 23

Lieu : Créteil – Préfecture du Val-de-Marne (Créteil, F-94)

Lien TC Infos : tc-infos.fr/id/34872

Think this is sick?? ME TOO! Visit the original post Click here to Comment and Fave on this pic Please add to your stream.

arte.tv/hellfest

© Titouan Massé

arte.tv/hellfest

© Gwendal Le Flem

Photo 2, Fall 2011

My work is about the exploitation of women.

As you can see, I was influenced heavily by Barbara Kruger's work. Similar to her, I used bold text for a saying that is controversial and offensive. I want these to be offensive. These sayings are not necessarily my views but more of how society sometimes views women. I want my viewers to understand how it feels to be a woman. I myself am offended every day when I am told how to act, look, feel, and that I am being “unladylike”. It doesn’t feel good to see beautiful women everywhere you go bringing you down even more because apparently my peers don’t do that enough.

I am saddened that some women actually try to fit into the stereotypes and do whatever society tells them. I admit, I do some of them too. It’s a rough world trying to “fit” in. It also saddens that because I am not thin, don’t sleep around, don’t always look the prettiest, don’t suffice to a man, I feel like I don’t fit in or even to the point that I may not be considered a woman to some.

But I AM woman. I am strong. I am brave. I DO have the power to fight these stereotypes and be my own person. I hope you feel empowered by these images. Never forget, a woman brought you into this world. Appreciate that. We have the power and we are strong.

Omega Sound Festival 2022

www.exitfest.org

www.exitmusic.tv

www.facebook.com/exitfestival

www.twitter.com/exitfestival

www.twitter.com/exitmusictv

www.twitter.com/exitlive

www.youtube.com/exitfestivaltv

www.flickr.com/exitfestival

www.myspace.com/exitfestival

www.soundcloud.com/exitfestival

Photo by Jovan Đokić

EXIT Photo Team

arte.tv/hellfest

© Gwendal Le Flem

You might have heard about the exploits of Sindbad the Sailor, but do you know how he met his one true love and saved her from a fate worse than death? Now you can find out as you become the legend in this new hidden object adventure!

Help Princess Chalida locate the seven gems of her royal crown and break the curse that has trapped her in a body of wood. Find hidden objects, identify specific spots in each scene and overcome powerful guardians as you seek out the precious stones. Along the way, you'll have to solve dozens of clever riddles and beat eight challenging mini-games. Before you're through, you'll find a crystal in the heart of a volcano, outsmart a scheming ice god and defeat a raging sea demon, all in the name of adventure!

Become the legend in this new hidden object adventure - 1001 Nights The Adventures Of Sindbad game!

Exploitant : Transdev Les Cars d'Orsay

Réseau : Albatrans

Ligne : Express 91-06C

Lieu : Université Paris-Saclay (Orsay, F-91)

"you exploit the branches and pour poison into the moon.

Solitary as a murder, you dwell in consciousness

conspiring against the divinities of birds...

You came to stay until death,

purple reflections from you limbs,

I asked but never learned where you found the dark,

you lock up your sound in secret streams

you alone, with the explosive voice of silence.

You came to stay till the far-off dawn,

you passed by bodies and are still travelling.

I know nothing of the weapon of oblivion." ~NIKOS KAROUZOS _" Woman..."

Part of the ongoing project "The Value".

More coming soon on my website www.delyelmo.com

Employee at the Port Group Co. Company in charge of the exploitation of the port of Tianjin, wears a safety hard hat at work. The port is considered as one of the twenty biggest ports in the world. Tianjin, China.

e5535

August 2007

Photo © Marcel Crozet / ILO

More informations at : www.ilo.org

More pictures at : www.ilo.org/dyn/media

Follow the ILO : www.facebook.com/ILO.ORG/

This work is licensed under the Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial-NoDerivs 3.0 IGO License. To view a copy of this license, visit creative

The Toraja are an ethnic group indigenous to a mountainous region of South Sulawesi, Indonesia. Their population is approximately 1,100,000, of whom 450,000 live in the regency of Tana Toraja ("Land of Toraja"). Most of the population is Christian, and others are Muslim or have local animist beliefs known as aluk ("the way"). The Indonesian government has recognized this animist belief as Aluk To Dolo ("Way of the Ancestors").

The word toraja comes from the Bugis Buginese language term to riaja, meaning "people of the uplands". The Dutch colonial government named the people Toraja in 1909. Torajans are renowned for their elaborate funeral rites, burial sites carved into rocky cliffs, massive peaked-roof traditional houses known as tongkonan, and colorful wood carvings. Toraja funeral rites are important social events, usually attended by hundreds of people and lasting for several days.

Before the 20th century, Torajans lived in autonomous villages, where they practised animism and were relatively untouched by the outside world. In the early 1900s, Dutch missionaries first worked to convert Torajan highlanders to Christianity. When the Tana Toraja regency was further opened to the outside world in the 1970s, it became an icon of tourism in Indonesia: it was exploited by tourism developers and studied by anthropologists. By the 1990s, when tourism peaked, Toraja society had changed significantly, from an agrarian model - in which social life and customs were outgrowths of the Aluk To Dolo - to a largely Christian society. Today, tourism and remittances from migrant Torajans have made for major changes in the Toraja highland, giving the Toraja a celebrity status within Indonesia and enhancing Toraja ethnic group pride.

ETHNIC IDENTITY

The Torajan people had little notion of themselves as a distinct ethnic group before the 20th century. Before Dutch colonization and Christianization, Torajans, who lived in highland areas, identified with their villages and did not share a broad sense of identity. Although complexes of rituals created linkages between highland villages, there were variations in dialects, differences in social hierarchies, and an array of ritual practices in the Sulawesi highland region. "Toraja" (from the coastal languages' to, meaning people; and riaja, uplands) was first used as a lowlander expression for highlanders. As a result, "Toraja" initially had more currency with outsiders - such as the Bugis and Makassarese, who constitute a majority of the lowland of Sulawesi - than with insiders. The Dutch missionaries' presence in the highlands gave rise to the Toraja ethnic consciousness in the Sa'dan Toraja region, and this shared identity grew with the rise of tourism in the Tana Toraja Regency. Since then, South Sulawesi has four main ethnic groups - the Bugis (the majority, including shipbuilders and seafarers), the Makassarese (lowland traders and seafarers), the Mandarese (traders and fishermen), and the Toraja (highland rice cultivators).

HISTORY

From the 17th century, the Dutch established trade and political control on Sulawesi through the Dutch East Indies Company. Over two centuries, they ignored the mountainous area in the central Sulawesi, where Torajans lived, because access was difficult and it had little productive agricultural land. In the late 19th century, the Dutch became increasingly concerned about the spread of Islam in the south of Sulawesi, especially among the Makassarese and Bugis peoples. The Dutch saw the animist highlanders as potential Christians. In the 1920s, the Reformed Missionary Alliance of the Dutch Reformed Church began missionary work aided by the Dutch colonial government. In addition to introducing Christianity, the Dutch abolished slavery and imposed local taxes. A line was drawn around the Sa'dan area and called Tana Toraja ("the land of Toraja"). Tana Toraja was first a subdivision of the Luwu kingdom that had claimed the area. In 1946, the Dutch granted Tana Toraja a regentschap, and it was recognized in 1957 as one of the regencies of Indonesia.

Early Dutch missionaries faced strong opposition among Torajans, especially among the elite, because the abolition of their profitable slave trade had angered them. Some Torajans were forcibly relocated to the lowlands by the Dutch, where they could be more easily controlled. Taxes were kept high, undermining the wealth of the elites. Ultimately, the Dutch influence did not subdue Torajan culture, and only a few Torajans were converted. In 1950, only 10% of the population had converted to Christianity.

In the 1930s, Muslim lowlanders attacked the Torajans, resulting in widespread Christian conversion among those who sought to align themselves with the Dutch for political protection and to form a movement against the Bugis and Makassarese Muslims. Between 1951 and 1965 (following Indonesian independence), southern Sulawesi faced a turbulent period as the Darul Islam separatist movement fought for an Islamic state in Sulawesi. The 15 years of guerrilla warfare led to massive conversions to

CHRISTIANITY

Alignment with the Indonesian government, however, did not guarantee safety for the Torajans. In 1965, a presidential decree required every Indonesian citizen to belong to one of five officially recognized religions: Islam, Christianity (Protestantism and Catholicism), Hinduism, or Buddhism. The Torajan religious belief (aluk) was not legally recognized, and the Torajans raised their voices against the law. To make aluk accord with the law, it had to be accepted as part of one of the official religions. In 1969, Aluk To Dolo ("the way of ancestors") was legalized as a sect of Agama Hindu Dharma, the official name of Hinduism in Indonesia.

SOCIETY

There are three main types of affiliation in Toraja society: family, class and religion.

FAMILY AFFILIATION

Family is the primary social and political grouping in Torajan society. Each village is one extended family, the seat of which is the tongkonan, a traditional Torajan house. Each tongkonan has a name, which becomes the name of the village. The familial dons maintain village unity. Marriage between distant cousins (fourth cousins and beyond) is a common practice that strengthens kinship. Toraja society prohibits marriage between close cousins (up to and including the third cousin) - except for nobles, to prevent the dispersal of property. Kinship is actively reciprocal, meaning that the extended family helps each other farm, share buffalo rituals, and pay off debts.

Each person belongs to both the mother's and the father's families, the only bilateral family line in Indonesia. Children, therefore, inherit household affiliation from both mother and father, including land and even family debts. Children's names are given on the basis of kinship, and are usually chosen after dead relatives. Names of aunts, uncles and cousins are commonly referred to in the names of mothers, fathers and siblings.

Before the start of the formal administration of Toraja villages by the Tana Toraja Regency, each Toraja village was autonomous. In a more complex situation, in which one Toraja family could not handle their problems alone, several villages formed a group; sometimes, villages would unite against other villages. Relationship between families was expressed through blood, marriage, and shared ancestral houses (tongkonan), practically signed by the exchange of water buffalo and pigs on ritual occasions. Such exchanges not only built political and cultural ties between families but defined each person's place in a social hierarchy: who poured palm wine, who wrapped a corpse and prepared offerings, where each person could or could not sit, what dishes should be used or avoided, and even what piece of meat constituted one's share.

CLASS AFFILIATION

In early Toraja society, family relationships were tied closely to social class. There were three strata: nobles, commoners, and slaves (slavery was abolished in 1909 by the Dutch East Indies government). Class was inherited through the mother. It was taboo, therefore, to marry "down" with a woman of lower class. On the other hand, marrying a woman of higher class could improve the status of the next generation. The nobility's condescending attitude toward the commoners is still maintained today for reasons of family prestige.

Nobles, who were believed to be direct descendants of the descended person from heaven, lived in tongkonans, while commoners lived in less lavish houses (bamboo shacks called banua). Slaves lived in small huts, which had to be built around their owner's tongkonan. Commoners might marry anyone, but nobles preferred to marry in-family to maintain their status. Sometimes nobles married Bugis or Makassarese nobles. Commoners and slaves were prohibited from having death feasts. Despite close kinship and status inheritance, there was some social mobility, as marriage or change in wealth could affect an individuals status. Wealth was counted by the ownership of water buffaloes.

Slaves in Toraja society were family property. Sometimes Torajans decided to become slaves when they incurred a debt, pledging to work as payment. Slaves could be taken during wars, and slave trading was common. Slaves could buy their freedom, but their children still inherited slave status. Slaves were prohibited from wearing bronze or gold, carving their houses, eating from the same dishes as their owners, or having sex with free women - a crime punishable by death.

RELIGIOUS AFFILIATION

Toraja's indigenous belief system is polytheistic animism, called aluk, or "the way" (sometimes translated as "the law"). In the Toraja myth, the ancestors of Torajan people came down from heaven using stairs, which were then used by the Torajans as a communication medium with Puang Matua, the Creator. The cosmos, according to aluk, is divided into the upper world (heaven), the world of man (earth), and the underworld. At first, heaven and earth were married, then there was a darkness, a separation, and finally the light. Animals live in the underworld, which is represented by rectangular space enclosed by pillars, the earth is for mankind, and the heaven world is located above, covered with a saddle-shaped roof. Other Toraja gods include Pong Banggai di Rante (god of Earth), Indo' Ongon-Ongon (a goddess who can cause earthquakes), Pong Lalondong (god of death), and Indo' Belo Tumbang (goddess of medicine); there are many more.

The earthly authority, whose words and actions should be cleaved to both in life (agriculture) and death (funerals), is called to minaa (an aluk priest). Aluk is not just a belief system; it is a combination of law, religion, and habit. Aluk governs social life, agricultural practices, and ancestral rituals. The details of aluk may vary from one village to another. One common law is the requirement that death and life rituals be separated. Torajans believe that performing death rituals might ruin their corpses if combined with life rituals. The two rituals are equally important. During the time of the Dutch missionaries, Christian Torajans were prohibited from attending or performing life rituals, but were allowed to perform death rituals. Consequently, Toraja's death rituals are still practised today, while life rituals have diminished.

CULTURE

TONGKONAN

Tongkonan are the traditional Torajan ancestral houses. They stand high on wooden piles, topped with a layered split-bamboo roof shaped in a sweeping curved arc, and they are incised with red, black, and yellow detailed wood carvings on the exterior walls. The word "tongkonan" comes from the Torajan tongkon ("to sit").

Tongkonan are the center of Torajan social life. The rituals associated with the tongkonan are important expressions of Torajan spiritual life, and therefore all family members are impelled to participate, because symbolically the tongkonan represents links to their ancestors and to living and future kin. According to Torajan myth, the first tongkonan was built in heaven on four poles, with a roof made of Indian cloth. When the first Torajan ancestor descended to earth, he imitated the house and held a large ceremony.

The construction of a tongkonan is laborious work and is usually done with the help of the extended family. There are three types of tongkonan. The tongkonan layuk is the house of the highest authority, used as the "center of government". The tongkonan pekamberan belongs to the family members who have some authority in local traditions. Ordinary family members reside in the tongkonan batu. The exclusivity to the nobility of the tongkonan is diminishing as many Torajan commoners find lucrative employment in other parts of Indonesia. As they send back money to their families, they enable the construction of larger tongkonan.

WOOD CARVINGS

To express social and religious concepts, Torajans carve wood, calling it Pa'ssura (or "the writing"). Wood carvings are therefore Toraja's cultural manifestation.

Each carving receives a special name, and common motifs are animals and plants that symbolize some virtue. For example, water plants and animals, such as crabs, tadpoles and water weeds, are commonly found to symbolize fertility. In some areas noble elders claim these symbols refer to strength of noble family, but not everyone agrees. The overall meaning of groups of carved motifs on houses remains debated and tourism has further complicated these debates because some feel a uniform explanation must be presented to tourists. The image to the left shows an example of Torajan wood carving, consisting of 15 square panels. The center bottom panel represents buffalo or wealth, a wish for many buffaloes for the family. The center panel represents a knot and a box, a hope that all of the family's offspring will be happy and live in harmony, like goods kept safe in a box. The top left and top right squares represent an aquatic animal, indicating the need for fast and hard work, just like moving on the surface of water. It also represents the need for a certain skill to produce good results.

Regularity and order are common features in Toraja wood carving (see table below), as well as abstracts and geometrical designs. Nature is frequently used as the basis of Toraja's ornaments, because nature is full of abstractions and geometries with regularities and ordering. Toraja's ornaments have been studied in ethnomathematics to reveal their mathematical structure, but Torajans base this art only on approximations. To create an ornament, bamboo sticks are used as a geometrical tool.

FUNERAL RITES

In Toraja society, the funeral ritual is the most elaborate and expensive event. The richer and more powerful the individual, the more expensive is the funeral. In the aluk religion, only nobles have the right to have an extensive death feast. The death feast of a nobleman is usually attended by thousands and lasts for several days. A ceremonial site, called rante, is usually prepared in a large, grassy field where shelters for audiences, rice barns, and other ceremonial funeral structures are specially made by the deceased family. Flute music, funeral chants, songs and poems, and crying and wailing are traditional Toraja expressions of grief with the exceptions of funerals for young children, and poor, low-status adults.

The ceremony is often held weeks, months, or years after the death so that the deceased's family can raise the significant funds needed to cover funeral expenses. Torajans traditionally believe that death is not a sudden, abrupt event, but a gradual process toward Puya (the land of souls, or afterlife). During the waiting period, the body of the deceased is wrapped in several layers of cloth and kept under the tongkonan. The soul of the deceased is thought to linger around the village until the funeral ceremony is completed, after which it begins its journey to Puya.

Another component of the ritual is the slaughter of water buffalo. The more powerful the person who died, the more buffalo are slaughtered at the death feast. Buffalo carcasses, including their heads, are usually lined up on a field waiting for their owner, who is in the "sleeping stage". Torajans believe that the deceased will need the buffalo to make the journey and that they will be quicker to arrive at Puya if they have many buffalo. Slaughtering tens of water buffalo and hundreds of pigs using a machete is the climax of the elaborate death feast, with dancing and music and young boys who catch spurting blood in long bamboo tubes. Some of the slaughtered animals are given by guests as "gifts", which are carefully noted because they will be considered debts of the deceased's family. However, a cockfight, known as bulangan londong, is an integral part of the ceremony. As with the sacrifice of the buffalo and the pigs, the cockfight is considered sacred because it involves the spilling of blood on the earth. In particular, the tradition requires the sacrifice of at least three chickens. However, it is common for at least 25 pairs of chickens to be set against each other in the context of the ceremony.

There are three methods of burial: the coffin may be laid in a cave or in a carved stone grave, or hung on a cliff. It contains any possessions that the deceased will need in the afterlife. The wealthy are often buried in a stone grave carved out of a rocky cliff. The grave is usually expensive and takes a few months to complete. In some areas, a stone cave may be found that is large enough to accommodate a whole family. A wood-carved effigy, called Tau tau, is usually placed in the cave looking out over the land. The coffin of a baby or child may be hung from ropes on a cliff face or from a tree. This hanging grave usually lasts for years, until the ropes rot and the coffin falls to the ground.

In the ritual called Ma'Nene, that takes place each year in August, the bodies of the deceased are exhumed to be washed, groomed and dressed in new clothes. The mummies are then walked around the village.

DANCE AND MUSIC

Torajans perform dances on several occasions, most often during their elaborate funeral ceremonies. They dance to express their grief, and to honour and even cheer the deceased person because he is going to have a long journey in the afterlife. First, a group of men form a circle and sing a monotonous chant throughout the night to honour the deceased (a ritual called Ma'badong). This is considered by many Torajans to be the most important component of the funeral ceremony. On the second funeral day, the Ma'randing warrior dance is performed to praise the courage of the deceased during life. Several men perform the dance with a sword, a large shield made from buffalo skin, a helmet with a buffalo horn, and other ornamentation. The Ma'randing dance precedes a procession in which the deceased is carried from a rice barn to the rante, the site of the funeral ceremony. During the funeral, elder women perform the Ma'katia dance while singing a poetic song and wearing a long feathered costume. The Ma'akatia dance is performed to remind the audience of the generosity and loyalty of the deceased person. After the bloody ceremony of buffalo and pig slaughter, a group of boys and girls clap their hands while performing a cheerful dance called Ma'dondan.

As in other agricultural societies, Torajans dance and sing during harvest time. The Ma'bugi dance celebrates the thanksgiving event, and the Ma'gandangi dance is performed while Torajans are pounding rice. There are several war dances, such as the Manimbong dance performed by men, followed by the Ma'dandan dance performed by women. The aluk religion governs when and how Torajans dance. A dance called Ma'bua can be performed only once every 12 years. Ma'bua is a major Toraja ceremony in which priests wear a buffalo head and dance around a sacred tree.

A traditional musical instrument of the Toraja is a bamboo flute called a Pa'suling (suling is an Indonesian word for flute). This six-holed flute (not unique to the Toraja) is played at many dances, such as the thanksgiving dance Ma'bondensan, where the flute accompanies a group of shirtless, dancing men with long fingernails. The Toraja have indigenous musical instruments, such as the Pa'pelle (made from palm leaves) and the Pa'karombi (the Torajan version of a jaw harp). The Pa'pelle is played during harvest time and at house inauguration ceremonies.

LANGUAGE

The ethnic Toraja language is dominant in Tana Toraja with the main language as the Sa'dan Toraja. Although the national Indonesian language is the official language and is spoken in the community, all elementary schools in Tana Toraja teach Toraja language.Language varieties of Toraja, including Kalumpang, Mamasa, Tae' , Talondo' , Toala' , and Toraja-Sa'dan, belong to the Malayo-Polynesian language from the Austronesian family. At the outset, the isolated geographical nature of Tana Toraja formed many dialects between the Toraja languages themselves. After the formal administration of Tana Toraja, some Toraja dialects have been influenced by other languages through the transmigration program, introduced since the colonialism period, and it has been a major factor in the linguistic variety of Toraja languages. A prominent attribute of Toraja language is the notion of grief. The importance of death ceremony in Toraja culture has characterized their languages to express intricate degrees of grief and mourning. The Toraja language contains many terms referring to sadness, longing, depression, and mental pain. Giving a clear expression of the psychological and physical effect of loss is a catharsis and sometimes lessens the pain of grief itself.

ECONOMY

Prior to Suharto's "New Order" administration, the Torajan economy was based on agriculture, with cultivated wet rice in terraced fields on mountain slopes, and supplemental cassava and maize crops. Much time and energy were devoted to raising water buffalo, pigs, and chickens, primarily for ceremonial sacrifices and consumption. Coffee was the first significant cash crop produced in Toraja, and was introduced in the mid 19th century, changing the local economy towards commodity production for external markets and gaining an excellent reputation for quality in the international market .

With the commencement of the New Order in 1965, Indonesia's economy developed and opened to foreign investment. In Toraja, a coffee plantation and factory was established by Key Coffee of Japan, and Torajan coffee regained a reputation for quality within the growing international specialty coffee sector Multinational oil and mining companies opened new operations in Indonesia during the 1970s and 1980s. Torajans, particularly younger ones, relocated to work for the foreign companies - to Kalimantan for timber and oil, to Papua for mining, to the cities of Sulawesi and Java, and many went to Malaysia. The out-migration of Torajans was steady until 1985. and has continued since, with remittances sent back by emigre Torajans performing an important role within the contemporary economy.

Tourism commenced in Toraja in the 1970s, and accelerated in the 1980s and 1990s. Between 1984 and 1997, a significant number of Torajans obtained their incomes from tourism, working in and owning hotels, as tour guides, drivers, or selling souvenirs. With the rise of political and economic instability in Indonesia in the late 1990s - including religious conflicts elsewhere on Sulawesi - tourism in Tana Toraja has declined dramatically. Toraja continues to be a well known origin for Indonesian coffee, grown by both smallholders and plantation estates, although migration, remittances and off-farm income is considered far more important to most households, even those in rural areas.

TOURISM AND CULTURAL CHANGE

Before the 1970s, Toraja was almost unknown to Western tourism. In 1971, about 50 Europeans visited Tana Toraja. In 1972, at least 400 visitors attended the funeral ritual of Puang of Sangalla, the highest-ranking nobleman in Tana Toraja and the so-called "last pure-blooded Toraja noble." The event was documented by National Geographic and broadcast in several European countries. In 1976, about 12,000 tourists visited the regency and in 1981, Torajan sculpture was exhibited in major North American museums. "The land of the heavenly kings of Tana Toraja", as written in the exhibition brochure, embraced the outside world.

In 1984, the Indonesian Ministry of Tourism declared Tana Toraja Regency the prima donna of South Sulawesi. Tana Toraja was heralded as "the second stop after Bali". Tourism was increasing dramatically: by 1985, a total number of 150,000 foreigners had visited the Regency (in addition to 80,000 domestic tourists), and the annual number of foreign visitors was recorded at 40,000 in 1989. Souvenir stands appeared in Rantepao, the cultural center of Toraja, roads were sealed at the most-visited tourist sites, new hotels and tourist-oriented restaurants were opened, and an airstrip was opened in the Regency in 1981.

Tourism developers have marketed Tana Toraja as an exotic adventure - an area rich in culture and off the beaten track. Western tourists expected to see stone-age villages and pagan funerals. Toraja is for tourists who have gone as far as Bali and are willing to see more of the wild, "untouched" islands. However, they were more likely to see a Torajan wearing a hat and denim, living in a Christian society. Tourists felt that the tongkonan and other Torajan rituals had been preconceived to make profits, and complained that the destination was too commercialized. This has resulted in several clashes between Torajans and tourism developers, whom Torajans see as outsiders.

A clash between local Torajan leaders and the South Sulawesi provincial government (as a tourist developer) broke out in 1985. The government designated 18 Toraja villages and burial sites as traditional tourist attractions. Consequently, zoning restrictions were applied to these areas, such that Torajans themselves were barred from changing their tongkonans and burial sites. The plan was opposed by some Torajan leaders, as they felt that their rituals and traditions were being determined by outsiders. As a result, in 1987, the Torajan village of Kété Kesú and several other designated tourist attractions closed their doors to tourists. This closure lasted only a few days, as the villagers found it too difficult to survive without the income from selling souvenirs.

Tourism has also transformed Toraja society. Originally, there was a ritual which allowed commoners to marry nobles (puang) and thereby gain nobility for their children. However, the image of Torajan society created for the tourists, often by "lower-ranking" guides, has eroded its traditional strict hierarchy. High status is not as esteemed in Tana Toraja as it once was. Many low-ranking men can declare themselves and their children nobles by gaining enough wealth through work outside the region and then marrying a noble woman.

WIKIPEDIA

Photo 2, Fall 2011

My work is about the exploitation of women.

As you can see, I was influenced heavily by Barbara Kruger's work. Similar to her, I used bold text for a saying that is controversial and offensive. I want these to be offensive. These sayings are not necessarily my views but more of how society sometimes views women. I want my viewers to understand how it feels to be a woman. I myself am offended every day when I am told how to act, look, feel, and that I am being “unladylike”. It doesn’t feel good to see beautiful women everywhere you go bringing you down even more because apparently my peers don’t do that enough.

I am saddened that some women actually try to fit into the stereotypes and do whatever society tells them. I admit, I do some of them too. It’s a rough world trying to “fit” in. It also saddens that because I am not thin, don’t sleep around, don’t always look the prettiest, don’t suffice to a man, I feel like I don’t fit in or even to the point that I may not be considered a woman to some.

But I AM woman. I am strong. I am brave. I DO have the power to fight these stereotypes and be my own person. I hope you feel empowered by these images. Never forget, a woman brought you into this world. Appreciate that. We have the power and we are strong.

OCÉANIEN 1884 – 1922

Afin d'assumer les dispositions de la convention de 1881 créant la ligne d'Australie et prévoyant un départ de Marseille toutes les 4 semaines, avec une vitesse d'exploitation de 13 nœuds et une réserve de deux nœuds aux essais, 7 paquebots furent construits à La Ciotat entre 1881 et 1884. NATAL – MELBOURNE – CALÉDONIEN – SYDNEY – SALAZIE – YARRA – OCÉANIEN. La coque à la même dimension que celle du SAGHALIEN (plans de Vésigné lancé le 25 juillet 1880 pour la ligne de Chine) mais la machine a 500cv de plus. Ils sont au départ, gréés en 3 mâts-barque, transformés ultérieurement en 3 mâts-goélette, ils perdront vergues et guis avant la guerre de 14 à laquelle il participera activement.

OCÉANIEN 7ème et dernier de la série du programme de 1881

1884 le 22 juin Lancé par Mr Risbec à La Ciotat

1885 en janvier – Livraison par le chantier de La Ciotat.

Paquebots à hélice et coque en fer, avec deux cheminées, gréé en 3 mâts-barque. Avec un avant droit et un long gaillard, roof arrière entre les 2èmes et 3ème mâts. Premier navire de la compagnie à ne plus avoir les porte-haubans sur la paroi verticale de la coque, ceux-ci étant fixés directement sur le pont.

CARACTÉRISTIQUES :

Longueur : 126,15 m entre pp 130,75m ht

Largeur : 12,06 m

Jauge brute : 4.162 tjb

Jauge nette : 2.081 Tn

Port en Lourd : 3.123 tonnes

Déplacement : 5.900 tonnes pour 6,30 m de tirant d'eau.

1885 Installation à La Ciotat d'un salon de musique.

1887 Installation d'un éclairage électrique à incandescence à La Ciotat. La dunette arrière est transformée en salon de musique.

PROPULSION :

Une machine à vapeur compound à 3 cylindres. HPØ 1,10m - MP Ø 1.53m- HP Ø 1.53m - Course 1.10m

8 chaudières cylindriques timbrées à 6 kg/cm²

Puissance : 3400 cv

Vitesse : 15.6 nœuds aux essais.

1890 – Transformations pour être éventuellement utilisé comme croiseur auxiliaire.

1895 – Machine triple expansion de 4000 cv avec 16 nœuds atteints aux essais. Enlèvement des vergues. La voilure passera de 965 m² à 572 m².

ÉQUIPAGE :

État-major : 11 officiers

Personnel : 185 hommes marins et ADSG

PASSAGERS :

1ères Classes 90 passagers

Sdes Classes 44 passagers

3èmes Classes 75 passagers

LIGNES DESSERVIES :

1885 le 14 janvier – Premier départ sur l'Australie avec le Cdt Didier en ligne régulière sur l'Australie. Il y restera jusqu'en 1892. NB (Le Dr Bois donne le 16 janvier comme date du 1er départ.) Marseille, Suez, Mahé des Seychelles, Réunion, Maurice, Australie, Nouvelle Calédonie

1892 à 1900 – Placé sur la ligne d'Extrême-Orient.

1900 à 1913 - Divers lignes suivant les besoins. Sur le Levant - 1902 sur La Plata puis de nouveau sur l'Extrême-Orient. Quelques voyages sur l'Australie.

1913-1914 – Sur la ligne de Madagascar.

1919 – Désarmé car très usé par un service de 34 années.

1922 – En février Vendu à Gênes il est démoli en Italie.

ÉVÉNEMENTS :

1861 le 1er Avril. - Paul Gauguin embarque à son bord pour se rendre à Nouméa via l'Australie le 12 mai 1891, puis embarque sur l'aviso VIRE pour Tahiti.

1886 en août – Essai de passage de nuit dans le canal de Suez avec un projecteur à incandescence à l'avant et deux projecteurs sur les flancs. Ces 2 projecteurs sont commandés de la passerelle. Il n'est pas le premier à passer de nuit SALAZIE étant le premier navire à transiter de nuit.

1901: Revenant d'Extrême-Orient il ramène le Général Voyron qui commandait l'expédition de Chine et le cercueil du prince Henri d'Orléans mort à Saïgon au cours d'un voyage d'exploration en Indochine.

1915 le 22 octobre : Embarque à Majunga l’État Major et la 3ème Cie du 1er Bataillon de Marche de Tirailleurs Malgaches, il arrivera à Bizerte le 14 novembre.

1916 Le 11 mai : Il embarque à Majunga les 500 hommes du 6ème régiment de marche Somalis, arrivée à Marseille le 5 juin

1917 le 29 mai - Voyage retour d'un convoi postal sur Madagascar, il fait route avec l’Empereur NICOLAS II, le YARRA escorté par le torpilleur ARBALÈTE, la canonnière DÉDAIGNEUSE et le HLMS LILY entre Port Saïd et Marseille le YARRA sera coulé par torpillage.

A 17 –year-old girl from Oldham who does not wish to be identified is working with Fixers the charity which campaigns for youth action to create a campaign warning others against sexual predators. Using her experiences of being groomed and exploited for sex she wants to warn others.

Her story was broadcast on ITV Granada. Please note the image is of an actor.

For more info, interviews etc contact communications@fixers.org.uk call 01962810970. Please credit Fixers when using this image.

On Display at the Monthly Northland Cruise Night in North Kansas City, Mo. on June 13, 2009.

For additional information on this vehicle, visit my web site at:

teemack.net

This photo is copyrighted and owned by TeeMack Photography. Any reproduction, modification, publication, transmission, transfer, or exploitation of any of the content, for personal or commercial use, whether in whole or in part, without written permission from TeeMack photography is prohibited. All rights reserved.

On the platform.

Police have launched a two-day operation to protect the most vulnerable members of the community.

The initiative codenamed Operation Longford will see officers from across the Force and specialist units including traffic, tactical aid and the ANPR intercept teams take to the streets in a bid to target vulnerability in the community.

Some of the work as part of the days of action (Friday 29 to Saturday 30 May) will include visits to licensed premises, policing open spaces that attract youths and alcohol, takeaway enforcement, visit to shisha bars in addition to Metrolink and Child Sexual Exploitation (CSE) patrols.

Superintendent Craig Thompson operational lead said: “Safeguarding vulnerable people is an on-going priority for the Force which makes days of action like this so important. By having mechanisms in place and working alongside our partners we can ensure those at greater risk in our community are protected before the actions such as exploitation and abuse begin.

“As with our day to day policing we will also carry out enforcement work and will target offenders for a range of offences including, human trafficking, Child Sexual Exploitation (CSE*), antisocial behaviour and general criminality.”

As part of the operation officers from the City Centre Neighbourhood Policing Team and partners such as Manchester City Council, Greater Manchester Police and Crime Commissioner will launch the partnership Safe Haven scheme. It is a place of safety for anyone who is out and about in the city centre on a Friday or Saturday night and in need of help, support, a place of safety or a designated meeting point for when you lose your friends.

Superintendent Thompson added: “We want Operation Longford to show our community that their safety comes first and will always be our priority. We will make use of all of our disruption tactics to put a stop to criminals.”

For live updates from the operation follow #OpLongford from the GMP twitter accounts. You can find your local Twitter account by visiting: www.gmp.police.uk/socialmedia.

Netikėk lengvu uždarbiu užsienyje.

Pylimo gatvė, 2002m.

English Norsk under

Seters have been in use as long as anyone can remember. It was to exploit the quantities of rich grass that were available and also leaves which were used for animal feed on farms.

It was common to have more animals than the farm's arable land could provide for so all available opportunities were utilized.

This setre is called Lilleseter and was in use up until to 1915.

Then it started to become common practice for fertilizers to be used which that increased grass crop on the fields and so the worst hill farms were closed down.

There were several farms in this area so there was always a struggle over grazing areas.

The last farm in this area was the Furuland Setra which was in operation until late 1950's. It has now been restored by Hedrum Historical Society and is open to all.

Farms were, at the weekends gathering places for young people and many found their partners there.

Town/city boys also visited these farms and several of them had a life-long associations with North Kvelde and the surrounding forests.

There were no roads up to the farms so everything had to be carried on the back. There was a steep shortcut that went out onto Djupedal road that was used for several farms around here. The farms churned butter and white cheese, which was carried down to the village.

This farm were restored in 1916 because the forest here was sold for logging and the cabins were used by forest workers. Since then, it has been used by hunters, forest workers and walkers for overnighting accommodation. Setre was never locked.

During the war, Soren Hansen Vestby lived here for two winters and one summer. It was cold in 1941-42, so it was lucky that he survived, but he had elkhound called Lorden that found its way for him when it was dark. He said he often saw nothing, but when Lorden stopped, he was certain that he was at cabin door. Lorden slept at his feet in the night, so he kept warm.

Setre here is similar to the old one, even though it is difficult to recreate the mood of an old house. The barn was rebuilt on its old place. The remains of the dairy can be seen due to the debris the close the road.

In 1970 there were built roads into this area, and it was almost a revolution.

---------------------------------------

Norsk

Seterdrift har vært vanlig så lenge en kjenner tilbake i historien. Det var for å utnytte den rike grassvekten, men også løv blei brukte til dyrefor på setre.

Det var vanlig å ha flere dyr enn gårdens innmark kunne skaffe for til så alle tilgjenglige formulighete blei utnyttet.

Denne setera heter Lilleseter og var i bruk some seter fråm til 1915.

Da begynte det å bli vanlig med kunstgjødsel som økte grassavlingen på innmarka og de dårligste setrene blei nedlagt slik som denne.

Det var flere setre i dette ømradet så det var altid en kampe om beitearealene.

Den siste setra i dette området var Furulandsetra som var i drift til langt ut i 1950 åra. Den er nå restaurert av Hedrum Historielag og står åpen for alle.

Setrene var om helgene samlingsted for ungdom og mange har funnet sin patner der.

Det var også bygutter som var innom setrene og flere av dem fikk et livslangt forhold til Nordkveld - skogene.

Det var ikke sommerveie til setren så alt måtte bæres på ryggen. Det var en bratt snarvei som gikk ut Djupedalskleiva som ble brukt som setervei for flere setre.

På setre blei det kjernet smør og kokt prim og hvitost som blei båret ned til bygda.

Denne setre blei restaurert i 1916 for da blei skogen her solgt til uthogst og husene blei tilholdsted for skogarbeidere. Siden blei den brukt av jegere, skogsarbeidere og turfolk på dagstur elle for overnatting. Setre var aldri avlåst.

Under krigen lå Søren Hansen Vestby her 2 vintre og en sommer. Det var kaldt i 1941-42, så det var rart at han overlevde, men han hadde elghunden Lorden som fant veien for han når det var mørkt. Han fortalte at han mange ganger ikke så noe, men når Lorden stoppet så visst han at han var ved hyytedøra. Lorden lå også ved beina til Søren om natta, så han holdt varmen.

Setre her er forsøkt å gjordt lik den gamle, selv om det er vanskelig å gjenskape stemninger i et gammelt hus.

Fjøset blir også gjenreist på sin gamle plass.

Melkebua kan en se murrester etter nær bilveien.

I 1970 så blei det bygget bilvei inn i dette området, og det var nærmest en revulusjon. De bakenforliggende skogene som før kjørte tømmeret over Musevann og ned Kveldekleiva kom også med bilveien.

No Pop oriented Track here, but some good Bossa Nova.

1960's French pressing on Philips label.