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On March 11th 2011 a magnitude 9.0 earthquake rocked Japan that sparked a tsunami and a nuclear crisis. In the days and weeks that followed much to Tokyo was without the bright lights and neon that it is so well known for. Shinjuku's famous electronics district that glows was all but extinguished.
Read about that day and the ones that followed on ShootTokyo:
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Peloponnesian?
Without apparent provenance (ancient or modern)
Late 6th c. BCE (Late Archaic/Early Classical)
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Cleveland Museum of Art, Cleveland, Ohio, USA
John L. Severance Fund 2000.6
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Lindi Ortega
OCA Spazio Ansaldo (MI)
19 Marzo 2013
© Mairo Cinquetti
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Nashville beckoned, and Lindi Ortega answered the call.
Armed with an inimitable, irresistible singing voice The Independent hails as “a truly magnificent instrument,” and a heart bursting with creative ambition, the Canadian songstress whom American Songwriter calls “the love child of Johnny Cash and Nancy Sinatra” decided to relocate to Music City from her
native Toronto to birth her brand new musical offspring, Cigarettes & Truckstops.
A logical follow-up to her 2011 critically acclaimed alt-country masterpiece Little Red Boots, the 10-song Cigarettes & Truckstops further flaunts Ortega’s distinctive vision; one that embraces the oft-neglected, politically incorrect realism of traditional country and frames it in a charmingly, and sometimes darkly humourous contemporary context.
Bookended by a couple of romantic road ballads in the title track and the reflective “Every Mile Of The Ride,” Cigarettes & Truckstops further evolves the promise foreshadowed by the JUNO-Award nominated-and-Polaris-Music-Prize-long-listed Little Red Boots.
The writing is stellar, her musical discipline undoubtedly galvanized by a fearless 2010-2012 tour schedule that saw Lindi open for a variety of acts, from punk vets Social Distortion; pop icon Burton Cummings; country fave Dierks Bentley; folk outfit Noah & The Whale and Academy Award winner Kevin Costner with attention-grabbing finesse, making serious inroads with North American and European audiences, and prompting Exclaim! to declare Ortega an “electrifying” performer.
Whether it’s the plucky shuffle of the hilarious “The Day You Die;” the angry harrumph of “Don’t Wanna Hear It;” the high lonesome feel of “Heaven Has No Vacancy” or the haunting twang of guilt that is “Murder of Crows,” Ortega continues to deliver a refreshing twist that walks vintage and contemporary lines in imaginative and inventive manners.
But in order to realize this next step of her artistic fruition, the two-time JUNO Award nominee (Canada’s equivalent to the Grammy Awards) had to pull up her Canadian stakes and come to the well.
“I was really inspired by being here in Nashville,” explains Ortega, the daughter of a Northern Irish mother and Mexican father who has been performing since she picked up a guitar at age 16.
“I wanted the authenticity of my influences to shine through on this record. I knew I liked country and I think moving here, I wanted to delve into those influences more genuinely.
“To be able to read a Hank Williams biography and then go to where his house was, or the places that they talk about, and absorb that was invaluable.”
As Ortega is the first to admit, she’s anything but a “straight-up country artist,” so other elements played into the equation.
“I found that I was really inspired by going to New Orleans, after I shot that music video for (Little Red Boots’) “Black Fly” – and the Deep South.
“After Little Red Boots I read the Hank Williams biography and I learned that he was very highly influenced by a man named “Tee-Tot.” (Rufus Payne). Tee-Tot was a blues guy, and I discovered that a lot of early country drew influence from early blues. So I really started getting into listening to blues.”
She recruited a sympathetic visionary to produce the album in fellow Canadian Colin Linden, (O Brother Where Art Thou, Blackie & The Rodeo Kings, Bruce Cockburn, The Band), who also happens to reside in Nashville.
“When it was time to start working with producers, Colin’s name was thrown in the hat,” recalls Ortega. “I looked him up on YouTube,and the first thing I saw him perform was this crazy awesome Dobro solo.
“I realized that I loved that instrument, and I needed to have it all over my record,” she laughs.
“There was something about the sound of it that resonated so much with me. Colin was very influenced by the blues and had a lot of knowledge about its background and history, and I thought it would be cool to bring that into the record.”
The blues touch is a subtle one, a seasoning of sorts on this album of longing and vulnerability; travel and romance; of anger and passion; of fact and fiction.
A big breakthrough was Ortega’s topical candour.
“I was sort of delving into the darker corners of my mind with some things, which was interesting for me, and not being afraid to put some other things out there,” she reveals. “The song from my first record, “All My Friends,” alludes to certain things in a metaphorical way, where on this album, I’m a little more straight up about it. I’m not trying to hide.
“I guess that I’m just willing to take that risk. I’m just being honest and talking about my experiences, and by doing that, I’m not advocating anything and I’m not telling anybody they need to do anything: I’m just writing about my life and the experiences that I go through.”
But it’s not all autobiographical: “Murder of Crows,’ co-authored by Matt Nolan and one of three co-writes on Cigarettes & Truckstops, is pure Man In Black-inspired fiction.
“I was actually thinking of Johnny Cash’s Murder album when I wrote that,” Ortega chuckles. “I just wanted to delve into fictitious territory, and not write from experience – sort of make up stories.
“In a lot of old Cash songs, there’s a lot that didn’t come from his experience: he made them up. It’s cool to be able to make up crazy stories like that.”
One of the album’s real kickers is the Bruce Wallace co-write “The Day You Die,” a humorous look at love’s clichés, a future classic that begins with the opening stanza,
“You said you’d love me ‘til the cows comes home/Well I’m hoping that they all go blind.”
“That’s why I love writing with Bruce, because we never set out to write,” Ortega admits. “We just get together as friends and pick up guitars and it just happens naturally. He’s a quirky guy, because he totally gets where I’m coming from in that respect.
“We pick up the guitar and make up joke songs. We thought it would be cool if all these cliché things that people say to people, things like ‘Love you ‘til this, love you ‘til that’,” were taken literally, what would they have to do to keep the love going?”
There are more gems on Cigarettes & Truckstops that are ripe for personal discovery, a riveting tour-de-force of an album that will open up more ears and hearts to the scintillating sounds of Lindi Ortega and an appreciation of the unique perspective she brings to her craft.
Two trademarks impel her artistry: sincerity and honesty.
“I’m not going to deny it because I can’t,” Ortega admits. “It just comes out. I owe it to the song and to myself to expel that expression, put it into music and be very honest and forthright about the good, the bad and the ugly of Lindi Ortega.”
The Cirneco dell'Etna is a small breed of dog originally from Sicily. This hound was historically used to hunt rabbits and can work for hours without food or water.The breed also has a keen sense of smell and is primarily built for endurance over harsh terrain such as that of Mount Etna. It is the smallest of the Mediterranean island hunting hounds, the others being the Pharaoh Hounds and Ibizan Hounds.Today they are increasingly kept for the sport of conformation showing and as pets, due to their low coat maintenance and friendly nature, although as an active hound they do need regular exercise. A Cirneco should measure from 43-51 cm (17-20in) and weigh between 10–12 kg (22-26lb). As with other breeds, those from hunting stock can lie outside these ranges.
The Cirneco dell'Etna is a small hound-type dog used in Sicily for rabbit hunting. It is found all over the Italian island and particularly in the area surrounding the active volcano, Mount Etna,where the dogs hunt on terrain formed by volcanic lava. Its presence in Sicily is noteworthy as one of the few ancient breeds that have undergone very little manipulation by man. Instead, the breed has been rigorously selected by nature for its ability to work for hours. The dog we have today is an extremely hardy breed. Affectionate and friendly, it is considered easier to train than some of its sighthound cousins. The Cirneco has been in Sicily for thousands of years. Most authors agree that the origins of the hound-type dog lie among ancient Egyptian prick-eared dogs. Bas-reliefs discovered along the Nile and dated around 4000 B.C. depict what could be the Cirneco today. Most probably, the Phoenicians spread these prick-eared, hound-type dogs as they sailed along their trade routes between Northern Africa and the Mediterranean coasts. Ancient records of hounds with upright ears and a pointed muzzle are found in many countries in that part of the world. The most vivid proof of the presence of the Cirneco dell’Etna in Sicily for at least the past 2500 years is the many coins minted between the 5th and 3rd centuries B.C. depicting exemplars of the breed. In particular, the Cirneco dell’Etna is used on coins minted at Segesta, with about 150 variations. In 400 B.C., Dionysus was said to have built a temple dedicated to the God Adranos on the south-western slope of the volcano, just outside the city of Adrano. Many dogs were bred there and legend claims that a thousand Cirnechi guarded the temple.The Cirneco was rarely seen and little known outside Sicily until 1932. Now Cirnechi have also been exported to many European countries where their elegant conformation has helped make them a success in the show ring and many have become FCI International Show Champions. The dog's affectionate temperament and adaptability make it an excellent family companion.
El cirneco del Etna es una raza de perro oriunda de Sicilia. Este tipo de lebrel de pequeño tamaño forma parte de un conjunto de razas caninas del Mediterráneo cuyo origen se encuentra en Egipto, y entre las que se encuentra el podenco Ibicenco. Se trata de un perro adaptado a terrenos difíciles, apto para la caza de conejos y liebres.Los machos miden entre 46 y 50 cm, y pesan de 10 a 12 kg, y las hembras miden entre 42 y 46 cm, pesando de 8 a 10 kg. La cabeza es alargada y estrecha y el hocico afilado y puntiagudo, con un stop muy poco pronunciado. La trufa es de color marrón claro, y los ojos, pequeños, pueden ser ocre claro, ámbar o grises. Las orejas, erguidas, son triangulares y puntiagudas, y están implantadas altas. El lomo es recto y largo, y el pecho no demasiado amplio, con la musculatura pectoral poco desarrollada, al contrario que las patas, fuertes y con una musculatura bien desarrollada. La cola, implantada baja, es gruesa y de diámetro uniforme. El manto, de color tostado o tostado y blanco, tiene un pelaje corto y espeso en la cabeza, orejas y patas y liso y semilargo en el tronco y la cola.Su nombre puede proceder del de la antigua ciudad de Cirene, donde Aristóteles, en De natura animalium, dice haber visto un perro cuya descripción coincide con la de este.Aunque parece claro que la raza es autóctona de Sicilia, es posible que fuese anterior a la civilización egipcia, y que hubiese sido llevado al norte de África por los fenicios. Esta hipótesis se vería confirmada por la existencia de una estatuilla hallada cerca de Siracusa, datada alrededor del 4000 a.c.Se encuentran representaciones del cirneco en monedas sicilianas del siglo Vl al siglo III a.c., y parece que se le tenía en gran consideración, como demuestra el hecho de que en una de las monedas halladas en la antigua ciudad siciliana de Segesta se le represente junto a una divinidad fenicia con facciones humanas. Desde entonces las características de la raza han permanecido prácticamente inalteradas, gracias en gran medida a los campesinos, que conservaron su pureza criándolo por su utilidad para cazar en las pendientes del Etna, de lava solidificada y difícilmente accesibles.
Der Cirneco dell’ Etna ist eine von der FCI anerkannte italienische Hunderasse, die von der Insel Sizilien stammt (FCI-Gruppe 5, Sektion 7, Standard Nr. 199).Frühere Studien gingen davon aus, dass der Cirneco dell'Etna von Jagdhunden abstammt, die zur Pharaonenzeit im Niltal gezüchtet wurden. Der Cirneco dell'Etna sei dann mit den Phöniziern nach Sizilien gekommen. Neueste Untersuchungen unterstützen allerdings eine andere Theorie: Der Cineco dell'Etna stammt ursprünglich aus Sizilien und lebte an den Abhängen des Ätna. Münzen und Gravuren aus der römischen Epoche belegen, dass Hunde dieses Typs bereits vor Christi Geburt auf Sizilien vorkamen.
Der Cirneco dell'Etna ist mittelgroß (bis zu 50 cm und bis zu 12 kg schwer), quadratisch gebaut, schlank, aber dennoch widerstandsfähig und robust. Das Fell ist kurz, sehr glatt und fest. Dabei ist das Fell auf dem Rumpf und der Rute ungefähr 3 cm lang. Die Fellfarbe ist falbfarben, von intensiv bis verwaschen, wie isabell-sandfarben. Weiße oder gescheckte Exemplare können vorkommen; in der Regel weist der Cirneco dell'Etna jedoch nur geringe weiße Abzeichen auf.Die Ohren sind auffällig groß und stehend typisch wie auch bei den Podencos.Der Cirneco dell'Etna wird zur Jagd auf Wildkaninchen verwendet. Sein Verbreitungsgebiet umfasst vor allem die Region um den Ätna, an dessen Abhängen er die Kaninchen im Gebüsch und Geröll aufstöbert. Er treibt die Kaninchen aus ihren Verstecken hervor, so dass die Jäger zum Schuss kommen können.
Le Cirneco de l'Etna (Cirneco dell’Etna) est un chien originaire de Sicile. La Fédération cynologique internationale l'a répertorié dans le groupe 5, section 7, standard n° 199.
Cirneco de l'Etna.....Chien de type lévrier bien qu'il soit classé dans le groupe 5. Chien adapté aux terrains difficiles qui chasse le lapin sauvage.Chien de nationalité italienne primitif qui descendrait des chiens de l’époque des Pharaons. Mais il pourrait s’agir d’une race autochtone d’origine sicilienne.
O cirneco do Etna (em italiano: Cirneco dell’Etna) é uma raça quase desconhecida fora da Itália, já que permaneceu isolada na Sicília por praticamente 2 000 anos. Em 1939 foi reconhecida como raça. Comum aos cães de raças antigas, estes têm dificuldade de adaptação ao mundo urbano, pois precisam de constante atividade e são difíceis de adestrar, embora sejam vistos como animais muito fiéis. Podendo pesar até 12 kg, tem como peculiaridade as grandes orelhas largas e eretas, o longo pescoço e a cabeça estreita.
Сицилийская борзая или Чирнеко дель Этна — порода собак. Происходит с Сицилии. Изначально выращивалась для охоты на зайца. Классические исследования собачьих пород, распространенных в Средиземноморском регионе, пришли к заключению, что Чирнеко Дель Этна происходят от античных охотничьих собак, выведенных в долине Нила в эпоху фараонов, собак, получивших достигших Сицилии благодаря Финикийцам. Но согласно последним исследованиям получила одобрения теория, согласно которой эта порода имеет непосредственно сицилийское происхождение, зародившись в окрестностях Этны. Монеты и гравюры доказывают, что Чирнеки существовали в этом регионе за много веков до нашей эр Собака примитивного типа, элегантного и утонченного сложения, среднего размера, не громоздкая, сильная и крепкая. По морфологическому сложению — собака удлиненных линий, легкого сложения; квадратного формата; шерсть тонкая.
Охотничья собака, выведенная для охоты на кролика по сложной местности; обладает большим темпераментом, но в то же время мягкая и привязчивая.
Cirneco dell’etna on italialainen koirarotu. Se on vinttikoiran tyyppinen pystykorvainen, alkukantainen ja harvinainen rotu. Cirneco dell’etnan tarkka alkuperä jää hämärän peittoon, mutta se on hyvin vanha rotu ja muuttunut vuosisatojen saatossa vain vähän. Rotu on saanut olla melko rauhassa, ja vasta viime vuosina sen jalostukseen on puututtu.Rotu on nykyisin lähinnä seura- ja harrastekoira. Italiassa sitä käytetään yhä villikaniinien metsästykseen. Cirneco on nopea koira, ja ketteränä se pystyy vaihtamaan suuntaa nopeasti esimerkiksi metsästyksen aikana. Cirneco käyttää metsästäessään kuuloaan, näköään ja hajuaistiaan.Cirneco dell’etna on luonteeltaan temperamenttinen, eloisa, ystävällinen, iloinen ja leikkisä koira. Cirnecon leikkisyys säilyy yleensä vanhoihin päiviin asti. Cirneco on myös hyvin läheisyyttä rakastava koira, ja sen lempipaikka onkin yleensä kainalossa sohvalla tai peiton alla omistajansa vieressä. Cirneco kiintyy voimakkaasti perheeseensä ja tulee yleensä hyvin toimeen ystävällisenä ja lempeänä koirana kaikenikäisten ihmisten kanssa. Miellyttämisenhalua cirnecolla ei ole kovin paljon, joten ilman hyvää motivointikeinoa se ei välttämättä aina tottele ainakaan ensimmäisellä käskyllä. Cirnecolla on kuitenkin miellyttämisenhalua enemmän kuin yleensä vinttikoirilla. Cirneco tarvitsee johdonmukaisen ja määrätietoisen peruskasvatuksen.
Cirneco dell’etna on ikivanha rotu, jonka juuret johtavat 1000-luvulle ennen ajanlaskun alkua. Joidenkin mielestä se polveutuu Egyptin viimeisten dynastioiden faaraoiden koirista ja niistä koirista, joita foinikialaiset kauppiaat toivat Italiaan. Tutkimukset antavat aiheen olettaa, että se olisi Sisilian alkuperäisrotu. Cirneconnäköisiä korkokuvia on löydetty faaraoiden haudoista, mm. Luxorista ja Ben-Hassanista. Sisiliasta on myös löydetty 45 cm korkea luuranko, joka muistuttaa cirnecoa suuresti. Luuranko on paikallistettu vuoteen 1400 eaa. Nykyisin kyseinen luuranko on nähtävissä Pigorini-museossa Roomassa. Myös vanhoista Sisiliasta löytyneistä kolikoista on löydetty cirnecoa esittäviä koiran kuvia.
Il cirneco dell'Etna è un cane appartenente ad una razza molto antica, che ha subito poche manipolazioni nel corso dei secoli.Le origini del cirneco risalgono al 1000 a.C. Si dice che questa razza derivi dai cani dei Faraoni egiziani delle ultime dinastie e da cani importati in Sicilia dai commercianti fenici. Successivi studi hanno indicato che molto probabilmente il Cirneco è una razza autoctona siciliana.Il cirneco dell'Etna appartiene alla classe dei cani da caccia di tipo primitivo; è un animale molto veloce e per questo viene utilizzato soprattutto nella caccia al coniglio selvatico e alla lepre.Si presenta con una figura molto snella, con gambe lunghe, orecchie dritte e con un corpo muscoloso ma nello stesso tempo molto elegante. Ha un fiuto eccezionale ed è agilissimo nel cambiare direzione durante l'inseguimento della preda. Da notare che, sebbene l'aspetto del cirneco ricordi quello dei levrieri, non caccia a vista ma usa l'olfatto, come un cane da cerca; secondo la classificazione della Federazione Cinologica Internazionale (F.C.I.), tutti i cani appartenenti alla razza dei "levrieri" appartengono al 10º gruppo, mentre il cirneco è inserito nel 5º Gruppo, quello delle razze di tipo primitivo.Generalmente raggiunge l'altezza di 46-50 cm al garrese negli esemplari maschi, mentre le femmine misurano dai 42 ai 46. Il peso del maschio si aggira intorno ai 10-12 kg, mentre le femmine raggiungono gli 8-10. La lunghezza del tronco è in media uguale all'altezza al garrese: il cirneco ha dunque una costruzione quadrata. È strutturato da una massa muscolare che comprende l'80% del corpo. Si presenta snello e, se nutrito in modo adeguato, mantiene una linea elegante e slanciata.Cane velocissimo e molto agile, è capace di raggiungere persino i 40/45 km/h nella corsa.I colori del mantello del cirneco dell'Etna vanno dal sabbia dorato al cervo scuro; non necessariamente devono essere presenti macchie bianche, ma possono essercene su tutto il corpo; sebbene molto rari, ne esistono colorati di bianco arancio (come nel setter inglese) e di bianco puro (pur non essendo propriamente albino). Il colore riconosciuto dagli standard di razza è il fulvo più o meno intenso, isabella e sabbia, con lista bianca in fronte, al petto, piedi bianchi, punta della coda bianca e ventre bianco.Dotato di grande intelligenza, è generalmente indipendente e solitario. Generalmente diffidente con gli estranei, si affeziona ad un solo padrone. Si può dire che abbia le sue simpatie e antipatie a pelle: con alcuni individui non socializza e alla loro vista abbaia; con altri inizialmente si mostra aggressivo ma poi socializza e con altri ancora prova un feeling immediato e socializza subito. È un cane che per il padrone darebbe tutto se stesso.Se correttamente socializzato da cucciolo, evidenzia un carattere molto disponibile e gioioso e privo di diffidenze anche verso le persone appena conosciute.Se cresce in un ambiente familiare, dove ha ricevuto tutti gli stimoli nei confronti dell'ambiente esterno, ama essere portato a spasso e incontrare altri cani e persone, anche se sconosciuti. Se lasciato libero, soprattutto in luoghi di campagna, cambia visibilmente espressione; tutti i muscoli si tendono, ama ispezionare l'ambiente circostante e, anche se all'inizio sembra indipendente, in realtà sa sempre dove si trova il suo padrone e puntualmente ritorna sotto la sua attenzione. Prima di liberare un cirneco in un luogo aperto occorre aver rafforzato un rapporto sereno e di fiducia. Il cirneco è un cane primitivo e rispetto ad altri animali domestici, molto spesso è un soggetto che porta rancore se trattato male, non dimentica facilmente uno sgarbo subito, non sopporta di essere rimproverato con eccessiva durezza.La vita media di questo cane è molto elevata, quindici anni circa, ma esistono esemplari che vivono anche venti anni.
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Between the two Boughtons along the sandstone ridge, little did I know there are three parishes, Chart Sutton, Sutton Valance and East Sutton.
As it happened I sailed past Chart Sutton without realising it was there, and there was a wedding on at Sutton Valance. But I had seen some fine hand made signs pointing to an open church, which happened to be East Sutton.
I was welcomed warmly, and once we had all agreed to how many churches in Kent I had visited, one of the wardens gave me a fine guided tour of the church.
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A knockout church that stands cheek by jowl with the red brick mansion that is now a prison with warning signs that tell you not to photograph the house whilst photographing the church! Mainly fourteenth century building but remodelled with new windows in the fifteenth. It contains much of interest although in many respects the late nineteenth century restoration which removed the plaster from the walls has created an interior unlike anything that went before. The memorials to the Filmer family are what most people come to see – from a rare 17th century brass plate to a nineteenth century marble baby the church ahs it all. The windows are mostly late 19th and early 20th century by Westlake. The post WW1 south chapel east window depicts a soldier, sailor, airmen and nurse under figures of Osmund, Edmund and Christ. The lovely font is one of the nicest thirteenth century examples around – one amazingly thin pillars. Architecturally the north chapel north window, with flamboyant tracery is the masterpiece but really it is the whole ensemble that goes to create such a welcoming and memorable space.
www.kentchurches.info/church.asp?p=East+Sutton
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EAST SUTTON.
THE next parish eastward from Town Sutton is East Sutton, having the appellation of East from its situation eastward of the two adjoining parishes of Sutton Valence and Chart Sutton, though that of Sutton, near Dover, is likewise frequently stiled East Sutton, from its situation in the eastern part of this county.
IT is a small parish, and would be but little known or frequented was it not for the residence of the Filmer family in it. It is much the same situation and soil as the last described parish of Sutton Valence, the quarry hills crossing the middle of it; the church stands near the summit of the hill, at the back of East Sutton-place, which is pleasantly situated, having a most beautiful and extensive view southward, the park lying before it, which is well cloathed with trees both of ash and oak, and has a fine piece of water in sight of the house in the lower part of it; about half a mile south-east from the manor house, about the middle of the hill, is Little Charlton, which has still the appearance of a gentleman's seat, having several good rooms in it well ornamented with stucco, fret-work, &c. and every convenience requisite for a gentleman's family, and the hospitality of former times; from the top of the hill southward it is within the Weald, a low, flat and miry country. On the other side, above the church, from the shade of the quantities of trees which spread thickly over it, that part has an unpleasant and gloomy aspect. In this part is (hartway-street, the only village in this parish, the southern side of which only, on which however almost all the houses are built, being in this parish and its northern boundary, the other side of it being in Bromfield; the rest of the houses in East Sutton, excepting the two small hamlets of Friday and Sunday-streets, being intersperted at various distances throughout it.
THIS PLACE was part of those possessions with which Odo, bishop of Baieux, was enriched by his half-brother William the Conqueror, under the general title of whose lands it is thus entered in the survey of Domesday:
The same Adam Fitzhubert holds of the bishop Sudtone. It was taxed at one suling and an half. The arable land is eight carucates. In demesne there are two, and fifteen villeins, with nine borderers, having four carucates. There is a church and ten servants, and eight acres of meadow. Wood for the pannage of fifty bogs. In the time of king Edward the Confessor, and afterwards, it was worth ten pounds, now twelve pounds, and yet it pays eighteen pounds. Leuenot held it of king Edward.
On the bishop's disgrace, which happened in 1084, about four years after the taking the above survey, this among the rest of his estates became confiscated to the crown.
In the reign of Henry the IIId, John de Salario held East Sutton (fn. 1) of Simon de Montfort, earl of Leicester; Geffry de Maitel held it in the latter end of that reign, and the beginning of the reign of king Edward the 1st, his successor was Adam de Martel, whose right to it was allowed against the king before the justices itinerant, in the 21st year of Edward I. Aymer de Valence, earl of Pembroke, was in possession of it in the beginning of the next reign of king Edward II. and died in the 17th year of it s. p. upon which his three sisters became his coheirs; of whom Isabel, married to John de Hastings, of Bergavenny, seems to have had this manor allotted to her as part of her share in the inheritance, and in his descendants, earls of Pembroke, it continued down in like manner as Sutton Valence manor before described, till on their failure of issue in king Henry the IVth's reign, Reginald, lord Grey, of Ruthyn, became entitled to it as next of kin and heir of Aymer, earl of Pembroke, but on his being taken prisoner by Owen Glendower, in Wales, king Henry IV. in his 4th year, granted licence to I obert Braybrook, bishop of London, and others, then seoffees of his several lordships, to sell this manor among others, towards raising a sum of money for his ransom. They sold it to Richard Brigge Lancaster, king at arms, who alienated it in the third year of king Henry V. to Thomas Buttiller and Thomas Bank. After which it passed into the family of Darrell, one of whom Sir Richard de Darrel, possessed it in the reign of king Edward IV.
In the first year of king Henry VIII. John York, esq. of Ramsbury, in Wiltshire, was owner of it, and in the 6th year of that reign passed it away to Richard Chetham, prior of the priory of Ledes, and it seems to have been for the use of his convent by the receipt in the exchequer, anno 8 Henry VIII. Nevertheless they had divested themselves of the possession of it before the 20th year of that reign, when Sir Henry Guldeford, knight of the garter, and comptroller of the king's houshold, owned it. He died s. p. in the 23d year of that reign, and his heirs sold this manor the next year to Richard Hill, esq. who in the 29th year of it alienated it to Thomas, lord Cromwell, and he soon afterwards exchanged it with the crown for other lands, where the fee of it remained till the king in his 37th year granted it, with its appurtenances, to John Tuston, and Stephen Reaves, to hold in capite, and they that year alienated it to Thomas Argall, who bore for his arms, Party per fess, argent and vert, a pale counterchanged; three lions heads erased gules. He procured his lands in this county to be disgavelled by the act of the 2d and 3d of Edward VI. and died possessed of it in the 6th year of that reign.
His son and heir, Richard Argall, esq. had by Mary his wife, daughter of Sir Reginald Scott, of Scots-hall, a son John, and two daughters, Catherine, wife of Ralph Bathurst, esq. of Horton Kirkby, and Elizabeth, of Sir Edward Filmer, of Little Charleton, in this parish, John Argall, esq. the son, was of Colchester, in Essex, and in the 8th year of king James I. sold this manor to his brother-in-law, Sir Edward Filmer before-mentioned, who upon that removed from his seat of Little Charleton to the manor house of East Sutton, called East Sutton-place, where he kept his shrievalty in the 13th year of that reign. The family of Filmer was originally seated at the manor of Herst, in the parish of Otterden, where Robert Filmer lived in king Edward the IId.'s reign. His descendants continued there till Robert Filmer, son of James, removed to the manor of Little Charlton, in this parish, which he had purchased of the family of Kempe, and had built a seat on it for his residence, it was antiently called Charlton-court, and had owners of its own name in the reigns of king Edward II. and III. (fn. 2) He was one of the prothonotaries of the common pleas for twenty years in the reign of queen Elizabeth, and to him Cooke, clarencieux, in 1570, granted, or rather confirmed the arms of the family, viz. Sable, three bars, and as many cinquefoils in chief, or. He died in 1585, and was buried in this church, which has ever since continued the burialplace of the family. He was the father of Sir Edward Filmer, the purchaser of this manor of East Sutton as before mentioned. (fn. 3)
He had by his wife before mentioned, nine sons and nine daughters, and died in 1629, being succeeded here by Robert, his eldest son, who was knighted by king Charles I. and resided at East Sutton. He employed his pen in defence of the rights of the crown. He was educated at Trinity-college, Cambridge, and wrote the Anarchy of a limited or mixed Monarchy; Patriarcha, or the natural Power of Kings; the Freeholder's grand Inquest, and Reflections concerning the Original of Government, besides several other tracts, all which were published after his death by his son. He was a great sufferer during the civil wars of king Charles I.'s reign, having his house here plundered ten times by the rebels, and himself imprisoned in Leeds-castle for his loyalty. He died in 1653, having married Anne, daughter and coheir of Martin Heton, bishop of Ely, by which an addition of fortune, as well as of arms, accrued to him.
He was succeeded by his eldest son, Sir Edward Filmer, gentleman of the privy chamber both to king Charles I. and II. who dying unmarried at Paris, in 1668, was succeeded in his estates by his next brother, Robert Filmer, esq. barrister-at-law, of Gray's inn, who, in consideration of his father's sufferings and loyalty to Charles I. was, on Dec. 24, 1674, created a baronet. He resided at East Sutton-place, which, as well as the park round it, he greatly augmented and improved, inclosing the whole with a stone wall. He died in 1675, leaving several sons and daughters, of whom Sir Robert Filmer, bart. his eldest son and successor, resided here, and in 1689, being the last of king James II. served the office of sheriff. He died in 1720, having married Elizabeth, daughter and coheir of Sir William Beversham, of Holbrookhall, in Suffolk, one of the masters in chancery, (fn. 4) by whom he had several sons and daughters. Beversham Filmer, esq. one of the younger sons, was of Lincoln'sinn, barrister-at law, master of the Nisi Prius office in B. R. and one of the most able conveyancers this kingdom has produced. He died unmarried in 1763, and was buried in this church, having by his last will bequeathed his estates in this county to his nephew, Sir John Filmer, bart.
Sir Edward Filmer, bart. the eldest son, resided at East Sutton, and married Mary, daughter of John Wallis, esq. of Oxfordshire, only son and heir of the learned John Wallis, D. D. Savilian professor of geometry at Oxford, and F. R. S. by whom he had twenty children, viz. eleven sons and nine daughters; of the former, John, the eldest, succeeded him in title and estate; Beversham married Dorothea, second daughter of William Henley, esq. late of Gore-court; the died in 1793, s. p. Edmund is rector of Crundall, and married Arabella-Christiana, the eldest daughter of Sir John Honywood, bart. by his first lady, by whom he has had six sons and two daughters; Francis, barrister-at-law, of Lincoln's-inn, is unmarried. Of the daughters, Dorothy, married the late Sir John Honywood, bart. He died in 1755, æt. 72, and was succeeded by his eldest son, Sir John Filmer, bart. of East Sutton, who died in 1797, æt. 84, and was buried with his ancestors in this church. He married Dorothy, daughter of the Rev. Julius Deedes, prebendary of Canterbury, by whom he had no issue. She survived him, but the title, and this manor and seat, together with the rest of his possessions in this parish, devolved to his next brother and heir, now Sir Beversham Filmer, bart. who resides here, and is the present owner of them.
BOYTON is a manor in this parish, which formerly belonged to the priory of Christ-church, in Canterbury, and continued so till the dissolution of it in the reign of king Henry VIII. when it was, together with the rest of the possessions of the priory, surrendered into the king's hands, who by his dotation-charter in his 33d year, settled this manor on his new-erected dean and chapter of Canterbury, part of whose possessions it still remains.
The lessee of this manor, in the year 1645, was Sir Robert Stapleton, bart. who held it under the ruling powers of that time, the dean and chapter being dissolved, at the yearly rent of 5l. 6s. 8d. and one pound for entertainment money to the receiver of the church.
The family of Hope have been lessees of it for many years, the present lessee being Mrs. Sarah Hope.
Charities.
STEPHEER PENDE, gent. of this parish, by deed, anno 23 Henry VIII. gave a messuage, barn, garden, and two crosts of land, containing four acres in this parish; and GEORGE USMER, gent. of this parish, by deed, anno 6 Elizabeth, gave two pieces of land, containing three acres, in this parish; and by his will, anno 8 Elizabeth, gave three pieces of land, called Randalls and Lakefield, the latter in Town Sutton, and the former in this parish, all which were given for the habitation and maintenance of the curate of this parish, but if such curate should not reside in the said messuage, then the churchwardens were to receive the rents of all the before-mentioned premises, and apply them towards the repairs of the church. And he gave by will a piece of land called Park-corner, otherwise Lodge-land, in this parish, to the intent that the churchwardens should receive the rents, and, with the assent and advice of the inhabitants, yearly distribute the same amongst the poor on Good Friday and All Holland day, by equal proportion. And he further willed, that the churchwardens should receive the rents of two pieces of land in this parish, called Huntings, to be by them bestowed, with the advice of the inhabitants, in bread, cheese, and beer, among the poor of it on St. George's and Christmas day, yearly.
DAME ELIZABETH FILMER, widow of Sir Edward Filmer, in 1638, gave 100l. to the use of the poor of this parish.
MRS. SUSAN WATTS, of this parish, widow, gave 50l. for the use of the poor, and directed, that poor antient widows should be first preferred, and most relieved, according to their necessities.
The above-mentioned sums of 100l. and 50l. having been many years placed out at interest upon a mortgage, were, in 1722, together with 10l. raised by subscription among the parishioners, and 10l. given by Sir Edward Filmer, bart. and the further sum of 25l. raised by the sale of timber growing on the lands called Huntings and Lodge-lands above-mentioned, amounting in all to 1951. laid out in the purchase of a messuage, barn, orchard, and six pieces of land in Hedcorn, upon the den of Hockenbury, purchased of one William Fleet, and now in the occupation of John Croucher, at the yearly rent of 10l. 1s. 8d. to the uses following: to pay 40s. a year to the curate of this parish, so long as he inhabited here, and demeaned himself well, and diligently served the cure, and preached four quarterly sermons as therein directed; but in default of such residency, &c. to pay one moiety of the said 40s. towards the repairs of the church, and the other moiety, together with all the residue of the rents of the said Hockenbury farm, to the use of the poor.
SIR ROBERT FILMER, bart. gave by will in 1703, a piece of land, the yearly produce of it to be given in wheat, among eight of the poorest inhabitants at Christmas, vested in Sir John Filmer, bart. and now of the annual produce of 20s.
The number of poor relieved constantly are about twentyfive, casually about ten.
EAST SUTTON is within the ECCLESIASTICAL JURISDICTION of the diocese of Canterbury, and deanry of Sutton.
The church is dedicated to St. Peter and St. Paul. It is not a large building, and has a square tower at the west end of it. It is kept remarkably neat, and in good repair. The grave-stones of the Filmers in it are a complete series of this family, from the time of their coming to reside in this parish. All the brasses on them are perfect. The grave-stone over Sir Edward Filmer, who died in 1629, within the altar rails, is very curious, having an entire sheet of copper over it, with the portraits of himself, his wife, and his numberous issue, engraved on it, and their names respectively over them, and the coats of arms and quarterings, belonging to him and his wife, at the corners of it. There is a neat bust in white marble of the late Sir Edward Filmer, bart. who died in 1755, with an inscription to his memory against the wall, over the pew where the family sit.
The church of Sutton was antiently part of the possessions of the priory of Leeds, to which it was appropraited, and the duty of it was first served by a chaplain, appointed by the prior and convent, at whose request it was afterwards united to the adjoining church of Town Sutton, of their patronage likewise, to which it has been ever since esteemed as a chapel.
On the dissolution of the priory of Leeds, in the reign of Henry VIII the parsonage appropriate of East Sutton came into the hands of the crown, as did likewise the patronage of the church of Town Sutton, with the chapel of East Sutton annexed, where they did not continue long; for the king settled them both, in his 32d year, on his new-erected dean and chapter of Rochester, with whom they remain at this time.
The parsonage has been for many years held in lease, by the family of Filmer; the present interest of the lease being vested in Sir Beversham Filmer, baronet.
The vicar of Town Sutton serves the cure of this church, as a chapel annexed to it, and as such is entitled to the vicarial profits of this parish, in right of his vicarage.
The church of East Sutton is not valued in the king's books, being included in that of Town Sutton.
¶On the abolition of deans and chapters, after the death of Charles I. this parsonage was surveyed in 1649, when it was returned, that the parsonage, late belonging to the late dean and chapter of Rochester, consisted of a parsonage house, and all tithes, and the glebe land lying together, containing forty-three acres and two roods, at the improved rent of seventy-five pounds; also seventeen acres more of glebe land, let at fifteen pounds per annum; all which premises were let by the late dean and chapter, anno 13 Charles I. to Sir Robert Filmer, for twenty-one years, at the yearly rent of ten pounds, and of two good capons, or four shillings in money, so there remained a clear rent of 79l. 16s. per annum; and that the lessee repaired the chancel of this church; out of which lease the vicarage was excepted, then worth twenty pounds per annum.
The lessee of the parsonage claims the tithes of all corn, hops, and grass, growing in this parish. In the reign of queen Anne these tithes were estimated at upwards of eighty pounds per annum; besides which, the glebe land belonging to it, was let at fifty pounds per annum.
In 1648 the communicants of this parish were one hundred and thirty.
The small tithes and other emoluments of this benefice, in the beginning of queen Anne's reign were estimated at eighteen pounds per annum, there being no glebe land belonging to it.
The land given and devised by Stephen Pende and George Ulmer, as before mentioned, was worth ten pounds per annum, in the above reign, and seems to have been intended for the better performance of divine service in this church every Sunday; before which, the vicar of Sutton Valence used to perform it here but once or twice in a quarter of a year. From the year 1648 to 1680, the parishioners bestowed the above income on the repairs of the church; but since that time, the vicar of Sutton Valence has generally had it, in consequence of which, he preaches here and at Sutton Valence alternately on a Sunday, morning and afternoon.
A list of the vicars of Sutton Valence, or Town Sutton, with this chapel of East Sutton annexed, has been already given in the description of that parish.
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Bezirks-Derby SC Liezen 1 : 3 ATV Joiner Irdning - LL Steiermark
Tore: Michael Schwaiger (2), Ph. Schnabl, Trainer: Andi Schmid
Das alte Sprichwort „Derbys haben eigene Gesetze“ traf beim Landesliga-Bezirksschlager SC Knauf Liezen gegen ATV Joiner Irdning wieder einmal genau zu.
Fast 1200 Zuschauer sorgten im SC-Stadion für eine tolle Kulisse – und die vielen Fans aus dem gesamten Bezirk Liezen sahen dann einen unerwarteten Spielverlauf. Die Partie begann mit einem Traumstart für die Irdninger und einem Schock für die Grün-Weißen, denn als noch viele Zuschauer vor den Kassen auf Einlass warteten, stand es schon 2:0 für die Gäste.
In der 2. Minute startete Hannes Wallner auf der rechten Seite einen dynamischen und unaufhaltsamen Sturmlauf und seinen darauffolgenden Stanglpass verwertete Michael Schwaiger souverän zur 1:0-Führung. Drei Minuten später hieß es dann bereits 2:0 für die Schmid-Elf. Philipp Schnabl gewann knapp außerhalb des Sechzehners ein Pressballduell, wobei sich das Leder in der Folge über SC-Schlussmann Jürgen Waldenhofer ins Netz drehte.
In der 10. Minute hatten die Blau-Weißen sogar eine Riesenchance auf das 3:0. Die heimische Abwehr zögerte wieder einmal zu lange, doch zum Glück schoss der knapp vor dem Tor freistehende Michael Schweiger über das SC-Gehäuse. Eine Minute später machten sich die Hausherren erstmals bemerkbar, als Milan Pastucha einen Weitschuss von Martin Neuper nur auf Raten unter Kontrolle brachte. In der 17. Minute klärte Christian Stangl bei einem Angriff der Gäste gerade noch in den Corner. Mit Fortdauer der Partie erfing sich das Stradner-Team etwas und setzte so auch vermehrt Akzente. In der 29. Minute konnten die SC-Anhänger endlich jubeln und so auch wieder etwas Hoffnung schöpfen. Nach einem schönen Angriff über mehrere Stationen brachte Stevie Zeiringer den Ball aus spitzem Winkel über die Linie. Ein Irdning-Verteidiger beförderte das Leder zwar wieder aufs Feld zurück, doch nach Rücksprache mit seinem Linienrichter anerkannte Schiedsrichter Franz Leitinger den Treffer zum 1:2. Acht Minuten vor dem Pausenpfiff hatten die Liezener abermals Glück, als Erwin Götzenauer nach einem wuchtigen Kopfball von Michael Schwaiger auf der Linie rettete.
In der zweiten Spielhälfte agierten die Grün-Weißen dann entschlossener und aggressiver, doch fehlten auch in diesem Spielabschnitt großteils die wirklich zwingenden Möglichkeiten. In der 46. Minute konnte Pastucha einen schön angetragenen Schuss von Daniel Habeler nur mit Mühe bändigen, doch bereits kurze Zeit später fand auch Philipp Schnabl eine tolle Chance auf das 3:1 vor. In der 54. Minute spielte Götzenauer ideal für Habeler auf, doch der Stürmer vergab diese gute Möglichkeit. Fünf Minuten später versuchte Dimitru Pirvu mit einem Freistoß zum Torerfolg zu kommen, der Ball wurde jedoch eine sichere Beute von Goalie Pastucha. In der 61. Minute zog Habeler knapp außerhalb des Sechzehners ab, doch Pastucha erwies sich neuerlich als Meister seines Faches. Etwas mehr als eine Viertelstunde vor dem Schlusspfiff fiel dann die Vorentscheidung in der Partie. Nach einem Konter über die rechte Seite schoss Michael Schwaiger aus kurzer Distanz zum 3:1 für Irdning ein.
In der 87. Minute hatte Haynie noch eine Riesenmöglichkeit auf den Anschlusstreffer, doch Pastucha war neuerlich am Posten und nahm dem Stürmer den Ball im letzten Moment vom Fuß.
Letztendlich war der Derbysieg von Irdning vollauf verdient und der Mannschaft gebührt für die Leistung ein Pauschallob.
Die Schmid-Elf wollte im Gegensatz zu den Heimischen den Erfolg an diesem Tag unbedingt und dementsprechend traten sie auch auf. Bei den Grün-Weißen ließen einige Leistungsträger in dem Match komplett aus. [Quelle: Der Ennstaler]
:: SC Knauf Liezen 1:3 ATV Joiner Irdning, Sieg, winner, Team, Runde 18, Bezirksderby, Bezirk Liezen, Sportstadt, Derby, Landesliga, Steiermark, KM, Kampfmannschaft, Mannschaft, Trainer, Andi Schmid, Tor, Goal, Schnabl Philipp, Schwaiger Michael, Fußball, Fussball, football, soccer, match, Spiel,Partie, Styria, Steiermark, Austria, STFV, remax, Joiner, Pastucha, Marl, Pötsch, Wallner, Rüscher, Schwaiger, Greimel, Celiker, Luidold, Petutschnig, Strohmayer, Foto Egger, Passion, Leidenschaft, Sport, Wettkampf, Nikon FX, Sportfoto, Fanclub, Schiedsrichter, Schieder, Gruber, Spörk,
SC Liezen 1 : 3 ATV Joiner Irdning Landesliga Steiermark Fußball Bezirksderby (c) 2011 Bernhard Egger :: rumoto images 8108
This is a hard one to explain. Richard Brown, resident neuroscientist at the Exploratorium, had an exhibit for the Liminality party, called "A world without colors". You walked into a room, and all of a sudden you were in a black and white movie: everything was monochromatic, a pale shade of yellow, and it was impossible to determine the color of anything. Very stunning sensation.
At the entrance of the room there was a rainbow-striped carpet: as you passed the threshold (the "limen"), the rainbow lost all its colors and became a collection of stripes in shades of gray. Posters on the wall looked like black ink etchings. There were big bowls of multi-flavored Jelly beans, and they all looked gray and black. It made it harder to identify the flavor, showing that taste is a very complex and multimodal perception, which relies on more than just the taste receptors on our tongues, but includes sight as well as smell. When we say that we eat with our eyes, it is literally (albeit partially) true.
How did it work? He flooded the room with low-vapor sodium lights, which put out only one frequency of light. Our brain can compute color by comparing the information that comes in from our three different types of cones (photoreceptors in the retina, the back of the eye). By flooding the visual scene with one frequency, this comparison is shortcircuited, and the brain interprets everything as monochromatic.
Another genius bit was that he had arranged a number of regular flashlights that you could pick up and go around the room shining a beam of full-spectrum light on objects. This brought back the colors only in the spot where the light shone. It was like having a magic wand that painted colors on the world.
He had also arranged colored markers and index cards, so that you could make a "black and white" drawing, then with the flashlight discover the colors in them. And a lot of other small details. It was a fascinating and fun room to spend some time in, albeit a little eerie and otherworldly.
Of course, digital cameras are not like our brains, so taking pictures did not work very well. They came out strongly dominant in the yellow, but the sense of monochromaticism was lost. So I photoshopped this image to reproduce the percept of what it felt like to be in the room. I think it came out relatively true to the experience.
Cave Without A Name, Kendall County, Texas - One of Texas' hidden treasures, in February 2009 the Cave Without A Name was designated an official Natural Landmark!
Despite the innumerable caves and caverns that dot the Texas landscape, there are only a handful of caves that are open to touring by the public. Running along the interstate, it's easy to spot the billboards for Natural Bridge Caverns, Inner Space Caverns, Cascade Caverns - but very few people have ever heard of the Cave Without A Name. In fact, despite living less than an hour away for over ten years, I had no knowledge of it until recently. Yet this little cave is just as interesting as any of the larger, more travelled tourist stops.
Located about ten miles northeast of Boerne at the end of twisty-turny Hill Country roads near the Guadalupe River, the Cave Without A Name led an unremarkable existence until the 1920's. Much like Longhorn Caverns, the cave was used by bootleggers during Prohibition. The cave was opened in 1939 as a tourist attraction, the name chosen by a local boy who decided the caves were too beautiful for a name.
For decades, the Cave Without A Name remained an obscure, out-of-the-way spot, known mostly by locals and advertised by small hand-made signs on the highway. Tragedy struck when the manager of the cave (and the owner's son) passed away while exploring a nearby complex known tragically as Dead Man's Cave for drainage channels. Despite this loss, the cave remains open.
Then in February 2009, the Cave Without A Name was designated an official National Landmark by the National Park Service, along with five other historic sites around the country. Fewer than 600 locations have been designated as National Landmarks since the inception of the program, and only six within the past decade.
At the end of Kreutzberg Road, there is a small visitor's center and gift shop. Stairs lead down to the caverns below, well-lit with several impressive speleological formations - stalagmites, stalactites, soda straws, flowstone, ribbons, rimstone. It's a short tour, but easy and level without difficulty, the tour group size is usually small and it is easy to get up close to the formations (but don't touch - it's still a live cave). Longer 'adventure tours' are available (the website says they have been suspended due to high water, but that was written in 2007 before the area's record drought). Definitely worth the visit for anyone interested in caves or spelunking. Pictures taken April 6, 2008.
For more information on the Cave Without A Name:
- Texas Speleological Survey Entry.
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Alla Villa Reale di Monza dal 30 ottobre 2014 al 6 aprile 2015 c’è una mostra dedicata a Steve McCurry. Americano e vincitore di premi prestigiosi – il Robert Capa Gold Medal e vari World Press Photo, tra gli altri – McCurry è considerato uno dei più importanti fotoreporter contemporanei: ha documentato l’invasione russa in Afghanistan e molte altre guerre, ha girato e fotografato molti paesi, soprattutto l’India. L’ultimo rullino di pellicola prodotto dalla Kodak nel 2010 è stato affidato a lui (ne è nato il progetto The last roll). Qualcuno lo paragona ad una popstar, per via della sua popolarità, e tutti hanno visto almeno una volta la “sua” ragazza dagli occhi verdi finita sulla copertina di un numero storico del National Geographic. McCurry è uno degli autori delle fotografie più familiari e riconoscibili dei giorni nostri. La mostra presenta immagini meno conosciute e tratte dai suoi lavori più recenti, ma anche i suoi famosi ritratti e foto dai reportage in Afghanistan e India, Birmania, Cambogia, Giappone, Brasile, Africa e Italia.
All’esposizione sono presenti dei video in cui McCurry stesso racconta il suo lavoro e i suoi viaggi. La mostra si sviluppa a partire dai lavori più recenti di Steve McCurry e da una serie di scatti che sono legati a questa sorprendente ricerca messi a confronto con alcune delle sue immagini più conosciute, a partire dal Ritratto di Sharbat Gula, che è diventata una delle icone assolute della fotografia mondiale. Oltre a presentare una inedita selezione della produzione fotografica di Steve McCurry, la rassegna intende raccontare l'avventura della sua vita e della sua professione, anche grazie ad una ricca documentazione e ad una serie di video costruiti intorno alle sue "massime". Lo scopo è quello di seguire il filo rosso delle sue passioni, per conoscere la sua tecnica ma anche la sua voglia di condividere la vicinanza con la sofferenza e talvolta con la guerra, con la gioia e con la sorpresa. Il desiderio è quello di capire il suo modo di conquistare la fiducia delle persone che fotografa perché, come dice lo stesso fotografo: "Ho imparato a essere paziente. Se aspetti abbastanza, le persone dimenticano la macchina fotografica e la loro anima comincia a librarsi verso di te".
Steve McCurry has been one of the most iconic voices in contemporary photography for more than thirty years, with scores of magazine and book covers, over a dozen books, and countless exhibitions around the world to his name. Born in a suburb of Philadelphia, Pennsylvania; McCurry studied film at Pennsylvania State University, before going on to work for a local newspaper. After several years of freelance work, McCurry made his first of what would become many trips to India. Traveling with little more than a bag of clothes and another of film, he made his way across the subcontinent, exploring the country with his camera. It was after several months of travel that he found himself crossing the border into Pakistan. There, he met a group of refugees from Afghanistan, who smuggled him across the border into their country, just as the Russian Invasion was closing the country to all western journalists. Emerging in traditional dress, with full beard and weather-worn features after weeks embedded with the Mujahideen, McCurry brought the world the first images of the conflict in Afghanistan, putting a human face to the issue on every masthead. Since then, McCurry has gone on to create stunning images over six continents and countless countries. His work spans conflicts, vanishing cultures, ancient traditions and contemporary culture alike - yet always retains the human element that made his celebrated image of the Afghan Girl such a powerful image.
McCurry has been recognized with some of the most prestigious awards in the industry, including the Robert Capa Gold Medal, National Press Photographers Award, and an unprecedented four first prize awards from the World Press Photo contest, to name a few.
The same leaf as the previous one but in this case taken from the other side. The sun behind me. Same Orestor. But I forgot to use the flash and the colors on the leaf became rather dull. A little post processing was needed. The Exif is incorrect also.
This image may not be used in any way without prior permission
© All rights reserved 2008
Mississauga, Ontario, Canada
Toronto Pearson International Airport CYYZ
Air Canada
Airbus A319-114
C-GAQZ / 270
20080422_194521-0010
Graffiti (plural; singular graffiti or graffito, the latter rarely used except in archeology) is art that is written, painted or drawn on a wall or other surface, usually without permission and within public view. Graffiti ranges from simple written words to elaborate wall paintings, and has existed since ancient times, with examples dating back to ancient Egypt, ancient Greece, and the Roman Empire (see also mural).
Graffiti is a controversial subject. In most countries, marking or painting property without permission is considered by property owners and civic authorities as defacement and vandalism, which is a punishable crime, citing the use of graffiti by street gangs to mark territory or to serve as an indicator of gang-related activities. Graffiti has become visualized as a growing urban "problem" for many cities in industrialized nations, spreading from the New York City subway system and Philadelphia in the early 1970s to the rest of the United States and Europe and other world regions
"Graffiti" (usually both singular and plural) and the rare singular form "graffito" are from the Italian word graffiato ("scratched"). The term "graffiti" is used in art history for works of art produced by scratching a design into a surface. A related term is "sgraffito", which involves scratching through one layer of pigment to reveal another beneath it. This technique was primarily used by potters who would glaze their wares and then scratch a design into them. In ancient times graffiti were carved on walls with a sharp object, although sometimes chalk or coal were used. The word originates from Greek γράφειν—graphein—meaning "to write".
The term graffiti originally referred to the inscriptions, figure drawings, and such, found on the walls of ancient sepulchres or ruins, as in the Catacombs of Rome or at Pompeii. Historically, these writings were not considered vanadlism, which today is considered part of the definition of graffiti.
The only known source of the Safaitic language, an ancient form of Arabic, is from graffiti: inscriptions scratched on to the surface of rocks and boulders in the predominantly basalt desert of southern Syria, eastern Jordan and northern Saudi Arabia. Safaitic dates from the first century BC to the fourth century AD.
Some of the oldest cave paintings in the world are 40,000 year old ones found in Australia. The oldest written graffiti was found in ancient Rome around 2500 years ago. Most graffiti from the time was boasts about sexual experiences Graffiti in Ancient Rome was a form of communication, and was not considered vandalism.
Ancient tourists visiting the 5th-century citadel at Sigiriya in Sri Lanka write their names and commentary over the "mirror wall", adding up to over 1800 individual graffiti produced there between the 6th and 18th centuries. Most of the graffiti refer to the frescoes of semi-nude females found there. One reads:
Wet with cool dew drops
fragrant with perfume from the flowers
came the gentle breeze
jasmine and water lily
dance in the spring sunshine
side-long glances
of the golden-hued ladies
stab into my thoughts
heaven itself cannot take my mind
as it has been captivated by one lass
among the five hundred I have seen here.
Among the ancient political graffiti examples were Arab satirist poems. Yazid al-Himyari, an Umayyad Arab and Persian poet, was most known for writing his political poetry on the walls between Sajistan and Basra, manifesting a strong hatred towards the Umayyad regime and its walis, and people used to read and circulate them very widely.
Graffiti, known as Tacherons, were frequently scratched on Romanesque Scandinavian church walls. When Renaissance artists such as Pinturicchio, Raphael, Michelangelo, Ghirlandaio, or Filippino Lippi descended into the ruins of Nero's Domus Aurea, they carved or painted their names and returned to initiate the grottesche style of decoration.
There are also examples of graffiti occurring in American history, such as Independence Rock, a national landmark along the Oregon Trail.
Later, French soldiers carved their names on monuments during the Napoleonic campaign of Egypt in the 1790s. Lord Byron's survives on one of the columns of the Temple of Poseidon at Cape Sounion in Attica, Greece.
The oldest known example of graffiti "monikers" found on traincars created by hobos and railworkers since the late 1800s. The Bozo Texino monikers were documented by filmmaker Bill Daniel in his 2005 film, Who is Bozo Texino?.
In World War II, an inscription on a wall at the fortress of Verdun was seen as an illustration of the US response twice in a generation to the wrongs of the Old World:
During World War II and for decades after, the phrase "Kilroy was here" with an accompanying illustration was widespread throughout the world, due to its use by American troops and ultimately filtering into American popular culture. Shortly after the death of Charlie Parker (nicknamed "Yardbird" or "Bird"), graffiti began appearing around New York with the words "Bird Lives".
Modern graffiti art has its origins with young people in 1960s and 70s in New York City and Philadelphia. Tags were the first form of stylised contemporary graffiti. Eventually, throw-ups and pieces evolved with the desire to create larger art. Writers used spray paint and other kind of materials to leave tags or to create images on the sides subway trains. and eventually moved into the city after the NYC metro began to buy new trains and paint over graffiti.
While the art had many advocates and appreciators—including the cultural critic Norman Mailer—others, including New York City mayor Ed Koch, considered it to be defacement of public property, and saw it as a form of public blight. The ‘taggers’ called what they did ‘writing’—though an important 1974 essay by Mailer referred to it using the term ‘graffiti.’
Contemporary graffiti style has been heavily influenced by hip hop culture and the myriad international styles derived from Philadelphia and New York City Subway graffiti; however, there are many other traditions of notable graffiti in the twentieth century. Graffiti have long appeared on building walls, in latrines, railroad boxcars, subways, and bridges.
An early graffito outside of New York or Philadelphia was the inscription in London reading "Clapton is God" in reference to the guitarist Eric Clapton. Creating the cult of the guitar hero, the phrase was spray-painted by an admirer on a wall in an Islington, north London in the autumn of 1967. The graffito was captured in a photograph, in which a dog is urinating on the wall.
Films like Style Wars in the 80s depicting famous writers such as Skeme, Dondi, MinOne, and ZEPHYR reinforced graffiti's role within New York's emerging hip-hop culture. Although many officers of the New York City Police Department found this film to be controversial, Style Wars is still recognized as the most prolific film representation of what was going on within the young hip hop culture of the early 1980s. Fab 5 Freddy and Futura 2000 took hip hop graffiti to Paris and London as part of the New York City Rap Tour in 1983
Commercialization and entrance into mainstream pop culture
Main article: Commercial graffiti
With the popularity and legitimization of graffiti has come a level of commercialization. In 2001, computer giant IBM launched an advertising campaign in Chicago and San Francisco which involved people spray painting on sidewalks a peace symbol, a heart, and a penguin (Linux mascot), to represent "Peace, Love, and Linux." IBM paid Chicago and San Francisco collectively US$120,000 for punitive damages and clean-up costs.
In 2005, a similar ad campaign was launched by Sony and executed by its advertising agency in New York, Chicago, Atlanta, Philadelphia, Los Angeles, and Miami, to market its handheld PSP gaming system. In this campaign, taking notice of the legal problems of the IBM campaign, Sony paid building owners for the rights to paint on their buildings "a collection of dizzy-eyed urban kids playing with the PSP as if it were a skateboard, a paddle, or a rocking horse".
Tristan Manco wrote that Brazil "boasts a unique and particularly rich, graffiti scene ... [earning] it an international reputation as the place to go for artistic inspiration". Graffiti "flourishes in every conceivable space in Brazil's cities". Artistic parallels "are often drawn between the energy of São Paulo today and 1970s New York". The "sprawling metropolis", of São Paulo has "become the new shrine to graffiti"; Manco alludes to "poverty and unemployment ... [and] the epic struggles and conditions of the country's marginalised peoples", and to "Brazil's chronic poverty", as the main engines that "have fuelled a vibrant graffiti culture". In world terms, Brazil has "one of the most uneven distributions of income. Laws and taxes change frequently". Such factors, Manco argues, contribute to a very fluid society, riven with those economic divisions and social tensions that underpin and feed the "folkloric vandalism and an urban sport for the disenfranchised", that is South American graffiti art.
Prominent Brazilian writers include Os Gêmeos, Boleta, Nunca, Nina, Speto, Tikka, and T.Freak. Their artistic success and involvement in commercial design ventures has highlighted divisions within the Brazilian graffiti community between adherents of the cruder transgressive form of pichação and the more conventionally artistic values of the practitioners of grafite.
Graffiti in the Middle East has emerged slowly, with taggers operating in Egypt, Lebanon, the Gulf countries like Bahrain or the United Arab Emirates, Israel, and in Iran. The major Iranian newspaper Hamshahri has published two articles on illegal writers in the city with photographic coverage of Iranian artist A1one's works on Tehran walls. Tokyo-based design magazine, PingMag, has interviewed A1one and featured photographs of his work. The Israeli West Bank barrier has become a site for graffiti, reminiscent in this sense of the Berlin Wall. Many writers in Israel come from other places around the globe, such as JUIF from Los Angeles and DEVIONE from London. The religious reference "נ נח נחמ נחמן מאומן" ("Na Nach Nachma Nachman Meuman") is commonly seen in graffiti around Israel.
Graffiti has played an important role within the street art scene in the Middle East and North Africa (MENA), especially following the events of the Arab Spring of 2011 or the Sudanese Revolution of 2018/19. Graffiti is a tool of expression in the context of conflict in the region, allowing people to raise their voices politically and socially. Famous street artist Banksy has had an important effect in the street art scene in the MENA area, especially in Palestine where some of his works are located in the West Bank barrier and Bethlehem.
There are also a large number of graffiti influences in Southeast Asian countries that mostly come from modern Western culture, such as Malaysia, where graffiti have long been a common sight in Malaysia's capital city, Kuala Lumpur. Since 2010, the country has begun hosting a street festival to encourage all generations and people from all walks of life to enjoy and encourage Malaysian street culture.
The modern-day graffitists can be found with an arsenal of various materials that allow for a successful production of a piece. This includes such techniques as scribing. However, spray paint in aerosol cans is the number one medium for graffiti. From this commodity comes different styles, technique, and abilities to form master works of graffiti. Spray paint can be found at hardware and art stores and comes in virtually every color.
Stencil graffiti is created by cutting out shapes and designs in a stiff material (such as cardboard or subject folders) to form an overall design or image. The stencil is then placed on the "canvas" gently and with quick, easy strokes of the aerosol can, the image begins to appear on the intended surface.
Some of the first examples were created in 1981 by artists Blek le Rat in Paris, in 1982 by Jef Aerosol in Tours (France); by 1985 stencils had appeared in other cities including New York City, Sydney, and Melbourne, where they were documented by American photographer Charles Gatewood and Australian photographer Rennie Ellis
Tagging is the practice of someone spray-painting "their name, initial or logo onto a public surface" in a handstyle unique to the writer. Tags were the first form of modern graffiti.
Modern graffiti art often incorporates additional arts and technologies. For example, Graffiti Research Lab has encouraged the use of projected images and magnetic light-emitting diodes (throwies) as new media for graffitists. yarnbombing is another recent form of graffiti. Yarnbombers occasionally target previous graffiti for modification, which had been avoided among the majority of graffitists.
Theories on the use of graffiti by avant-garde artists have a history dating back at least to the Asger Jorn, who in 1962 painting declared in a graffiti-like gesture "the avant-garde won't give up"
Many contemporary analysts and even art critics have begun to see artistic value in some graffiti and to recognize it as a form of public art. According to many art researchers, particularly in the Netherlands and in Los Angeles, that type of public art is, in fact an effective tool of social emancipation or, in the achievement of a political goal
In times of conflict, such murals have offered a means of communication and self-expression for members of these socially, ethnically, or racially divided communities, and have proven themselves as effective tools in establishing dialog and thus, of addressing cleavages in the long run. The Berlin Wall was also extensively covered by graffiti reflecting social pressures relating to the oppressive Soviet rule over the GDR.
Many artists involved with graffiti are also concerned with the similar activity of stenciling. Essentially, this entails stenciling a print of one or more colors using spray-paint. Recognized while exhibiting and publishing several of her coloured stencils and paintings portraying the Sri Lankan Civil War and urban Britain in the early 2000s, graffitists Mathangi Arulpragasam, aka M.I.A., has also become known for integrating her imagery of political violence into her music videos for singles "Galang" and "Bucky Done Gun", and her cover art. Stickers of her artwork also often appear around places such as London in Brick Lane, stuck to lamp posts and street signs, she having become a muse for other graffitists and painters worldwide in cities including Seville.
Graffitist believes that art should be on display for everyone in the public eye or in plain sight, not hidden away in a museum or a gallery. Art should color the streets, not the inside of some building. Graffiti is a form of art that cannot be owned or bought. It does not last forever, it is temporary, yet one of a kind. It is a form of self promotion for the artist that can be displayed anywhere form sidewalks, roofs, subways, building wall, etc. Art to them is for everyone and should be showed to everyone for free.
Graffiti is a way of communicating and a way of expressing what one feels in the moment. It is both art and a functional thing that can warn people of something or inform people of something. However, graffiti is to some people a form of art, but to some a form of vandalism. And many graffitists choose to protect their identities and remain anonymous or to hinder prosecution.
With the commercialization of graffiti (and hip hop in general), in most cases, even with legally painted "graffiti" art, graffitists tend to choose anonymity. This may be attributed to various reasons or a combination of reasons. Graffiti still remains the one of four hip hop elements that is not considered "performance art" despite the image of the "singing and dancing star" that sells hip hop culture to the mainstream. Being a graphic form of art, it might also be said that many graffitists still fall in the category of the introverted archetypal artist.
Banksy is one of the world's most notorious and popular street artists who continues to remain faceless in today's society. He is known for his political, anti-war stencil art mainly in Bristol, England, but his work may be seen anywhere from Los Angeles to Palestine. In the UK, Banksy is the most recognizable icon for this cultural artistic movement and keeps his identity a secret to avoid arrest. Much of Banksy's artwork may be seen around the streets of London and surrounding suburbs, although he has painted pictures throughout the world, including the Middle East, where he has painted on Israel's controversial West Bank barrier with satirical images of life on the other side. One depicted a hole in the wall with an idyllic beach, while another shows a mountain landscape on the other side. A number of exhibitions also have taken place since 2000, and recent works of art have fetched vast sums of money. Banksy's art is a prime example of the classic controversy: vandalism vs. art. Art supporters endorse his work distributed in urban areas as pieces of art and some councils, such as Bristol and Islington, have officially protected them, while officials of other areas have deemed his work to be vandalism and have removed it.
Pixnit is another artist who chooses to keep her identity from the general public. Her work focuses on beauty and design aspects of graffiti as opposed to Banksy's anti-government shock value. Her paintings are often of flower designs above shops and stores in her local urban area of Cambridge, Massachusetts. Some store owners endorse her work and encourage others to do similar work as well. "One of the pieces was left up above Steve's Kitchen, because it looks pretty awesome"- Erin Scott, the manager of New England Comics in Allston, Massachusetts.
Graffiti artists may become offended if photographs of their art are published in a commercial context without their permission. In March 2020, the Finnish graffiti artist Psyke expressed his displeasure at the newspaper Ilta-Sanomat publishing a photograph of a Peugeot 208 in an article about new cars, with his graffiti prominently shown on the background. The artist claims he does not want his art being used in commercial context, not even if he were to receive compensation.
Territorial graffiti marks urban neighborhoods with tags and logos to differentiate certain groups from others. These images are meant to show outsiders a stern look at whose turf is whose. The subject matter of gang-related graffiti consists of cryptic symbols and initials strictly fashioned with unique calligraphies. Gang members use graffiti to designate membership throughout the gang, to differentiate rivals and associates and, most commonly, to mark borders which are both territorial and ideological.
Graffiti has been used as a means of advertising both legally and illegally. Bronx-based TATS CRU has made a name for themselves doing legal advertising campaigns for companies such as Coca-Cola, McDonald's, Toyota, and MTV. In the UK, Covent Garden's Boxfresh used stencil images of a Zapatista revolutionary in the hopes that cross referencing would promote their store.
Smirnoff hired artists to use reverse graffiti (the use of high pressure hoses to clean dirty surfaces to leave a clean image in the surrounding dirt) to increase awareness of their product.
Graffiti often has a reputation as part of a subculture that rebels against authority, although the considerations of the practitioners often diverge and can relate to a wide range of attitudes. It can express a political practice and can form just one tool in an array of resistance techniques. One early example includes the anarcho-punk band Crass, who conducted a campaign of stenciling anti-war, anarchist, feminist, and anti-consumerist messages throughout the London Underground system during the late 1970s and early 1980s. In Amsterdam graffiti was a major part of the punk scene. The city was covered with names such as "De Zoot", "Vendex", and "Dr Rat". To document the graffiti a punk magazine was started that was called Gallery Anus. So when hip hop came to Europe in the early 1980s there was already a vibrant graffiti culture.
The student protests and general strike of May 1968 saw Paris bedecked in revolutionary, anarchistic, and situationist slogans such as L'ennui est contre-révolutionnaire ("Boredom is counterrevolutionary") and Lisez moins, vivez plus ("Read less, live more"). While not exhaustive, the graffiti gave a sense of the 'millenarian' and rebellious spirit, tempered with a good deal of verbal wit, of the strikers.
I think graffiti writing is a way of defining what our generation is like. Excuse the French, we're not a bunch of p---- artists. Traditionally artists have been considered soft and mellow people, a little bit kooky. Maybe we're a little bit more like pirates that way. We defend our territory, whatever space we steal to paint on, we defend it fiercely.
The developments of graffiti art which took place in art galleries and colleges as well as "on the street" or "underground", contributed to the resurfacing in the 1990s of a far more overtly politicized art form in the subvertising, culture jamming, or tactical media movements. These movements or styles tend to classify the artists by their relationship to their social and economic contexts, since, in most countries, graffiti art remains illegal in many forms except when using non-permanent paint. Since the 1990s with the rise of Street Art, a growing number of artists are switching to non-permanent paints and non-traditional forms of painting.
Contemporary practitioners, accordingly, have varied and often conflicting practices. Some individuals, such as Alexander Brener, have used the medium to politicize other art forms, and have used the prison sentences enforced on them as a means of further protest. The practices of anonymous groups and individuals also vary widely, and practitioners by no means always agree with each other's practices. For example, the anti-capitalist art group the Space Hijackers did a piece in 2004 about the contradiction between the capitalistic elements of Banksy and his use of political imagery.
Berlin human rights activist Irmela Mensah-Schramm has received global media attention and numerous awards for her 35-year campaign of effacing neo-Nazi and other right-wing extremist graffiti throughout Germany, often by altering hate speech in humorous ways.
In Serbian capital, Belgrade, the graffiti depicting a uniformed former general of Serb army and war criminal, convicted at ICTY for war crimes and crimes against humanity, including genocide and ethnic cleansing in Bosnian War, Ratko Mladić, appeared in a military salute alongside the words "General, thank to your mother". Aleks Eror, Berlin-based journalist, explains how "veneration of historical and wartime figures" through street art is not a new phenomenon in the region of former Yugoslavia, and that "in most cases is firmly focused on the future, rather than retelling the past". Eror is not only analyst pointing to danger of such an expressions for the region's future. In a long expose on the subject of Bosnian genocide denial, at Balkan Diskurs magazine and multimedia platform website, Kristina Gadže and Taylor Whitsell referred to these experiences as a young generations' "cultural heritage", in which young are being exposed to celebration and affirmation of war-criminals as part of their "formal education" and "inheritance".
There are numerous examples of genocide denial through celebration and affirmation of war criminals throughout the region of Western Balkans inhabited by Serbs using this form of artistic expression. Several more of these graffiti are found in Serbian capital, and many more across Serbia and Bosnian and Herzegovinian administrative entity, Republika Srpska, which is the ethnic Serbian majority enclave. Critics point that Serbia as a state, is willing to defend the mural of convicted war criminal, and have no intention to react on cases of genocide denial, noting that Interior Minister of Serbia, Aleksandar Vulin decision to ban any gathering with an intent to remove the mural, with the deployment of riot police, sends the message of "tacit endorsement". Consequently, on 9 November 2021, Serbian heavy police in riot gear, with graffiti creators and their supporters, blocked the access to the mural to prevent human rights groups and other activists to paint over it and mark the International Day Against Fascism and Antisemitism in that way, and even arrested two civic activist for throwing eggs at the graffiti.
Graffiti may also be used as an offensive expression. This form of graffiti may be difficult to identify, as it is mostly removed by the local authority (as councils which have adopted strategies of criminalization also strive to remove graffiti quickly). Therefore, existing racist graffiti is mostly more subtle and at first sight, not easily recognized as "racist". It can then be understood only if one knows the relevant "local code" (social, historical, political, temporal, and spatial), which is seen as heteroglot and thus a 'unique set of conditions' in a cultural context.
A spatial code for example, could be that there is a certain youth group in an area that is engaging heavily in racist activities. So, for residents (knowing the local code), a graffiti containing only the name or abbreviation of this gang already is a racist expression, reminding the offended people of their gang activities. Also a graffiti is in most cases, the herald of more serious criminal activity to come. A person who does not know these gang activities would not be able to recognize the meaning of this graffiti. Also if a tag of this youth group or gang is placed on a building occupied by asylum seekers, for example, its racist character is even stronger.
By making the graffiti less explicit (as adapted to social and legal constraints), these drawings are less likely to be removed, but do not lose their threatening and offensive character.
Elsewhere, activists in Russia have used painted caricatures of local officials with their mouths as potholes, to show their anger about the poor state of the roads. In Manchester, England, a graffitists painted obscene images around potholes, which often resulted in them being repaired within 48 hours.
In the early 1980s, the first art galleries to show graffitists to the public were Fashion Moda in the Bronx, Now Gallery and Fun Gallery, both in the East Village, Manhattan.
A 2006 exhibition at the Brooklyn Museum displayed graffiti as an art form that began in New York's outer boroughs and reached great heights in the early 1980s with the work of Crash, Lee, Daze, Keith Haring, and Jean-Michel Basquiat. It displayed 22 works by New York graffitists, including Crash, Daze, and Lady Pink. In an article about the exhibition in the magazine Time Out, curator Charlotta Kotik said that she hoped the exhibition would cause viewers to rethink their assumptions about graffiti.
From the 1970s onwards, Burhan Doğançay photographed urban walls all over the world; these he then archived for use as sources of inspiration for his painterly works. The project today known as "Walls of the World" grew beyond even his own expectations and comprises about 30,000 individual images. It spans a period of 40 years across five continents and 114 countries. In 1982, photographs from this project comprised a one-man exhibition titled "Les murs murmurent, ils crient, ils chantent ..." (The walls whisper, shout and sing ...) at the Centre Georges Pompidou in Paris.
In Australia, art historians have judged some local graffiti of sufficient creative merit to rank them firmly within the arts. Oxford University Press's art history text Australian Painting 1788–2000 concludes with a long discussion of graffiti's key place within contemporary visual culture, including the work of several Australian practitioners.
Between March and April 2009, 150 artists exhibited 300 pieces of graffiti at the Grand Palais in Paris.
Spray paint has many negative environmental effects. The paint contains toxic chemicals, and the can uses volatile hydrocarbon gases to spray the paint onto a surface.
Volatile organic compound (VOC) leads to ground level ozone formation and most of graffiti related emissions are VOCs. A 2010 paper estimates 4,862 tons of VOCs were released in the United States in activities related to graffiti.
In China, Mao Zedong in the 1920s used revolutionary slogans and paintings in public places to galvanize the country's communist movement.
Based on different national conditions, many people believe that China's attitude towards Graffiti is fierce, but in fact, according to Lance Crayon in his film Spray Paint Beijing: Graffiti in the Capital of China, Graffiti is generally accepted in Beijing, with artists not seeing much police interference. Political and religiously sensitive graffiti, however, is not allowed.
In Hong Kong, Tsang Tsou Choi was known as the King of Kowloon for his calligraphy graffiti over many years, in which he claimed ownership of the area. Now some of his work is preserved officially.
In Taiwan, the government has made some concessions to graffitists. Since 2005 they have been allowed to freely display their work along some sections of riverside retaining walls in designated "Graffiti Zones". From 2007, Taipei's department of cultural affairs also began permitting graffiti on fences around major public construction sites. Department head Yong-ping Lee (李永萍) stated, "We will promote graffiti starting with the public sector, and then later in the private sector too. It's our goal to beautify the city with graffiti". The government later helped organize a graffiti contest in Ximending, a popular shopping district. graffitists caught working outside of these designated areas still face fines up to NT$6,000 under a department of environmental protection regulation. However, Taiwanese authorities can be relatively lenient, one veteran police officer stating anonymously, "Unless someone complains about vandalism, we won't get involved. We don't go after it proactively."
In 1993, after several expensive cars in Singapore were spray-painted, the police arrested a student from the Singapore American School, Michael P. Fay, questioned him, and subsequently charged him with vandalism. Fay pleaded guilty to vandalizing a car in addition to stealing road signs. Under the 1966 Vandalism Act of Singapore, originally passed to curb the spread of communist graffiti in Singapore, the court sentenced him to four months in jail, a fine of S$3,500 (US$2,233), and a caning. The New York Times ran several editorials and op-eds that condemned the punishment and called on the American public to flood the Singaporean embassy with protests. Although the Singapore government received many calls for clemency, Fay's caning took place in Singapore on 5 May 1994. Fay had originally received a sentence of six strokes of the cane, but the presiding president of Singapore, Ong Teng Cheong, agreed to reduce his caning sentence to four lashes.
In South Korea, Park Jung-soo was fined two million South Korean won by the Seoul Central District Court for spray-painting a rat on posters of the G-20 Summit a few days before the event in November 2011. Park alleged that the initial in "G-20" sounds like the Korean word for "rat", but Korean government prosecutors alleged that Park was making a derogatory statement about the president of South Korea, Lee Myung-bak, the host of the summit. This case led to public outcry and debate on the lack of government tolerance and in support of freedom of expression. The court ruled that the painting, "an ominous creature like a rat" amounts to "an organized criminal activity" and upheld the fine while denying the prosecution's request for imprisonment for Park.
In Europe, community cleaning squads have responded to graffiti, in some cases with reckless abandon, as when in 1992 in France a local Scout group, attempting to remove modern graffiti, damaged two prehistoric paintings of bison in the Cave of Mayrière supérieure near the French village of Bruniquel in Tarn-et-Garonne, earning them the 1992 Ig Nobel Prize in archeology.
In September 2006, the European Parliament directed the European Commission to create urban environment policies to prevent and eliminate dirt, litter, graffiti, animal excrement, and excessive noise from domestic and vehicular music systems in European cities, along with other concerns over urban life.
In Budapest, Hungary, both a city-backed movement called I Love Budapest and a special police division tackle the problem, including the provision of approved areas.
The Anti-social Behaviour Act 2003 became Britain's latest anti-graffiti legislation. In August 2004, the Keep Britain Tidy campaign issued a press release calling for zero tolerance of graffiti and supporting proposals such as issuing "on the spot" fines to graffiti offenders and banning the sale of aerosol paint to anyone under the age of 16. The press release also condemned the use of graffiti images in advertising and in music videos, arguing that real-world experience of graffiti stood far removed from its often-portrayed "cool" or "edgy'" image.
To back the campaign, 123 Members of Parliament (MPs) (including then Prime Minister Tony Blair), signed a charter which stated: "Graffiti is not art, it's crime. On behalf of my constituents, I will do all I can to rid our community of this problem."
In the UK, city councils have the power to take action against the owner of any property that has been defaced under the Anti-social Behaviour Act 2003 (as amended by the Clean Neighbourhoods and Environment Act 2005) or, in certain cases, the Highways Act. This is often used against owners of property that are complacent in allowing protective boards to be defaced so long as the property is not damaged.
In July 2008, a conspiracy charge was used to convict graffitists for the first time. After a three-month police surveillance operation, nine members of the DPM crew were convicted of conspiracy to commit criminal damage costing at least £1 million. Five of them received prison sentences, ranging from eighteen months to two years. The unprecedented scale of the investigation and the severity of the sentences rekindled public debate over whether graffiti should be considered art or crime.
Some councils, like those of Stroud and Loerrach, provide approved areas in the town where graffitists can showcase their talents, including underpasses, car parks, and walls that might otherwise prove a target for the "spray and run".
Graffiti Tunnel, University of Sydney at Camperdown (2009)
In an effort to reduce vandalism, many cities in Australia have designated walls or areas exclusively for use by graffitists. One early example is the "Graffiti Tunnel" located at the Camperdown Campus of the University of Sydney, which is available for use by any student at the university to tag, advertise, poster, and paint. Advocates of this idea suggest that this discourages petty vandalism yet encourages artists to take their time and produce great art, without worry of being caught or arrested for vandalism or trespassing.[108][109] Others disagree with this approach, arguing that the presence of legal graffiti walls does not demonstrably reduce illegal graffiti elsewhere. Some local government areas throughout Australia have introduced "anti-graffiti squads", who clean graffiti in the area, and such crews as BCW (Buffers Can't Win) have taken steps to keep one step ahead of local graffiti cleaners.
Many state governments have banned the sale or possession of spray paint to those under the age of 18 (age of majority). However, a number of local governments in Victoria have taken steps to recognize the cultural heritage value of some examples of graffiti, such as prominent political graffiti. Tough new graffiti laws have been introduced in Australia with fines of up to A$26,000 and two years in prison.
Melbourne is a prominent graffiti city of Australia with many of its lanes being tourist attractions, such as Hosier Lane in particular, a popular destination for photographers, wedding photography, and backdrops for corporate print advertising. The Lonely Planet travel guide cites Melbourne's street as a major attraction. All forms of graffiti, including sticker art, poster, stencil art, and wheatpasting, can be found in many places throughout the city. Prominent street art precincts include; Fitzroy, Collingwood, Northcote, Brunswick, St. Kilda, and the CBD, where stencil and sticker art is prominent. As one moves farther away from the city, mostly along suburban train lines, graffiti tags become more prominent. Many international artists such as Banksy have left their work in Melbourne and in early 2008 a perspex screen was installed to prevent a Banksy stencil art piece from being destroyed, it has survived since 2003 through the respect of local street artists avoiding posting over it, although it has recently had paint tipped over it.
In February 2008 Helen Clark, the New Zealand prime minister at that time, announced a government crackdown on tagging and other forms of graffiti vandalism, describing it as a destructive crime representing an invasion of public and private property. New legislation subsequently adopted included a ban on the sale of paint spray cans to persons under 18 and increases in maximum fines for the offence from NZ$200 to NZ$2,000 or extended community service. The issue of tagging become a widely debated one following an incident in Auckland during January 2008 in which a middle-aged property owner stabbed one of two teenage taggers to death and was subsequently convicted of manslaughter.
Graffiti databases have increased in the past decade because they allow vandalism incidents to be fully documented against an offender and help the police and prosecution charge and prosecute offenders for multiple counts of vandalism. They also provide law enforcement the ability to rapidly search for an offender's moniker or tag in a simple, effective, and comprehensive way. These systems can also help track costs of damage to a city to help allocate an anti-graffiti budget. The theory is that when an offender is caught putting up graffiti, they are not just charged with one count of vandalism; they can be held accountable for all the other damage for which they are responsible. This has two main benefits for law enforcement. One, it sends a signal to the offenders that their vandalism is being tracked. Two, a city can seek restitution from offenders for all the damage that they have committed, not merely a single incident. These systems give law enforcement personnel real-time, street-level intelligence that allows them not only to focus on the worst graffiti offenders and their damage, but also to monitor potential gang violence that is associated with the graffiti.
Many restrictions of civil gang injunctions are designed to help address and protect the physical environment and limit graffiti. Provisions of gang injunctions include things such as restricting the possession of marker pens, spray paint cans, or other sharp objects capable of defacing private or public property; spray painting, or marking with marker pens, scratching, applying stickers, or otherwise applying graffiti on any public or private property, including, but not limited to the street, alley, residences, block walls, and fences, vehicles or any other real or personal property. Some injunctions contain wording that restricts damaging or vandalizing both public and private property, including but not limited to any vehicle, light fixture, door, fence, wall, gate, window, building, street sign, utility box, telephone box, tree, or power pole.
To help address many of these issues, many local jurisdictions have set up graffiti abatement hotlines, where citizens can call in and report vandalism and have it removed. San Diego's hotline receives more than 5,000 calls per year, in addition to reporting the graffiti, callers can learn more about prevention. One of the complaints about these hotlines is the response time; there is often a lag time between a property owner calling about the graffiti and its removal. The length of delay should be a consideration for any jurisdiction planning on operating a hotline. Local jurisdictions must convince the callers that their complaint of vandalism will be a priority and cleaned off right away. If the jurisdiction does not have the resources to respond to complaints in a timely manner, the value of the hotline diminishes. Crews must be able to respond to individual service calls made to the graffiti hotline as well as focus on cleanup near schools, parks, and major intersections and transit routes to have the biggest impact. Some cities offer a reward for information leading to the arrest and prosecution of suspects for tagging or graffiti related vandalism. The amount of the reward is based on the information provided, and the action taken.
When police obtain search warrants in connection with a vandalism investigation, they are often seeking judicial approval to look for items such as cans of spray paint and nozzles from other kinds of aerosol sprays; etching tools, or other sharp or pointed objects, which could be used to etch or scratch glass and other hard surfaces; permanent marking pens, markers, or paint sticks; evidence of membership or affiliation with any gang or tagging crew; paraphernalia including any reference to "(tagger's name)"; any drawings, writing, objects, or graffiti depicting taggers' names, initials, logos, monikers, slogans, or any mention of tagging crew membership; and any newspaper clippings relating to graffiti crime.
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Il bacino di Arcachon è un bacino di acqua salata, comunicante con l'Oceano Atlantico, situato in Francia nel dipartimento della Gironda, tra le città di Arcachon e Lège-Cap-Ferret. Fa parte delle Landes della Guascogna. A differenza degli stagni delle Landes, il bacino comunica con l'Oceano Atlantico tramite un passaggio, attraverso il quale la marea oceanica sposta quotidianamente una quantità considerevole d'acqua. L'alta marea si produce regolarmente ogni 12 ore circa. Durante la bassa marea, il bacino si riduce ad un'unione di canali navigabili. I canali ed i banchi di sabbia evolvono nel tempo sotto l'influenza della marea: circa 370 milioni di metri cubi d'acqua sono scambiati quotidianamente tra bacino e oceano, con una velocità media di circa 2 m/s, portando con sé molta sabbia. I sedimenti sabbiosi mobili che caratterizzano questo bacino sono distribuiti principalmente delle correnti di marea, che formano canali e barre secondo una tipica configurazione di piana di marea. Il passaggio con l'Oceano, la cui navigazione è resa problematica dalle numerose correnti, è dominato a sud dalla duna del Pyla e a nord dal Cap Ferret. La duna è imponente e ben visibile da gran parte dei comuni che si affacciano sul bacino: Arcachon, Lège-Cap-Ferret, Arès, Andernos-les-Bains, La Teste-de-Buch, Gujan-Mestras. Al centro del bacino si trova l'île aux oiseaux (isola degli uccelli): l'isola, che non ha corrente elettrica, ospita soltanto alcune palafitte e case in legno usate dagli ostricoltori. L'estensione dell'isola aumenta considerevolmente con la bassa marea.
Il bacino è inoltre alimentato di acqua dolce dal fiume Leyre, che è all'origine della sua formazione. Il bacino attira ogni estate un numero considerevole di turisti, che vi praticano la pesca e numerosi sport nautici. La principale attività del bacino (ed anche risorsa economica, assieme al turismo) è però l'ostricoltura: la presenza regolare della marea infatti permette di costruire delle strutture in cui coltivare le ostriche che, nel corso della giornata, vengono periodicamente sommerse dall'acqua. A sud-est del bacino vi è inoltre la riserva ornitologica del Teich, parco visitabile, che offre la possibilità di osservare da vicino, nel loro habitat naturale, una gran quantità di uccelli marini e non, stanziali e migratori.
Le bassin d’Arcachon (Laca d'Arcaishon en gascon) est une lagune mésotidale située dans les Landes de Gascogne, en Gironde, entre les villes de La Teste-de-Buch au sud, Lège-Cap-Ferret à l’ouest et le delta de la Leyre à l’est. Lui seul interrompt le cordon dunaire de 250 km de la Côte d’Argent, qui s'étend de l’estuaire de la Gironde au fleuve Adour. À la différence des grands lacs landais, il est largement ouvert sur l’océan Atlantique par l’intermédiaire des passes du bassin d’Arcachon et constitue une petite mer intérieure de 155 km² à marée haute et de 40 km² à marée basse. On y pratique l’ostréiculture, la pêche et la navigation de plaisance. Depuis le 8 juin 2014, il abrite le parc naturel marin du bassin d'Arcachon. Le bassin d'Arcachon fait partie du Pays de Buch, il est situé au cœur des Landes de Gascogne, à mi-chemin entre la pointe de Grave et Capbreton, au sud-ouest du département de la Gironde à une cinquantaine de kilomètres de Bordeaux. Le bassin est de forme triangulaire, délimité par plus de 80 km de côtes plates ou dunaires boisées. Le pourtour du bassin commence, dans le sens trigonométrique (antihoraire) au Pyla-sur-Mer puis remonte au nord vers Arcachon oblique à l'est puis au sud et à nouveau à l'est au niveau de La Teste-de-Buch. Il remonte au nord-ouest au niveau du delta de la Leyre puis à partir de Lège descend au sud-ouest jusqu'au Cap-Ferret, en face du Pyla-sur-Mer. Au centre du bassin se trouve « l'île aux oiseaux » et ses cabanes tchanquées. En plus de recevoir à La Hume de l'eau en provenance du lac de Cazaux (via le canal de Cazaux), à Lège celle venant du lac de Lacanau (via le canal des Étangs) et sur tout son pourtour des eaux de ruissellement via plusieurs ruisseaux ou quelques crastes, le Bassin est aussi alimenté en eau douce par l'Eyre. Ce petit fleuve côtier de 80 km de long, issu de la forêt des landes, est à l'origine de la formation du bassin d'Arcachon. En apportant un flux continu d'eau, il contribue à empêcher l'obstruction des passes par les sables venus de l'océan. L'ouverture sur l'océan Atlantique se fait par un accès unique, les « passes », un ensemble de chenaux d'environ trois kilomètres de large permettant la circulation de l'eau entre le bassin et l'océan. La force des courants de flux et de reflux rendent délicats les franchissements de ces passes, surtout aux marées de grands coefficients pour la navigation ; des accidents mortels de marins expérimentés sont régulièrement constatés. La localisation et la structure des passes suivent une évolution cyclique dont la période est d'environ 80 ans: les passes sont en fait deux chenaux grosso modo parallèles (la Passe sud et la Passe nord) dont le tracé se déplace en direction du sud-est (du Cap-Ferret vers la dune du Pilat). Quand la passe la plus au sud atteint la plage au pied de la dune, elle se rétrécit puis « disparait » alors qu'une nouvelle passe se forme vers le nord, du côté du Cap, transformant ainsi l'ancienne « Passe nord » en une nouvelle « Passe sud ». Le balisage (bouées de navigation) est sans cesse corrigé et les cartes marines nécessitent une mise à jour permanente. À la différence des grands lacs landais (Hourtin et Carcans, Lacanau, Cazaux et Sanguinet, Biscarosse et Parentis) cet écosystème original est largement ouvert sur le golfe de Gascogne et la marée fait pénétrer et sortir deux fois par jour des masses d'eau considérables. Le bassin est partiellement isolé de l'océan par un cordon dunaire comprenant notamment le Cap Ferret, la dune du Pilat et le banc d'Arguin (classé réserve naturelle). Des bancs de sable mobiles charriés par les courants marins en modifient sans cesse le tracé et favorisent les organismes aquatiques non fixés dans les passes et sur les bancs de sable qui évoluent au cours du temps particulièrement lors de fortes tempêtes mais aussi plus simplement et inexorablement sous l'effet des marées (environ 370 millions de mètres cubes d'eau sont échangés entre le bassin et l'océan chaque jour, à une vitesse moyenne d'environ 2 m/s, emportant le sable se trouvant sur les bords des passes) et du courant marin (longeant le littoral du nord vers le sud, il charrie environ 600 000 mètres cubes de sable par an). Localement les herbiers de zostères (Zostera noltii) accueillent, accueillaient ou pourraient accueillir une riche faune ou microflore épiphyte. Le en tant que vaste zone humide et pour son caractère original, ce bassin occupe une place importante dans la Trame verte et bleue nationale, mais le bon état écologique n'y est pas atteint. En particulier des algues vertes prolifèrent anormalement et les zostères, pour des raisons mal comprises et probablement multifactorielles y sont en forte régression ce qui est préoccupant car en tant qu'herbier aquatique elles fixent le fond et sont un abri et une source de nourriture pour un grand nombre d'autres espèces. L'azote et les pesticides agricoles et urbains apportés par les pluies et eaux de ruissellement10, ainsi que les biocides des antifoolings sont suspectés. Le bassin d'Arcachon jouit d'un climat doux avec un ensoleillement important tout au long de l'année (2100 heures en moyenne sur le bassin). Les hivers y sont pluvieux mais rarement rigoureux. Il neige toutefois une ou deux fois par an en général. En revanche, les tempêtes d'automne et d'hiver soufflent souvent avec force sur le bassin, rendant les passes impraticables. On a relevé plus de 170 km/h lors du passage des tempêtes Klaus en 2009 et Martin en 1999. Les étés y sont secs et chauds, et rarement caniculaires. La brise thermique se lève en effet souvent l'après-midi, les épisodes de fortes chaleurs ayant du mal à persister dans la durée. De violents orages venus du golfe de Gascogne touchent épisodiquement le bassin (juin 1987, juillet 2003, septembre 2004), occasionnant parfois d'importants dégâts. Les températures maximales moyennes varient de 11 ou 12 °C en hiver à 25 ou 26 °C l'été. La température de la mer dans le bassin est de 13 ou 14 °C alors qu'elle est en moyenne de 10 ou 11 °C dans l'océan en hiver. En été, le bassin se réchauffe pour atteindre jusqu'à 22 ou 23 °C alors qu'elle atteint 19 à 21 °C sur l'Atlantique.
Arcachon Bay (in French, the Bassin d'Arcachon, and known locally simply as "le Bassin") is a bay of the Atlantic Ocean on the southwest coast of France, situated between the Côte d'Argent and the Côte des Landes, in the region of Aquitaine. The bay covers an area of 150 km² at high tide and 40 km² at low tide. Some of its geological features are natural preservation areas. The general shape of the Bassin d'Arcachon is that of an equilateral triangle pointing north, the southwest corner of which is open to the sea, between Cap Ferret and the town of Arcachon (more specifically, its suburb Pyla-sur-Mer), through a 3 km narrow channel (Les Passes). On the north shore is the town of Arès, then Andernos-les-Bains on the northeast. Just south of the entrance is The Great Dune of Pyla. Nearly in the middle of the bay is a very particular island: L'île aux Oiseaux (Isle of the Birds). The Bassin still has a link to the sea perhaps because of the Eyre river that runs from the Landes forest and has its mouth (Delta de l'Eyre) in its southeast corner. Otherwise the Bassin would have become blocked by the sandbanks built up by the tides. In the past, similar areas became lakes (called in French lacs or étangs) and are nowadays filled with fresh water. On the French Atlantic coast, running north-south between the Gironde estuary to the Adour river mouth, are the Lac d'Hourtin-Carcans, the Lac de Lacanau, the Étang de Cazaux et de Sanguinet, the Étang de Biscarrosse et de Parentis, the Étang d'Aureilhan, the Étang de Léon, the Étang de Soustons, the Étang Hardy, the Étang Blanc and the Étang de Garros. Arcachon Bay is the last water area that remains open to the ocean.
Graffiti (plural; singular graffiti or graffito, the latter rarely used except in archeology) is art that is written, painted or drawn on a wall or other surface, usually without permission and within public view. Graffiti ranges from simple written words to elaborate wall paintings, and has existed since ancient times, with examples dating back to ancient Egypt, ancient Greece, and the Roman Empire (see also mural).
Graffiti is a controversial subject. In most countries, marking or painting property without permission is considered by property owners and civic authorities as defacement and vandalism, which is a punishable crime, citing the use of graffiti by street gangs to mark territory or to serve as an indicator of gang-related activities. Graffiti has become visualized as a growing urban "problem" for many cities in industrialized nations, spreading from the New York City subway system and Philadelphia in the early 1970s to the rest of the United States and Europe and other world regions
"Graffiti" (usually both singular and plural) and the rare singular form "graffito" are from the Italian word graffiato ("scratched"). The term "graffiti" is used in art history for works of art produced by scratching a design into a surface. A related term is "sgraffito", which involves scratching through one layer of pigment to reveal another beneath it. This technique was primarily used by potters who would glaze their wares and then scratch a design into them. In ancient times graffiti were carved on walls with a sharp object, although sometimes chalk or coal were used. The word originates from Greek γράφειν—graphein—meaning "to write".
The term graffiti originally referred to the inscriptions, figure drawings, and such, found on the walls of ancient sepulchres or ruins, as in the Catacombs of Rome or at Pompeii. Historically, these writings were not considered vanadlism, which today is considered part of the definition of graffiti.
The only known source of the Safaitic language, an ancient form of Arabic, is from graffiti: inscriptions scratched on to the surface of rocks and boulders in the predominantly basalt desert of southern Syria, eastern Jordan and northern Saudi Arabia. Safaitic dates from the first century BC to the fourth century AD.
Some of the oldest cave paintings in the world are 40,000 year old ones found in Australia. The oldest written graffiti was found in ancient Rome around 2500 years ago. Most graffiti from the time was boasts about sexual experiences Graffiti in Ancient Rome was a form of communication, and was not considered vandalism.
Ancient tourists visiting the 5th-century citadel at Sigiriya in Sri Lanka write their names and commentary over the "mirror wall", adding up to over 1800 individual graffiti produced there between the 6th and 18th centuries. Most of the graffiti refer to the frescoes of semi-nude females found there. One reads:
Wet with cool dew drops
fragrant with perfume from the flowers
came the gentle breeze
jasmine and water lily
dance in the spring sunshine
side-long glances
of the golden-hued ladies
stab into my thoughts
heaven itself cannot take my mind
as it has been captivated by one lass
among the five hundred I have seen here.
Among the ancient political graffiti examples were Arab satirist poems. Yazid al-Himyari, an Umayyad Arab and Persian poet, was most known for writing his political poetry on the walls between Sajistan and Basra, manifesting a strong hatred towards the Umayyad regime and its walis, and people used to read and circulate them very widely.
Graffiti, known as Tacherons, were frequently scratched on Romanesque Scandinavian church walls. When Renaissance artists such as Pinturicchio, Raphael, Michelangelo, Ghirlandaio, or Filippino Lippi descended into the ruins of Nero's Domus Aurea, they carved or painted their names and returned to initiate the grottesche style of decoration.
There are also examples of graffiti occurring in American history, such as Independence Rock, a national landmark along the Oregon Trail.
Later, French soldiers carved their names on monuments during the Napoleonic campaign of Egypt in the 1790s. Lord Byron's survives on one of the columns of the Temple of Poseidon at Cape Sounion in Attica, Greece.
The oldest known example of graffiti "monikers" found on traincars created by hobos and railworkers since the late 1800s. The Bozo Texino monikers were documented by filmmaker Bill Daniel in his 2005 film, Who is Bozo Texino?.
In World War II, an inscription on a wall at the fortress of Verdun was seen as an illustration of the US response twice in a generation to the wrongs of the Old World:
During World War II and for decades after, the phrase "Kilroy was here" with an accompanying illustration was widespread throughout the world, due to its use by American troops and ultimately filtering into American popular culture. Shortly after the death of Charlie Parker (nicknamed "Yardbird" or "Bird"), graffiti began appearing around New York with the words "Bird Lives".
Modern graffiti art has its origins with young people in 1960s and 70s in New York City and Philadelphia. Tags were the first form of stylised contemporary graffiti. Eventually, throw-ups and pieces evolved with the desire to create larger art. Writers used spray paint and other kind of materials to leave tags or to create images on the sides subway trains. and eventually moved into the city after the NYC metro began to buy new trains and paint over graffiti.
While the art had many advocates and appreciators—including the cultural critic Norman Mailer—others, including New York City mayor Ed Koch, considered it to be defacement of public property, and saw it as a form of public blight. The ‘taggers’ called what they did ‘writing’—though an important 1974 essay by Mailer referred to it using the term ‘graffiti.’
Contemporary graffiti style has been heavily influenced by hip hop culture and the myriad international styles derived from Philadelphia and New York City Subway graffiti; however, there are many other traditions of notable graffiti in the twentieth century. Graffiti have long appeared on building walls, in latrines, railroad boxcars, subways, and bridges.
An early graffito outside of New York or Philadelphia was the inscription in London reading "Clapton is God" in reference to the guitarist Eric Clapton. Creating the cult of the guitar hero, the phrase was spray-painted by an admirer on a wall in an Islington, north London in the autumn of 1967. The graffito was captured in a photograph, in which a dog is urinating on the wall.
Films like Style Wars in the 80s depicting famous writers such as Skeme, Dondi, MinOne, and ZEPHYR reinforced graffiti's role within New York's emerging hip-hop culture. Although many officers of the New York City Police Department found this film to be controversial, Style Wars is still recognized as the most prolific film representation of what was going on within the young hip hop culture of the early 1980s. Fab 5 Freddy and Futura 2000 took hip hop graffiti to Paris and London as part of the New York City Rap Tour in 1983
Commercialization and entrance into mainstream pop culture
Main article: Commercial graffiti
With the popularity and legitimization of graffiti has come a level of commercialization. In 2001, computer giant IBM launched an advertising campaign in Chicago and San Francisco which involved people spray painting on sidewalks a peace symbol, a heart, and a penguin (Linux mascot), to represent "Peace, Love, and Linux." IBM paid Chicago and San Francisco collectively US$120,000 for punitive damages and clean-up costs.
In 2005, a similar ad campaign was launched by Sony and executed by its advertising agency in New York, Chicago, Atlanta, Philadelphia, Los Angeles, and Miami, to market its handheld PSP gaming system. In this campaign, taking notice of the legal problems of the IBM campaign, Sony paid building owners for the rights to paint on their buildings "a collection of dizzy-eyed urban kids playing with the PSP as if it were a skateboard, a paddle, or a rocking horse".
Tristan Manco wrote that Brazil "boasts a unique and particularly rich, graffiti scene ... [earning] it an international reputation as the place to go for artistic inspiration". Graffiti "flourishes in every conceivable space in Brazil's cities". Artistic parallels "are often drawn between the energy of São Paulo today and 1970s New York". The "sprawling metropolis", of São Paulo has "become the new shrine to graffiti"; Manco alludes to "poverty and unemployment ... [and] the epic struggles and conditions of the country's marginalised peoples", and to "Brazil's chronic poverty", as the main engines that "have fuelled a vibrant graffiti culture". In world terms, Brazil has "one of the most uneven distributions of income. Laws and taxes change frequently". Such factors, Manco argues, contribute to a very fluid society, riven with those economic divisions and social tensions that underpin and feed the "folkloric vandalism and an urban sport for the disenfranchised", that is South American graffiti art.
Prominent Brazilian writers include Os Gêmeos, Boleta, Nunca, Nina, Speto, Tikka, and T.Freak. Their artistic success and involvement in commercial design ventures has highlighted divisions within the Brazilian graffiti community between adherents of the cruder transgressive form of pichação and the more conventionally artistic values of the practitioners of grafite.
Graffiti in the Middle East has emerged slowly, with taggers operating in Egypt, Lebanon, the Gulf countries like Bahrain or the United Arab Emirates, Israel, and in Iran. The major Iranian newspaper Hamshahri has published two articles on illegal writers in the city with photographic coverage of Iranian artist A1one's works on Tehran walls. Tokyo-based design magazine, PingMag, has interviewed A1one and featured photographs of his work. The Israeli West Bank barrier has become a site for graffiti, reminiscent in this sense of the Berlin Wall. Many writers in Israel come from other places around the globe, such as JUIF from Los Angeles and DEVIONE from London. The religious reference "נ נח נחמ נחמן מאומן" ("Na Nach Nachma Nachman Meuman") is commonly seen in graffiti around Israel.
Graffiti has played an important role within the street art scene in the Middle East and North Africa (MENA), especially following the events of the Arab Spring of 2011 or the Sudanese Revolution of 2018/19. Graffiti is a tool of expression in the context of conflict in the region, allowing people to raise their voices politically and socially. Famous street artist Banksy has had an important effect in the street art scene in the MENA area, especially in Palestine where some of his works are located in the West Bank barrier and Bethlehem.
There are also a large number of graffiti influences in Southeast Asian countries that mostly come from modern Western culture, such as Malaysia, where graffiti have long been a common sight in Malaysia's capital city, Kuala Lumpur. Since 2010, the country has begun hosting a street festival to encourage all generations and people from all walks of life to enjoy and encourage Malaysian street culture.
The modern-day graffitists can be found with an arsenal of various materials that allow for a successful production of a piece. This includes such techniques as scribing. However, spray paint in aerosol cans is the number one medium for graffiti. From this commodity comes different styles, technique, and abilities to form master works of graffiti. Spray paint can be found at hardware and art stores and comes in virtually every color.
Stencil graffiti is created by cutting out shapes and designs in a stiff material (such as cardboard or subject folders) to form an overall design or image. The stencil is then placed on the "canvas" gently and with quick, easy strokes of the aerosol can, the image begins to appear on the intended surface.
Some of the first examples were created in 1981 by artists Blek le Rat in Paris, in 1982 by Jef Aerosol in Tours (France); by 1985 stencils had appeared in other cities including New York City, Sydney, and Melbourne, where they were documented by American photographer Charles Gatewood and Australian photographer Rennie Ellis
Tagging is the practice of someone spray-painting "their name, initial or logo onto a public surface" in a handstyle unique to the writer. Tags were the first form of modern graffiti.
Modern graffiti art often incorporates additional arts and technologies. For example, Graffiti Research Lab has encouraged the use of projected images and magnetic light-emitting diodes (throwies) as new media for graffitists. yarnbombing is another recent form of graffiti. Yarnbombers occasionally target previous graffiti for modification, which had been avoided among the majority of graffitists.
Theories on the use of graffiti by avant-garde artists have a history dating back at least to the Asger Jorn, who in 1962 painting declared in a graffiti-like gesture "the avant-garde won't give up"
Many contemporary analysts and even art critics have begun to see artistic value in some graffiti and to recognize it as a form of public art. According to many art researchers, particularly in the Netherlands and in Los Angeles, that type of public art is, in fact an effective tool of social emancipation or, in the achievement of a political goal
In times of conflict, such murals have offered a means of communication and self-expression for members of these socially, ethnically, or racially divided communities, and have proven themselves as effective tools in establishing dialog and thus, of addressing cleavages in the long run. The Berlin Wall was also extensively covered by graffiti reflecting social pressures relating to the oppressive Soviet rule over the GDR.
Many artists involved with graffiti are also concerned with the similar activity of stenciling. Essentially, this entails stenciling a print of one or more colors using spray-paint. Recognized while exhibiting and publishing several of her coloured stencils and paintings portraying the Sri Lankan Civil War and urban Britain in the early 2000s, graffitists Mathangi Arulpragasam, aka M.I.A., has also become known for integrating her imagery of political violence into her music videos for singles "Galang" and "Bucky Done Gun", and her cover art. Stickers of her artwork also often appear around places such as London in Brick Lane, stuck to lamp posts and street signs, she having become a muse for other graffitists and painters worldwide in cities including Seville.
Graffitist believes that art should be on display for everyone in the public eye or in plain sight, not hidden away in a museum or a gallery. Art should color the streets, not the inside of some building. Graffiti is a form of art that cannot be owned or bought. It does not last forever, it is temporary, yet one of a kind. It is a form of self promotion for the artist that can be displayed anywhere form sidewalks, roofs, subways, building wall, etc. Art to them is for everyone and should be showed to everyone for free.
Graffiti is a way of communicating and a way of expressing what one feels in the moment. It is both art and a functional thing that can warn people of something or inform people of something. However, graffiti is to some people a form of art, but to some a form of vandalism. And many graffitists choose to protect their identities and remain anonymous or to hinder prosecution.
With the commercialization of graffiti (and hip hop in general), in most cases, even with legally painted "graffiti" art, graffitists tend to choose anonymity. This may be attributed to various reasons or a combination of reasons. Graffiti still remains the one of four hip hop elements that is not considered "performance art" despite the image of the "singing and dancing star" that sells hip hop culture to the mainstream. Being a graphic form of art, it might also be said that many graffitists still fall in the category of the introverted archetypal artist.
Banksy is one of the world's most notorious and popular street artists who continues to remain faceless in today's society. He is known for his political, anti-war stencil art mainly in Bristol, England, but his work may be seen anywhere from Los Angeles to Palestine. In the UK, Banksy is the most recognizable icon for this cultural artistic movement and keeps his identity a secret to avoid arrest. Much of Banksy's artwork may be seen around the streets of London and surrounding suburbs, although he has painted pictures throughout the world, including the Middle East, where he has painted on Israel's controversial West Bank barrier with satirical images of life on the other side. One depicted a hole in the wall with an idyllic beach, while another shows a mountain landscape on the other side. A number of exhibitions also have taken place since 2000, and recent works of art have fetched vast sums of money. Banksy's art is a prime example of the classic controversy: vandalism vs. art. Art supporters endorse his work distributed in urban areas as pieces of art and some councils, such as Bristol and Islington, have officially protected them, while officials of other areas have deemed his work to be vandalism and have removed it.
Pixnit is another artist who chooses to keep her identity from the general public. Her work focuses on beauty and design aspects of graffiti as opposed to Banksy's anti-government shock value. Her paintings are often of flower designs above shops and stores in her local urban area of Cambridge, Massachusetts. Some store owners endorse her work and encourage others to do similar work as well. "One of the pieces was left up above Steve's Kitchen, because it looks pretty awesome"- Erin Scott, the manager of New England Comics in Allston, Massachusetts.
Graffiti artists may become offended if photographs of their art are published in a commercial context without their permission. In March 2020, the Finnish graffiti artist Psyke expressed his displeasure at the newspaper Ilta-Sanomat publishing a photograph of a Peugeot 208 in an article about new cars, with his graffiti prominently shown on the background. The artist claims he does not want his art being used in commercial context, not even if he were to receive compensation.
Territorial graffiti marks urban neighborhoods with tags and logos to differentiate certain groups from others. These images are meant to show outsiders a stern look at whose turf is whose. The subject matter of gang-related graffiti consists of cryptic symbols and initials strictly fashioned with unique calligraphies. Gang members use graffiti to designate membership throughout the gang, to differentiate rivals and associates and, most commonly, to mark borders which are both territorial and ideological.
Graffiti has been used as a means of advertising both legally and illegally. Bronx-based TATS CRU has made a name for themselves doing legal advertising campaigns for companies such as Coca-Cola, McDonald's, Toyota, and MTV. In the UK, Covent Garden's Boxfresh used stencil images of a Zapatista revolutionary in the hopes that cross referencing would promote their store.
Smirnoff hired artists to use reverse graffiti (the use of high pressure hoses to clean dirty surfaces to leave a clean image in the surrounding dirt) to increase awareness of their product.
Graffiti often has a reputation as part of a subculture that rebels against authority, although the considerations of the practitioners often diverge and can relate to a wide range of attitudes. It can express a political practice and can form just one tool in an array of resistance techniques. One early example includes the anarcho-punk band Crass, who conducted a campaign of stenciling anti-war, anarchist, feminist, and anti-consumerist messages throughout the London Underground system during the late 1970s and early 1980s. In Amsterdam graffiti was a major part of the punk scene. The city was covered with names such as "De Zoot", "Vendex", and "Dr Rat". To document the graffiti a punk magazine was started that was called Gallery Anus. So when hip hop came to Europe in the early 1980s there was already a vibrant graffiti culture.
The student protests and general strike of May 1968 saw Paris bedecked in revolutionary, anarchistic, and situationist slogans such as L'ennui est contre-révolutionnaire ("Boredom is counterrevolutionary") and Lisez moins, vivez plus ("Read less, live more"). While not exhaustive, the graffiti gave a sense of the 'millenarian' and rebellious spirit, tempered with a good deal of verbal wit, of the strikers.
I think graffiti writing is a way of defining what our generation is like. Excuse the French, we're not a bunch of p---- artists. Traditionally artists have been considered soft and mellow people, a little bit kooky. Maybe we're a little bit more like pirates that way. We defend our territory, whatever space we steal to paint on, we defend it fiercely.
The developments of graffiti art which took place in art galleries and colleges as well as "on the street" or "underground", contributed to the resurfacing in the 1990s of a far more overtly politicized art form in the subvertising, culture jamming, or tactical media movements. These movements or styles tend to classify the artists by their relationship to their social and economic contexts, since, in most countries, graffiti art remains illegal in many forms except when using non-permanent paint. Since the 1990s with the rise of Street Art, a growing number of artists are switching to non-permanent paints and non-traditional forms of painting.
Contemporary practitioners, accordingly, have varied and often conflicting practices. Some individuals, such as Alexander Brener, have used the medium to politicize other art forms, and have used the prison sentences enforced on them as a means of further protest. The practices of anonymous groups and individuals also vary widely, and practitioners by no means always agree with each other's practices. For example, the anti-capitalist art group the Space Hijackers did a piece in 2004 about the contradiction between the capitalistic elements of Banksy and his use of political imagery.
Berlin human rights activist Irmela Mensah-Schramm has received global media attention and numerous awards for her 35-year campaign of effacing neo-Nazi and other right-wing extremist graffiti throughout Germany, often by altering hate speech in humorous ways.
In Serbian capital, Belgrade, the graffiti depicting a uniformed former general of Serb army and war criminal, convicted at ICTY for war crimes and crimes against humanity, including genocide and ethnic cleansing in Bosnian War, Ratko Mladić, appeared in a military salute alongside the words "General, thank to your mother". Aleks Eror, Berlin-based journalist, explains how "veneration of historical and wartime figures" through street art is not a new phenomenon in the region of former Yugoslavia, and that "in most cases is firmly focused on the future, rather than retelling the past". Eror is not only analyst pointing to danger of such an expressions for the region's future. In a long expose on the subject of Bosnian genocide denial, at Balkan Diskurs magazine and multimedia platform website, Kristina Gadže and Taylor Whitsell referred to these experiences as a young generations' "cultural heritage", in which young are being exposed to celebration and affirmation of war-criminals as part of their "formal education" and "inheritance".
There are numerous examples of genocide denial through celebration and affirmation of war criminals throughout the region of Western Balkans inhabited by Serbs using this form of artistic expression. Several more of these graffiti are found in Serbian capital, and many more across Serbia and Bosnian and Herzegovinian administrative entity, Republika Srpska, which is the ethnic Serbian majority enclave. Critics point that Serbia as a state, is willing to defend the mural of convicted war criminal, and have no intention to react on cases of genocide denial, noting that Interior Minister of Serbia, Aleksandar Vulin decision to ban any gathering with an intent to remove the mural, with the deployment of riot police, sends the message of "tacit endorsement". Consequently, on 9 November 2021, Serbian heavy police in riot gear, with graffiti creators and their supporters, blocked the access to the mural to prevent human rights groups and other activists to paint over it and mark the International Day Against Fascism and Antisemitism in that way, and even arrested two civic activist for throwing eggs at the graffiti.
Graffiti may also be used as an offensive expression. This form of graffiti may be difficult to identify, as it is mostly removed by the local authority (as councils which have adopted strategies of criminalization also strive to remove graffiti quickly). Therefore, existing racist graffiti is mostly more subtle and at first sight, not easily recognized as "racist". It can then be understood only if one knows the relevant "local code" (social, historical, political, temporal, and spatial), which is seen as heteroglot and thus a 'unique set of conditions' in a cultural context.
A spatial code for example, could be that there is a certain youth group in an area that is engaging heavily in racist activities. So, for residents (knowing the local code), a graffiti containing only the name or abbreviation of this gang already is a racist expression, reminding the offended people of their gang activities. Also a graffiti is in most cases, the herald of more serious criminal activity to come. A person who does not know these gang activities would not be able to recognize the meaning of this graffiti. Also if a tag of this youth group or gang is placed on a building occupied by asylum seekers, for example, its racist character is even stronger.
By making the graffiti less explicit (as adapted to social and legal constraints), these drawings are less likely to be removed, but do not lose their threatening and offensive character.
Elsewhere, activists in Russia have used painted caricatures of local officials with their mouths as potholes, to show their anger about the poor state of the roads. In Manchester, England, a graffitists painted obscene images around potholes, which often resulted in them being repaired within 48 hours.
In the early 1980s, the first art galleries to show graffitists to the public were Fashion Moda in the Bronx, Now Gallery and Fun Gallery, both in the East Village, Manhattan.
A 2006 exhibition at the Brooklyn Museum displayed graffiti as an art form that began in New York's outer boroughs and reached great heights in the early 1980s with the work of Crash, Lee, Daze, Keith Haring, and Jean-Michel Basquiat. It displayed 22 works by New York graffitists, including Crash, Daze, and Lady Pink. In an article about the exhibition in the magazine Time Out, curator Charlotta Kotik said that she hoped the exhibition would cause viewers to rethink their assumptions about graffiti.
From the 1970s onwards, Burhan Doğançay photographed urban walls all over the world; these he then archived for use as sources of inspiration for his painterly works. The project today known as "Walls of the World" grew beyond even his own expectations and comprises about 30,000 individual images. It spans a period of 40 years across five continents and 114 countries. In 1982, photographs from this project comprised a one-man exhibition titled "Les murs murmurent, ils crient, ils chantent ..." (The walls whisper, shout and sing ...) at the Centre Georges Pompidou in Paris.
In Australia, art historians have judged some local graffiti of sufficient creative merit to rank them firmly within the arts. Oxford University Press's art history text Australian Painting 1788–2000 concludes with a long discussion of graffiti's key place within contemporary visual culture, including the work of several Australian practitioners.
Between March and April 2009, 150 artists exhibited 300 pieces of graffiti at the Grand Palais in Paris.
Spray paint has many negative environmental effects. The paint contains toxic chemicals, and the can uses volatile hydrocarbon gases to spray the paint onto a surface.
Volatile organic compound (VOC) leads to ground level ozone formation and most of graffiti related emissions are VOCs. A 2010 paper estimates 4,862 tons of VOCs were released in the United States in activities related to graffiti.
In China, Mao Zedong in the 1920s used revolutionary slogans and paintings in public places to galvanize the country's communist movement.
Based on different national conditions, many people believe that China's attitude towards Graffiti is fierce, but in fact, according to Lance Crayon in his film Spray Paint Beijing: Graffiti in the Capital of China, Graffiti is generally accepted in Beijing, with artists not seeing much police interference. Political and religiously sensitive graffiti, however, is not allowed.
In Hong Kong, Tsang Tsou Choi was known as the King of Kowloon for his calligraphy graffiti over many years, in which he claimed ownership of the area. Now some of his work is preserved officially.
In Taiwan, the government has made some concessions to graffitists. Since 2005 they have been allowed to freely display their work along some sections of riverside retaining walls in designated "Graffiti Zones". From 2007, Taipei's department of cultural affairs also began permitting graffiti on fences around major public construction sites. Department head Yong-ping Lee (李永萍) stated, "We will promote graffiti starting with the public sector, and then later in the private sector too. It's our goal to beautify the city with graffiti". The government later helped organize a graffiti contest in Ximending, a popular shopping district. graffitists caught working outside of these designated areas still face fines up to NT$6,000 under a department of environmental protection regulation. However, Taiwanese authorities can be relatively lenient, one veteran police officer stating anonymously, "Unless someone complains about vandalism, we won't get involved. We don't go after it proactively."
In 1993, after several expensive cars in Singapore were spray-painted, the police arrested a student from the Singapore American School, Michael P. Fay, questioned him, and subsequently charged him with vandalism. Fay pleaded guilty to vandalizing a car in addition to stealing road signs. Under the 1966 Vandalism Act of Singapore, originally passed to curb the spread of communist graffiti in Singapore, the court sentenced him to four months in jail, a fine of S$3,500 (US$2,233), and a caning. The New York Times ran several editorials and op-eds that condemned the punishment and called on the American public to flood the Singaporean embassy with protests. Although the Singapore government received many calls for clemency, Fay's caning took place in Singapore on 5 May 1994. Fay had originally received a sentence of six strokes of the cane, but the presiding president of Singapore, Ong Teng Cheong, agreed to reduce his caning sentence to four lashes.
In South Korea, Park Jung-soo was fined two million South Korean won by the Seoul Central District Court for spray-painting a rat on posters of the G-20 Summit a few days before the event in November 2011. Park alleged that the initial in "G-20" sounds like the Korean word for "rat", but Korean government prosecutors alleged that Park was making a derogatory statement about the president of South Korea, Lee Myung-bak, the host of the summit. This case led to public outcry and debate on the lack of government tolerance and in support of freedom of expression. The court ruled that the painting, "an ominous creature like a rat" amounts to "an organized criminal activity" and upheld the fine while denying the prosecution's request for imprisonment for Park.
In Europe, community cleaning squads have responded to graffiti, in some cases with reckless abandon, as when in 1992 in France a local Scout group, attempting to remove modern graffiti, damaged two prehistoric paintings of bison in the Cave of Mayrière supérieure near the French village of Bruniquel in Tarn-et-Garonne, earning them the 1992 Ig Nobel Prize in archeology.
In September 2006, the European Parliament directed the European Commission to create urban environment policies to prevent and eliminate dirt, litter, graffiti, animal excrement, and excessive noise from domestic and vehicular music systems in European cities, along with other concerns over urban life.
In Budapest, Hungary, both a city-backed movement called I Love Budapest and a special police division tackle the problem, including the provision of approved areas.
The Anti-social Behaviour Act 2003 became Britain's latest anti-graffiti legislation. In August 2004, the Keep Britain Tidy campaign issued a press release calling for zero tolerance of graffiti and supporting proposals such as issuing "on the spot" fines to graffiti offenders and banning the sale of aerosol paint to anyone under the age of 16. The press release also condemned the use of graffiti images in advertising and in music videos, arguing that real-world experience of graffiti stood far removed from its often-portrayed "cool" or "edgy'" image.
To back the campaign, 123 Members of Parliament (MPs) (including then Prime Minister Tony Blair), signed a charter which stated: "Graffiti is not art, it's crime. On behalf of my constituents, I will do all I can to rid our community of this problem."
In the UK, city councils have the power to take action against the owner of any property that has been defaced under the Anti-social Behaviour Act 2003 (as amended by the Clean Neighbourhoods and Environment Act 2005) or, in certain cases, the Highways Act. This is often used against owners of property that are complacent in allowing protective boards to be defaced so long as the property is not damaged.
In July 2008, a conspiracy charge was used to convict graffitists for the first time. After a three-month police surveillance operation, nine members of the DPM crew were convicted of conspiracy to commit criminal damage costing at least £1 million. Five of them received prison sentences, ranging from eighteen months to two years. The unprecedented scale of the investigation and the severity of the sentences rekindled public debate over whether graffiti should be considered art or crime.
Some councils, like those of Stroud and Loerrach, provide approved areas in the town where graffitists can showcase their talents, including underpasses, car parks, and walls that might otherwise prove a target for the "spray and run".
Graffiti Tunnel, University of Sydney at Camperdown (2009)
In an effort to reduce vandalism, many cities in Australia have designated walls or areas exclusively for use by graffitists. One early example is the "Graffiti Tunnel" located at the Camperdown Campus of the University of Sydney, which is available for use by any student at the university to tag, advertise, poster, and paint. Advocates of this idea suggest that this discourages petty vandalism yet encourages artists to take their time and produce great art, without worry of being caught or arrested for vandalism or trespassing.[108][109] Others disagree with this approach, arguing that the presence of legal graffiti walls does not demonstrably reduce illegal graffiti elsewhere. Some local government areas throughout Australia have introduced "anti-graffiti squads", who clean graffiti in the area, and such crews as BCW (Buffers Can't Win) have taken steps to keep one step ahead of local graffiti cleaners.
Many state governments have banned the sale or possession of spray paint to those under the age of 18 (age of majority). However, a number of local governments in Victoria have taken steps to recognize the cultural heritage value of some examples of graffiti, such as prominent political graffiti. Tough new graffiti laws have been introduced in Australia with fines of up to A$26,000 and two years in prison.
Melbourne is a prominent graffiti city of Australia with many of its lanes being tourist attractions, such as Hosier Lane in particular, a popular destination for photographers, wedding photography, and backdrops for corporate print advertising. The Lonely Planet travel guide cites Melbourne's street as a major attraction. All forms of graffiti, including sticker art, poster, stencil art, and wheatpasting, can be found in many places throughout the city. Prominent street art precincts include; Fitzroy, Collingwood, Northcote, Brunswick, St. Kilda, and the CBD, where stencil and sticker art is prominent. As one moves farther away from the city, mostly along suburban train lines, graffiti tags become more prominent. Many international artists such as Banksy have left their work in Melbourne and in early 2008 a perspex screen was installed to prevent a Banksy stencil art piece from being destroyed, it has survived since 2003 through the respect of local street artists avoiding posting over it, although it has recently had paint tipped over it.
In February 2008 Helen Clark, the New Zealand prime minister at that time, announced a government crackdown on tagging and other forms of graffiti vandalism, describing it as a destructive crime representing an invasion of public and private property. New legislation subsequently adopted included a ban on the sale of paint spray cans to persons under 18 and increases in maximum fines for the offence from NZ$200 to NZ$2,000 or extended community service. The issue of tagging become a widely debated one following an incident in Auckland during January 2008 in which a middle-aged property owner stabbed one of two teenage taggers to death and was subsequently convicted of manslaughter.
Graffiti databases have increased in the past decade because they allow vandalism incidents to be fully documented against an offender and help the police and prosecution charge and prosecute offenders for multiple counts of vandalism. They also provide law enforcement the ability to rapidly search for an offender's moniker or tag in a simple, effective, and comprehensive way. These systems can also help track costs of damage to a city to help allocate an anti-graffiti budget. The theory is that when an offender is caught putting up graffiti, they are not just charged with one count of vandalism; they can be held accountable for all the other damage for which they are responsible. This has two main benefits for law enforcement. One, it sends a signal to the offenders that their vandalism is being tracked. Two, a city can seek restitution from offenders for all the damage that they have committed, not merely a single incident. These systems give law enforcement personnel real-time, street-level intelligence that allows them not only to focus on the worst graffiti offenders and their damage, but also to monitor potential gang violence that is associated with the graffiti.
Many restrictions of civil gang injunctions are designed to help address and protect the physical environment and limit graffiti. Provisions of gang injunctions include things such as restricting the possession of marker pens, spray paint cans, or other sharp objects capable of defacing private or public property; spray painting, or marking with marker pens, scratching, applying stickers, or otherwise applying graffiti on any public or private property, including, but not limited to the street, alley, residences, block walls, and fences, vehicles or any other real or personal property. Some injunctions contain wording that restricts damaging or vandalizing both public and private property, including but not limited to any vehicle, light fixture, door, fence, wall, gate, window, building, street sign, utility box, telephone box, tree, or power pole.
To help address many of these issues, many local jurisdictions have set up graffiti abatement hotlines, where citizens can call in and report vandalism and have it removed. San Diego's hotline receives more than 5,000 calls per year, in addition to reporting the graffiti, callers can learn more about prevention. One of the complaints about these hotlines is the response time; there is often a lag time between a property owner calling about the graffiti and its removal. The length of delay should be a consideration for any jurisdiction planning on operating a hotline. Local jurisdictions must convince the callers that their complaint of vandalism will be a priority and cleaned off right away. If the jurisdiction does not have the resources to respond to complaints in a timely manner, the value of the hotline diminishes. Crews must be able to respond to individual service calls made to the graffiti hotline as well as focus on cleanup near schools, parks, and major intersections and transit routes to have the biggest impact. Some cities offer a reward for information leading to the arrest and prosecution of suspects for tagging or graffiti related vandalism. The amount of the reward is based on the information provided, and the action taken.
When police obtain search warrants in connection with a vandalism investigation, they are often seeking judicial approval to look for items such as cans of spray paint and nozzles from other kinds of aerosol sprays; etching tools, or other sharp or pointed objects, which could be used to etch or scratch glass and other hard surfaces; permanent marking pens, markers, or paint sticks; evidence of membership or affiliation with any gang or tagging crew; paraphernalia including any reference to "(tagger's name)"; any drawings, writing, objects, or graffiti depicting taggers' names, initials, logos, monikers, slogans, or any mention of tagging crew membership; and any newspaper clippings relating to graffiti crime.
Through everyday encounters with domestic poverty, we are reminded to appreciate having food and shelter, but most of us all but forget about our feet. Food, shelter, AND shoes facilitate life’s fundamentals. Imagine a life without shoes; constantly aware of the ground in front of you, suffering regular cuts and scrapes, tending to infection after each walk, and enduring not only terrain, but heat and cold.
The problem is large, but the solution is simple. Wearing shoes and practicing basic hygiene can prevent both infection and disease due to unsafe roads and contaminated soil. By imagining a life barefoot, we can all contribute to the awareness of these conditions. On April 8th, communities, campuses, organizations, and individuals are banding together to walk barefoot for One Day Without Shoes.
For more information please feel free to visit www.toms.com
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An image produced by one of the Force's photographers to illustrate forced marriage.
Forced marriage is a criminal offence and is:
"A marriage conducted without the valid consent of one or both parties, where duress is a factor".
Duress can include physical, sexual, emotional, and financial and psychological pressure. This will include coercion and deception to force someone into marrying.
Forced marriages are a form of domestic abuse and are dealt with as such by the police.
Forced marriages are where one or both persons involved get forced into a marriage that they do not want to enter and do not consent to the marriage.
Sometimes it is parents forcing their child to get married or sometimes it can be the extended family or community
It can happen between people in this country or between someone from this country with someone abroad.
How do arranged marriages differ from forced marriages?
Where the families of both parties take a leading role in arranging the marriage, but the choice as to whether or not to accept the arrangement remains with the prospective spouses.
Which communities do forced marriages happen in?
We are aware it happens in many communities and we want to encourage communities to understand that this is force and to be confident enough to report to the police.
Victims
Forced marriage is primarily, but not exclusively, an issue of violence against women. Most cases involve young women and girls aged between 13 and 30 years, although there is evidence to suggest that as many as 15 per cent of victims are male.
It is felt that men may still be a reluctant to report to the police that they have been forced into a marriage.
We are aware that there are a number of cases going unreported and we hope to encourage more reporting by raising awareness of the issues.
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How can police help?
We want to encourage potential victims and those already in a forced marriage to seek support and help from the police. We have specialist officers who can deal with the issues and they will help and support you throughout the process.
Obviously we understand that many victims do not want to criminalise family members and may be reluctant to call the police; however we would encourage you to do so if this is the only way to get you out of the situation and so that we can offer you some support and protection.
Foreign and Commonwealth assistance
The Forced Marriage Unit at the Foreign and Commonwealth Office are also available to help and advice you and they can be contacted on 0207 008 0151 or email: fmu@fco.gov.uk
In particular the FCO can help to repatriate you back to this country if you have been forced into a marriage abroad. It is important that you don’t feel like there is no one there to help you.
Reporting a Forced Marriage
We will respect the victim's wishes, respect confidentiality, establish lines of communication and provide appropriate support and guidance via a number of support agencies.
You can report a forced marriage via the normal means of communicating with GMP listed on the Contact Us page. Always call 999 in an emergency where there is a threat to life of a crime in progress. In a non-emergency, call 101.
In addition we have Specialist Domestic Abuse Investigators on each division or by calling 0161 872 5050.
Police Response
Forced marriages are a legitimate issue to report to the police. We will support and protect the victim and investigate criminal offences.
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Situations whereby a forced marriage may come to the attention of the police include:
An individual who fears they may be forced to marry.
A report by a third party of an individual having been taken abroad for the purpose of a forced marriage.
An individual who has already been forced to marry either in this country or abroad or to someone from abroad.
The Legal Position
Forced Marriage is a criminal offence
This legislation came into effect on 16 June 2014. For further information on the legislation click: www.cps.gov.uk/legal/h_to_k/forced_marriage_and_honour_ba...
Forced Marriage Protection Orders (Civil Protection Act 2007)
A Forced Marriage Protection order can be made by a Family Court in order to protect victims, both adults and children of a potential forced marriage or people who are already in a forced marriage. This is a legal document issued by a judge designed to protect individuals according to their particular circumstances. It contains legally binding conditions and directions that require a change in the behavior of a person or persons trying to force another person into marriage.
Forced Marriage Protection Orders may be made to prevent a forced marriage from occurring, to stop intimidation and violence, to reveal the whereabouts of a person, to stop somebody from being taken abroad, to hand over passports etc.
A breach of any of the conditions is a criminal offence. www.cps.gov.uk/legal/h_to_k/forced_marriage_and_honour_ba...
You can find out more about forced marriage protection orders here.
Safety Advice
If you really don’t want to talk to the police or other agencies then please think about the following safety advice if you think you may be forced into a marriage in this country or abroad:
Keep a copy of your passport including dual nationality passports.
Tell a trusted friend if you are travelling abroad and give them addresses of where you will be staying and also details of your return flight so they can alert the police if you fail to return on that date.
Have a spare mobile to hand that you can be contacted on and leave the number with trusted people so you are contactable
Memorise police phone numbers, and/or email addresses of the Forced Marriage unit and trusted friends in case you have to call them in an emergency.
Have addresses of British Embassies available
Support Agencies.
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Bangladeshi Women’s Centre - 0161 257 3867
Advice, information and support for Bangladeshi women including the issues of domestic abuse, forced marriage and ‘honour’ based violence. Other areas covered include welfare rights, housing, health, education and training, employment and immigration and nationality.
Henna Foundation - 02920 498600/496920
Henna Foundation is a registered charity that whose work involves supporting and seeking assistance to protect victims of ‘honour’ related crime, abuses & violence including cases of Forced marriages.
Honour Network (Karma Nirvana) - 0800 5999 247
The Honour Network helpline is a confidential helpline providing emotional and practical support and advice for victims and survivors (male & female) of forced marriage and/or ‘honour’ based violence and abuse.
Independent Choices - 0161 636 7534
This is a voluntary organisation promoting the rights and meeting the needs of women who have experienced domestic abuse. Supports victims and provides a help line facility and refuge accommodation.
Iranian and Kurdish Women’ Rights Organisation (IKWRO) - 020 7490 0303
Provides support and advice in Arabic, Kurdish, Turkish and Farsi to women, girls and men living in Britain, in areas including domestic abuse and ‘honour’ based issues.
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Saheli - 0161 945 4187
Saheli is an organisation for Asian women run by Asian women. Saheli provides emergency, temporary refuge accommodation to South Asian women and their children who are fleeing domestic abuse situations. The refuge offers a children's service to ensure that children's needs are met, for example through play session and one to one work.
Southall Black Sisters - 020 8571 9595 (10am-12.30pm and 1.30pm-4pm)
This is a resource centre offering information, advice, advocacy, practical help, counselling, and support to black and minority women experiencing domestic abuse. Southall Black Sisters specialise in forced marriage particularly in relation to South Asian women. The office is open weekdays (except Wednesday)
Lesbian and Gay Foundation - 0845 3 30 30 30
Confidential helpline and centre offering information, advice, advocacy, practical help, counseling, and support to men and women experiencing domestic abuse, honour based violence or are victims of forced marriage.
Men’s Advice Line - 0808 801 0327 (Mon-Fri 10am-1pm and 2pm-5pm)
Confidential helpline for men who experience violence from their partners and ex partners. They provide emotional support, practical advice and inform men of specialist services that can give them advice on legal, housing, child contact, mental health and other issues.
NSPCC
This free, confidential service for anyone concerned about children at risk of harm offers counselling, information and advice. The service also connects vulnerable young people, particularly runaways, to services that can help. It is open Monday to Friday between 11am and 7pm.
Asian Child Protection Helpline
Bengali speaking advisor - 0800 096 7714
Gujarati - 0800 096 7715
Hindi - 0800 096 7716
Punjabi - 0800 096 7717
Urdu - 0800 096 7718
English - 0800 096 7719
This free, 24-hour helpline provides information, advice and counselling to anyone concerned about a child at risk of abuse.
0808 800 5000 (helpline)
0800 056 0566 (text phone)
Broken Rainbow - 08452 255 6234
Support for lesbian, gay, bisexual and transgender (LGBT) people experiencing domestic violence.
Careline - 0208 8514 1177
This is a national confidential counselling line for children, young people and adults on any issue including family, marital and relationship problems, child abuse, rape and sexual assault, depression and anxiety.
Child Line - 0800 1111
This service is for any child or young person with a problem.
The Citizens Advice Bureau
The Citizens Advice Bureau offers free, confidential and impartial information and advice on a wide range of subjects including consumer rights, debt, benefits, housing, employment, immigration, family and personal matters.
Manchester Airport Immigration 0161 489 3576
Immigration may be able to assist you with enquiries in relation to passports and dual nationality
Mondays and Tuesdays: 10am – 1pm
Wednesdays: 1pm – 4pm
An email service is also offered by the Helpline for non-urgent concerns with an aim to respond within 3 working days: helpline@independentchoices.org.uk
To find out more about Greater Manchester Police please visit our website.
You should call 101, the national non-emergency number, to report crime and other concerns that do not require an emergency response.
Always call 999 in an emergency, such as when a crime is in progress, violence is being used or threatened or where there is danger to life.
You can also call anonymously with information about crime to Crimestoppers on 0800 555 111. Crimestoppers is an independent charity who will not want your name, just your information. Your call will not be traced or recorded and you do not have to go to court or give a statement.
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The Cirneco dell'Etna is a small breed of dog originally from Sicily. This hound was historically used to hunt rabbits and can work for hours without food or water.The breed also has a keen sense of smell and is primarily built for endurance over harsh terrain such as that of Mount Etna. It is the smallest of the Mediterranean island hunting hounds, the others being the Pharaoh Hounds and Ibizan Hounds.Today they are increasingly kept for the sport of conformation showing and as pets, due to their low coat maintenance and friendly nature, although as an active hound they do need regular exercise. A Cirneco should measure from 43-51 cm (17-20in) and weigh between 10–12 kg (22-26lb). As with other breeds, those from hunting stock can lie outside these ranges.
The Cirneco dell'Etna is a small hound-type dog used in Sicily for rabbit hunting. It is found all over the Italian island and particularly in the area surrounding the active volcano, Mount Etna,where the dogs hunt on terrain formed by volcanic lava. Its presence in Sicily is noteworthy as one of the few ancient breeds that have undergone very little manipulation by man. Instead, the breed has been rigorously selected by nature for its ability to work for hours. The dog we have today is an extremely hardy breed. Affectionate and friendly, it is considered easier to train than some of its sighthound cousins. The Cirneco has been in Sicily for thousands of years. Most authors agree that the origins of the hound-type dog lie among ancient Egyptian prick-eared dogs. Bas-reliefs discovered along the Nile and dated around 4000 B.C. depict what could be the Cirneco today. Most probably, the Phoenicians spread these prick-eared, hound-type dogs as they sailed along their trade routes between Northern Africa and the Mediterranean coasts. Ancient records of hounds with upright ears and a pointed muzzle are found in many countries in that part of the world. The most vivid proof of the presence of the Cirneco dell’Etna in Sicily for at least the past 2500 years is the many coins minted between the 5th and 3rd centuries B.C. depicting exemplars of the breed. In particular, the Cirneco dell’Etna is used on coins minted at Segesta, with about 150 variations. In 400 B.C., Dionysus was said to have built a temple dedicated to the God Adranos on the south-western slope of the volcano, just outside the city of Adrano. Many dogs were bred there and legend claims that a thousand Cirnechi guarded the temple.The Cirneco was rarely seen and little known outside Sicily until 1932. Now Cirnechi have also been exported to many European countries where their elegant conformation has helped make them a success in the show ring and many have become FCI International Show Champions. The dog's affectionate temperament and adaptability make it an excellent family companion.
El cirneco del Etna es una raza de perro oriunda de Sicilia. Este tipo de lebrel de pequeño tamaño forma parte de un conjunto de razas caninas del Mediterráneo cuyo origen se encuentra en Egipto, y entre las que se encuentra el podenco Ibicenco. Se trata de un perro adaptado a terrenos difíciles, apto para la caza de conejos y liebres.Los machos miden entre 46 y 50 cm, y pesan de 10 a 12 kg, y las hembras miden entre 42 y 46 cm, pesando de 8 a 10 kg. La cabeza es alargada y estrecha y el hocico afilado y puntiagudo, con un stop muy poco pronunciado. La trufa es de color marrón claro, y los ojos, pequeños, pueden ser ocre claro, ámbar o grises. Las orejas, erguidas, son triangulares y puntiagudas, y están implantadas altas. El lomo es recto y largo, y el pecho no demasiado amplio, con la musculatura pectoral poco desarrollada, al contrario que las patas, fuertes y con una musculatura bien desarrollada. La cola, implantada baja, es gruesa y de diámetro uniforme. El manto, de color tostado o tostado y blanco, tiene un pelaje corto y espeso en la cabeza, orejas y patas y liso y semilargo en el tronco y la cola.Su nombre puede proceder del de la antigua ciudad de Cirene, donde Aristóteles, en De natura animalium, dice haber visto un perro cuya descripción coincide con la de este.Aunque parece claro que la raza es autóctona de Sicilia, es posible que fuese anterior a la civilización egipcia, y que hubiese sido llevado al norte de África por los fenicios. Esta hipótesis se vería confirmada por la existencia de una estatuilla hallada cerca de Siracusa, datada alrededor del 4000 a.c.Se encuentran representaciones del cirneco en monedas sicilianas del siglo Vl al siglo III a.c., y parece que se le tenía en gran consideración, como demuestra el hecho de que en una de las monedas halladas en la antigua ciudad siciliana de Segesta se le represente junto a una divinidad fenicia con facciones humanas. Desde entonces las características de la raza han permanecido prácticamente inalteradas, gracias en gran medida a los campesinos, que conservaron su pureza criándolo por su utilidad para cazar en las pendientes del Etna, de lava solidificada y difícilmente accesibles.
Der Cirneco dell’ Etna ist eine von der FCI anerkannte italienische Hunderasse, die von der Insel Sizilien stammt (FCI-Gruppe 5, Sektion 7, Standard Nr. 199).Frühere Studien gingen davon aus, dass der Cirneco dell'Etna von Jagdhunden abstammt, die zur Pharaonenzeit im Niltal gezüchtet wurden. Der Cirneco dell'Etna sei dann mit den Phöniziern nach Sizilien gekommen. Neueste Untersuchungen unterstützen allerdings eine andere Theorie: Der Cineco dell'Etna stammt ursprünglich aus Sizilien und lebte an den Abhängen des Ätna. Münzen und Gravuren aus der römischen Epoche belegen, dass Hunde dieses Typs bereits vor Christi Geburt auf Sizilien vorkamen.
Der Cirneco dell'Etna ist mittelgroß (bis zu 50 cm und bis zu 12 kg schwer), quadratisch gebaut, schlank, aber dennoch widerstandsfähig und robust. Das Fell ist kurz, sehr glatt und fest. Dabei ist das Fell auf dem Rumpf und der Rute ungefähr 3 cm lang. Die Fellfarbe ist falbfarben, von intensiv bis verwaschen, wie isabell-sandfarben. Weiße oder gescheckte Exemplare können vorkommen; in der Regel weist der Cirneco dell'Etna jedoch nur geringe weiße Abzeichen auf.Die Ohren sind auffällig groß und stehend typisch wie auch bei den Podencos.Der Cirneco dell'Etna wird zur Jagd auf Wildkaninchen verwendet. Sein Verbreitungsgebiet umfasst vor allem die Region um den Ätna, an dessen Abhängen er die Kaninchen im Gebüsch und Geröll aufstöbert. Er treibt die Kaninchen aus ihren Verstecken hervor, so dass die Jäger zum Schuss kommen können.
Le Cirneco de l'Etna (Cirneco dell’Etna) est un chien originaire de Sicile. La Fédération cynologique internationale l'a répertorié dans le groupe 5, section 7, standard n° 199.
Cirneco de l'Etna.....Chien de type lévrier bien qu'il soit classé dans le groupe 5. Chien adapté aux terrains difficiles qui chasse le lapin sauvage.Chien de nationalité italienne primitif qui descendrait des chiens de l’époque des Pharaons. Mais il pourrait s’agir d’une race autochtone d’origine sicilienne.
O cirneco do Etna (em italiano: Cirneco dell’Etna) é uma raça quase desconhecida fora da Itália, já que permaneceu isolada na Sicília por praticamente 2 000 anos. Em 1939 foi reconhecida como raça. Comum aos cães de raças antigas, estes têm dificuldade de adaptação ao mundo urbano, pois precisam de constante atividade e são difíceis de adestrar, embora sejam vistos como animais muito fiéis. Podendo pesar até 12 kg, tem como peculiaridade as grandes orelhas largas e eretas, o longo pescoço e a cabeça estreita.
Сицилийская борзая или Чирнеко дель Этна — порода собак. Происходит с Сицилии. Изначально выращивалась для охоты на зайца. Классические исследования собачьих пород, распространенных в Средиземноморском регионе, пришли к заключению, что Чирнеко Дель Этна происходят от античных охотничьих собак, выведенных в долине Нила в эпоху фараонов, собак, получивших достигших Сицилии благодаря Финикийцам. Но согласно последним исследованиям получила одобрения теория, согласно которой эта порода имеет непосредственно сицилийское происхождение, зародившись в окрестностях Этны. Монеты и гравюры доказывают, что Чирнеки существовали в этом регионе за много веков до нашей эр Собака примитивного типа, элегантного и утонченного сложения, среднего размера, не громоздкая, сильная и крепкая. По морфологическому сложению — собака удлиненных линий, легкого сложения; квадратного формата; шерсть тонкая.
Охотничья собака, выведенная для охоты на кролика по сложной местности; обладает большим темпераментом, но в то же время мягкая и привязчивая.
Cirneco dell’etna on italialainen koirarotu. Se on vinttikoiran tyyppinen pystykorvainen, alkukantainen ja harvinainen rotu. Cirneco dell’etnan tarkka alkuperä jää hämärän peittoon, mutta se on hyvin vanha rotu ja muuttunut vuosisatojen saatossa vain vähän. Rotu on saanut olla melko rauhassa, ja vasta viime vuosina sen jalostukseen on puututtu.Rotu on nykyisin lähinnä seura- ja harrastekoira. Italiassa sitä käytetään yhä villikaniinien metsästykseen. Cirneco on nopea koira, ja ketteränä se pystyy vaihtamaan suuntaa nopeasti esimerkiksi metsästyksen aikana. Cirneco käyttää metsästäessään kuuloaan, näköään ja hajuaistiaan.Cirneco dell’etna on luonteeltaan temperamenttinen, eloisa, ystävällinen, iloinen ja leikkisä koira. Cirnecon leikkisyys säilyy yleensä vanhoihin päiviin asti. Cirneco on myös hyvin läheisyyttä rakastava koira, ja sen lempipaikka onkin yleensä kainalossa sohvalla tai peiton alla omistajansa vieressä. Cirneco kiintyy voimakkaasti perheeseensä ja tulee yleensä hyvin toimeen ystävällisenä ja lempeänä koirana kaikenikäisten ihmisten kanssa. Miellyttämisenhalua cirnecolla ei ole kovin paljon, joten ilman hyvää motivointikeinoa se ei välttämättä aina tottele ainakaan ensimmäisellä käskyllä. Cirnecolla on kuitenkin miellyttämisenhalua enemmän kuin yleensä vinttikoirilla. Cirneco tarvitsee johdonmukaisen ja määrätietoisen peruskasvatuksen.
Cirneco dell’etna on ikivanha rotu, jonka juuret johtavat 1000-luvulle ennen ajanlaskun alkua. Joidenkin mielestä se polveutuu Egyptin viimeisten dynastioiden faaraoiden koirista ja niistä koirista, joita foinikialaiset kauppiaat toivat Italiaan. Tutkimukset antavat aiheen olettaa, että se olisi Sisilian alkuperäisrotu. Cirneconnäköisiä korkokuvia on löydetty faaraoiden haudoista, mm. Luxorista ja Ben-Hassanista. Sisiliasta on myös löydetty 45 cm korkea luuranko, joka muistuttaa cirnecoa suuresti. Luuranko on paikallistettu vuoteen 1400 eaa. Nykyisin kyseinen luuranko on nähtävissä Pigorini-museossa Roomassa. Myös vanhoista Sisiliasta löytyneistä kolikoista on löydetty cirnecoa esittäviä koiran kuvia.
Il cirneco dell'Etna è un cane appartenente ad una razza molto antica, che ha subito poche manipolazioni nel corso dei secoli.Le origini del cirneco risalgono al 1000 a.C. Si dice che questa razza derivi dai cani dei Faraoni egiziani delle ultime dinastie e da cani importati in Sicilia dai commercianti fenici. Successivi studi hanno indicato che molto probabilmente il Cirneco è una razza autoctona siciliana.Il cirneco dell'Etna appartiene alla classe dei cani da caccia di tipo primitivo; è un animale molto veloce e per questo viene utilizzato soprattutto nella caccia al coniglio selvatico e alla lepre.Si presenta con una figura molto snella, con gambe lunghe, orecchie dritte e con un corpo muscoloso ma nello stesso tempo molto elegante. Ha un fiuto eccezionale ed è agilissimo nel cambiare direzione durante l'inseguimento della preda. Da notare che, sebbene l'aspetto del cirneco ricordi quello dei levrieri, non caccia a vista ma usa l'olfatto, come un cane da cerca; secondo la classificazione della Federazione Cinologica Internazionale (F.C.I.), tutti i cani appartenenti alla razza dei "levrieri" appartengono al 10º gruppo, mentre il cirneco è inserito nel 5º Gruppo, quello delle razze di tipo primitivo.Generalmente raggiunge l'altezza di 46-50 cm al garrese negli esemplari maschi, mentre le femmine misurano dai 42 ai 46. Il peso del maschio si aggira intorno ai 10-12 kg, mentre le femmine raggiungono gli 8-10. La lunghezza del tronco è in media uguale all'altezza al garrese: il cirneco ha dunque una costruzione quadrata. È strutturato da una massa muscolare che comprende l'80% del corpo. Si presenta snello e, se nutrito in modo adeguato, mantiene una linea elegante e slanciata.Cane velocissimo e molto agile, è capace di raggiungere persino i 40/45 km/h nella corsa.I colori del mantello del cirneco dell'Etna vanno dal sabbia dorato al cervo scuro; non necessariamente devono essere presenti macchie bianche, ma possono essercene su tutto il corpo; sebbene molto rari, ne esistono colorati di bianco arancio (come nel setter inglese) e di bianco puro (pur non essendo propriamente albino). Il colore riconosciuto dagli standard di razza è il fulvo più o meno intenso, isabella e sabbia, con lista bianca in fronte, al petto, piedi bianchi, punta della coda bianca e ventre bianco.Dotato di grande intelligenza, è generalmente indipendente e solitario. Generalmente diffidente con gli estranei, si affeziona ad un solo padrone. Si può dire che abbia le sue simpatie e antipatie a pelle: con alcuni individui non socializza e alla loro vista abbaia; con altri inizialmente si mostra aggressivo ma poi socializza e con altri ancora prova un feeling immediato e socializza subito. È un cane che per il padrone darebbe tutto se stesso.Se correttamente socializzato da cucciolo, evidenzia un carattere molto disponibile e gioioso e privo di diffidenze anche verso le persone appena conosciute.Se cresce in un ambiente familiare, dove ha ricevuto tutti gli stimoli nei confronti dell'ambiente esterno, ama essere portato a spasso e incontrare altri cani e persone, anche se sconosciuti. Se lasciato libero, soprattutto in luoghi di campagna, cambia visibilmente espressione; tutti i muscoli si tendono, ama ispezionare l'ambiente circostante e, anche se all'inizio sembra indipendente, in realtà sa sempre dove si trova il suo padrone e puntualmente ritorna sotto la sua attenzione. Prima di liberare un cirneco in un luogo aperto occorre aver rafforzato un rapporto sereno e di fiducia. Il cirneco è un cane primitivo e rispetto ad altri animali domestici, molto spesso è un soggetto che porta rancore se trattato male, non dimentica facilmente uno sgarbo subito, non sopporta di essere rimproverato con eccessiva durezza.La vita media di questo cane è molto elevata, quindici anni circa, ma esistono esemplari che vivono anche venti anni.
Font : Wikipedia
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I just received the Q Posket Rapunzel 140mm (5.5 inch) Girlish Charm vinyl figure by Banpresto. I got her through the Japanese dealer Ninoma. She is the A or normal colored varian, and was released on 1/17/2019 as a crane prize in Japan. She is a blonder and younger looking than the original Q Posket Rapunzel (released 6/8/2017). She has long straight hair as opposed to the braid of the original, and I think has a cuter face. Her long hair raps around her legs, and because of it she can stand without the base. But she is more stable and straighter when inserted into the base.
Es war ein Abend mit kleiner Besetzung : Elton , Klavier & Gesang und Ray Cooper, percussion. Die einzige Tour jemals für Elton in der er keine Brille trug : Kontaktlinsen!!! Am selben Abend im Rosengarten in einem anderen Saal spielten : Whitesnake im Vorprogramm zu Thin Lizzy; Was für ein Abend! Dank Veranstalter Matthias Hoffmann konnte ich hin und her switchen um beide Konzerte zu fotografieren!! —-Together with Ray Cooper. I think this was in the Mozartsaal. At the same time in the same house in another room played Whitesnake together with THIN LIZZY. Because I knew the Concert promoter Mathias Hoffmann I could switch from one Concert to another.First and last time I saw Elton doing a concert without wearing glasses ! Amazing !
Please don't use my images on websites, blogs or other media without my explicit permission - rr.restifo@gmail.com. © All rights reserved.
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Una storia d’amore, dolore e rabbia per una bellissima città del “mio” sud, Taranto
Oggi voglio raccontarvi una mia storia legata alla recente visita a Taranto, la “giovane Taranto antica”, come la chiamava Giuseppe Ungaretti.
La prima sensazione, scendendo dalla macchina, parcheggiata accanto alla palazzata dell’isola della città vecchia, è stata olfattiva: un odore persistente di zolfo e lo sguardo è andato subito alle famose ciminiere che, quasi tutte inattive durante il giorno, animano invece la sera di fumi e colore… non ho avuto la forza di scattare neanche una foto agli stabilimenti dell’ILVA, pur essendo una forte componente visiva della città, perché il pensiero andava alle tante, troppe persone di ogni età che hanno sofferto e soffrono le conseguenze di questa presenza ingombrante e velenosa.
Quindi, appassionati di storia, arte e architettura e curiosi di vedere e conoscere i luoghi nelle loro radici, io e Marco ci siamo subito inoltrati in un vicolo che si addentrava nel cuore antico della città. Ad ogni passo si coglieva la storia attraverso la visione di antichi palazzi dagli originali particolari architettonici e decorativi, ma, contemporaneamente, aumentava sia la percezione di abbandono, di degrado dei luoghi sia quel timore che inizi ad avvertire quando intorno a te, oltre al degrado, non vedi che qualche sparuto passante e non sai cosa aspettarti. Intanto vediamo la Chiesa di San Domenico, il Palazzo Arcivescovile e la Cattedrale di San Cataldo: bellissimi. Dopo essere anche stati inseguiti da due cani che facevano la guardia ad un cortile deserto, col cuore in gola abbiamo proseguito il nostro giro solitario. Continua sempre più la visione di palazzi spettrali, vuoti e diroccati, vicoli e palazzi con accessi murati, strutture di contenimento per evitare crolli che, come ho successivamente letto in rete, si sono succeduti anche negli ultimi anni privando non solo i tarantini, ma tutti noi di una parte di patrimonio storico e togliendo anche la vita ad alcune persone che vivevano in quei pressi (leggere gli “illuminanti” articoli corrieredelmezzogiorno.corriere.it/lecce/notizie/cronaca/... e www.siderlandia.it/2.0/index.php/se-taranto-vecchia-se-ne...). Commentiamo tra noi che se il centro città di Palermo, stupendo, ma con zone degradate e palazzi sventrati dalla seconda guerra mondiale e mai ricostruiti, ci era apparso “sgarrupato”, quello di Taranto purtroppo vive una condizione ben peggiore e condividiamo la medesima tristezza, la stessa sofferenza che troviamo sottolineata, aumentata da tanti graffiti il cui tema non appare certo ottimistico. Lo stile dei graffiti, dai colori e dall’iconografia, sembra proprio quello di “Cyop & Kaf”, impressione che avrà poi conferma cercando in rete (www.progettoalchimie.it/q-s-cyop-kaf/ e, a dispetto del nome del sito www.associazioneantigraffiti.it/2013/12/16/graffiti-e-dip... ), con i loro omini trafitti, resi minuscoli, impiccati o in procinto di farlo e disegnati spesso proprio su quei muri grigio cemento eretti per motivi di sicurezza sia per impedire di attraversare i vicoli dove le case sono crollate o stanno per farlo sia per chiudere i portali in modo da evitare anche l’accesso a quegli sciacalli che hanno già fatto razzia di beni contenuti nei palazzi antichi. Anche le vecchie porte arrugginite che chiudono l’accesso a edifici storici abbandonati e decadenti e le facciate di palazzi nascosti o affacciati sulle strade principali sono il materiale che fa da sfondo ai dipinti di “Cyop & Kaf” nella città vecchia di Taranto che, come i Quartieri Spagnoli di Napoli dove oltre 200 disegni dei due artisti sono apparsi per i vicoli e i bassi durante un periodo di tre anni, può diventare una sorta di galleria d’arte a cielo aperto. Documento tutto con i miei scatti frettolosi, ma provo dolore nel mettere a fuoco i graffiti ed il loro contesto. Vedere una città bellissima, piena di storia, una capitale della Magna Grecia, una città di quel sud a cui appartengono le mie radici siciliane mi provoca sempre un moto di dolore e di rabbia per l’indifferenza ed il silenzio generale, a livello nazionale intendo perché la rete mi ha fatto conoscere l’indignazione di cittadini, gruppi tarantini che si ribellano giustamente alla noncuranza ed all’indifferenza delle istituzioni, locali e non, anche tramite video come il documentario “Buongiorno Taranto” del regista salentino Paolo Pisanelli (il trailer potete vederlo qui: www.buongiornotaranto.it/web/promo.php; su facebook qui: www.facebook.com/BuongiornoTaranto).
Si sono fatte intanto le due e, iniziando ad avere un certo languore, cerchiamo un posto dove mangiare, ma è tutto serrato, non troviamo nulla. Proseguiamo allora verso il “mar piccolo” e, dopo esserci rifatti gli occhi con il restaurato palazzo dell’Università degli studi, con le colonne doriche del tempio di Poseidone, o forse di Diana, e con il castello Aragonese, arriviamo ad un bar. Beviamo qualcosa e chiediamo alla proprietaria del bar e ad un suo cliente se ci possono indicare un posto, una trattoria, una focacceria dove poter mangiare, ma la risposta è negativa. All’improvviso la signora ci propone una spaghettata con cozze cucinata da lei avendo già preparato il sugo per il marito. Ci guardiamo, il posto non ispirerebbe una grande fiducia nel risultato dell’offerta, ma, vista la spontaneità ed il calore della signora ed essendo noi privi di preconcetti e pronti sempre a provare nuove avventure, diciamo di si alla proposta. Ci accomodiamo quindi in una saletta del bar con televisore, del quale ci viene subito fornito gentilmente il telecomando, frigo grande a vista con bibite, pile di casse della tarantina birra Raffo, la “birra dei due mari”, che ordiniamo ovviamente, ed accompagnamento di chiacchiere con il cliente di cui sopra che ci racconta di lui che, con figli e nipoti, è l’unico dei suoi dieci fratelli a vivere ancora nella città vecchia perché il resto della famiglia si è sparpagliato tra la Puglia e l’Italia. Parliamo appunto della città vecchia manifestandogli le nostre considerazioni ed anche il nostro timore, essendo anche memori di com’era la situazione di Bari vecchia prima della “bonifica”, ristrutturazione e rivalutazione. In risposta riceviamo sia l’invito a farci da guida nella città vecchia sia la possibilità, girando da soli, di rispondere ad un eventuale malintenzionato di essere suoi amici, essendo la sua famiglia rispettata da tutti. Nel frattempo il figlio della signora, con due occhi scuri vispi e curiosi, apparecchia il nostro tavolo come può teneramente fare un bambino che fa suo un compito da adulto ed arriva una prima portata inaspettata, fettine di salame piccantello con formaggio saporito, seguita da una seconda altrettanto inaspettata, un appetitoso sautè di cozze. Arriva per ultimo il piatto originariamente proposto, una montagnola di spaghetti con un’infinità di cozze succulente. Che dire, ottimo è dire poco! Scopriamo quindi, dopo i nostri complimenti vivissimi alla signora, che lei ha lavorato per trent’anni nella ristorazione e che il suo sogno, purtroppo non avverato, era quello di aprire un ristorante. Un peccato davvero! Il marito, che nel frattempo era arrivato, scherza sul fatto di aver mangiato noi il sugo preparato per il suo pranzo e ci fornisce il suo numero di cellulare nel caso in cui volessimo tornare a gustare un piatto, un qualsiasi piatto ci venisse voglia di mangiare.
Come ho letto in un articolo di febbraio scorso sulla città vecchia che vi invito a leggere (corrieredelmezzogiorno.corriere.it/lecce/notizie/cronaca/...): “È un mondo a parte l’isola (la città vecchia). Una zona franca dove s’incontra la bellezza dell’ingenuità della gente, rimasta attaccata alle tradizioni e all’ospitalità, dove si assiste a scene di un’Italia povera e dimenticata, come quella descritta da Carlo Levi in Cristo si è fermato a Eboli, o il brutto delle favelas di Rio o di Scampia.”.
Ci guardiamo davvero soddisfatti, sorpresi e contenti di aver accettato l’invito. L’avventura, come quasi sempre è accaduto, ha avuto il lieto fine agognato permettendoci ancora una volta di conoscere l’essenza e non l’apparenza di persone semplici, ospitali e piene di calore… nui simm' 'ro Sud!
Un’ultima considerazione: come diceva Giulio Carlo Argan, “La questione del centro storico tarantino è una questione di importanza nazionale e non soltanto locale. Si tratta di conservare un complesso monumentale che interessa tutto il Paese e alla cui conservazione tutto il Paese deve concorrere.”. Chissà se qualcuno se ne ricorderà... prima o poi...
See this Picture without inscriptions: stefansenf.de/wp-content/uploads/2013/12/Heimatfilm-49-13...
Protest-Tag gegen die neue Beta Version.
Bitte informiert euch über das neue Layout einverstanden seid, das Flickr offenbar zu realisieren plant:
www.flickr.com/photos/110293295@N04/11147629795/
Mehr Info:
"Die Beta Version wird im Moment bisher nur in den englischsprachigen Ländern eingesetzt. Für diejenigen, die sie bisher noch nicht gesehen haben, werden die Veränderungen nachfolgend im Einzelnen aufgelistet:
-Unter dem Bild gibt es keinen Platz mehr, um das Bild zu beschreiben; kein Kommentarfeld/Einladungen/Flickr Award Counter.
-Auf der rechten Seite des Bildes gibt es nur noch ein schmales Kommentarfeld, das NUR die letzten vier Kommentare anzeigt.
-weiße Schrift auf schwarzen und deprimierenden Hintergrund, der den Augen wehtut.
-es ist schwierig, Kommentare, die länger als zwei oder drei Worte sind, zu schreiben.
-Man kann nicht mehr sehen, wer das Bild favorisiert hat.
-Man kann nicht mehr sehen, in welche Gruppen das Bild gestellt wurde (nur noch 8 Gruppen)
-Awards werden nicht mehr gezeigt.
-Einladungen sind nicht mehr sichtbar (außer der letzten – bei den „Neuesten Aktivitäten“). Ältere Einladungen gehen verloren.
-Für die Gruppen-Admins wird die Arbeit sehr viel schwieriger oder wird gänzlich unmöglich.
Einige Gruppen werden schließen…und es sind die Gruppen, die unsere Bilder bisher sichtbar gemacht haben. Sie haben es uns möglich gemacht, wunderbare Arbeiten zu sehen und großartige Fotografen kennen zu lernen.
-Unsere Bildbeschreibungen einschließlich Zitate, links zu YouTube oder anderen Seiten sind nicht mehr sichtbar."
Der Info Absatz ist als 'Zitat' (ohne Quelle, ich weiß) aus ähnlichen Protest-Postings kopiert. Wieviel davon zutrifft kann ich nicht aus eigener Kenntnis sagen. Ich habe auch schon bei youtube aufgezeichnete Screenshots der beta gesehen, die halbwegs OK aussahen. Meine persönliche Meinung auf heutigem Kenntnisstand ist trotzdem, dass die erkennbaren Änderungen Käse wären und mich potentiell in Richtung 500px o.ä. vertreiben würden. Ich versteh's auch einfach nicht. Das letzte Update ist doch erst ein Jahr alt?
Between the two Boughtons along the sandstone ridge, little did I know there are three parishes, Chart Sutton, Sutton Valance and East Sutton.
As it happened I sailed past Chart Sutton without realising it was there, and there was a wedding on at Sutton Valance. But I had seen some fine hand made signs pointing to an open church, which happened to be East Sutton.
I was welcomed warmly, and once we had all agreed to how many churches in Kent I had visited, one of the wardens gave me a fine guided tour of the church.
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A knockout church that stands cheek by jowl with the red brick mansion that is now a prison with warning signs that tell you not to photograph the house whilst photographing the church! Mainly fourteenth century building but remodelled with new windows in the fifteenth. It contains much of interest although in many respects the late nineteenth century restoration which removed the plaster from the walls has created an interior unlike anything that went before. The memorials to the Filmer family are what most people come to see – from a rare 17th century brass plate to a nineteenth century marble baby the church ahs it all. The windows are mostly late 19th and early 20th century by Westlake. The post WW1 south chapel east window depicts a soldier, sailor, airmen and nurse under figures of Osmund, Edmund and Christ. The lovely font is one of the nicest thirteenth century examples around – one amazingly thin pillars. Architecturally the north chapel north window, with flamboyant tracery is the masterpiece but really it is the whole ensemble that goes to create such a welcoming and memorable space.
www.kentchurches.info/church.asp?p=East+Sutton
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EAST SUTTON.
THE next parish eastward from Town Sutton is East Sutton, having the appellation of East from its situation eastward of the two adjoining parishes of Sutton Valence and Chart Sutton, though that of Sutton, near Dover, is likewise frequently stiled East Sutton, from its situation in the eastern part of this county.
IT is a small parish, and would be but little known or frequented was it not for the residence of the Filmer family in it. It is much the same situation and soil as the last described parish of Sutton Valence, the quarry hills crossing the middle of it; the church stands near the summit of the hill, at the back of East Sutton-place, which is pleasantly situated, having a most beautiful and extensive view southward, the park lying before it, which is well cloathed with trees both of ash and oak, and has a fine piece of water in sight of the house in the lower part of it; about half a mile south-east from the manor house, about the middle of the hill, is Little Charlton, which has still the appearance of a gentleman's seat, having several good rooms in it well ornamented with stucco, fret-work, &c. and every convenience requisite for a gentleman's family, and the hospitality of former times; from the top of the hill southward it is within the Weald, a low, flat and miry country. On the other side, above the church, from the shade of the quantities of trees which spread thickly over it, that part has an unpleasant and gloomy aspect. In this part is (hartway-street, the only village in this parish, the southern side of which only, on which however almost all the houses are built, being in this parish and its northern boundary, the other side of it being in Bromfield; the rest of the houses in East Sutton, excepting the two small hamlets of Friday and Sunday-streets, being intersperted at various distances throughout it.
THIS PLACE was part of those possessions with which Odo, bishop of Baieux, was enriched by his half-brother William the Conqueror, under the general title of whose lands it is thus entered in the survey of Domesday:
The same Adam Fitzhubert holds of the bishop Sudtone. It was taxed at one suling and an half. The arable land is eight carucates. In demesne there are two, and fifteen villeins, with nine borderers, having four carucates. There is a church and ten servants, and eight acres of meadow. Wood for the pannage of fifty bogs. In the time of king Edward the Confessor, and afterwards, it was worth ten pounds, now twelve pounds, and yet it pays eighteen pounds. Leuenot held it of king Edward.
On the bishop's disgrace, which happened in 1084, about four years after the taking the above survey, this among the rest of his estates became confiscated to the crown.
In the reign of Henry the IIId, John de Salario held East Sutton (fn. 1) of Simon de Montfort, earl of Leicester; Geffry de Maitel held it in the latter end of that reign, and the beginning of the reign of king Edward the 1st, his successor was Adam de Martel, whose right to it was allowed against the king before the justices itinerant, in the 21st year of Edward I. Aymer de Valence, earl of Pembroke, was in possession of it in the beginning of the next reign of king Edward II. and died in the 17th year of it s. p. upon which his three sisters became his coheirs; of whom Isabel, married to John de Hastings, of Bergavenny, seems to have had this manor allotted to her as part of her share in the inheritance, and in his descendants, earls of Pembroke, it continued down in like manner as Sutton Valence manor before described, till on their failure of issue in king Henry the IVth's reign, Reginald, lord Grey, of Ruthyn, became entitled to it as next of kin and heir of Aymer, earl of Pembroke, but on his being taken prisoner by Owen Glendower, in Wales, king Henry IV. in his 4th year, granted licence to I obert Braybrook, bishop of London, and others, then seoffees of his several lordships, to sell this manor among others, towards raising a sum of money for his ransom. They sold it to Richard Brigge Lancaster, king at arms, who alienated it in the third year of king Henry V. to Thomas Buttiller and Thomas Bank. After which it passed into the family of Darrell, one of whom Sir Richard de Darrel, possessed it in the reign of king Edward IV.
In the first year of king Henry VIII. John York, esq. of Ramsbury, in Wiltshire, was owner of it, and in the 6th year of that reign passed it away to Richard Chetham, prior of the priory of Ledes, and it seems to have been for the use of his convent by the receipt in the exchequer, anno 8 Henry VIII. Nevertheless they had divested themselves of the possession of it before the 20th year of that reign, when Sir Henry Guldeford, knight of the garter, and comptroller of the king's houshold, owned it. He died s. p. in the 23d year of that reign, and his heirs sold this manor the next year to Richard Hill, esq. who in the 29th year of it alienated it to Thomas, lord Cromwell, and he soon afterwards exchanged it with the crown for other lands, where the fee of it remained till the king in his 37th year granted it, with its appurtenances, to John Tuston, and Stephen Reaves, to hold in capite, and they that year alienated it to Thomas Argall, who bore for his arms, Party per fess, argent and vert, a pale counterchanged; three lions heads erased gules. He procured his lands in this county to be disgavelled by the act of the 2d and 3d of Edward VI. and died possessed of it in the 6th year of that reign.
His son and heir, Richard Argall, esq. had by Mary his wife, daughter of Sir Reginald Scott, of Scots-hall, a son John, and two daughters, Catherine, wife of Ralph Bathurst, esq. of Horton Kirkby, and Elizabeth, of Sir Edward Filmer, of Little Charleton, in this parish, John Argall, esq. the son, was of Colchester, in Essex, and in the 8th year of king James I. sold this manor to his brother-in-law, Sir Edward Filmer before-mentioned, who upon that removed from his seat of Little Charleton to the manor house of East Sutton, called East Sutton-place, where he kept his shrievalty in the 13th year of that reign. The family of Filmer was originally seated at the manor of Herst, in the parish of Otterden, where Robert Filmer lived in king Edward the IId.'s reign. His descendants continued there till Robert Filmer, son of James, removed to the manor of Little Charlton, in this parish, which he had purchased of the family of Kempe, and had built a seat on it for his residence, it was antiently called Charlton-court, and had owners of its own name in the reigns of king Edward II. and III. (fn. 2) He was one of the prothonotaries of the common pleas for twenty years in the reign of queen Elizabeth, and to him Cooke, clarencieux, in 1570, granted, or rather confirmed the arms of the family, viz. Sable, three bars, and as many cinquefoils in chief, or. He died in 1585, and was buried in this church, which has ever since continued the burialplace of the family. He was the father of Sir Edward Filmer, the purchaser of this manor of East Sutton as before mentioned. (fn. 3)
He had by his wife before mentioned, nine sons and nine daughters, and died in 1629, being succeeded here by Robert, his eldest son, who was knighted by king Charles I. and resided at East Sutton. He employed his pen in defence of the rights of the crown. He was educated at Trinity-college, Cambridge, and wrote the Anarchy of a limited or mixed Monarchy; Patriarcha, or the natural Power of Kings; the Freeholder's grand Inquest, and Reflections concerning the Original of Government, besides several other tracts, all which were published after his death by his son. He was a great sufferer during the civil wars of king Charles I.'s reign, having his house here plundered ten times by the rebels, and himself imprisoned in Leeds-castle for his loyalty. He died in 1653, having married Anne, daughter and coheir of Martin Heton, bishop of Ely, by which an addition of fortune, as well as of arms, accrued to him.
He was succeeded by his eldest son, Sir Edward Filmer, gentleman of the privy chamber both to king Charles I. and II. who dying unmarried at Paris, in 1668, was succeeded in his estates by his next brother, Robert Filmer, esq. barrister-at-law, of Gray's inn, who, in consideration of his father's sufferings and loyalty to Charles I. was, on Dec. 24, 1674, created a baronet. He resided at East Sutton-place, which, as well as the park round it, he greatly augmented and improved, inclosing the whole with a stone wall. He died in 1675, leaving several sons and daughters, of whom Sir Robert Filmer, bart. his eldest son and successor, resided here, and in 1689, being the last of king James II. served the office of sheriff. He died in 1720, having married Elizabeth, daughter and coheir of Sir William Beversham, of Holbrookhall, in Suffolk, one of the masters in chancery, (fn. 4) by whom he had several sons and daughters. Beversham Filmer, esq. one of the younger sons, was of Lincoln'sinn, barrister-at law, master of the Nisi Prius office in B. R. and one of the most able conveyancers this kingdom has produced. He died unmarried in 1763, and was buried in this church, having by his last will bequeathed his estates in this county to his nephew, Sir John Filmer, bart.
Sir Edward Filmer, bart. the eldest son, resided at East Sutton, and married Mary, daughter of John Wallis, esq. of Oxfordshire, only son and heir of the learned John Wallis, D. D. Savilian professor of geometry at Oxford, and F. R. S. by whom he had twenty children, viz. eleven sons and nine daughters; of the former, John, the eldest, succeeded him in title and estate; Beversham married Dorothea, second daughter of William Henley, esq. late of Gore-court; the died in 1793, s. p. Edmund is rector of Crundall, and married Arabella-Christiana, the eldest daughter of Sir John Honywood, bart. by his first lady, by whom he has had six sons and two daughters; Francis, barrister-at-law, of Lincoln's-inn, is unmarried. Of the daughters, Dorothy, married the late Sir John Honywood, bart. He died in 1755, æt. 72, and was succeeded by his eldest son, Sir John Filmer, bart. of East Sutton, who died in 1797, æt. 84, and was buried with his ancestors in this church. He married Dorothy, daughter of the Rev. Julius Deedes, prebendary of Canterbury, by whom he had no issue. She survived him, but the title, and this manor and seat, together with the rest of his possessions in this parish, devolved to his next brother and heir, now Sir Beversham Filmer, bart. who resides here, and is the present owner of them.
BOYTON is a manor in this parish, which formerly belonged to the priory of Christ-church, in Canterbury, and continued so till the dissolution of it in the reign of king Henry VIII. when it was, together with the rest of the possessions of the priory, surrendered into the king's hands, who by his dotation-charter in his 33d year, settled this manor on his new-erected dean and chapter of Canterbury, part of whose possessions it still remains.
The lessee of this manor, in the year 1645, was Sir Robert Stapleton, bart. who held it under the ruling powers of that time, the dean and chapter being dissolved, at the yearly rent of 5l. 6s. 8d. and one pound for entertainment money to the receiver of the church.
The family of Hope have been lessees of it for many years, the present lessee being Mrs. Sarah Hope.
Charities.
STEPHEER PENDE, gent. of this parish, by deed, anno 23 Henry VIII. gave a messuage, barn, garden, and two crosts of land, containing four acres in this parish; and GEORGE USMER, gent. of this parish, by deed, anno 6 Elizabeth, gave two pieces of land, containing three acres, in this parish; and by his will, anno 8 Elizabeth, gave three pieces of land, called Randalls and Lakefield, the latter in Town Sutton, and the former in this parish, all which were given for the habitation and maintenance of the curate of this parish, but if such curate should not reside in the said messuage, then the churchwardens were to receive the rents of all the before-mentioned premises, and apply them towards the repairs of the church. And he gave by will a piece of land called Park-corner, otherwise Lodge-land, in this parish, to the intent that the churchwardens should receive the rents, and, with the assent and advice of the inhabitants, yearly distribute the same amongst the poor on Good Friday and All Holland day, by equal proportion. And he further willed, that the churchwardens should receive the rents of two pieces of land in this parish, called Huntings, to be by them bestowed, with the advice of the inhabitants, in bread, cheese, and beer, among the poor of it on St. George's and Christmas day, yearly.
DAME ELIZABETH FILMER, widow of Sir Edward Filmer, in 1638, gave 100l. to the use of the poor of this parish.
MRS. SUSAN WATTS, of this parish, widow, gave 50l. for the use of the poor, and directed, that poor antient widows should be first preferred, and most relieved, according to their necessities.
The above-mentioned sums of 100l. and 50l. having been many years placed out at interest upon a mortgage, were, in 1722, together with 10l. raised by subscription among the parishioners, and 10l. given by Sir Edward Filmer, bart. and the further sum of 25l. raised by the sale of timber growing on the lands called Huntings and Lodge-lands above-mentioned, amounting in all to 1951. laid out in the purchase of a messuage, barn, orchard, and six pieces of land in Hedcorn, upon the den of Hockenbury, purchased of one William Fleet, and now in the occupation of John Croucher, at the yearly rent of 10l. 1s. 8d. to the uses following: to pay 40s. a year to the curate of this parish, so long as he inhabited here, and demeaned himself well, and diligently served the cure, and preached four quarterly sermons as therein directed; but in default of such residency, &c. to pay one moiety of the said 40s. towards the repairs of the church, and the other moiety, together with all the residue of the rents of the said Hockenbury farm, to the use of the poor.
SIR ROBERT FILMER, bart. gave by will in 1703, a piece of land, the yearly produce of it to be given in wheat, among eight of the poorest inhabitants at Christmas, vested in Sir John Filmer, bart. and now of the annual produce of 20s.
The number of poor relieved constantly are about twentyfive, casually about ten.
EAST SUTTON is within the ECCLESIASTICAL JURISDICTION of the diocese of Canterbury, and deanry of Sutton.
The church is dedicated to St. Peter and St. Paul. It is not a large building, and has a square tower at the west end of it. It is kept remarkably neat, and in good repair. The grave-stones of the Filmers in it are a complete series of this family, from the time of their coming to reside in this parish. All the brasses on them are perfect. The grave-stone over Sir Edward Filmer, who died in 1629, within the altar rails, is very curious, having an entire sheet of copper over it, with the portraits of himself, his wife, and his numberous issue, engraved on it, and their names respectively over them, and the coats of arms and quarterings, belonging to him and his wife, at the corners of it. There is a neat bust in white marble of the late Sir Edward Filmer, bart. who died in 1755, with an inscription to his memory against the wall, over the pew where the family sit.
The church of Sutton was antiently part of the possessions of the priory of Leeds, to which it was appropraited, and the duty of it was first served by a chaplain, appointed by the prior and convent, at whose request it was afterwards united to the adjoining church of Town Sutton, of their patronage likewise, to which it has been ever since esteemed as a chapel.
On the dissolution of the priory of Leeds, in the reign of Henry VIII the parsonage appropriate of East Sutton came into the hands of the crown, as did likewise the patronage of the church of Town Sutton, with the chapel of East Sutton annexed, where they did not continue long; for the king settled them both, in his 32d year, on his new-erected dean and chapter of Rochester, with whom they remain at this time.
The parsonage has been for many years held in lease, by the family of Filmer; the present interest of the lease being vested in Sir Beversham Filmer, baronet.
The vicar of Town Sutton serves the cure of this church, as a chapel annexed to it, and as such is entitled to the vicarial profits of this parish, in right of his vicarage.
The church of East Sutton is not valued in the king's books, being included in that of Town Sutton.
¶On the abolition of deans and chapters, after the death of Charles I. this parsonage was surveyed in 1649, when it was returned, that the parsonage, late belonging to the late dean and chapter of Rochester, consisted of a parsonage house, and all tithes, and the glebe land lying together, containing forty-three acres and two roods, at the improved rent of seventy-five pounds; also seventeen acres more of glebe land, let at fifteen pounds per annum; all which premises were let by the late dean and chapter, anno 13 Charles I. to Sir Robert Filmer, for twenty-one years, at the yearly rent of ten pounds, and of two good capons, or four shillings in money, so there remained a clear rent of 79l. 16s. per annum; and that the lessee repaired the chancel of this church; out of which lease the vicarage was excepted, then worth twenty pounds per annum.
The lessee of the parsonage claims the tithes of all corn, hops, and grass, growing in this parish. In the reign of queen Anne these tithes were estimated at upwards of eighty pounds per annum; besides which, the glebe land belonging to it, was let at fifty pounds per annum.
In 1648 the communicants of this parish were one hundred and thirty.
The small tithes and other emoluments of this benefice, in the beginning of queen Anne's reign were estimated at eighteen pounds per annum, there being no glebe land belonging to it.
The land given and devised by Stephen Pende and George Ulmer, as before mentioned, was worth ten pounds per annum, in the above reign, and seems to have been intended for the better performance of divine service in this church every Sunday; before which, the vicar of Sutton Valence used to perform it here but once or twice in a quarter of a year. From the year 1648 to 1680, the parishioners bestowed the above income on the repairs of the church; but since that time, the vicar of Sutton Valence has generally had it, in consequence of which, he preaches here and at Sutton Valence alternately on a Sunday, morning and afternoon.
A list of the vicars of Sutton Valence, or Town Sutton, with this chapel of East Sutton annexed, has been already given in the description of that parish.
Graffiti (plural; singular graffiti or graffito, the latter rarely used except in archeology) is art that is written, painted or drawn on a wall or other surface, usually without permission and within public view. Graffiti ranges from simple written words to elaborate wall paintings, and has existed since ancient times, with examples dating back to ancient Egypt, ancient Greece, and the Roman Empire (see also mural).
Graffiti is a controversial subject. In most countries, marking or painting property without permission is considered by property owners and civic authorities as defacement and vandalism, which is a punishable crime, citing the use of graffiti by street gangs to mark territory or to serve as an indicator of gang-related activities. Graffiti has become visualized as a growing urban "problem" for many cities in industrialized nations, spreading from the New York City subway system and Philadelphia in the early 1970s to the rest of the United States and Europe and other world regions
"Graffiti" (usually both singular and plural) and the rare singular form "graffito" are from the Italian word graffiato ("scratched"). The term "graffiti" is used in art history for works of art produced by scratching a design into a surface. A related term is "sgraffito", which involves scratching through one layer of pigment to reveal another beneath it. This technique was primarily used by potters who would glaze their wares and then scratch a design into them. In ancient times graffiti were carved on walls with a sharp object, although sometimes chalk or coal were used. The word originates from Greek γράφειν—graphein—meaning "to write".
The term graffiti originally referred to the inscriptions, figure drawings, and such, found on the walls of ancient sepulchres or ruins, as in the Catacombs of Rome or at Pompeii. Historically, these writings were not considered vanadlism, which today is considered part of the definition of graffiti.
The only known source of the Safaitic language, an ancient form of Arabic, is from graffiti: inscriptions scratched on to the surface of rocks and boulders in the predominantly basalt desert of southern Syria, eastern Jordan and northern Saudi Arabia. Safaitic dates from the first century BC to the fourth century AD.
Some of the oldest cave paintings in the world are 40,000 year old ones found in Australia. The oldest written graffiti was found in ancient Rome around 2500 years ago. Most graffiti from the time was boasts about sexual experiences Graffiti in Ancient Rome was a form of communication, and was not considered vandalism.
Ancient tourists visiting the 5th-century citadel at Sigiriya in Sri Lanka write their names and commentary over the "mirror wall", adding up to over 1800 individual graffiti produced there between the 6th and 18th centuries. Most of the graffiti refer to the frescoes of semi-nude females found there. One reads:
Wet with cool dew drops
fragrant with perfume from the flowers
came the gentle breeze
jasmine and water lily
dance in the spring sunshine
side-long glances
of the golden-hued ladies
stab into my thoughts
heaven itself cannot take my mind
as it has been captivated by one lass
among the five hundred I have seen here.
Among the ancient political graffiti examples were Arab satirist poems. Yazid al-Himyari, an Umayyad Arab and Persian poet, was most known for writing his political poetry on the walls between Sajistan and Basra, manifesting a strong hatred towards the Umayyad regime and its walis, and people used to read and circulate them very widely.
Graffiti, known as Tacherons, were frequently scratched on Romanesque Scandinavian church walls. When Renaissance artists such as Pinturicchio, Raphael, Michelangelo, Ghirlandaio, or Filippino Lippi descended into the ruins of Nero's Domus Aurea, they carved or painted their names and returned to initiate the grottesche style of decoration.
There are also examples of graffiti occurring in American history, such as Independence Rock, a national landmark along the Oregon Trail.
Later, French soldiers carved their names on monuments during the Napoleonic campaign of Egypt in the 1790s. Lord Byron's survives on one of the columns of the Temple of Poseidon at Cape Sounion in Attica, Greece.
The oldest known example of graffiti "monikers" found on traincars created by hobos and railworkers since the late 1800s. The Bozo Texino monikers were documented by filmmaker Bill Daniel in his 2005 film, Who is Bozo Texino?.
In World War II, an inscription on a wall at the fortress of Verdun was seen as an illustration of the US response twice in a generation to the wrongs of the Old World:
During World War II and for decades after, the phrase "Kilroy was here" with an accompanying illustration was widespread throughout the world, due to its use by American troops and ultimately filtering into American popular culture. Shortly after the death of Charlie Parker (nicknamed "Yardbird" or "Bird"), graffiti began appearing around New York with the words "Bird Lives".
Modern graffiti art has its origins with young people in 1960s and 70s in New York City and Philadelphia. Tags were the first form of stylised contemporary graffiti. Eventually, throw-ups and pieces evolved with the desire to create larger art. Writers used spray paint and other kind of materials to leave tags or to create images on the sides subway trains. and eventually moved into the city after the NYC metro began to buy new trains and paint over graffiti.
While the art had many advocates and appreciators—including the cultural critic Norman Mailer—others, including New York City mayor Ed Koch, considered it to be defacement of public property, and saw it as a form of public blight. The ‘taggers’ called what they did ‘writing’—though an important 1974 essay by Mailer referred to it using the term ‘graffiti.’
Contemporary graffiti style has been heavily influenced by hip hop culture and the myriad international styles derived from Philadelphia and New York City Subway graffiti; however, there are many other traditions of notable graffiti in the twentieth century. Graffiti have long appeared on building walls, in latrines, railroad boxcars, subways, and bridges.
An early graffito outside of New York or Philadelphia was the inscription in London reading "Clapton is God" in reference to the guitarist Eric Clapton. Creating the cult of the guitar hero, the phrase was spray-painted by an admirer on a wall in an Islington, north London in the autumn of 1967. The graffito was captured in a photograph, in which a dog is urinating on the wall.
Films like Style Wars in the 80s depicting famous writers such as Skeme, Dondi, MinOne, and ZEPHYR reinforced graffiti's role within New York's emerging hip-hop culture. Although many officers of the New York City Police Department found this film to be controversial, Style Wars is still recognized as the most prolific film representation of what was going on within the young hip hop culture of the early 1980s. Fab 5 Freddy and Futura 2000 took hip hop graffiti to Paris and London as part of the New York City Rap Tour in 1983
Commercialization and entrance into mainstream pop culture
Main article: Commercial graffiti
With the popularity and legitimization of graffiti has come a level of commercialization. In 2001, computer giant IBM launched an advertising campaign in Chicago and San Francisco which involved people spray painting on sidewalks a peace symbol, a heart, and a penguin (Linux mascot), to represent "Peace, Love, and Linux." IBM paid Chicago and San Francisco collectively US$120,000 for punitive damages and clean-up costs.
In 2005, a similar ad campaign was launched by Sony and executed by its advertising agency in New York, Chicago, Atlanta, Philadelphia, Los Angeles, and Miami, to market its handheld PSP gaming system. In this campaign, taking notice of the legal problems of the IBM campaign, Sony paid building owners for the rights to paint on their buildings "a collection of dizzy-eyed urban kids playing with the PSP as if it were a skateboard, a paddle, or a rocking horse".
Tristan Manco wrote that Brazil "boasts a unique and particularly rich, graffiti scene ... [earning] it an international reputation as the place to go for artistic inspiration". Graffiti "flourishes in every conceivable space in Brazil's cities". Artistic parallels "are often drawn between the energy of São Paulo today and 1970s New York". The "sprawling metropolis", of São Paulo has "become the new shrine to graffiti"; Manco alludes to "poverty and unemployment ... [and] the epic struggles and conditions of the country's marginalised peoples", and to "Brazil's chronic poverty", as the main engines that "have fuelled a vibrant graffiti culture". In world terms, Brazil has "one of the most uneven distributions of income. Laws and taxes change frequently". Such factors, Manco argues, contribute to a very fluid society, riven with those economic divisions and social tensions that underpin and feed the "folkloric vandalism and an urban sport for the disenfranchised", that is South American graffiti art.
Prominent Brazilian writers include Os Gêmeos, Boleta, Nunca, Nina, Speto, Tikka, and T.Freak. Their artistic success and involvement in commercial design ventures has highlighted divisions within the Brazilian graffiti community between adherents of the cruder transgressive form of pichação and the more conventionally artistic values of the practitioners of grafite.
Graffiti in the Middle East has emerged slowly, with taggers operating in Egypt, Lebanon, the Gulf countries like Bahrain or the United Arab Emirates, Israel, and in Iran. The major Iranian newspaper Hamshahri has published two articles on illegal writers in the city with photographic coverage of Iranian artist A1one's works on Tehran walls. Tokyo-based design magazine, PingMag, has interviewed A1one and featured photographs of his work. The Israeli West Bank barrier has become a site for graffiti, reminiscent in this sense of the Berlin Wall. Many writers in Israel come from other places around the globe, such as JUIF from Los Angeles and DEVIONE from London. The religious reference "נ נח נחמ נחמן מאומן" ("Na Nach Nachma Nachman Meuman") is commonly seen in graffiti around Israel.
Graffiti has played an important role within the street art scene in the Middle East and North Africa (MENA), especially following the events of the Arab Spring of 2011 or the Sudanese Revolution of 2018/19. Graffiti is a tool of expression in the context of conflict in the region, allowing people to raise their voices politically and socially. Famous street artist Banksy has had an important effect in the street art scene in the MENA area, especially in Palestine where some of his works are located in the West Bank barrier and Bethlehem.
There are also a large number of graffiti influences in Southeast Asian countries that mostly come from modern Western culture, such as Malaysia, where graffiti have long been a common sight in Malaysia's capital city, Kuala Lumpur. Since 2010, the country has begun hosting a street festival to encourage all generations and people from all walks of life to enjoy and encourage Malaysian street culture.
The modern-day graffitists can be found with an arsenal of various materials that allow for a successful production of a piece. This includes such techniques as scribing. However, spray paint in aerosol cans is the number one medium for graffiti. From this commodity comes different styles, technique, and abilities to form master works of graffiti. Spray paint can be found at hardware and art stores and comes in virtually every color.
Stencil graffiti is created by cutting out shapes and designs in a stiff material (such as cardboard or subject folders) to form an overall design or image. The stencil is then placed on the "canvas" gently and with quick, easy strokes of the aerosol can, the image begins to appear on the intended surface.
Some of the first examples were created in 1981 by artists Blek le Rat in Paris, in 1982 by Jef Aerosol in Tours (France); by 1985 stencils had appeared in other cities including New York City, Sydney, and Melbourne, where they were documented by American photographer Charles Gatewood and Australian photographer Rennie Ellis
Tagging is the practice of someone spray-painting "their name, initial or logo onto a public surface" in a handstyle unique to the writer. Tags were the first form of modern graffiti.
Modern graffiti art often incorporates additional arts and technologies. For example, Graffiti Research Lab has encouraged the use of projected images and magnetic light-emitting diodes (throwies) as new media for graffitists. yarnbombing is another recent form of graffiti. Yarnbombers occasionally target previous graffiti for modification, which had been avoided among the majority of graffitists.
Theories on the use of graffiti by avant-garde artists have a history dating back at least to the Asger Jorn, who in 1962 painting declared in a graffiti-like gesture "the avant-garde won't give up"
Many contemporary analysts and even art critics have begun to see artistic value in some graffiti and to recognize it as a form of public art. According to many art researchers, particularly in the Netherlands and in Los Angeles, that type of public art is, in fact an effective tool of social emancipation or, in the achievement of a political goal
In times of conflict, such murals have offered a means of communication and self-expression for members of these socially, ethnically, or racially divided communities, and have proven themselves as effective tools in establishing dialog and thus, of addressing cleavages in the long run. The Berlin Wall was also extensively covered by graffiti reflecting social pressures relating to the oppressive Soviet rule over the GDR.
Many artists involved with graffiti are also concerned with the similar activity of stenciling. Essentially, this entails stenciling a print of one or more colors using spray-paint. Recognized while exhibiting and publishing several of her coloured stencils and paintings portraying the Sri Lankan Civil War and urban Britain in the early 2000s, graffitists Mathangi Arulpragasam, aka M.I.A., has also become known for integrating her imagery of political violence into her music videos for singles "Galang" and "Bucky Done Gun", and her cover art. Stickers of her artwork also often appear around places such as London in Brick Lane, stuck to lamp posts and street signs, she having become a muse for other graffitists and painters worldwide in cities including Seville.
Graffitist believes that art should be on display for everyone in the public eye or in plain sight, not hidden away in a museum or a gallery. Art should color the streets, not the inside of some building. Graffiti is a form of art that cannot be owned or bought. It does not last forever, it is temporary, yet one of a kind. It is a form of self promotion for the artist that can be displayed anywhere form sidewalks, roofs, subways, building wall, etc. Art to them is for everyone and should be showed to everyone for free.
Graffiti is a way of communicating and a way of expressing what one feels in the moment. It is both art and a functional thing that can warn people of something or inform people of something. However, graffiti is to some people a form of art, but to some a form of vandalism. And many graffitists choose to protect their identities and remain anonymous or to hinder prosecution.
With the commercialization of graffiti (and hip hop in general), in most cases, even with legally painted "graffiti" art, graffitists tend to choose anonymity. This may be attributed to various reasons or a combination of reasons. Graffiti still remains the one of four hip hop elements that is not considered "performance art" despite the image of the "singing and dancing star" that sells hip hop culture to the mainstream. Being a graphic form of art, it might also be said that many graffitists still fall in the category of the introverted archetypal artist.
Banksy is one of the world's most notorious and popular street artists who continues to remain faceless in today's society. He is known for his political, anti-war stencil art mainly in Bristol, England, but his work may be seen anywhere from Los Angeles to Palestine. In the UK, Banksy is the most recognizable icon for this cultural artistic movement and keeps his identity a secret to avoid arrest. Much of Banksy's artwork may be seen around the streets of London and surrounding suburbs, although he has painted pictures throughout the world, including the Middle East, where he has painted on Israel's controversial West Bank barrier with satirical images of life on the other side. One depicted a hole in the wall with an idyllic beach, while another shows a mountain landscape on the other side. A number of exhibitions also have taken place since 2000, and recent works of art have fetched vast sums of money. Banksy's art is a prime example of the classic controversy: vandalism vs. art. Art supporters endorse his work distributed in urban areas as pieces of art and some councils, such as Bristol and Islington, have officially protected them, while officials of other areas have deemed his work to be vandalism and have removed it.
Pixnit is another artist who chooses to keep her identity from the general public. Her work focuses on beauty and design aspects of graffiti as opposed to Banksy's anti-government shock value. Her paintings are often of flower designs above shops and stores in her local urban area of Cambridge, Massachusetts. Some store owners endorse her work and encourage others to do similar work as well. "One of the pieces was left up above Steve's Kitchen, because it looks pretty awesome"- Erin Scott, the manager of New England Comics in Allston, Massachusetts.
Graffiti artists may become offended if photographs of their art are published in a commercial context without their permission. In March 2020, the Finnish graffiti artist Psyke expressed his displeasure at the newspaper Ilta-Sanomat publishing a photograph of a Peugeot 208 in an article about new cars, with his graffiti prominently shown on the background. The artist claims he does not want his art being used in commercial context, not even if he were to receive compensation.
Territorial graffiti marks urban neighborhoods with tags and logos to differentiate certain groups from others. These images are meant to show outsiders a stern look at whose turf is whose. The subject matter of gang-related graffiti consists of cryptic symbols and initials strictly fashioned with unique calligraphies. Gang members use graffiti to designate membership throughout the gang, to differentiate rivals and associates and, most commonly, to mark borders which are both territorial and ideological.
Graffiti has been used as a means of advertising both legally and illegally. Bronx-based TATS CRU has made a name for themselves doing legal advertising campaigns for companies such as Coca-Cola, McDonald's, Toyota, and MTV. In the UK, Covent Garden's Boxfresh used stencil images of a Zapatista revolutionary in the hopes that cross referencing would promote their store.
Smirnoff hired artists to use reverse graffiti (the use of high pressure hoses to clean dirty surfaces to leave a clean image in the surrounding dirt) to increase awareness of their product.
Graffiti often has a reputation as part of a subculture that rebels against authority, although the considerations of the practitioners often diverge and can relate to a wide range of attitudes. It can express a political practice and can form just one tool in an array of resistance techniques. One early example includes the anarcho-punk band Crass, who conducted a campaign of stenciling anti-war, anarchist, feminist, and anti-consumerist messages throughout the London Underground system during the late 1970s and early 1980s. In Amsterdam graffiti was a major part of the punk scene. The city was covered with names such as "De Zoot", "Vendex", and "Dr Rat". To document the graffiti a punk magazine was started that was called Gallery Anus. So when hip hop came to Europe in the early 1980s there was already a vibrant graffiti culture.
The student protests and general strike of May 1968 saw Paris bedecked in revolutionary, anarchistic, and situationist slogans such as L'ennui est contre-révolutionnaire ("Boredom is counterrevolutionary") and Lisez moins, vivez plus ("Read less, live more"). While not exhaustive, the graffiti gave a sense of the 'millenarian' and rebellious spirit, tempered with a good deal of verbal wit, of the strikers.
I think graffiti writing is a way of defining what our generation is like. Excuse the French, we're not a bunch of p---- artists. Traditionally artists have been considered soft and mellow people, a little bit kooky. Maybe we're a little bit more like pirates that way. We defend our territory, whatever space we steal to paint on, we defend it fiercely.
The developments of graffiti art which took place in art galleries and colleges as well as "on the street" or "underground", contributed to the resurfacing in the 1990s of a far more overtly politicized art form in the subvertising, culture jamming, or tactical media movements. These movements or styles tend to classify the artists by their relationship to their social and economic contexts, since, in most countries, graffiti art remains illegal in many forms except when using non-permanent paint. Since the 1990s with the rise of Street Art, a growing number of artists are switching to non-permanent paints and non-traditional forms of painting.
Contemporary practitioners, accordingly, have varied and often conflicting practices. Some individuals, such as Alexander Brener, have used the medium to politicize other art forms, and have used the prison sentences enforced on them as a means of further protest. The practices of anonymous groups and individuals also vary widely, and practitioners by no means always agree with each other's practices. For example, the anti-capitalist art group the Space Hijackers did a piece in 2004 about the contradiction between the capitalistic elements of Banksy and his use of political imagery.
Berlin human rights activist Irmela Mensah-Schramm has received global media attention and numerous awards for her 35-year campaign of effacing neo-Nazi and other right-wing extremist graffiti throughout Germany, often by altering hate speech in humorous ways.
In Serbian capital, Belgrade, the graffiti depicting a uniformed former general of Serb army and war criminal, convicted at ICTY for war crimes and crimes against humanity, including genocide and ethnic cleansing in Bosnian War, Ratko Mladić, appeared in a military salute alongside the words "General, thank to your mother". Aleks Eror, Berlin-based journalist, explains how "veneration of historical and wartime figures" through street art is not a new phenomenon in the region of former Yugoslavia, and that "in most cases is firmly focused on the future, rather than retelling the past". Eror is not only analyst pointing to danger of such an expressions for the region's future. In a long expose on the subject of Bosnian genocide denial, at Balkan Diskurs magazine and multimedia platform website, Kristina Gadže and Taylor Whitsell referred to these experiences as a young generations' "cultural heritage", in which young are being exposed to celebration and affirmation of war-criminals as part of their "formal education" and "inheritance".
There are numerous examples of genocide denial through celebration and affirmation of war criminals throughout the region of Western Balkans inhabited by Serbs using this form of artistic expression. Several more of these graffiti are found in Serbian capital, and many more across Serbia and Bosnian and Herzegovinian administrative entity, Republika Srpska, which is the ethnic Serbian majority enclave. Critics point that Serbia as a state, is willing to defend the mural of convicted war criminal, and have no intention to react on cases of genocide denial, noting that Interior Minister of Serbia, Aleksandar Vulin decision to ban any gathering with an intent to remove the mural, with the deployment of riot police, sends the message of "tacit endorsement". Consequently, on 9 November 2021, Serbian heavy police in riot gear, with graffiti creators and their supporters, blocked the access to the mural to prevent human rights groups and other activists to paint over it and mark the International Day Against Fascism and Antisemitism in that way, and even arrested two civic activist for throwing eggs at the graffiti.
Graffiti may also be used as an offensive expression. This form of graffiti may be difficult to identify, as it is mostly removed by the local authority (as councils which have adopted strategies of criminalization also strive to remove graffiti quickly). Therefore, existing racist graffiti is mostly more subtle and at first sight, not easily recognized as "racist". It can then be understood only if one knows the relevant "local code" (social, historical, political, temporal, and spatial), which is seen as heteroglot and thus a 'unique set of conditions' in a cultural context.
A spatial code for example, could be that there is a certain youth group in an area that is engaging heavily in racist activities. So, for residents (knowing the local code), a graffiti containing only the name or abbreviation of this gang already is a racist expression, reminding the offended people of their gang activities. Also a graffiti is in most cases, the herald of more serious criminal activity to come. A person who does not know these gang activities would not be able to recognize the meaning of this graffiti. Also if a tag of this youth group or gang is placed on a building occupied by asylum seekers, for example, its racist character is even stronger.
By making the graffiti less explicit (as adapted to social and legal constraints), these drawings are less likely to be removed, but do not lose their threatening and offensive character.
Elsewhere, activists in Russia have used painted caricatures of local officials with their mouths as potholes, to show their anger about the poor state of the roads. In Manchester, England, a graffitists painted obscene images around potholes, which often resulted in them being repaired within 48 hours.
In the early 1980s, the first art galleries to show graffitists to the public were Fashion Moda in the Bronx, Now Gallery and Fun Gallery, both in the East Village, Manhattan.
A 2006 exhibition at the Brooklyn Museum displayed graffiti as an art form that began in New York's outer boroughs and reached great heights in the early 1980s with the work of Crash, Lee, Daze, Keith Haring, and Jean-Michel Basquiat. It displayed 22 works by New York graffitists, including Crash, Daze, and Lady Pink. In an article about the exhibition in the magazine Time Out, curator Charlotta Kotik said that she hoped the exhibition would cause viewers to rethink their assumptions about graffiti.
From the 1970s onwards, Burhan Doğançay photographed urban walls all over the world; these he then archived for use as sources of inspiration for his painterly works. The project today known as "Walls of the World" grew beyond even his own expectations and comprises about 30,000 individual images. It spans a period of 40 years across five continents and 114 countries. In 1982, photographs from this project comprised a one-man exhibition titled "Les murs murmurent, ils crient, ils chantent ..." (The walls whisper, shout and sing ...) at the Centre Georges Pompidou in Paris.
In Australia, art historians have judged some local graffiti of sufficient creative merit to rank them firmly within the arts. Oxford University Press's art history text Australian Painting 1788–2000 concludes with a long discussion of graffiti's key place within contemporary visual culture, including the work of several Australian practitioners.
Between March and April 2009, 150 artists exhibited 300 pieces of graffiti at the Grand Palais in Paris.
Spray paint has many negative environmental effects. The paint contains toxic chemicals, and the can uses volatile hydrocarbon gases to spray the paint onto a surface.
Volatile organic compound (VOC) leads to ground level ozone formation and most of graffiti related emissions are VOCs. A 2010 paper estimates 4,862 tons of VOCs were released in the United States in activities related to graffiti.
In China, Mao Zedong in the 1920s used revolutionary slogans and paintings in public places to galvanize the country's communist movement.
Based on different national conditions, many people believe that China's attitude towards Graffiti is fierce, but in fact, according to Lance Crayon in his film Spray Paint Beijing: Graffiti in the Capital of China, Graffiti is generally accepted in Beijing, with artists not seeing much police interference. Political and religiously sensitive graffiti, however, is not allowed.
In Hong Kong, Tsang Tsou Choi was known as the King of Kowloon for his calligraphy graffiti over many years, in which he claimed ownership of the area. Now some of his work is preserved officially.
In Taiwan, the government has made some concessions to graffitists. Since 2005 they have been allowed to freely display their work along some sections of riverside retaining walls in designated "Graffiti Zones". From 2007, Taipei's department of cultural affairs also began permitting graffiti on fences around major public construction sites. Department head Yong-ping Lee (李永萍) stated, "We will promote graffiti starting with the public sector, and then later in the private sector too. It's our goal to beautify the city with graffiti". The government later helped organize a graffiti contest in Ximending, a popular shopping district. graffitists caught working outside of these designated areas still face fines up to NT$6,000 under a department of environmental protection regulation. However, Taiwanese authorities can be relatively lenient, one veteran police officer stating anonymously, "Unless someone complains about vandalism, we won't get involved. We don't go after it proactively."
In 1993, after several expensive cars in Singapore were spray-painted, the police arrested a student from the Singapore American School, Michael P. Fay, questioned him, and subsequently charged him with vandalism. Fay pleaded guilty to vandalizing a car in addition to stealing road signs. Under the 1966 Vandalism Act of Singapore, originally passed to curb the spread of communist graffiti in Singapore, the court sentenced him to four months in jail, a fine of S$3,500 (US$2,233), and a caning. The New York Times ran several editorials and op-eds that condemned the punishment and called on the American public to flood the Singaporean embassy with protests. Although the Singapore government received many calls for clemency, Fay's caning took place in Singapore on 5 May 1994. Fay had originally received a sentence of six strokes of the cane, but the presiding president of Singapore, Ong Teng Cheong, agreed to reduce his caning sentence to four lashes.
In South Korea, Park Jung-soo was fined two million South Korean won by the Seoul Central District Court for spray-painting a rat on posters of the G-20 Summit a few days before the event in November 2011. Park alleged that the initial in "G-20" sounds like the Korean word for "rat", but Korean government prosecutors alleged that Park was making a derogatory statement about the president of South Korea, Lee Myung-bak, the host of the summit. This case led to public outcry and debate on the lack of government tolerance and in support of freedom of expression. The court ruled that the painting, "an ominous creature like a rat" amounts to "an organized criminal activity" and upheld the fine while denying the prosecution's request for imprisonment for Park.
In Europe, community cleaning squads have responded to graffiti, in some cases with reckless abandon, as when in 1992 in France a local Scout group, attempting to remove modern graffiti, damaged two prehistoric paintings of bison in the Cave of Mayrière supérieure near the French village of Bruniquel in Tarn-et-Garonne, earning them the 1992 Ig Nobel Prize in archeology.
In September 2006, the European Parliament directed the European Commission to create urban environment policies to prevent and eliminate dirt, litter, graffiti, animal excrement, and excessive noise from domestic and vehicular music systems in European cities, along with other concerns over urban life.
In Budapest, Hungary, both a city-backed movement called I Love Budapest and a special police division tackle the problem, including the provision of approved areas.
The Anti-social Behaviour Act 2003 became Britain's latest anti-graffiti legislation. In August 2004, the Keep Britain Tidy campaign issued a press release calling for zero tolerance of graffiti and supporting proposals such as issuing "on the spot" fines to graffiti offenders and banning the sale of aerosol paint to anyone under the age of 16. The press release also condemned the use of graffiti images in advertising and in music videos, arguing that real-world experience of graffiti stood far removed from its often-portrayed "cool" or "edgy'" image.
To back the campaign, 123 Members of Parliament (MPs) (including then Prime Minister Tony Blair), signed a charter which stated: "Graffiti is not art, it's crime. On behalf of my constituents, I will do all I can to rid our community of this problem."
In the UK, city councils have the power to take action against the owner of any property that has been defaced under the Anti-social Behaviour Act 2003 (as amended by the Clean Neighbourhoods and Environment Act 2005) or, in certain cases, the Highways Act. This is often used against owners of property that are complacent in allowing protective boards to be defaced so long as the property is not damaged.
In July 2008, a conspiracy charge was used to convict graffitists for the first time. After a three-month police surveillance operation, nine members of the DPM crew were convicted of conspiracy to commit criminal damage costing at least £1 million. Five of them received prison sentences, ranging from eighteen months to two years. The unprecedented scale of the investigation and the severity of the sentences rekindled public debate over whether graffiti should be considered art or crime.
Some councils, like those of Stroud and Loerrach, provide approved areas in the town where graffitists can showcase their talents, including underpasses, car parks, and walls that might otherwise prove a target for the "spray and run".
Graffiti Tunnel, University of Sydney at Camperdown (2009)
In an effort to reduce vandalism, many cities in Australia have designated walls or areas exclusively for use by graffitists. One early example is the "Graffiti Tunnel" located at the Camperdown Campus of the University of Sydney, which is available for use by any student at the university to tag, advertise, poster, and paint. Advocates of this idea suggest that this discourages petty vandalism yet encourages artists to take their time and produce great art, without worry of being caught or arrested for vandalism or trespassing.[108][109] Others disagree with this approach, arguing that the presence of legal graffiti walls does not demonstrably reduce illegal graffiti elsewhere. Some local government areas throughout Australia have introduced "anti-graffiti squads", who clean graffiti in the area, and such crews as BCW (Buffers Can't Win) have taken steps to keep one step ahead of local graffiti cleaners.
Many state governments have banned the sale or possession of spray paint to those under the age of 18 (age of majority). However, a number of local governments in Victoria have taken steps to recognize the cultural heritage value of some examples of graffiti, such as prominent political graffiti. Tough new graffiti laws have been introduced in Australia with fines of up to A$26,000 and two years in prison.
Melbourne is a prominent graffiti city of Australia with many of its lanes being tourist attractions, such as Hosier Lane in particular, a popular destination for photographers, wedding photography, and backdrops for corporate print advertising. The Lonely Planet travel guide cites Melbourne's street as a major attraction. All forms of graffiti, including sticker art, poster, stencil art, and wheatpasting, can be found in many places throughout the city. Prominent street art precincts include; Fitzroy, Collingwood, Northcote, Brunswick, St. Kilda, and the CBD, where stencil and sticker art is prominent. As one moves farther away from the city, mostly along suburban train lines, graffiti tags become more prominent. Many international artists such as Banksy have left their work in Melbourne and in early 2008 a perspex screen was installed to prevent a Banksy stencil art piece from being destroyed, it has survived since 2003 through the respect of local street artists avoiding posting over it, although it has recently had paint tipped over it.
In February 2008 Helen Clark, the New Zealand prime minister at that time, announced a government crackdown on tagging and other forms of graffiti vandalism, describing it as a destructive crime representing an invasion of public and private property. New legislation subsequently adopted included a ban on the sale of paint spray cans to persons under 18 and increases in maximum fines for the offence from NZ$200 to NZ$2,000 or extended community service. The issue of tagging become a widely debated one following an incident in Auckland during January 2008 in which a middle-aged property owner stabbed one of two teenage taggers to death and was subsequently convicted of manslaughter.
Graffiti databases have increased in the past decade because they allow vandalism incidents to be fully documented against an offender and help the police and prosecution charge and prosecute offenders for multiple counts of vandalism. They also provide law enforcement the ability to rapidly search for an offender's moniker or tag in a simple, effective, and comprehensive way. These systems can also help track costs of damage to a city to help allocate an anti-graffiti budget. The theory is that when an offender is caught putting up graffiti, they are not just charged with one count of vandalism; they can be held accountable for all the other damage for which they are responsible. This has two main benefits for law enforcement. One, it sends a signal to the offenders that their vandalism is being tracked. Two, a city can seek restitution from offenders for all the damage that they have committed, not merely a single incident. These systems give law enforcement personnel real-time, street-level intelligence that allows them not only to focus on the worst graffiti offenders and their damage, but also to monitor potential gang violence that is associated with the graffiti.
Many restrictions of civil gang injunctions are designed to help address and protect the physical environment and limit graffiti. Provisions of gang injunctions include things such as restricting the possession of marker pens, spray paint cans, or other sharp objects capable of defacing private or public property; spray painting, or marking with marker pens, scratching, applying stickers, or otherwise applying graffiti on any public or private property, including, but not limited to the street, alley, residences, block walls, and fences, vehicles or any other real or personal property. Some injunctions contain wording that restricts damaging or vandalizing both public and private property, including but not limited to any vehicle, light fixture, door, fence, wall, gate, window, building, street sign, utility box, telephone box, tree, or power pole.
To help address many of these issues, many local jurisdictions have set up graffiti abatement hotlines, where citizens can call in and report vandalism and have it removed. San Diego's hotline receives more than 5,000 calls per year, in addition to reporting the graffiti, callers can learn more about prevention. One of the complaints about these hotlines is the response time; there is often a lag time between a property owner calling about the graffiti and its removal. The length of delay should be a consideration for any jurisdiction planning on operating a hotline. Local jurisdictions must convince the callers that their complaint of vandalism will be a priority and cleaned off right away. If the jurisdiction does not have the resources to respond to complaints in a timely manner, the value of the hotline diminishes. Crews must be able to respond to individual service calls made to the graffiti hotline as well as focus on cleanup near schools, parks, and major intersections and transit routes to have the biggest impact. Some cities offer a reward for information leading to the arrest and prosecution of suspects for tagging or graffiti related vandalism. The amount of the reward is based on the information provided, and the action taken.
When police obtain search warrants in connection with a vandalism investigation, they are often seeking judicial approval to look for items such as cans of spray paint and nozzles from other kinds of aerosol sprays; etching tools, or other sharp or pointed objects, which could be used to etch or scratch glass and other hard surfaces; permanent marking pens, markers, or paint sticks; evidence of membership or affiliation with any gang or tagging crew; paraphernalia including any reference to "(tagger's name)"; any drawings, writing, objects, or graffiti depicting taggers' names, initials, logos, monikers, slogans, or any mention of tagging crew membership; and any newspaper clippings relating to graffiti crime.
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EXPOSURE 1/60th @ F5.6 @ 400 ASA + 5/3 EV @ 20mm FX / 35mm Equivalent - 30mm DX : My apologies for image quality ...the old Sigma doesn't really talk that well to Nikons ...so this was a bit flat . Would have preferred fill in flash but I'm still getting to grips with the Metz 54 MZ4 ....the instant sunshine machine ! ....sometimes it's easier to set 1 - 2 stops lower than the camera ..on say a old Vivitar ! .
LENS : - Sigma AF 18-35mm F3.5-4.5 Aspherical
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Longfield is part of a group of the three villages or parishes that now blur into a single town. It seems to go on forever, and without the sat nav and post code for the church, we would not have found it.
When we arrived, there was a coffee morning under way in the hall adjoining the east end of the church, and a group of volunteers were busy strimming, mowing, raking in the churchyard, making it look all spic and span.
St Mary is an unpromising church, apparently Victorian, or at least at first glance, but some of its ancient past was still hinted at. Some fine Victorian glass.
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A picturesque ensemble if ever there was one, and one which would scream `Victorian` to you if you did not realise that its core is of the 13th century. This is a most interesting building built, no doubt, by people who farmed sheep in this narrow valley, and who used their wealth to create a small simple church with a narrow north aisle. In the north window of the chancel is a very rare survival of early Victorian glass by an unknown artist whose work would rival the best designers of 50 years later. It shows the fishermen with a lovely surreal sea with huges fishes and a newt! One wishes that its history was better recorded. Also in the chancel is the highly decorated piscina, only discovered in 1999, and which is made from a Norman capital - it sits between a sedile and another piscina and creates a strange grouping. A treasure indeed. One window, depicting the Resurrection, is signed by the Maile studio of Canterbury and another has fragments of fifteenth century glass – a reminder that this church was once relatively wealthy.
www.kentchurches.info/church.asp?p=Longfield
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LONGFIELD.
THE next parish southward is Longfield, called in old writings Langefeld, and in Domesday Langafel.
Longfield is a small parish, long and narrow; there is no coppice wood in it, excepting shaves round the fields; the land in it is but poor, being very hilly; the surface is mostly chalk, and much covered with flint stones. It is an obscure place, the road from Green-street-green to Trosley-hill goes through it, along the valley. At the west end of it, close to the road, is the church, and above it the court lodge. At the east end of it is Longfield-green, where there are some houses, which, with a few others stragling about, are the only ones in the parish.
There was in this parish an antient dwelling called Longfield-house, which was the property and residence of the Burrow family as early as queen Elizabeth's reign, ancestors of those of Holwood-hill, and Sterborough-castle. It has been pulled down about fifty years since.
This place was given, whilst Ælsstane was bishop of Rochester, who came to the see in 945, and died in 984, by Ælfswithe, wife of Birtrick, of Meopham, who confirmed it by his last testament, to the priory of St. Andrew, in Rochester, as two plough lands; (fn. 1) and being wrested from that church in the troublesome times which soon after followed, by reason of the Danish wars, it was recovered again at the solemn assembly, held at Pinenden, in 1076, and was immediately restored by Lansranc, archbishop of Canterbury, to bishop Gundulph and the church of St. Andrew; which was confirmed by archbishop Anselm, in 1101, as it was afterwards by several of his successors. (fn. 2)
GERARDE, the herbalist, found the Clenopodium vulgare, common basil, growing in great plenty at Longfield downs. (fn. 3)
LONGFIELD seems to have been appropriated to the archdeaconry of Rochester, immediately on its being restored to that church. At the time of the taking the survey of Domesday, anno 1080, it was in the possession of Anschitill, then archdeacon there. Accordingly it is entered as follows, under the general title of the lands of the bishop of Rochester in that record:
The same bishop (of Rochester) bolds Langafel and Anschitill the priest of him. It was taxed at one suling. The arable land is . . . . . . In demesne there is one carucate and nine villeins, with seven borderers, baving two carucates. It was worth 70 shillings, and now 100 shillings.
The temporalities of the archdeacon of Rochester, in Longfield, in the 15th year of king Edward I. were valued at 3l. (fn. 4) After which the manor and court lodge of Longfield, with the lands belonging to it, continued part of the estate belonging to the archdeaconry; and Dr. Manning Griffith, who succeeded to this preferment in 1533, and became afterwards bishop of Rochester, seems to have been the first archdeacon who demised this manor, which he did for eighty years, and before that term was ended, a concurrent lease was granted for sixty years more; and it afterwards continued to be leased out, from time to time, but archdeacon Spratt, who succeeded to this dignity in 1704, suffered the lease of it to expire, for the benefit of his successors, since which it has been held under leases for twenty-one years, at the old accustomed rent, renewable in like manner as other ecclesiastical estates. The Rev. Mr. Samuel Denne, of Wilmington, is the present lessee of it.
The court lodge stands almost adjoining to the church-yard. It is a strong antient building, with arched doors and windows of hewn stone, and was once probably made use of by the archdeacons, as a house of retirement.
Charity.
DR. PLUME gave by his will, in 1704, the sum of 5l. 8s. yearly to the repairs of his tombstone and the rails in the church yard, the overplus of which is always given among the poor of this parish, vested in the trustees of his will, and of the above annual product.
LONGFIELD is in the ECCLESIASTICAL JURISDICTION of the diocese and deanry of Rochester.
¶The church, which is a small mean building, is dedicated to St. Mary Magdalen. It consists of one isle and a chancel, having a low pointed steeple at the west end, in which hangs one bell. In it, among other monuments and inscriptions, in the north chancel are several memorials for the Burrows of Hartley; and, adjoining to the south wall of the church, on the outside, is an altar tomb, inclosed with wooden rails, for archdeacon Plume, who died Nov. 20, 1704, æt. 74, as has been already mentioned, as well as his charities, under the description of Stone near Dartford. (fn. 5) This church is of the ancient patronage of the bishopric of Rochester, part of the possessions of which it continues at this time. This rectory is now a discharged living in the king's books, of the clear yearly value, as certified, of 30l. the yearly tenths being 11s. 9d. (fn. 6)
By virtue of the commission of enquiry into the value of church livings, in 1650, issuing out of chancery, it was returned, that Longfield was a parsonage, having neither house nor barn; that it had six acres of glebe land, and was worth 30l. per annum, master Thomas Stansall enjoying it, and preaching there. (fn. 7)
This rectory has been twice augmented; the first time by the governors of queen Anne's bounty, by which a small farm in Hoo, consisting of twenty-four acres, was purchased. The second augmentation was from Mrs. Ursula Taylor's legacy, paid by Sir Philip Boteler, to be applied for the augmenting of such small livings as should be named by himself, of which this was one; with the money a few acres of land were purchased in this parish.
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Il Convento dell'Ordine di Cristo (portoghese: Convento de Cristo), o più semplicemente Convento di Cristo a Tomar, in Portogallo, fu originariamente una fortezza appartenente ai cavalieri templari costruita nel XII secolo. In seguito alla dissoluzione dell'Ordine dei templari, avvenuta nel XIV secolo, il ramo portoghese dell'ordine si trasformò nell'Ordine del Cristo che finanziò le grandi scoperte del quindicesimo secolo.
Il Convento è uno dei monumenti storici ed artistici più importanti del Portogallo, e fa parte dei Patrimoni dell'umanità dell'UNESCO dal 1983.
Nel 1118 due cavalieri francesi, Hugues de Payns e Geoffrey de Saint Omer, ottennero dal re cristiano di Gerusalemme Baldovino II il benestare per fondare un'istituzione religiosa che avesse come scopo la cura della moltitudine di pellegrini che affluivano ogni anno in Terra Santa per pregare davanti al Santo Sepolcro.
Dieci anni dopo la confraternita venne legalizzata dal Papa con la Bolla pontificia Omne datum optimum. Nel frattempo l'Ordine del Tempio era già di fatto divenuto un'importante congregazione di "monaci-cavalieri". La decisione papale, che comportava un'infinità di benefici ed esenzioni, era inoltre un'eccezionale lettera di presentazione per monarchi e governanti europei: gli appartenenti all'Ordine, denominati Templari, conobbero una vertiginosa ascesa e diventarono, grazie anche a una grande disponibilità finanziaria, una presenza chiave nella politica europea del Medioevo.
Il castello dei templari di Tomar venne costruito da Gualdim Pais, capo provinciale dell'Ordine dei Templari, attorno al 1160. Alla fine dello stesso secolo il castello venne scelto come quartier generale dell'Ordine in Portogallo. Il castello di Tomar fece parte del sistema difensivo creato dai templari per difendere i confini del neonato Regno Cristiano dall'aggressoine dei Mori, che in quel periodo (metà del dodicesimo secolo) arrivava approssimativamente al fiume Tago.
La famosa chiesa rotonda (rotunda) del castello venne eretta nella seconda metà del dodicesimo secolo. La chiesa, come altri edifici religiosi templari in tutta Europa, seguiva il progetto della Cupola della Roccia a Gerusalemme, che i crociati ritenevano erroneamente il Tempio di Salomone. Anche la Chiesa del Santo Sepolcro, anch'essa a Gerusalemme, venne usata come modello.
Secondo gli storici cristiani il castello di Tomar resistette nel 1190 agli attacchi del califfo Yaqub al-Mansur, che aveva già conquistato le fortezze del sud. Una targa nei pressi dell'entrata ricorda questi eventi.
Sede dell'Ordine di Cristo
L'ordine dei templari venne soppresso in quasi tutta l'Europa nel 1311-1312 per volere di papa Clemente V, istigato da Filippo il Bello, ma in Portogallo i suoi adepti, i beni, ed in parte la vocazione, vennero trasmessi al nuovo Ordine di Cristo, creato nel 1319 da Dionigi I. L'Ordine di Cristo si spostò a Tomar nel 1357.
Uno dei più importanti Gran Maestri dell'Ordine fu Enrico il Navigatore, che lo guidò dal 1417 fino alla morte, avvenuta nel 1460. Il principe Enrico diede enorme impulso alle spedizioni pionieristiche portoghesi durante l'era delle grandi scoperte. Nel convento il principe Enrico ordinò la costruzione di vari chiostri ed altri edifici. Sponsorizzò anche miglioramenti urbanistici nella stessa città di Tomar.
Un'altra persona famosa legata all'Ordine di Cristo fu Manuele I, che divenne Maestro dell'Ordine nel 1484 e re del Portogallo nel 1492. Sotto il suo regno vi furono numerosi miglioramenti al convento, soprattutto l'aggiunta di una nuova navata alla chiesa circolare e le decorazioni effettuate con pitture e sculture.
Il successore di Manuele I, Giovanni III, demilitarizzò l'ordine, trasformandolo in un ordine religioso con una regola basata sugli insegnamenti di Bernardo di Chiaravalle. Ordinò anche la costruzoine di un nuovo chiostro nel 1557, uno dei migliori esempi di architettura del Rinascimento in Portogallo.
Nel 1581, dopo una crisi di successione, la nobiltà portoghese si radunò nel convento e riconobbe ufficialmente Filippo II di Spagna (Filippo I del Portogallo) come re. Fu l'inizio dell'Unione Iberica (1581-1640), durante la quale il Regno del Portogallo e di Spagna furono uniti. L'acquedotto del convento venne costruito durante il regno spagnolo.
Arte ed architettura
Il castello ed il Convento di Cristo mostrano esempi di stile romanico, gotico, manuelino e rinascimentale.
Il castello di Tomar venne costruito attorno al 1160 in un punto strategico, sopra una collina e vicino al fiume Nabão. Possiede delle mura difensive esterne ed una cittadella (alcáçova) con una torre principale all'interno. L'uso della torre centrale, eretta a scopo residenziale e difensivo, venne introdotto in Portogallo dai Templari, e quella di Tomar è tra le più vecchie dello stato. Un'altra novità introdotta dai templari sono le torri rotonde che dominano le mura esterne, più resistenti agli attacchi di quelle quadrate. Quando venne fondata la città molti residenti vivevano in case situate all'interno delle mura difensive.
Chiesa rotonda
La chiesa rotonda romanica del castello (charola, rotunda) venne costruita nella seconda metà del dodicesimo secolo dai templari. La chiesa ha una struttura poligonare a sedici lati all'esterno, con contrafforti, finestre rotonde ed un campanile. All'interno ha una struttura ottagonale connessa alla galleria (deambulatorio) tramite archi. In generale la forma ricorda quella della Cupola della Roccia e della Chiesa del Santo Sepolcro di Gerusalemme.
I capitelli delle colonne sono in stile romanico (fine del dodicesimo secolo) e mostrano motivi animali e vegetali, oltre alla scena di San Daniele tra i leoni. Lo stile dei capitelli mostra influenze degli artisti che lavorarono alla Vecchia Cattedrale di Coimbra, contemporanea alla chiesa rotonda.
Gli interni sono finemente decorati con sculture e dipinti gotici/manuelini, aggiunti durante un restauro promosso da Manuele I a partire dal 1499. I pilastri dell'ottagono centrale e delle mura del deambulatorio hanno statue policrome dei santi e degli angeli sotto un baldacchino fastoso, mentre muri e soffitto del deambulatorio mostrano dipinti gotici raffiguranti la vita di Cristo. I dipinti sono attribuiti al lavoro del pittore di corte di Manuele I, il portoghese Jorge Afonso, mentre le sculture sono dell'artista fiammingo Olivier de Gand e dello spagnolo Hernán Muñoz. Un mosaico raffigurante il martirio di San Sebastiano, del pittore portoghese Gregório Lopes, venne creato per la chiesa rotonda ed attualmente è esposto presso il Museu Nacional de Arte Antiga di Lisbona.
Navata manuelina della chiesa
Durante la guida di Enrico il Navigatore (prima metà del quindicesimo secolo) venne aggiunta una navata gotica alla chiesa rotonda del convento, trasformando quindi la vecchia chiesa rotonda nell'abside di quella nuova. Dal 1510 Manuele I ordinò la ricostruzione della navata nello stile del tempo, un misto tra gotico e rinascimentale in futuro chiamato stile manuelino dagli storici d'arte.Gli architetti coinvolti furono il portoghese Diogo de Arruda e lo spagnolo João de Castilho.
Vista dall'esterno la navata rettangolare appare ricoperta da abbondanti motivi manuelini, tra cui alcuni gargoyl, guglie gotiche, statue e "corde" che ricordano quelle usate sulle navi durante l'era delle grandi scoperte, oltre ad una croce dell'Ordine di Cristo ed allo stemma di Manuele I, la sfera armillare. La finestra della casa capitolare (Janela do Capítulo), un'enorme finestra visibile dal chistro di Santa Barbara sulla facciata occidentale della navata, contiene numerosi motivi manuelini: il simbolo dell'Ordine di Cristo e di Manuele I, oltre a corde coralli e motivi vegetali. Una figura umana nella parte inferiore della finestra rappresenta probabilmente il progettista, Diogo de Arruda. Questa finestra rappresenta uno dei lavori migliori del convento tra quelli in stile manuelino. Sopra si trova una piccola finestra circolare ed una balaustra. La facciata è divisa da due corde annodate. I contrafforti ad angoli arrotondati sono decorati con giarrettiere giganti che alludono all'investitura di Manuele I avvenuta dall'Ordine della Giarrettiera per mano di Enrico VII d'Inghilterra. L'entrata della chiesa è costituita da una magnificente porta laterale, decorata anch'essa con motivi manuelini e da statue della Vergina Maria con il bambino, e dei profeti del vecchio testamento. Questo portone venne progettato da João de Castilho attorno al 1530. All'interno la navata manuelina è unita alla chiesa rotonda romanica attraverso un grande arco. La navata è coperta da un apprezzabile volta a coste ed ha un coro sfortunatamente distrutto dall'invasione delle truppe Napoleoniche all'inizio del diciannovesimo secolo. Sotto il coro si trova una stanza usata come sagrestia.
Scala a chiocciola nel chiostro di Giovanni III.
Il Convento di Cristo ha un totale di otto chiostri, costruiti nel quindicesimo e sedicesimo secolo.
Claustro da Lavagem (Chiostro della Lavanderia): chiostro gotico a due piani costruito attorno al 1433 da Enrico il Navigatore. Gli indumenti dei monaci venivano lavati in questo chiostro, da qui il nome.
Claustro do Cemitério (Chiostro del Cimitero): anche questo costruito da Enrico il Navigatore, è in stile gotico ed è il luogo di sepoltura di templari e monaci dell'Ordine. L'elegante doppia colonna di archi ha ottimi capitelli con motivi vegetali, e le mura del deambulatorio sono decorate con mosaici del sedicesimo secolo. In una tomba (circa 1523) riposa Diogo da Gama, fratello del navigatore Vasco da Gama.
Claustro de Santa Bárbara (Chiostro di Santa Barbara): costruito nel sedicesimo secolo. La finestra della casa capitolare e la facciata occidentale della navata manuelina sono ben visibili da questo chiostro.
Claustro de D. João III (Chiostro di Giovanni III): iniziato sotto Giovanni III, venne terminato durante il regno di Filippo I del Portogallo (anche re di Spagna sotto il nome di Filippo II). Il primo architetto fu lo spagnolo Diogo de Torralva, che iniziò nel 1557 i lavori che sarebbero stati portati a termine dall'italiano Filippo Terzi. Questo splendido chiostro a due piani collega il dormitorio alla chiesa, ed è considerato uno dei principali esempi di Manierismo in Portogallo. I due piani sono collegati da quattro scale elicoidali situate nei quattro angoli.
Graffiti (plural; singular graffiti or graffito, the latter rarely used except in archeology) is art that is written, painted or drawn on a wall or other surface, usually without permission and within public view. Graffiti ranges from simple written words to elaborate wall paintings, and has existed since ancient times, with examples dating back to ancient Egypt, ancient Greece, and the Roman Empire (see also mural).
Graffiti is a controversial subject. In most countries, marking or painting property without permission is considered by property owners and civic authorities as defacement and vandalism, which is a punishable crime, citing the use of graffiti by street gangs to mark territory or to serve as an indicator of gang-related activities. Graffiti has become visualized as a growing urban "problem" for many cities in industrialized nations, spreading from the New York City subway system and Philadelphia in the early 1970s to the rest of the United States and Europe and other world regions
"Graffiti" (usually both singular and plural) and the rare singular form "graffito" are from the Italian word graffiato ("scratched"). The term "graffiti" is used in art history for works of art produced by scratching a design into a surface. A related term is "sgraffito", which involves scratching through one layer of pigment to reveal another beneath it. This technique was primarily used by potters who would glaze their wares and then scratch a design into them. In ancient times graffiti were carved on walls with a sharp object, although sometimes chalk or coal were used. The word originates from Greek γράφειν—graphein—meaning "to write".
The term graffiti originally referred to the inscriptions, figure drawings, and such, found on the walls of ancient sepulchres or ruins, as in the Catacombs of Rome or at Pompeii. Historically, these writings were not considered vanadlism, which today is considered part of the definition of graffiti.
The only known source of the Safaitic language, an ancient form of Arabic, is from graffiti: inscriptions scratched on to the surface of rocks and boulders in the predominantly basalt desert of southern Syria, eastern Jordan and northern Saudi Arabia. Safaitic dates from the first century BC to the fourth century AD.
Some of the oldest cave paintings in the world are 40,000 year old ones found in Australia. The oldest written graffiti was found in ancient Rome around 2500 years ago. Most graffiti from the time was boasts about sexual experiences Graffiti in Ancient Rome was a form of communication, and was not considered vandalism.
Ancient tourists visiting the 5th-century citadel at Sigiriya in Sri Lanka write their names and commentary over the "mirror wall", adding up to over 1800 individual graffiti produced there between the 6th and 18th centuries. Most of the graffiti refer to the frescoes of semi-nude females found there. One reads:
Wet with cool dew drops
fragrant with perfume from the flowers
came the gentle breeze
jasmine and water lily
dance in the spring sunshine
side-long glances
of the golden-hued ladies
stab into my thoughts
heaven itself cannot take my mind
as it has been captivated by one lass
among the five hundred I have seen here.
Among the ancient political graffiti examples were Arab satirist poems. Yazid al-Himyari, an Umayyad Arab and Persian poet, was most known for writing his political poetry on the walls between Sajistan and Basra, manifesting a strong hatred towards the Umayyad regime and its walis, and people used to read and circulate them very widely.
Graffiti, known as Tacherons, were frequently scratched on Romanesque Scandinavian church walls. When Renaissance artists such as Pinturicchio, Raphael, Michelangelo, Ghirlandaio, or Filippino Lippi descended into the ruins of Nero's Domus Aurea, they carved or painted their names and returned to initiate the grottesche style of decoration.
There are also examples of graffiti occurring in American history, such as Independence Rock, a national landmark along the Oregon Trail.
Later, French soldiers carved their names on monuments during the Napoleonic campaign of Egypt in the 1790s. Lord Byron's survives on one of the columns of the Temple of Poseidon at Cape Sounion in Attica, Greece.
The oldest known example of graffiti "monikers" found on traincars created by hobos and railworkers since the late 1800s. The Bozo Texino monikers were documented by filmmaker Bill Daniel in his 2005 film, Who is Bozo Texino?.
In World War II, an inscription on a wall at the fortress of Verdun was seen as an illustration of the US response twice in a generation to the wrongs of the Old World:
During World War II and for decades after, the phrase "Kilroy was here" with an accompanying illustration was widespread throughout the world, due to its use by American troops and ultimately filtering into American popular culture. Shortly after the death of Charlie Parker (nicknamed "Yardbird" or "Bird"), graffiti began appearing around New York with the words "Bird Lives".
Modern graffiti art has its origins with young people in 1960s and 70s in New York City and Philadelphia. Tags were the first form of stylised contemporary graffiti. Eventually, throw-ups and pieces evolved with the desire to create larger art. Writers used spray paint and other kind of materials to leave tags or to create images on the sides subway trains. and eventually moved into the city after the NYC metro began to buy new trains and paint over graffiti.
While the art had many advocates and appreciators—including the cultural critic Norman Mailer—others, including New York City mayor Ed Koch, considered it to be defacement of public property, and saw it as a form of public blight. The ‘taggers’ called what they did ‘writing’—though an important 1974 essay by Mailer referred to it using the term ‘graffiti.’
Contemporary graffiti style has been heavily influenced by hip hop culture and the myriad international styles derived from Philadelphia and New York City Subway graffiti; however, there are many other traditions of notable graffiti in the twentieth century. Graffiti have long appeared on building walls, in latrines, railroad boxcars, subways, and bridges.
An early graffito outside of New York or Philadelphia was the inscription in London reading "Clapton is God" in reference to the guitarist Eric Clapton. Creating the cult of the guitar hero, the phrase was spray-painted by an admirer on a wall in an Islington, north London in the autumn of 1967. The graffito was captured in a photograph, in which a dog is urinating on the wall.
Films like Style Wars in the 80s depicting famous writers such as Skeme, Dondi, MinOne, and ZEPHYR reinforced graffiti's role within New York's emerging hip-hop culture. Although many officers of the New York City Police Department found this film to be controversial, Style Wars is still recognized as the most prolific film representation of what was going on within the young hip hop culture of the early 1980s. Fab 5 Freddy and Futura 2000 took hip hop graffiti to Paris and London as part of the New York City Rap Tour in 1983
Commercialization and entrance into mainstream pop culture
Main article: Commercial graffiti
With the popularity and legitimization of graffiti has come a level of commercialization. In 2001, computer giant IBM launched an advertising campaign in Chicago and San Francisco which involved people spray painting on sidewalks a peace symbol, a heart, and a penguin (Linux mascot), to represent "Peace, Love, and Linux." IBM paid Chicago and San Francisco collectively US$120,000 for punitive damages and clean-up costs.
In 2005, a similar ad campaign was launched by Sony and executed by its advertising agency in New York, Chicago, Atlanta, Philadelphia, Los Angeles, and Miami, to market its handheld PSP gaming system. In this campaign, taking notice of the legal problems of the IBM campaign, Sony paid building owners for the rights to paint on their buildings "a collection of dizzy-eyed urban kids playing with the PSP as if it were a skateboard, a paddle, or a rocking horse".
Tristan Manco wrote that Brazil "boasts a unique and particularly rich, graffiti scene ... [earning] it an international reputation as the place to go for artistic inspiration". Graffiti "flourishes in every conceivable space in Brazil's cities". Artistic parallels "are often drawn between the energy of São Paulo today and 1970s New York". The "sprawling metropolis", of São Paulo has "become the new shrine to graffiti"; Manco alludes to "poverty and unemployment ... [and] the epic struggles and conditions of the country's marginalised peoples", and to "Brazil's chronic poverty", as the main engines that "have fuelled a vibrant graffiti culture". In world terms, Brazil has "one of the most uneven distributions of income. Laws and taxes change frequently". Such factors, Manco argues, contribute to a very fluid society, riven with those economic divisions and social tensions that underpin and feed the "folkloric vandalism and an urban sport for the disenfranchised", that is South American graffiti art.
Prominent Brazilian writers include Os Gêmeos, Boleta, Nunca, Nina, Speto, Tikka, and T.Freak. Their artistic success and involvement in commercial design ventures has highlighted divisions within the Brazilian graffiti community between adherents of the cruder transgressive form of pichação and the more conventionally artistic values of the practitioners of grafite.
Graffiti in the Middle East has emerged slowly, with taggers operating in Egypt, Lebanon, the Gulf countries like Bahrain or the United Arab Emirates, Israel, and in Iran. The major Iranian newspaper Hamshahri has published two articles on illegal writers in the city with photographic coverage of Iranian artist A1one's works on Tehran walls. Tokyo-based design magazine, PingMag, has interviewed A1one and featured photographs of his work. The Israeli West Bank barrier has become a site for graffiti, reminiscent in this sense of the Berlin Wall. Many writers in Israel come from other places around the globe, such as JUIF from Los Angeles and DEVIONE from London. The religious reference "נ נח נחמ נחמן מאומן" ("Na Nach Nachma Nachman Meuman") is commonly seen in graffiti around Israel.
Graffiti has played an important role within the street art scene in the Middle East and North Africa (MENA), especially following the events of the Arab Spring of 2011 or the Sudanese Revolution of 2018/19. Graffiti is a tool of expression in the context of conflict in the region, allowing people to raise their voices politically and socially. Famous street artist Banksy has had an important effect in the street art scene in the MENA area, especially in Palestine where some of his works are located in the West Bank barrier and Bethlehem.
There are also a large number of graffiti influences in Southeast Asian countries that mostly come from modern Western culture, such as Malaysia, where graffiti have long been a common sight in Malaysia's capital city, Kuala Lumpur. Since 2010, the country has begun hosting a street festival to encourage all generations and people from all walks of life to enjoy and encourage Malaysian street culture.
The modern-day graffitists can be found with an arsenal of various materials that allow for a successful production of a piece. This includes such techniques as scribing. However, spray paint in aerosol cans is the number one medium for graffiti. From this commodity comes different styles, technique, and abilities to form master works of graffiti. Spray paint can be found at hardware and art stores and comes in virtually every color.
Stencil graffiti is created by cutting out shapes and designs in a stiff material (such as cardboard or subject folders) to form an overall design or image. The stencil is then placed on the "canvas" gently and with quick, easy strokes of the aerosol can, the image begins to appear on the intended surface.
Some of the first examples were created in 1981 by artists Blek le Rat in Paris, in 1982 by Jef Aerosol in Tours (France); by 1985 stencils had appeared in other cities including New York City, Sydney, and Melbourne, where they were documented by American photographer Charles Gatewood and Australian photographer Rennie Ellis
Tagging is the practice of someone spray-painting "their name, initial or logo onto a public surface" in a handstyle unique to the writer. Tags were the first form of modern graffiti.
Modern graffiti art often incorporates additional arts and technologies. For example, Graffiti Research Lab has encouraged the use of projected images and magnetic light-emitting diodes (throwies) as new media for graffitists. yarnbombing is another recent form of graffiti. Yarnbombers occasionally target previous graffiti for modification, which had been avoided among the majority of graffitists.
Theories on the use of graffiti by avant-garde artists have a history dating back at least to the Asger Jorn, who in 1962 painting declared in a graffiti-like gesture "the avant-garde won't give up"
Many contemporary analysts and even art critics have begun to see artistic value in some graffiti and to recognize it as a form of public art. According to many art researchers, particularly in the Netherlands and in Los Angeles, that type of public art is, in fact an effective tool of social emancipation or, in the achievement of a political goal
In times of conflict, such murals have offered a means of communication and self-expression for members of these socially, ethnically, or racially divided communities, and have proven themselves as effective tools in establishing dialog and thus, of addressing cleavages in the long run. The Berlin Wall was also extensively covered by graffiti reflecting social pressures relating to the oppressive Soviet rule over the GDR.
Many artists involved with graffiti are also concerned with the similar activity of stenciling. Essentially, this entails stenciling a print of one or more colors using spray-paint. Recognized while exhibiting and publishing several of her coloured stencils and paintings portraying the Sri Lankan Civil War and urban Britain in the early 2000s, graffitists Mathangi Arulpragasam, aka M.I.A., has also become known for integrating her imagery of political violence into her music videos for singles "Galang" and "Bucky Done Gun", and her cover art. Stickers of her artwork also often appear around places such as London in Brick Lane, stuck to lamp posts and street signs, she having become a muse for other graffitists and painters worldwide in cities including Seville.
Graffitist believes that art should be on display for everyone in the public eye or in plain sight, not hidden away in a museum or a gallery. Art should color the streets, not the inside of some building. Graffiti is a form of art that cannot be owned or bought. It does not last forever, it is temporary, yet one of a kind. It is a form of self promotion for the artist that can be displayed anywhere form sidewalks, roofs, subways, building wall, etc. Art to them is for everyone and should be showed to everyone for free.
Graffiti is a way of communicating and a way of expressing what one feels in the moment. It is both art and a functional thing that can warn people of something or inform people of something. However, graffiti is to some people a form of art, but to some a form of vandalism. And many graffitists choose to protect their identities and remain anonymous or to hinder prosecution.
With the commercialization of graffiti (and hip hop in general), in most cases, even with legally painted "graffiti" art, graffitists tend to choose anonymity. This may be attributed to various reasons or a combination of reasons. Graffiti still remains the one of four hip hop elements that is not considered "performance art" despite the image of the "singing and dancing star" that sells hip hop culture to the mainstream. Being a graphic form of art, it might also be said that many graffitists still fall in the category of the introverted archetypal artist.
Banksy is one of the world's most notorious and popular street artists who continues to remain faceless in today's society. He is known for his political, anti-war stencil art mainly in Bristol, England, but his work may be seen anywhere from Los Angeles to Palestine. In the UK, Banksy is the most recognizable icon for this cultural artistic movement and keeps his identity a secret to avoid arrest. Much of Banksy's artwork may be seen around the streets of London and surrounding suburbs, although he has painted pictures throughout the world, including the Middle East, where he has painted on Israel's controversial West Bank barrier with satirical images of life on the other side. One depicted a hole in the wall with an idyllic beach, while another shows a mountain landscape on the other side. A number of exhibitions also have taken place since 2000, and recent works of art have fetched vast sums of money. Banksy's art is a prime example of the classic controversy: vandalism vs. art. Art supporters endorse his work distributed in urban areas as pieces of art and some councils, such as Bristol and Islington, have officially protected them, while officials of other areas have deemed his work to be vandalism and have removed it.
Pixnit is another artist who chooses to keep her identity from the general public. Her work focuses on beauty and design aspects of graffiti as opposed to Banksy's anti-government shock value. Her paintings are often of flower designs above shops and stores in her local urban area of Cambridge, Massachusetts. Some store owners endorse her work and encourage others to do similar work as well. "One of the pieces was left up above Steve's Kitchen, because it looks pretty awesome"- Erin Scott, the manager of New England Comics in Allston, Massachusetts.
Graffiti artists may become offended if photographs of their art are published in a commercial context without their permission. In March 2020, the Finnish graffiti artist Psyke expressed his displeasure at the newspaper Ilta-Sanomat publishing a photograph of a Peugeot 208 in an article about new cars, with his graffiti prominently shown on the background. The artist claims he does not want his art being used in commercial context, not even if he were to receive compensation.
Territorial graffiti marks urban neighborhoods with tags and logos to differentiate certain groups from others. These images are meant to show outsiders a stern look at whose turf is whose. The subject matter of gang-related graffiti consists of cryptic symbols and initials strictly fashioned with unique calligraphies. Gang members use graffiti to designate membership throughout the gang, to differentiate rivals and associates and, most commonly, to mark borders which are both territorial and ideological.
Graffiti has been used as a means of advertising both legally and illegally. Bronx-based TATS CRU has made a name for themselves doing legal advertising campaigns for companies such as Coca-Cola, McDonald's, Toyota, and MTV. In the UK, Covent Garden's Boxfresh used stencil images of a Zapatista revolutionary in the hopes that cross referencing would promote their store.
Smirnoff hired artists to use reverse graffiti (the use of high pressure hoses to clean dirty surfaces to leave a clean image in the surrounding dirt) to increase awareness of their product.
Graffiti often has a reputation as part of a subculture that rebels against authority, although the considerations of the practitioners often diverge and can relate to a wide range of attitudes. It can express a political practice and can form just one tool in an array of resistance techniques. One early example includes the anarcho-punk band Crass, who conducted a campaign of stenciling anti-war, anarchist, feminist, and anti-consumerist messages throughout the London Underground system during the late 1970s and early 1980s. In Amsterdam graffiti was a major part of the punk scene. The city was covered with names such as "De Zoot", "Vendex", and "Dr Rat". To document the graffiti a punk magazine was started that was called Gallery Anus. So when hip hop came to Europe in the early 1980s there was already a vibrant graffiti culture.
The student protests and general strike of May 1968 saw Paris bedecked in revolutionary, anarchistic, and situationist slogans such as L'ennui est contre-révolutionnaire ("Boredom is counterrevolutionary") and Lisez moins, vivez plus ("Read less, live more"). While not exhaustive, the graffiti gave a sense of the 'millenarian' and rebellious spirit, tempered with a good deal of verbal wit, of the strikers.
I think graffiti writing is a way of defining what our generation is like. Excuse the French, we're not a bunch of p---- artists. Traditionally artists have been considered soft and mellow people, a little bit kooky. Maybe we're a little bit more like pirates that way. We defend our territory, whatever space we steal to paint on, we defend it fiercely.
The developments of graffiti art which took place in art galleries and colleges as well as "on the street" or "underground", contributed to the resurfacing in the 1990s of a far more overtly politicized art form in the subvertising, culture jamming, or tactical media movements. These movements or styles tend to classify the artists by their relationship to their social and economic contexts, since, in most countries, graffiti art remains illegal in many forms except when using non-permanent paint. Since the 1990s with the rise of Street Art, a growing number of artists are switching to non-permanent paints and non-traditional forms of painting.
Contemporary practitioners, accordingly, have varied and often conflicting practices. Some individuals, such as Alexander Brener, have used the medium to politicize other art forms, and have used the prison sentences enforced on them as a means of further protest. The practices of anonymous groups and individuals also vary widely, and practitioners by no means always agree with each other's practices. For example, the anti-capitalist art group the Space Hijackers did a piece in 2004 about the contradiction between the capitalistic elements of Banksy and his use of political imagery.
Berlin human rights activist Irmela Mensah-Schramm has received global media attention and numerous awards for her 35-year campaign of effacing neo-Nazi and other right-wing extremist graffiti throughout Germany, often by altering hate speech in humorous ways.
In Serbian capital, Belgrade, the graffiti depicting a uniformed former general of Serb army and war criminal, convicted at ICTY for war crimes and crimes against humanity, including genocide and ethnic cleansing in Bosnian War, Ratko Mladić, appeared in a military salute alongside the words "General, thank to your mother". Aleks Eror, Berlin-based journalist, explains how "veneration of historical and wartime figures" through street art is not a new phenomenon in the region of former Yugoslavia, and that "in most cases is firmly focused on the future, rather than retelling the past". Eror is not only analyst pointing to danger of such an expressions for the region's future. In a long expose on the subject of Bosnian genocide denial, at Balkan Diskurs magazine and multimedia platform website, Kristina Gadže and Taylor Whitsell referred to these experiences as a young generations' "cultural heritage", in which young are being exposed to celebration and affirmation of war-criminals as part of their "formal education" and "inheritance".
There are numerous examples of genocide denial through celebration and affirmation of war criminals throughout the region of Western Balkans inhabited by Serbs using this form of artistic expression. Several more of these graffiti are found in Serbian capital, and many more across Serbia and Bosnian and Herzegovinian administrative entity, Republika Srpska, which is the ethnic Serbian majority enclave. Critics point that Serbia as a state, is willing to defend the mural of convicted war criminal, and have no intention to react on cases of genocide denial, noting that Interior Minister of Serbia, Aleksandar Vulin decision to ban any gathering with an intent to remove the mural, with the deployment of riot police, sends the message of "tacit endorsement". Consequently, on 9 November 2021, Serbian heavy police in riot gear, with graffiti creators and their supporters, blocked the access to the mural to prevent human rights groups and other activists to paint over it and mark the International Day Against Fascism and Antisemitism in that way, and even arrested two civic activist for throwing eggs at the graffiti.
Graffiti may also be used as an offensive expression. This form of graffiti may be difficult to identify, as it is mostly removed by the local authority (as councils which have adopted strategies of criminalization also strive to remove graffiti quickly). Therefore, existing racist graffiti is mostly more subtle and at first sight, not easily recognized as "racist". It can then be understood only if one knows the relevant "local code" (social, historical, political, temporal, and spatial), which is seen as heteroglot and thus a 'unique set of conditions' in a cultural context.
A spatial code for example, could be that there is a certain youth group in an area that is engaging heavily in racist activities. So, for residents (knowing the local code), a graffiti containing only the name or abbreviation of this gang already is a racist expression, reminding the offended people of their gang activities. Also a graffiti is in most cases, the herald of more serious criminal activity to come. A person who does not know these gang activities would not be able to recognize the meaning of this graffiti. Also if a tag of this youth group or gang is placed on a building occupied by asylum seekers, for example, its racist character is even stronger.
By making the graffiti less explicit (as adapted to social and legal constraints), these drawings are less likely to be removed, but do not lose their threatening and offensive character.
Elsewhere, activists in Russia have used painted caricatures of local officials with their mouths as potholes, to show their anger about the poor state of the roads. In Manchester, England, a graffitists painted obscene images around potholes, which often resulted in them being repaired within 48 hours.
In the early 1980s, the first art galleries to show graffitists to the public were Fashion Moda in the Bronx, Now Gallery and Fun Gallery, both in the East Village, Manhattan.
A 2006 exhibition at the Brooklyn Museum displayed graffiti as an art form that began in New York's outer boroughs and reached great heights in the early 1980s with the work of Crash, Lee, Daze, Keith Haring, and Jean-Michel Basquiat. It displayed 22 works by New York graffitists, including Crash, Daze, and Lady Pink. In an article about the exhibition in the magazine Time Out, curator Charlotta Kotik said that she hoped the exhibition would cause viewers to rethink their assumptions about graffiti.
From the 1970s onwards, Burhan Doğançay photographed urban walls all over the world; these he then archived for use as sources of inspiration for his painterly works. The project today known as "Walls of the World" grew beyond even his own expectations and comprises about 30,000 individual images. It spans a period of 40 years across five continents and 114 countries. In 1982, photographs from this project comprised a one-man exhibition titled "Les murs murmurent, ils crient, ils chantent ..." (The walls whisper, shout and sing ...) at the Centre Georges Pompidou in Paris.
In Australia, art historians have judged some local graffiti of sufficient creative merit to rank them firmly within the arts. Oxford University Press's art history text Australian Painting 1788–2000 concludes with a long discussion of graffiti's key place within contemporary visual culture, including the work of several Australian practitioners.
Between March and April 2009, 150 artists exhibited 300 pieces of graffiti at the Grand Palais in Paris.
Spray paint has many negative environmental effects. The paint contains toxic chemicals, and the can uses volatile hydrocarbon gases to spray the paint onto a surface.
Volatile organic compound (VOC) leads to ground level ozone formation and most of graffiti related emissions are VOCs. A 2010 paper estimates 4,862 tons of VOCs were released in the United States in activities related to graffiti.
In China, Mao Zedong in the 1920s used revolutionary slogans and paintings in public places to galvanize the country's communist movement.
Based on different national conditions, many people believe that China's attitude towards Graffiti is fierce, but in fact, according to Lance Crayon in his film Spray Paint Beijing: Graffiti in the Capital of China, Graffiti is generally accepted in Beijing, with artists not seeing much police interference. Political and religiously sensitive graffiti, however, is not allowed.
In Hong Kong, Tsang Tsou Choi was known as the King of Kowloon for his calligraphy graffiti over many years, in which he claimed ownership of the area. Now some of his work is preserved officially.
In Taiwan, the government has made some concessions to graffitists. Since 2005 they have been allowed to freely display their work along some sections of riverside retaining walls in designated "Graffiti Zones". From 2007, Taipei's department of cultural affairs also began permitting graffiti on fences around major public construction sites. Department head Yong-ping Lee (李永萍) stated, "We will promote graffiti starting with the public sector, and then later in the private sector too. It's our goal to beautify the city with graffiti". The government later helped organize a graffiti contest in Ximending, a popular shopping district. graffitists caught working outside of these designated areas still face fines up to NT$6,000 under a department of environmental protection regulation. However, Taiwanese authorities can be relatively lenient, one veteran police officer stating anonymously, "Unless someone complains about vandalism, we won't get involved. We don't go after it proactively."
In 1993, after several expensive cars in Singapore were spray-painted, the police arrested a student from the Singapore American School, Michael P. Fay, questioned him, and subsequently charged him with vandalism. Fay pleaded guilty to vandalizing a car in addition to stealing road signs. Under the 1966 Vandalism Act of Singapore, originally passed to curb the spread of communist graffiti in Singapore, the court sentenced him to four months in jail, a fine of S$3,500 (US$2,233), and a caning. The New York Times ran several editorials and op-eds that condemned the punishment and called on the American public to flood the Singaporean embassy with protests. Although the Singapore government received many calls for clemency, Fay's caning took place in Singapore on 5 May 1994. Fay had originally received a sentence of six strokes of the cane, but the presiding president of Singapore, Ong Teng Cheong, agreed to reduce his caning sentence to four lashes.
In South Korea, Park Jung-soo was fined two million South Korean won by the Seoul Central District Court for spray-painting a rat on posters of the G-20 Summit a few days before the event in November 2011. Park alleged that the initial in "G-20" sounds like the Korean word for "rat", but Korean government prosecutors alleged that Park was making a derogatory statement about the president of South Korea, Lee Myung-bak, the host of the summit. This case led to public outcry and debate on the lack of government tolerance and in support of freedom of expression. The court ruled that the painting, "an ominous creature like a rat" amounts to "an organized criminal activity" and upheld the fine while denying the prosecution's request for imprisonment for Park.
In Europe, community cleaning squads have responded to graffiti, in some cases with reckless abandon, as when in 1992 in France a local Scout group, attempting to remove modern graffiti, damaged two prehistoric paintings of bison in the Cave of Mayrière supérieure near the French village of Bruniquel in Tarn-et-Garonne, earning them the 1992 Ig Nobel Prize in archeology.
In September 2006, the European Parliament directed the European Commission to create urban environment policies to prevent and eliminate dirt, litter, graffiti, animal excrement, and excessive noise from domestic and vehicular music systems in European cities, along with other concerns over urban life.
In Budapest, Hungary, both a city-backed movement called I Love Budapest and a special police division tackle the problem, including the provision of approved areas.
The Anti-social Behaviour Act 2003 became Britain's latest anti-graffiti legislation. In August 2004, the Keep Britain Tidy campaign issued a press release calling for zero tolerance of graffiti and supporting proposals such as issuing "on the spot" fines to graffiti offenders and banning the sale of aerosol paint to anyone under the age of 16. The press release also condemned the use of graffiti images in advertising and in music videos, arguing that real-world experience of graffiti stood far removed from its often-portrayed "cool" or "edgy'" image.
To back the campaign, 123 Members of Parliament (MPs) (including then Prime Minister Tony Blair), signed a charter which stated: "Graffiti is not art, it's crime. On behalf of my constituents, I will do all I can to rid our community of this problem."
In the UK, city councils have the power to take action against the owner of any property that has been defaced under the Anti-social Behaviour Act 2003 (as amended by the Clean Neighbourhoods and Environment Act 2005) or, in certain cases, the Highways Act. This is often used against owners of property that are complacent in allowing protective boards to be defaced so long as the property is not damaged.
In July 2008, a conspiracy charge was used to convict graffitists for the first time. After a three-month police surveillance operation, nine members of the DPM crew were convicted of conspiracy to commit criminal damage costing at least £1 million. Five of them received prison sentences, ranging from eighteen months to two years. The unprecedented scale of the investigation and the severity of the sentences rekindled public debate over whether graffiti should be considered art or crime.
Some councils, like those of Stroud and Loerrach, provide approved areas in the town where graffitists can showcase their talents, including underpasses, car parks, and walls that might otherwise prove a target for the "spray and run".
Graffiti Tunnel, University of Sydney at Camperdown (2009)
In an effort to reduce vandalism, many cities in Australia have designated walls or areas exclusively for use by graffitists. One early example is the "Graffiti Tunnel" located at the Camperdown Campus of the University of Sydney, which is available for use by any student at the university to tag, advertise, poster, and paint. Advocates of this idea suggest that this discourages petty vandalism yet encourages artists to take their time and produce great art, without worry of being caught or arrested for vandalism or trespassing.[108][109] Others disagree with this approach, arguing that the presence of legal graffiti walls does not demonstrably reduce illegal graffiti elsewhere. Some local government areas throughout Australia have introduced "anti-graffiti squads", who clean graffiti in the area, and such crews as BCW (Buffers Can't Win) have taken steps to keep one step ahead of local graffiti cleaners.
Many state governments have banned the sale or possession of spray paint to those under the age of 18 (age of majority). However, a number of local governments in Victoria have taken steps to recognize the cultural heritage value of some examples of graffiti, such as prominent political graffiti. Tough new graffiti laws have been introduced in Australia with fines of up to A$26,000 and two years in prison.
Melbourne is a prominent graffiti city of Australia with many of its lanes being tourist attractions, such as Hosier Lane in particular, a popular destination for photographers, wedding photography, and backdrops for corporate print advertising. The Lonely Planet travel guide cites Melbourne's street as a major attraction. All forms of graffiti, including sticker art, poster, stencil art, and wheatpasting, can be found in many places throughout the city. Prominent street art precincts include; Fitzroy, Collingwood, Northcote, Brunswick, St. Kilda, and the CBD, where stencil and sticker art is prominent. As one moves farther away from the city, mostly along suburban train lines, graffiti tags become more prominent. Many international artists such as Banksy have left their work in Melbourne and in early 2008 a perspex screen was installed to prevent a Banksy stencil art piece from being destroyed, it has survived since 2003 through the respect of local street artists avoiding posting over it, although it has recently had paint tipped over it.
In February 2008 Helen Clark, the New Zealand prime minister at that time, announced a government crackdown on tagging and other forms of graffiti vandalism, describing it as a destructive crime representing an invasion of public and private property. New legislation subsequently adopted included a ban on the sale of paint spray cans to persons under 18 and increases in maximum fines for the offence from NZ$200 to NZ$2,000 or extended community service. The issue of tagging become a widely debated one following an incident in Auckland during January 2008 in which a middle-aged property owner stabbed one of two teenage taggers to death and was subsequently convicted of manslaughter.
Graffiti databases have increased in the past decade because they allow vandalism incidents to be fully documented against an offender and help the police and prosecution charge and prosecute offenders for multiple counts of vandalism. They also provide law enforcement the ability to rapidly search for an offender's moniker or tag in a simple, effective, and comprehensive way. These systems can also help track costs of damage to a city to help allocate an anti-graffiti budget. The theory is that when an offender is caught putting up graffiti, they are not just charged with one count of vandalism; they can be held accountable for all the other damage for which they are responsible. This has two main benefits for law enforcement. One, it sends a signal to the offenders that their vandalism is being tracked. Two, a city can seek restitution from offenders for all the damage that they have committed, not merely a single incident. These systems give law enforcement personnel real-time, street-level intelligence that allows them not only to focus on the worst graffiti offenders and their damage, but also to monitor potential gang violence that is associated with the graffiti.
Many restrictions of civil gang injunctions are designed to help address and protect the physical environment and limit graffiti. Provisions of gang injunctions include things such as restricting the possession of marker pens, spray paint cans, or other sharp objects capable of defacing private or public property; spray painting, or marking with marker pens, scratching, applying stickers, or otherwise applying graffiti on any public or private property, including, but not limited to the street, alley, residences, block walls, and fences, vehicles or any other real or personal property. Some injunctions contain wording that restricts damaging or vandalizing both public and private property, including but not limited to any vehicle, light fixture, door, fence, wall, gate, window, building, street sign, utility box, telephone box, tree, or power pole.
To help address many of these issues, many local jurisdictions have set up graffiti abatement hotlines, where citizens can call in and report vandalism and have it removed. San Diego's hotline receives more than 5,000 calls per year, in addition to reporting the graffiti, callers can learn more about prevention. One of the complaints about these hotlines is the response time; there is often a lag time between a property owner calling about the graffiti and its removal. The length of delay should be a consideration for any jurisdiction planning on operating a hotline. Local jurisdictions must convince the callers that their complaint of vandalism will be a priority and cleaned off right away. If the jurisdiction does not have the resources to respond to complaints in a timely manner, the value of the hotline diminishes. Crews must be able to respond to individual service calls made to the graffiti hotline as well as focus on cleanup near schools, parks, and major intersections and transit routes to have the biggest impact. Some cities offer a reward for information leading to the arrest and prosecution of suspects for tagging or graffiti related vandalism. The amount of the reward is based on the information provided, and the action taken.
When police obtain search warrants in connection with a vandalism investigation, they are often seeking judicial approval to look for items such as cans of spray paint and nozzles from other kinds of aerosol sprays; etching tools, or other sharp or pointed objects, which could be used to etch or scratch glass and other hard surfaces; permanent marking pens, markers, or paint sticks; evidence of membership or affiliation with any gang or tagging crew; paraphernalia including any reference to "(tagger's name)"; any drawings, writing, objects, or graffiti depicting taggers' names, initials, logos, monikers, slogans, or any mention of tagging crew membership; and any newspaper clippings relating to graffiti crime.
We thought we knew all of the work of Marc Chagall ... The course painter but also a sculptor, ceramicist without forgetting mosaics, stained glass windows and the upholsterer . This is what we discover until January 11 at the Modern Art Museum of Troyes , a place that has already spent exposures to glass, ceramics and textile art.
Chagall is interested in Tapestry in 1962, when the Israeli government commissioned a decoration for the hall of the Knesset. The triptych of a monumental tapestry is entrusted to the renowned Gobelins . He will again appeal to the factory in 1973 for a tapestry located in the entrance of the Marc Chagall National Museum in Nice.
Meanwhile, in 1964, the artist met the supervisor Yvette Cauquil-Prince and is immediately seduced by its ability to achieve tapestries without losing the soul so special original paintings.
The exhibition represents 17 tapestries Yvette Cauquil-Prince who was inspired lithographs and paintings of Marc Chagall the exposed side to put them in parallel and compared.
These tapestries include Peace , loaned by the city of Sarrebourg Moselle, La Baie des Anges , Le Coq Rouge, Harlequin and A wife , a work by Chagall in homage to his Bella Rosenfeld wife died in 1944.
In these tapestries themes dear to Marc Chagall are all present , religion, nature, circus, musicians and animals, this lively and colorful medley that transports us like a dream and reminds this excerpt from a poem of Aragon:
" Chagall color is your people
Give games and bread
God it's nice when the shadow is red
and blue love "
Christophe Dard
to mark the 30 th anniversary of the death of Chagall, Marc Chagall National Museum invites the public to discover a wealth less known production of the artist: woven work.
After World War II, set in the south of France, Marc Chagall was introduced to other techniques as painting or engraving. The artist seeks to expand its plastic experiments: ceramics, stained glass, sculpture, mosaic and tapestry mobilize energy.
During his lifetime, Chagall and sees "fall of the loom" 20 tapestries for the decoration of public buildings or private collectors. Made from Chagall's works, these tapestries were executed in close collaboration with the weavers of the national Gobelins or with a large tapestry specialist, Yvette Cauquil-Prince.
Chagall and upholstery
The first tapestries are woven Manufacture Nationale des Gobelins in Paris between 1965 and 1968. This is a set of three monumental tapestries for the hall of the Knesset in Jerusalem. In 1970 - 1971, it is again the Manufacture des Gobelins is responsible for the execution of a tapestry for the future National Museum Marc Chagall Biblical Message in Nice.
But much of the work is performed woven from the works of Chagall led by Yvette Cauquil-Prince. Major protagonist of the revival of the tapestry in the XX th century, Yvette Cauquil-Prince (1928-2005) devoted his expertise and talent to the transcription tapestry works of the greatest artists of the time: Pablo Picasso, Max Ernst, Paul Klee ... Chagall meeting in 1964. Since then, is established a fruitful dialogue that lasts two decades and beyond, in tapestries pursued Yvette Cauquil-Prince after the death of Chagall in 1985. brilliant performer of the master's work, she excels in the return of pictorial effects by means of the tapestry. It imports into the work woven throughout the expressive richness of the painted work, etched or drawn. The first tapestries, small size, are followed by large parts, giving see the model in a new format. As prime contractor, Yvette Cauquil-Prince does not limit its intervention to the reproduction of a model or its expansion. It proposes, by changing the medium and format, another reading of the work of Marc Chagall.
First tapestry exhibition at the National Marc Chagall Museum
This is the first time the Marc Chagall National Museum celebrates this technique, represented in its collections by a single piece, created for the museum, Mediterranean landscape .
The exhibition Marc Chagall. Woven works unfolds throughout the museum. It provides exceptional confrontation 12 shimmering tapestry or more nuanced and 12 original works by Chagall, who served as models for weaving.
The achievements will be discussed with the Gobelins tapestry created for the opening of the Museum (1973) and by the test printing, retail validated by Marc Chagall tapestries for the Knesset. Other tapestries presented show vividly the talented performer Yvette Cauquil-Prince.
The exhibition also explains the part of freedom of interpretation left to the contractor. One room is dedicated to the art of tapestry where the public can find the materials needed for weaving.
Monumental transposition of colorful verve of Marc Chagall, the woven work is an extension of the painted or engraved work. It invites to think the deregulation of creation, beyond the boundaries between artistic disciplines.
Police station
Anne Dopffer, general heritage curator, director of the National Museums of XX th century in the Alpes-Maritimes
Sarah Highlighting conservative Heritage National Museum Marc Chagall
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La Cappella Palatina è una basilica a tre navate dedicata ai santi Pietro e Paolo. Fu fatta costruire per volere di Ruggero II e venne consacrata il 28 aprile 1140 come chiesa della famiglia reale. Le tre navate sono separate da colonne in granito e marmo cipollino a capitelli compositi che sorreggono una struttura di archi ad ogiva. Completa la costruzione la cupola, eretta sopra le tre absidi del santuario. La cupola e il campanile originariamente erano visibili dall'esterno prima di venire inglobate nel Palazzo Reale in seguito alle costruzioni successive. La cupola, il transetto e le absidi sono interamente decorate nella parte superiore da mosaici bizantini, tra i più importanti della Sicilia, raffiguranti il Cristo Pantocratore benedicente, gli evangelisti e scene bibliche varie.
I mosaici di datazione più antica sono quelli della cupola, risalenti alla costruzione originaria del 1143.
Il soffitto in legno della navata centrale e le travature della altre navate sono decorate con intagli e dipinti di stile arabo. In ogni spicchio sono presenti stelle lignee con rappresentazioni di animali, danzatori e scene di vita della corte islamica.
Danneggiata dal terremoto del settembre 2002 fu sottoposta a restauri, conclusi nel luglio 2008. Il progetto dei restauri redatto dall'architetto Guido Meli dirigente del centro regionale per il restauro della Regione Siciliana venne finanziato dal mecenate tedesco Reinold Wurth per oltre tre milioni di euro.
Le decorazioni dei mosaici rappresentano scene di carattere aulico e venatorio con grande dedizione nell'esecuzione degli animali tra cui, oltre i mitilogici centauri appaiono leopardi, pavoni, cervi, cigni sullo sfondo di una vegetazione di alberi e palme. Le rappresentazioni dai canoni sontuosi ma con accenti di rigidità, delineano la chiarissima matrice greco-bizantina dell'opera. La volta della sala risale invece al periodo successivo di Federico II, come testimoniato dalla rappresentazione dell'aquila sveva.
La Cappella Palatina si trova nel sontuoso Palazzo dei Normanni, che oggi ospita il parlamento siciliano.
La Cappella è sicuramente il luogo più celebre della città di Palermo. I lavori di costruzione iniziarono nel 1130, anno in cui fu Ruggero II fu incoronato re di Sicilia, e terminarono nel 1143.
La Cappella è importante perché rappresenta la sintesi culturale e politica operata dai Normanni. Infatti, essa fonde in modo mirabile le espressioni architettoniche più rilevanti per la Sicilia: l'europea, la siciliana, la bizantina, l'araba. La Cappella si presenta sotto forma di basilica a tre navate sorrette da colonne di granito con capitelli corinzi riccamente decorati. L'elegante mosaico bizantino presente al suo interno, che si ritroverà nella chiesa della Martorana e nel Duomo di Monreale, è stato definito come uno dei più belli e meglio conservati di tutta Italia. È ormai certo che i mosaici sono stati eseguiti in due momenti successivi: si ritiene che i più antichi risalgano agli anni intorno al 1240, mentre quelli della navata centrale dovrebbero risalire agli anni 1260-1270.
I mosaici della navata centrale riportano scene dell’antico testamento; quelli del presbiterio ricordano episodi della vita di Cristo, e quelli delle navate laterali episodi della vita di San Pietro e San Paolo. Splendidi sono i mosaici più antichi, nella cupola che sovrasta il coro: rappresentano il Cristo Pantocratore (onnipotente), circondato da angeli ed arcangeli, e i quattro Evangelisti che paiono assorti in meditazione.
La Collezione Würth nata negli anni Sessanta grazie a Reinhold Würth, imprenditore e fondatore della Corporate Collection e amico ventennale della celebre coppia, comprende ormai circa 14.000 opere d’arte di pittura, grafica e scultura del ventesimo e ventunesimo secolo.
Christo inizia nei suoi anni parigini (si stabilì in Francia nel 1958) ad “impacchettare” oggetti del quotidiano come scatole, bottiglie e pile di giornali, per poi passare, nel momento di massima espressione artistica, a monumenti, edifici ed estesi paesaggi naturali.
“To wrap - termine inglese che lo stesso Christo precisa in conferenza stampa a Palermo - è molto di più che impacchettare. Si tratta di dare un valore aggiunto, un tocco di unicità all'oggetto più o meno grande, prezioso o conosciuto, provando ad impreziosirlo”. Avvolto da tessuto o da carta da imballaggio, infatti, l'oggetto prende improvvisamente vita, generando nell'osservatore un piacevole effetto sorpresa.
Lo spazio tutt'attorno ad esso magicamente si anima e acquisisce un fascino nuovo. L'istallazione, divenuta misteriosa e preziosa al contempo, attiva la memoria, stimola l'immaginazione e invita il fruitore a inglobare, vivere, “sperimentare” l'opera d'arte in prima persona, piuttosto che limitarsi ad osservarla. Davanti all'opera di Christo infatti non si può fare a meno di chiedersi quale sia per lui e la consorte, scomparsa nel 2009, il senso profondo dell'avvolgere grandi monumenti carichi di simbolo o paesaggi naturali, già capaci di dare emozioni per la loro maestosità e bellezza.
“Le istallazioni - spiega lo stesso artista - non sono fatte per essere delle opere d'arte eterne. Esse durano un tempo determinato, per poi rimanere nella memoria storica e nell'esperienza di chi è entrato in contatto con l'opera e ne ha intuito il senso di irripetibilità”.
Alcuni tra i lavori più spettacolari sono senza dubbio “Wrapped Coast”, la ricopertura della scogliera australiana con 100 Kmq di tessuto anti-erosione (Sidney, anni 60) e “The Pont Neuf Wrapped”, il drappeggio del più antico ed unico doppio ponte sulla Senna (Parigi, anni 80-90), realizzato con 40.876 mq di poliammide intrecciato e 13 km di funi. Ed ancora, l’imballaggio del Reichstag (Palazzo del Parlamento) di Berlino nel 1991, interamente ricoperto da una cascata di sontuose pieghe verticali di tessuto blu e argento, in grado di esaltarne le pieghe, le membrature e le proporzioni, divenuta una delle opere d'arte contemporanea più visitate al mondo, nonché un'icona per la storia tedesca. Ed infine, “The Umbrellas”, l'installazione di 1340 ombrelloni blu a Ibaraki sulle coste del Giappone e 1760 ombrelloni gialli su quelle della California.
La coppia bulgaro-francese inoltre trascorre numerosi anni dedicandosi allo studio dei materiali, tessuti e stoffe da utilizzare nei progetti: “la stoffa - scrive Christo- come i vestiti e come la pelle ha una delicatezza ed una fragilità che esprime la qualità unica della caducità”.
Rientravano nel processo di realizzazione intenso e articolato anche lo studio fisico del luogo e le ricerche sul tessuto sociale, affinché l'opera d'arte diventasse parte integrante del paesaggio senza aggredirlo o modificarne la funzionalità, e tutte le difficoltà di tipo organizzativo, tra cui le logiche burocratiche per ottenere i permessi necessari ad agire in modo così massiccio sul paesaggio naturale o architettonico e il coordinamento del lavoro di centinaia di operai-realizzatori. I numerosi studi, gli schizzi e i bozzetti presenti nella mostra risultano molto interessanti. Realizzati a matita, a carboncino, in collage o modelli in scala, infatti, essi mostrano la vera e propria gestazione dei progetti, testimoniando le fasi di un processo lungo e sofisticato.
La mostra è stata realizzata grazie al sostegno del Wurth Group con la collaborazione dell'Assemblea Regionale Siciliana e della Fondazione Federico II, e resterà aperta tutti i giorni dalle 8 e 30 alle 17 e la domenica dalle 8 e 30 alle 13, fino all'8 gennaio del 2012.