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Wroblewski, Luke. 2008. Web Form Design: Filling In the Blanks. New York: Rosenfeld Media.
Rapid strata formation in soft sand (field evidence).
Photo of strata formation in soft sand on a beach, created by tidal action of the sea.
Formed in a single, high tidal event. Stunning evidence which displays multiple strata/layers.
Why this is so important ....
It has long been assumed, ever since the 17th century, that layers/strata observed in sedimentary rocks were built up gradually, layer upon layer, over many years. It certainly seemed logical at the time, from just looking at rocks, that lower layers would always be older than the layers above them, i.e. that lower layers were always laid down first followed, in time, by successive layers on top.
This was assumed to be true and became known as the superposition principle.
It was also assumed that a layer comprising a different material from a previous layer, represented a change in environmental conditions/factors.
These changes in composition of layers or strata were considered to represent different, geological eras on a global scale, spanning millions of years. This formed the basis for the Geologic Column, which is used to date rocks and also fossils. The evolutionary, 'fossil record' was based on the vast ages and assumed geological eras of the Geologic Column.
There was also circular reasoning applied with the assumed age of 'index' fossils (based on evolutionary beliefs & preconceptions) used to date strata in the Geologic Column. Dating strata from the assumed age of (index) fossils is known as Biostratigraphy.
We now know that, although these assumptions seemed logical, they are not supported by the evidence.
At the time, the mechanics of stratification were not properly known or studied.
An additional factor was that this assumed superposition and uniformitarian model became essential, with the wide acceptance of Darwinism, for the long ages required for progressive microbes-to-human evolution. There was no incentive to question or challenge the superposition, uniformitarian model, because the presumed, fossil 'record' had become dependant on it, and any change in the accepted model would present devastating implications for Darwinism.
This had the unfortunate effect of linking the study of geology so closely to Darwinism, that any study independent of Darwinian considerations was effectively stymied. This link of geology with Darwinian preconceptions is known as biostratigraphy.
Some other field evidence can be observed here: www.flickr.com/photos/101536517@N06/sets/72157635944904973/
and also in the links to stunning, experimental evidence, carried out by sedimentologists, given later.
_______________________________________________
GEOLOGIC PRINCIPLES (established by Nicholas Steno in the 17th Century):
What Nicolas Steno believed about strata formation is the basis of the principle of Superposition and the principle of Original Horizontality.
dictionary.sensagent.com/Law_of_superposition/en-en/
“Assuming that all rocks and minerals had once been fluid, Nicolas Steno reasoned that rock strata were formed when particles in a fluid such as water fell to the bottom. This process would leave horizontal layers. Thus Steno's principle of original horizontality states that rock layers form in the horizontal position, and any deviations from this horizontal position are due to the rocks being disturbed later.”)
BEDDING PLANES.
'Bedding plane' describes the surface in between each stratum which are formed during sediment deposition.
science.jrank.org/pages/6533/Strata.html
“Strata form during sediment deposition, that is, the laying down of sediment. Meanwhile, if a change in current speed or sediment grain size occurs or perhaps the sediment supply is cut off, a bedding plane forms. Bedding planes are surfaces that separate one stratum from another. Bedding planes can also form when the upper part of a sediment layer is eroded away before the next episode of deposition. Strata separated by a bedding plane may have different grain sizes, grain compositions, or colours. Sometimes these other traits are better indicators of stratification as bedding planes may be very subtle.”
______________________________________________
Several catastrophic events, flash floods, volcanic eruptions etc. have forced Darwinian, influenced geologists to admit to rapid stratification in some instances. However they claim it is a rare phenomenon, which they have known about for many years, and which does nothing to invalidate the Geologic Column, the fossil record, evolutionary timescale, or any of the old assumptions regarding strata formation, sedimentation and the superposition principle. They fail to face up to the fact that rapid stratification is not an extraordinary phenonemon, but rather the prevailing and normal mechanism of sedimentary deposition whenever and wherever there is moving, sediment-laden water. The experimental evidence demonstrates the mechanism and a mass of field evidence in normal (non-catastrophic) conditions shows it is a normal everyday occurrence.
It is clear from the experimental evidence that the usual process of stratification is - that strata are not formed by horizontal layers being laid on top of each other in succession, as was assumed. But by sediment being sorted in the flowing water and laid down diagonally in the direction of flow. See diagram:
www.flickr.com/photos/truth-in-science/39821536092/in/dat...
The field evidence (in the image) presented here - of rapid, simultaneous stratification refutes the Superposition Principle and the Principle of Lateral Continuity.
We now know, the Superposition Principle only applies on a rare occasion where sedimentary deposits are laid down in still water.
Superposition is required for the long evolutionary timescale, but the evidence shows it is not the general rule, as was once believed. Most sediment is laid down in moving water, where particle segregation is the general rule, resulting in the simultaneous deposition of strata/layers as shown in the photo.
See many other examples of rapid stratification (with geological features): www.flickr.com/photos/101536517@N06/sets/72157635944904973/
Rapid, simultaneous formation of layers/strata, through particle segregation in moving water, is so easily created it has even been described by sedimentologists (working on flume experiments) as a law ...
"Upon filling the tank with water and pouring in sediments, we immediately saw what was to become the rule: The sediments sorted themselves out in very clear layers. This became so common that by the end of two weeks, we jokingly referred to Andrew's law as "It's difficult not to make layers," and Clark's law as "It's easy to make layers." Later on, I proposed the "law" that liquefaction destroys layers, as much to my surprise as that was." Ian Juby, www.ianjuby.org/sedimentation/
The example in the photo is the result of normal, everyday tidal action in a single incident. Where the water current or movement is more turbulent, violent, or catastrophic, great depths (many metres) of stratified sediment can be laid down in a short time. Certainly not the many millions of years assumed by evolutionists.
The composition of strata formed in any deposition event. is related to whatever materials are in the sediment mix, not to any particular timescale. Whatever is in the mix will be automatically sorted into strata/layers. It could be sand, or other material added from mud slides, erosion of chalk deposits, coastal erosion, volcanic ash etc. Any organic material (potential fossils), alive or dead, engulfed by, or swept into, a turbulent sediment mix, will also be sorted and buried within the rapidly, forming layers.
See many other examples of rapid stratification with geological features: www.flickr.com/photos/101536517@N06/sets/72157635944904973/
Stratified, soft sand deposit. demonstrates the rapid, stratification principle.
Important, field evidence which supports the work of the eminent, sedimentologist Dr Guy Berthault MIAS - Member of the International Association of Sedimentologists.
(Dr Berthault's experiments (www.sedimentology.fr/)
And also the experimental work of Dr M.E. Clark (Professor Emeritus, U of Illinois @ Urbana), Andrew Rodenbeck and Dr. Henry Voss, (www.ianjuby.org/sedimentation/)
Location: Sandown, Isle of Wight. Formed 06/06/2018, This field evidence demonstrates that multiple strata in sedimentary deposits do not need millions of years to form and can be formed rapidly. This natural example confirms the principle demonstrated by the sedimentation experiments carried out by Dr Guy Berthault and other sedimentologists. It calls into question the standard, multi-million year dating of sedimentary rocks, and the dating of fossils by depth of burial or position in the strata.
Mulltiple strata/layers are evident in this example.
Dr Berthault's experiments (www.sedimentology.fr/) and other experiments (www.ianjuby.org/sedimentation/) and field studies of floods and volcanic action show that, rather than being formed by gradual, slow deposition of sucessive layers superimposed upon previous layers, with the strata or layers representing a particular timescale, particle segregation in moving water or airborne particles can form strata or layers very quickly, frequently, in a single event.
And, most importantly, lower strata are not older than upper strata, they are the same age, having been created in the same sedimentary episode.
Such field studies confirm experiments which have shown that there is no longer any reason to conclude that strata/layers in sedimentary rocks relate to different geological eras and/or a multi-million year timescale. www.youtube.com/watch?v=5PVnBaqqQw8&feature=share&.... they also show that the relative position of fossils in rocks is not indicative of an order of evolutionary succession. Obviously, the uniformitarian principle, on which the geologic column is based, can no longer be considered valid. And the multi-million, year dating of sedimentary rocks and fossils needs to be reassessed. Rapid deposition of stratified sediments also explains the enigma of polystrate fossils, i.e. large fossils that intersect several strata. In some cases, tree trunk fossils are found which intersect the strata of sedimentary rock up to forty feet in depth. upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/commons/thumb/0/08/Lycopsi... They must have been buried in stratified sediment in a short time (certainly not millions, thousands, or even hundreds of years), or they would have rotted away. youtu.be/vnzHU9VsliQ
In fact, the vast majority of fossils are found in good, intact condition, which is testament to their rapid burial. You don't get good fossils from gradual burial, because they would be damaged or destroyed by decay, predation or erosion. The existence of so many fossils in sedimentary rock on a global scale is stunning evidence for the rapid depostion of sedimentary rock as the general rule. It is obvious that all rock containing good intact fossils was formed from sediment laid down in a very short time, not millions, or even thousands of years.
See set of photos of other examples of rapid stratification: www.flickr.com/photos/101536517@N06/sets/72157635944904973/
Carbon dating of coal should not be possible if it is millions of years old, yet significant amounts of Carbon 14 have been detected in coal and other fossil material, which indicates that it is less than 50,000 years old. www.ldolphin.org/sewell/c14dating.html
www.grisda.org/origins/51006.htm
Evolutionists confidently cite multi-million year ages for rocks and fossils, but what most people don't realise is that no one actually knows the age of sedimentary rocks or the fossils found within them. So how are evolutionists so sure of the ages they so confidently quote? The astonishing thing is they aren't. Sedimentary rocks cannot be dated by radiometric methods*, and fossils can only be dated to less than 50,000 years with Carbon 14 dating. The method evolutionists use is based entirely on assumptions. Unbelievably, fossils are dated by the assumed age of rocks, and rocks are dated by the assumed age of fossils, that's right ... it is known as circular reasoning.
* Regarding the radiometric dating of igneous rocks, which is claimed to be relevant to the dating of sedimentary rocks, in an occasional instance there is an igneous intrusion associated with a sedimentary deposit -
Prof. Aubouin says in his Précis de Géologie: "Each radioactive element disintegrates in a characteristic and constant manner, which depends neither on the physical state (no variation with pressure or temperature or any other external constraint) nor on the chemical state (identical for an oxide or a phosphate)."
"Rocks form when magma crystallizes. Crystallisation depends on pressure and temperature, from which radioactivity is independent. So, there is no relationship between radioactivity and crystallisation.
Consequently, radioactivity doesn't date the formation of rocks. Moreover, daughter elements contained in rocks result mainly from radioactivity in magma where gravity separates the heavier parent element, from the lighter daughter element. Thus radiometric dating has no chronological signification." Dr. Guy Berthault www.sciencevsevolution.org/Berthault.htm
Visit the fossil museum:
www.flickr.com/photos/101536517@N06/sets/72157641367196613/
Just how good are peer reviews of scientific papers?
www.sciencemag.org/content/342/6154/60.full
www.examiner.com/article/want-to-publish-science-paper-ju...
The neo-Darwinian idea that the human genome consists entirely of an accumulation of billions of mutations is, quite obviously, completely bonkers. Nevertheless, it is compulsorily taught in schools and universities as 'science'.
Form 5 Confirmation Mass 2021
English session 1
16 Confirmants
Celebrated by Father Andrew Wong
Instruction: Look at the Priest
L'intérieur de la mosquée Juma Masjid, construite au 18ème siècle.
De nombreuses colonnes en bois sculpté soutiennent le plafond de la "mosquée du vendredi" Juma Masjid.
Certains piliers sont très anciens, leur style décoratif est caractéristique de Khiva.
Sur la partie inférieure de ce pilier consacré aux religions, on décèle la forme du Bouddha.
Rocky planets may be able to form in harsher environments than we thought. Webb detected key building blocks of planets, including water and carbon dioxide, in a rocky planet-forming zone being hit by extreme amounts of ultraviolet radiation.
Planets are formed from disks of gas, dust and rock surrounding stars. The specific disk Webb observed, XUE 1, is near several massive stars. These stars emit high levels of ultraviolet radiation, which scientists expected would disperse gas and break apart chemical molecules.
To the team’s surprise, Webb found partially crystalline silicate dust, plus various molecules (water, carbon monoxide, carbon dioxide, hydrogen cyanide, acetylene) that can form rocky planets. It’s the first time such molecules have been detected under these extreme conditions.
Learn more: www.nasa.gov/missions/webb/webb-study-reveals-rocky-plane...
This image: This spectrum shows data from the protoplanetary disk termed XUE 1, which is located in the star cluster Pismis 24. The inner disk around XUE 1 revealed signatures of water (highlighted here in blue), as well as acetylene (C2H2, green), hydrogen cyanide (HCN, brown), and carbon dioxide (CO2, red). As indicated, some of the emission detected was weaker than some of the predicted models, which might imply a small outer disk radius.
Credit: NASA, ESA, CSA, M. Ramírez-Tannus (Max Planck Institute for Astronomy), J. Olmsted (STScI)
[Image description: Graphic titled “XUE 1 Irradiated Protoplanetary Disk, MIRI Medium -Resolution Spectroscopy” shows a graph of brightness on the y-axis versus wavelength of light in microns on the x-axis. An arrow pointing down along the y-axis reads “dimmer;” arrow pointing up reads “brighter.” (There are no values or tick marks on the y-axis.) The x-axis ranges from 13.3 microns on the left to 15.5 microns on the right, labeled in even increments of 0.5 microns, starting at 13.5. A key in the upper right corner shows that model data are plotted in purple and Webb data are plotted in white. Both the model and data form jagged lines with numerous peaks and valleys. The model and data do not match perfectly, but the general trends align. Four sets of peaks are highlighted and labeled. (1) Acetylene, C 2 H 2—highlighted in green; centered around 13.7 microns. (2) Hydrogen Cyanide, H C N—brown; 14.0 microns. (3) Water, H 2 O—blue; 14.2 microns. (4) Carbon Dioxide, C O 2—bright red; 14.95 microns.]
This is the obama birth cetificate of birth released April 25th on www.whitehouse.gov/sites/default/files/rss_viewer/birth-c...
here it is with the layers moved from the background together.
as you can see the original comes directly from the official whitehouse website.
to see the layers open the pdf on adobe illustrator and 'release clipping mask' with a right click of the mouse.
alternatively you can see the parts that make up the document here:
www.flickr.com/photos/62313570@N08/5662568091/in/photostr...
www.flickr.com/photos/62313570@N08/5663134412/in/photostream
www.flickr.com/photos/62313570@N08/5663134386/in/photostream
www.flickr.com/photos/62313570@N08/5662567569/in/photostream
www.flickr.com/photos/62313570@N08/5662567537/in/photostream
www.flickr.com/photos/62313570@N08/5662567513/in/photostream
www.flickr.com/photos/62313570@N08/5663134292/in/photostream
www.flickr.com/photos/62313570@N08/5663134244/in/photostream
www.flickr.com/photos/62313570@N08/5662567407/in/photostream
The 'Sleepy' peyote.
Cotton forms at the centers of this plant's aeroles ~ where normally spines occur on most cactus plants. The cotton-like hairs protect plant body, and seed pods as shown in this photo, from strong summer sun and dry winter cold.
"My work isn't about form. It's about seeing"
E21
BMW Art Car #03
24 Hrs du mans 1977
"I wanted the lines I painted to be a depiction the road showing the car where to go," said Roy Lichtenstein commenting on his design of the BMW 320i. "The design also shows the countryside through which the car has travelled. One could call it an enumeration of everything a car experiences – only that this car reflects all of these things before actually having been on a road." And indeed – if one looks closer, one can perceive a passing landscape. The oversized "Benday Dots" are characteristic and reminiscent of Lichtenstein‟s world famous paintings of comic strips.
Roy Lichtenstein, who was born in New York in 1923, is considered to be one of the founders of American pop art. Until 1938 he painted portraits of jazz musicians, attended the "Art Students League", finally studying art in Ohio. His earlier works range from cubism to expressionism. He did not become interested in trivial culture such as comics and advertising until the late fifties. His pop art paintings were created in 1961. These were followed by caricatures of the "American way of life", experiments with well-known works of art, sculptures and films. He died in New York in 1997.
After its completion, Roy Lichtenstein‟s Art Car was able to celebrate its premiere twice – as a work of art at the Centre Pompidou in Paris and as a racing car in the 24-hour race at Le Mans in June 1977. The car was driven by Hervé Poulain and Marcel Mignot from France. The car with the number 50 achieved a ninth place in the overall rating and finished first in its class.
2.000 cc
4 in-line
300 PS
Vmax : 257 km/h
Sonderaustellung : BMW Artcars
11.11.2016 - 19.03.2016
Automuseum Prototyp
Hamburg-Hafencity
Deutschland - Germany
March 2017
Durga
------
In Hinduism, Durga one who can redeem in situations of utmost distress; is a form of Devi, the supremely radiant goddess, depicted as having ten arms, riding a lion or a tiger, carrying weapons and a lotus flower, maintaining a meditative smile, and practising mudras, or symbolic hand gestures.
An embodiment of creative feminine force (Shakti), Durga exists in a state of tantrya (independence from the universe and anything/anybody else, i.e., self-sufficiency) and fierce compassion. Kali is considered by Hindus to be an aspect of Durga. Durga is also the mother of Ganesha and Kartikeya. She is thus considered the fiercer, demon-fighting form of Shiva's wife, goddess Parvati. Durga manifests fearlessness and patience, and never loses her sense of humor, even during spiritual battles of epic proportion.
The word Shakti means divine feminine energy/force/power, and Durga is the warrior aspect of the Divine Mother. Other incarnations include Annapurna and Karunamayi. Durga's darker aspect Kali is represented as the consort of the god Shiva, on whose body she is often seen standing.
Durga Slays Mahishasura, Mahabalipuram sculpture.
As a goddess, Durga's feminine power contains the energies of the gods. Each of her weapons was given to her by various gods: Rudra's trident, Vishnu's discus, Indra's thunderbolt, Brahma's kamandalu, Kuber's Ratnahar, etc.
According to a narrative in the Devi Mahatmya story of the Markandeya Purana text, Durga was created as a warrior goddess to fight an asura (an inhuman force/demon) named Mahishasura. He had unleashed a reign of terror on earth, heaven and the nether worlds, and he could not be defeated by any man or god, anywhere. The gods went to Brahma, who had given Mahishasura the power not to be defeated by a man. Brahma could do nothing. They made Brahma their leader and went to Vaikuntha — the place where Vishnu lay on Ananta Naag. They found both Vishnu and Shiva, and Brahma eloquently related the reign of terror Mahishasur had unleashed on the three worlds. Hearing this Vishnu, Shiva and all of the gods became very angry and beams of fierce light emerged from their bodies. The blinding sea of light met at the Ashram of a priest named Katyan. The goddess Durga took the name Katyaayani from the priest and emerged from the sea of light. She introduced herself in the language of the Rig-Veda, saying she was the form of the supreme Brahman who had created all the gods. Now she had come to fight the demon to save the gods. They did not create her; it was her lila that she emerged from their combined energy. The gods were blessed with her compassion.
It is said that upon initially encountering Durga, Mahishasura underestimated her, thinking: "How can a woman kill me, Mahishasur — the one who has defeated the trinity of gods?" However, Durga roared with laughter, which caused an earthquake which made Mahishasur aware of her powers.
And the terrible Mahishasur rampaged against her, changing forms many times. First he was a buffalo demon, and she defeated him with her sword. Then he changed forms and became an elephant that tied up the goddess's lion and began to pull it towards him. The goddess cut off his trunk with her sword. The demon Mahishasur continued his terrorizing, taking the form of a lion, and then the form of a man, but both of them were gracefully slain by Durga.
Then Mahishasur began attacking once more, starting to take the form of a buffalo again. The patient goddess became very angry, and as she sipped divine wine from a cup she smiled and proclaimed to Mahishasur in a colorful tone — "Roar with delight while you still can, O illiterate demon, because when I will kill you after drinking this, the gods themselves will roar with delight".[cite this quote] When Mahashaur had half emerged into his buffalo form, he was paralyzed by the extreme light emitting from the goddess's body. The goddess then resounded with laughter before cutting Mahishasur's head down with her sword.
Thus Durga slew Mahishasur, thus is the power of the fierce compassion of Durga. Hence, Mata Durga is also known as Mahishasurmardhini — the slayer of Mahishasur. According to one legend, the goddess Durga created an army to fight against the forces of the demon-king Mahishasur, who was terrorizing Heaven and Earth. After ten days of fighting, Durga and her army defeated Mahishasur and killed him. As a reward for their service, Durga bestowed upon her army the knowledge of jewelry-making. Ever since, the Sonara community has been involved in the jewelry profession [3].
The goddess as Mahisasuramardhini appears quite early in Indian art. The Archaeological Museum in Matura has several statues on display including a 6-armed Kushana period Mahisasuramardhini that depicts her pressing down the buffalo with her lower hands [4]. A Nagar plaque from the first century BC - first century AD depicts a 4-armed Mahisamardhini accompanied by a lion. But it is in the Gupta period that we see the finest representations of Mahisasuramardhini (2-, 4-, 6-, and at Udayagiri, 12-armed). The spear and trident are her most common weapons. a Mamallapuram relief shows the goddess with 8 arms riding her lion subduing a bufalo-faced demon (as contrasted with a buffalo demon); a variation also seen at Ellora. In later sculptures (post-seventh Century), sculptures show the goddess having decapitated the buffalo demon
Durga Puja
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Durga puja is an annual Hindu festival in South Asia that celebrates worship of the Hindu goddess Durga. It refers to all the six days observed as Mahalaya, Shashthi , Maha Saptami, Maha Ashtami, Maha Navami and Bijoya Dashami. The dates of Durga Puja celebrations are set according to the traditional Hindu calendar and the fortnight corresponding to the festival is called Devi Paksha and is ended on Kojagori Lokkhi Puja
Durga Puja is widely celebrated in the Indian states of West Bengal, Assam, Jharkhand, Orissa and Tripura where it is a five-day annual holiday.In West Bengal and Tripura which has majority of Bengali Hindus it is the Biggest festival of the year. Not only is it the biggest Hindu festival celebrated throughout the State, but it is also the most significant socio-cultural event in Bengali society. Apart from eastern India, Durga Puja is also celebrated in Delhi, Uttar Pradesh, Bihar, Maharashtra, Gujarat, Punjab, Kashmir, Karnataka and Kerala. Durga Puja is also celebrated as a major festival in Nepal and in Bangladesh where 10% population are Hindu. Nowadays, many diaspora Bengali cultural organizations arrange for Durgotsab in countries such as the United States, Canada, United Kingdom, Australia, Germany, France, The Netherlands, Singapore and Kuwait, among others. In 2006, a grand Durga Puja ceremony was held in the Great Court of the British Museum.
The prominence of Durga Puja increased gradually during the British Raj in Bengal. After the Hindu reformists identified Durga with India, she became an icon for the Indian independence movement. In the first quarter of the 20th century, the tradition of Baroyari or Community Puja was popularised due to this. After independence, Durga Puja became one of the largest celebrated festivals in the whole world.
Durga Puja also includes the worship of Shiva, Lakshmi, Ganesha, Saraswati and Kartikeya. Modern traditions have come to include the display of decorated pandals and artistically depicted idols (murti) of Durga, exchange of Bijoya Greetings and publication of Puja Annuals.
Nº 27.
Seat 131 (1975-1984).
"Jefe de Bomberos".
Serie Campeón.
Guisval.
Escala 1/64.
Hecho en España / Made in Spain.
Año 1976.
" Nació con base metalica, y desapareció con base de plástico.
Los primeros que salieron tenian los faros detallados en plata en su parrila delantera, y curiosamente, los pilotos traseros no tenian forma alguna en su trasera, que era lisa. (...) después, con la base de plástico, no tenia los faros detallados, pero si traia los pilotos representados en la carroceria.
Hubo versiones de Policia y Bomberos con su sirena y todo. (...) 30 variantes y las más dificiles, con permiso de los de emergencias ya mencionados, son el verde y el azul."
(...)
More info: uno64.mforos.com/2092588/11196942-historia-guisval-1962-a...
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Seat 131 Guisval
"The car debuted in 1976 with two versions: a very rare "Fire Chief" one (nr. 27) and the more ordinary one in brown (nr. 32)."
(...)
"One year later, the "Fire Chief" version was removed and new white version "Police" was introduced (nr. 44).
In 1980, the brown version would be replaced by a silver grey version (but kept the same nr. 32), and in 1981, this was the only version available.
After that, the car disappears from the catalogues, but it is still available in blue with or without rally stickers."
Source: toysfromthepast.blogspot.com.es/2016/05/678-guisval-seat-...
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Historia: SEAT 131
"Corría el año 1974 cuando Fiat presenta el Fiat 131 en el Salón de Turín. Era el sustituto del Fiat 124 al que supera claramente en longitud y anchura. Pero las mayores mejoras respecto al modelo saliente se dan en los motores, mucho más eficientes y modernos, y en la seguridad pasiva."
(...)
"En España el SEAT 131 es presentado en el Salón de Barcelona de 1975 y, a diferencia del modelo de Fiat, éste no sustituye al SEAT 124 sino que lo complementa por arriba tanto por tamaño, como por equipamiento y acabados.
En nuestro país no se utilizan motores nuevos ya que se aprovechan los de la gama 124 (menos el 1.200) y también del 132. Solamente el motor 2.000 biárbol y el 2.500 diésel fue común los modelos italiano y español.
[1ª Serie]
La gama inicial estaba compuesta por el 131 L con motor 1.430 de 75 CV y el 131 E que equipaba el 1.600 biárbol de 95 CV que ya montaba el 1430 FU 1600."
(...)
"También hubo una versión L con el motor 1.600 de baja compresión y 90 CV pero tuvo poca difusión excepto para la exportación. Las mismas diferencias que hemos comentado hubo entre las carrocerías familiares, llamados 131 5 Puertas."
"En 1977 se oferta el cambio automático de origen GM con el motor 1.600.
Para el año siguiente llegaba la versión cumbre de la gama 131 en esta primera serie, se trataba del 131 1800 CLX con el mismo motor de 107 CV que equipaba el 132 1800."
(...)
[2ª Serie]
" El 1800 CLX dura poco en el catalogo ya que en ese mismo año es presentada la segunda serie del 131.
Los motores siguen siendo los mismos excepto el citado 1.800 que es sustituido por el 2.000 de 114 CV que montaba también el SEAT 132 y la incorporación del 1.800 diésel Perkins de 49 CV."
(...)
"Los cambios generales de esta serie son los faros rectangulares de gran tamaño (excepto en el 2.500 diésel) al igual que los pilotos traseros, paragolpes de resina en el Supermirafiori o llantas de cinco pulgadas como mínimo.
En lo referente al equipamiento hay dos versiones:
• Mirafiori: Similar al 131 L primera serie y asociado sólo al motor 1.430 y al diésel Perkins, denominado L en la carrocería familiar.
• Supermirafiori: Cuenta con volante monobrazo, salpicadero rediseñado, nuevo sistema de ventilación interior así como nuevos tapizados. Se denomina CL con la carrocería familiar. Está asociado a todos los motores excepto el 2.000 y el 2.500 diésel.
El 131 2000 CLX era una versión única similar en equipamiento al antiguo 1800 CLX con las mejoras estéticas y con neumáticos 185/70 SR-13 montados en llantas de aleación de diseño exclusivo de 5,5 pulgadas. Tenía 114 CV y lograba 180 km/h de velocidad máxima.
También el 131 2500 Súper es versión única equipada con faros circulares dobles y con un abultamiento en el capó delantero debido al volumen del motor Sofim. Rendía 72 CV y desarrollaba una velocidad máxima de 150 km/h muy superior a los 49 CV y 120 km/h del 1.800 Perkins."
(...)
[3ª Serie]
"Para 1981 aparece la tercera (y última) serie con algunos cambios estéticos sobre todo en el exterior como los paragolpes envolventes de plástico (Supermirafiori y superiores), molduras laterales en los bajos que conectan la parte delantera y la trasera y los pilotos traseros de nuevo diseño mas estilizado.
Los motores sufren pocos cambios, desaparece el 1.800 diésel Perkins y el motor 2.000 de origen SEAT 132 que es sustituido por el biárbol de 113 CV asociado al acabado Supermirafiori y al Diplomatic, también alcanza los 180 km/h como su predecesor. Las carrocerías familiares se denominan Panorama (acabado Mirafiori) y Panorama Súper (acabado Supermirafiori).
En 1984 cesa la producción del SEAT 131 quedando sin sustituto real en la marca ya que el SEAT Málaga es por imagen, acabados y motorizaciones un recambio algo tardío del 124."
(...)
Fuente:
Óscar Pulido 8 octubre, 2015
Statue of a Confederate soldier standing guard over the Confederate graves in Willow Mount Cemetery in Shelbyville, Tenn. This statue, standing atop a very tall granite monument in the middle of about 586 graves in the Confederate cemetery, was placed here in 1899.
Twenty-four young men of Brigadier General St. John R. Liddell’s Brigade of Major General Patrick R. Cleburne’s Division of the Confederate Army who died at the Battle of Liberty Gap in 1863 have rested in unmarked graves in the Confederate section of Willow Mount Cemetery in Shelbyville, Tenn. for well over 144 years. Before being laid to rest in Willow Mount Cemetery in Shelbyville in 1868, these young men were buried at Wartrace, Tenn. after the Battle, where they lay buried for about five years. To give decent burial to these soldiers of the Lost Cause, a handful of Bedford County citizens banded together and formed the Bedford County Monumental Society in 1867. The goals were to identify and move all the graves of known Confederate soldiers buried in Bedford County soil to a permanent resting place in Shelbyville. Graves had to be located and identified, if identification was even possible, and then the decayed bodies had to be dug up and removed on wagons to Shelbyville for reburial. Since 586 graves are known to have been located and removed, it was a very large project.
To move the project forward, a meeting of the Bedford County Monumental Society was held on December 21, 1867 where members of the Society met to form a committee to negotiate with the Mayor and Board of Aldermen of Shelbyville for an acre of ground in the new cemetery which had been established in 1858. At the meeting four days later, on December 25, 1867, the committee had composed a letter of intent, on the part of the Society, petitioning the town for one acre of ground somewhere in the New Graveyard to give decent burial to the many unknown Confederate dead. The petition was honored and the ground was donated. By the early spring of 1868, the job of identifying and removing well over 586 bodies of Confederate soldiers from all over Bedford County was begun. There were already about 300 soldiers buried on the large rise in the middle of Willow Mount Cemetery from when the Confederate army occupied Shelbyville in early 1863. Rev. Sterling M. Cherry, who followed the army, noted in his diary on May 11, 1863, after having the day before attended the funeral of a friend he wrote “The hill where we buried him is red with 250 new-made soldiers graves.” Between May 11 and by June 27, 1863 when the Confederate army retreated from Shelbyville, I would say the total number of graves would have risen to around 300 buried soldiers. These graves were also removed, only a short distant from where they originally were buried, to the designated Confederate section in Willow Mount Cemetery. All the known graves from all over Bedford County, as well as about 200 graves from Wartrace, which included the 24 young men who were killed at the Battle of Liberty Gap, and all the other men who died while in camps, were removed to Willow Mount Cemetery in 1868. I have no doubt that many graves were missed, but this is the reason why so many Confederate soldiers now rest in the Confederate section of Willow Mount Cemetery.
Saturday, November 19, 2011, the day being a little on the cool side and windy, but refreshing and beautiful with the sun shinning most of the day, a group of men, with the same interest, met from two different Middle Tennessee SCV camps at the Confederate Section in Willow Mount Cemetery to place 39 VA markers in the ground. The markers honor the 24 heroes of Liddell’s Brigade that fell at the Battle of Liberty Gap on June 24-26, 1863 and to the additional 15 Cleburne men who died while in camp when Cleburne’s Division was stationed at Wartrace. The placements of the 39 tombstones in Willow Mount Cemetery along with a monument dedication service at Wartrace, Tenn. on December 10, 2011; both events are to honor Patrick R. Cleburne’s Division at Wartrace. The project is headed by the Beech Grove Confederate Memorial Association, Benjamin F. Cheatham SCV Camp 72 at Manchester, Tenn., Kirby-Smith #327 UDC, the town of Wartrace and the Sumner A. Cunningham SCV Camp 1620 of Shelbyville. Mr. O. B. Wilkinson, a life member of Camp 72 at Manchester is to be commended for the outstanding work he has contributed to this project. He worked very hard along side the guys who did the digging of the hole and setting the tombstones in place. Jimmy Walker of Tullahoma, also from Camp 72, with his young son was available with Mr. Wilkinson. Also the work done by the members of the Sumner A. Cunningham Camp 1620 led by Les Marsh, camp commander at Shelbyville, and the young men provided by the County of Bedford to assist in the work. It was an honor to be here and to have been part of the work---and having said that---I now understand what Rev. Sterling M. Cherry meant when he wrote in his diary on May 11, 1863, as he looked up to the hill in Willow Mount Cemetery, and noted in his diary “The hill. . . . is red with 250 new-made soldiers graves.” When the guys were digging the holes, in which to place the 39 tombstone, you could not help but notice the redness in the soil color.
When St. John R. Liddell made his report for the Battle of Liberty Gap on August 1, 1863 and published in the O.R's, he wrote: "In the engagements at Liberty Gap my loss was 2 officers and 23 men killed, 77 wounded, and 18 missing; total casualties 120". On this date of November 19, 2011, 24 tombstones were placed at the graves in Willow Mount Cemetery to those who fell at Liberty Gap, leaving one man unaccounted for, since Liddell says in his report that 25 men were killed on the battle field. In my own research I have discovered that two men were overlooked. PVT. J. G. BARBER who enlisted on Sept. 28, 1861 at Gainesville, Ark. and who was a member of Co. H of the 5th Ark. was killed at the Battle of Liberty Gap on June 24, 1863. Also, PVT. GEORGE GHOST who enlisted on Nov. 10, 1861 at Desha Co., Ark. was a member of Co. E of the 13th Ark. He was mortally wounded at the Battle of Liberty Gap on June 25, 1863. Tomstones were not supplied for either of these two soldiers at Willow Mount Cemetery. With the addition of these two soldiers, that makes a total of 26 men who died at Liberty Gap in Liddell's Brigade. Liddell in his report says only 25 men died on the battlefield. Other soldiers died from wounds received at the Battle of Liberty Gap, but they died later and elsewhere after the army retreated from Bedford County. We have one too many men buried here that fell at Liberty Gap. My research shows that Sgt. George A. Laughter may not be buried here. His family information researached from the Internet show Sgt. Laughter was wounded in the leg at Liberty Gap on 8 August 1863. This date does not make sense. The Internet reports he died from these wounds while in a hospital at Corinth, Mississippi on June 24 1863 but the date 1864 is highlighter after the date of 1863. If Sgt. Laughter is removed from the list, then you would have your 25 men who died on the battlefield at Liberty Gap in Liddell's Brigade.
Written by Jerry W. Cook
November 2011
Graffiti (plural; singular graffiti or graffito, the latter rarely used except in archeology) is art that is written, painted or drawn on a wall or other surface, usually without permission and within public view. Graffiti ranges from simple written words to elaborate wall paintings, and has existed since ancient times, with examples dating back to ancient Egypt, ancient Greece, and the Roman Empire (see also mural).
Graffiti is a controversial subject. In most countries, marking or painting property without permission is considered by property owners and civic authorities as defacement and vandalism, which is a punishable crime, citing the use of graffiti by street gangs to mark territory or to serve as an indicator of gang-related activities. Graffiti has become visualized as a growing urban "problem" for many cities in industrialized nations, spreading from the New York City subway system and Philadelphia in the early 1970s to the rest of the United States and Europe and other world regions
"Graffiti" (usually both singular and plural) and the rare singular form "graffito" are from the Italian word graffiato ("scratched"). The term "graffiti" is used in art history for works of art produced by scratching a design into a surface. A related term is "sgraffito", which involves scratching through one layer of pigment to reveal another beneath it. This technique was primarily used by potters who would glaze their wares and then scratch a design into them. In ancient times graffiti were carved on walls with a sharp object, although sometimes chalk or coal were used. The word originates from Greek γράφειν—graphein—meaning "to write".
The term graffiti originally referred to the inscriptions, figure drawings, and such, found on the walls of ancient sepulchres or ruins, as in the Catacombs of Rome or at Pompeii. Historically, these writings were not considered vanadlism, which today is considered part of the definition of graffiti.
The only known source of the Safaitic language, an ancient form of Arabic, is from graffiti: inscriptions scratched on to the surface of rocks and boulders in the predominantly basalt desert of southern Syria, eastern Jordan and northern Saudi Arabia. Safaitic dates from the first century BC to the fourth century AD.
Some of the oldest cave paintings in the world are 40,000 year old ones found in Australia. The oldest written graffiti was found in ancient Rome around 2500 years ago. Most graffiti from the time was boasts about sexual experiences Graffiti in Ancient Rome was a form of communication, and was not considered vandalism.
Ancient tourists visiting the 5th-century citadel at Sigiriya in Sri Lanka write their names and commentary over the "mirror wall", adding up to over 1800 individual graffiti produced there between the 6th and 18th centuries. Most of the graffiti refer to the frescoes of semi-nude females found there. One reads:
Wet with cool dew drops
fragrant with perfume from the flowers
came the gentle breeze
jasmine and water lily
dance in the spring sunshine
side-long glances
of the golden-hued ladies
stab into my thoughts
heaven itself cannot take my mind
as it has been captivated by one lass
among the five hundred I have seen here.
Among the ancient political graffiti examples were Arab satirist poems. Yazid al-Himyari, an Umayyad Arab and Persian poet, was most known for writing his political poetry on the walls between Sajistan and Basra, manifesting a strong hatred towards the Umayyad regime and its walis, and people used to read and circulate them very widely.
Graffiti, known as Tacherons, were frequently scratched on Romanesque Scandinavian church walls. When Renaissance artists such as Pinturicchio, Raphael, Michelangelo, Ghirlandaio, or Filippino Lippi descended into the ruins of Nero's Domus Aurea, they carved or painted their names and returned to initiate the grottesche style of decoration.
There are also examples of graffiti occurring in American history, such as Independence Rock, a national landmark along the Oregon Trail.
Later, French soldiers carved their names on monuments during the Napoleonic campaign of Egypt in the 1790s. Lord Byron's survives on one of the columns of the Temple of Poseidon at Cape Sounion in Attica, Greece.
The oldest known example of graffiti "monikers" found on traincars created by hobos and railworkers since the late 1800s. The Bozo Texino monikers were documented by filmmaker Bill Daniel in his 2005 film, Who is Bozo Texino?.
In World War II, an inscription on a wall at the fortress of Verdun was seen as an illustration of the US response twice in a generation to the wrongs of the Old World:
During World War II and for decades after, the phrase "Kilroy was here" with an accompanying illustration was widespread throughout the world, due to its use by American troops and ultimately filtering into American popular culture. Shortly after the death of Charlie Parker (nicknamed "Yardbird" or "Bird"), graffiti began appearing around New York with the words "Bird Lives".
Modern graffiti art has its origins with young people in 1960s and 70s in New York City and Philadelphia. Tags were the first form of stylised contemporary graffiti. Eventually, throw-ups and pieces evolved with the desire to create larger art. Writers used spray paint and other kind of materials to leave tags or to create images on the sides subway trains. and eventually moved into the city after the NYC metro began to buy new trains and paint over graffiti.
While the art had many advocates and appreciators—including the cultural critic Norman Mailer—others, including New York City mayor Ed Koch, considered it to be defacement of public property, and saw it as a form of public blight. The ‘taggers’ called what they did ‘writing’—though an important 1974 essay by Mailer referred to it using the term ‘graffiti.’
Contemporary graffiti style has been heavily influenced by hip hop culture and the myriad international styles derived from Philadelphia and New York City Subway graffiti; however, there are many other traditions of notable graffiti in the twentieth century. Graffiti have long appeared on building walls, in latrines, railroad boxcars, subways, and bridges.
An early graffito outside of New York or Philadelphia was the inscription in London reading "Clapton is God" in reference to the guitarist Eric Clapton. Creating the cult of the guitar hero, the phrase was spray-painted by an admirer on a wall in an Islington, north London in the autumn of 1967. The graffito was captured in a photograph, in which a dog is urinating on the wall.
Films like Style Wars in the 80s depicting famous writers such as Skeme, Dondi, MinOne, and ZEPHYR reinforced graffiti's role within New York's emerging hip-hop culture. Although many officers of the New York City Police Department found this film to be controversial, Style Wars is still recognized as the most prolific film representation of what was going on within the young hip hop culture of the early 1980s. Fab 5 Freddy and Futura 2000 took hip hop graffiti to Paris and London as part of the New York City Rap Tour in 1983
Commercialization and entrance into mainstream pop culture
Main article: Commercial graffiti
With the popularity and legitimization of graffiti has come a level of commercialization. In 2001, computer giant IBM launched an advertising campaign in Chicago and San Francisco which involved people spray painting on sidewalks a peace symbol, a heart, and a penguin (Linux mascot), to represent "Peace, Love, and Linux." IBM paid Chicago and San Francisco collectively US$120,000 for punitive damages and clean-up costs.
In 2005, a similar ad campaign was launched by Sony and executed by its advertising agency in New York, Chicago, Atlanta, Philadelphia, Los Angeles, and Miami, to market its handheld PSP gaming system. In this campaign, taking notice of the legal problems of the IBM campaign, Sony paid building owners for the rights to paint on their buildings "a collection of dizzy-eyed urban kids playing with the PSP as if it were a skateboard, a paddle, or a rocking horse".
Tristan Manco wrote that Brazil "boasts a unique and particularly rich, graffiti scene ... [earning] it an international reputation as the place to go for artistic inspiration". Graffiti "flourishes in every conceivable space in Brazil's cities". Artistic parallels "are often drawn between the energy of São Paulo today and 1970s New York". The "sprawling metropolis", of São Paulo has "become the new shrine to graffiti"; Manco alludes to "poverty and unemployment ... [and] the epic struggles and conditions of the country's marginalised peoples", and to "Brazil's chronic poverty", as the main engines that "have fuelled a vibrant graffiti culture". In world terms, Brazil has "one of the most uneven distributions of income. Laws and taxes change frequently". Such factors, Manco argues, contribute to a very fluid society, riven with those economic divisions and social tensions that underpin and feed the "folkloric vandalism and an urban sport for the disenfranchised", that is South American graffiti art.
Prominent Brazilian writers include Os Gêmeos, Boleta, Nunca, Nina, Speto, Tikka, and T.Freak. Their artistic success and involvement in commercial design ventures has highlighted divisions within the Brazilian graffiti community between adherents of the cruder transgressive form of pichação and the more conventionally artistic values of the practitioners of grafite.
Graffiti in the Middle East has emerged slowly, with taggers operating in Egypt, Lebanon, the Gulf countries like Bahrain or the United Arab Emirates, Israel, and in Iran. The major Iranian newspaper Hamshahri has published two articles on illegal writers in the city with photographic coverage of Iranian artist A1one's works on Tehran walls. Tokyo-based design magazine, PingMag, has interviewed A1one and featured photographs of his work. The Israeli West Bank barrier has become a site for graffiti, reminiscent in this sense of the Berlin Wall. Many writers in Israel come from other places around the globe, such as JUIF from Los Angeles and DEVIONE from London. The religious reference "נ נח נחמ נחמן מאומן" ("Na Nach Nachma Nachman Meuman") is commonly seen in graffiti around Israel.
Graffiti has played an important role within the street art scene in the Middle East and North Africa (MENA), especially following the events of the Arab Spring of 2011 or the Sudanese Revolution of 2018/19. Graffiti is a tool of expression in the context of conflict in the region, allowing people to raise their voices politically and socially. Famous street artist Banksy has had an important effect in the street art scene in the MENA area, especially in Palestine where some of his works are located in the West Bank barrier and Bethlehem.
There are also a large number of graffiti influences in Southeast Asian countries that mostly come from modern Western culture, such as Malaysia, where graffiti have long been a common sight in Malaysia's capital city, Kuala Lumpur. Since 2010, the country has begun hosting a street festival to encourage all generations and people from all walks of life to enjoy and encourage Malaysian street culture.
The modern-day graffitists can be found with an arsenal of various materials that allow for a successful production of a piece. This includes such techniques as scribing. However, spray paint in aerosol cans is the number one medium for graffiti. From this commodity comes different styles, technique, and abilities to form master works of graffiti. Spray paint can be found at hardware and art stores and comes in virtually every color.
Stencil graffiti is created by cutting out shapes and designs in a stiff material (such as cardboard or subject folders) to form an overall design or image. The stencil is then placed on the "canvas" gently and with quick, easy strokes of the aerosol can, the image begins to appear on the intended surface.
Some of the first examples were created in 1981 by artists Blek le Rat in Paris, in 1982 by Jef Aerosol in Tours (France); by 1985 stencils had appeared in other cities including New York City, Sydney, and Melbourne, where they were documented by American photographer Charles Gatewood and Australian photographer Rennie Ellis
Tagging is the practice of someone spray-painting "their name, initial or logo onto a public surface" in a handstyle unique to the writer. Tags were the first form of modern graffiti.
Modern graffiti art often incorporates additional arts and technologies. For example, Graffiti Research Lab has encouraged the use of projected images and magnetic light-emitting diodes (throwies) as new media for graffitists. yarnbombing is another recent form of graffiti. Yarnbombers occasionally target previous graffiti for modification, which had been avoided among the majority of graffitists.
Theories on the use of graffiti by avant-garde artists have a history dating back at least to the Asger Jorn, who in 1962 painting declared in a graffiti-like gesture "the avant-garde won't give up"
Many contemporary analysts and even art critics have begun to see artistic value in some graffiti and to recognize it as a form of public art. According to many art researchers, particularly in the Netherlands and in Los Angeles, that type of public art is, in fact an effective tool of social emancipation or, in the achievement of a political goal
In times of conflict, such murals have offered a means of communication and self-expression for members of these socially, ethnically, or racially divided communities, and have proven themselves as effective tools in establishing dialog and thus, of addressing cleavages in the long run. The Berlin Wall was also extensively covered by graffiti reflecting social pressures relating to the oppressive Soviet rule over the GDR.
Many artists involved with graffiti are also concerned with the similar activity of stenciling. Essentially, this entails stenciling a print of one or more colors using spray-paint. Recognized while exhibiting and publishing several of her coloured stencils and paintings portraying the Sri Lankan Civil War and urban Britain in the early 2000s, graffitists Mathangi Arulpragasam, aka M.I.A., has also become known for integrating her imagery of political violence into her music videos for singles "Galang" and "Bucky Done Gun", and her cover art. Stickers of her artwork also often appear around places such as London in Brick Lane, stuck to lamp posts and street signs, she having become a muse for other graffitists and painters worldwide in cities including Seville.
Graffitist believes that art should be on display for everyone in the public eye or in plain sight, not hidden away in a museum or a gallery. Art should color the streets, not the inside of some building. Graffiti is a form of art that cannot be owned or bought. It does not last forever, it is temporary, yet one of a kind. It is a form of self promotion for the artist that can be displayed anywhere form sidewalks, roofs, subways, building wall, etc. Art to them is for everyone and should be showed to everyone for free.
Graffiti is a way of communicating and a way of expressing what one feels in the moment. It is both art and a functional thing that can warn people of something or inform people of something. However, graffiti is to some people a form of art, but to some a form of vandalism. And many graffitists choose to protect their identities and remain anonymous or to hinder prosecution.
With the commercialization of graffiti (and hip hop in general), in most cases, even with legally painted "graffiti" art, graffitists tend to choose anonymity. This may be attributed to various reasons or a combination of reasons. Graffiti still remains the one of four hip hop elements that is not considered "performance art" despite the image of the "singing and dancing star" that sells hip hop culture to the mainstream. Being a graphic form of art, it might also be said that many graffitists still fall in the category of the introverted archetypal artist.
Banksy is one of the world's most notorious and popular street artists who continues to remain faceless in today's society. He is known for his political, anti-war stencil art mainly in Bristol, England, but his work may be seen anywhere from Los Angeles to Palestine. In the UK, Banksy is the most recognizable icon for this cultural artistic movement and keeps his identity a secret to avoid arrest. Much of Banksy's artwork may be seen around the streets of London and surrounding suburbs, although he has painted pictures throughout the world, including the Middle East, where he has painted on Israel's controversial West Bank barrier with satirical images of life on the other side. One depicted a hole in the wall with an idyllic beach, while another shows a mountain landscape on the other side. A number of exhibitions also have taken place since 2000, and recent works of art have fetched vast sums of money. Banksy's art is a prime example of the classic controversy: vandalism vs. art. Art supporters endorse his work distributed in urban areas as pieces of art and some councils, such as Bristol and Islington, have officially protected them, while officials of other areas have deemed his work to be vandalism and have removed it.
Pixnit is another artist who chooses to keep her identity from the general public. Her work focuses on beauty and design aspects of graffiti as opposed to Banksy's anti-government shock value. Her paintings are often of flower designs above shops and stores in her local urban area of Cambridge, Massachusetts. Some store owners endorse her work and encourage others to do similar work as well. "One of the pieces was left up above Steve's Kitchen, because it looks pretty awesome"- Erin Scott, the manager of New England Comics in Allston, Massachusetts.
Graffiti artists may become offended if photographs of their art are published in a commercial context without their permission. In March 2020, the Finnish graffiti artist Psyke expressed his displeasure at the newspaper Ilta-Sanomat publishing a photograph of a Peugeot 208 in an article about new cars, with his graffiti prominently shown on the background. The artist claims he does not want his art being used in commercial context, not even if he were to receive compensation.
Territorial graffiti marks urban neighborhoods with tags and logos to differentiate certain groups from others. These images are meant to show outsiders a stern look at whose turf is whose. The subject matter of gang-related graffiti consists of cryptic symbols and initials strictly fashioned with unique calligraphies. Gang members use graffiti to designate membership throughout the gang, to differentiate rivals and associates and, most commonly, to mark borders which are both territorial and ideological.
Graffiti has been used as a means of advertising both legally and illegally. Bronx-based TATS CRU has made a name for themselves doing legal advertising campaigns for companies such as Coca-Cola, McDonald's, Toyota, and MTV. In the UK, Covent Garden's Boxfresh used stencil images of a Zapatista revolutionary in the hopes that cross referencing would promote their store.
Smirnoff hired artists to use reverse graffiti (the use of high pressure hoses to clean dirty surfaces to leave a clean image in the surrounding dirt) to increase awareness of their product.
Graffiti often has a reputation as part of a subculture that rebels against authority, although the considerations of the practitioners often diverge and can relate to a wide range of attitudes. It can express a political practice and can form just one tool in an array of resistance techniques. One early example includes the anarcho-punk band Crass, who conducted a campaign of stenciling anti-war, anarchist, feminist, and anti-consumerist messages throughout the London Underground system during the late 1970s and early 1980s. In Amsterdam graffiti was a major part of the punk scene. The city was covered with names such as "De Zoot", "Vendex", and "Dr Rat". To document the graffiti a punk magazine was started that was called Gallery Anus. So when hip hop came to Europe in the early 1980s there was already a vibrant graffiti culture.
The student protests and general strike of May 1968 saw Paris bedecked in revolutionary, anarchistic, and situationist slogans such as L'ennui est contre-révolutionnaire ("Boredom is counterrevolutionary") and Lisez moins, vivez plus ("Read less, live more"). While not exhaustive, the graffiti gave a sense of the 'millenarian' and rebellious spirit, tempered with a good deal of verbal wit, of the strikers.
I think graffiti writing is a way of defining what our generation is like. Excuse the French, we're not a bunch of p---- artists. Traditionally artists have been considered soft and mellow people, a little bit kooky. Maybe we're a little bit more like pirates that way. We defend our territory, whatever space we steal to paint on, we defend it fiercely.
The developments of graffiti art which took place in art galleries and colleges as well as "on the street" or "underground", contributed to the resurfacing in the 1990s of a far more overtly politicized art form in the subvertising, culture jamming, or tactical media movements. These movements or styles tend to classify the artists by their relationship to their social and economic contexts, since, in most countries, graffiti art remains illegal in many forms except when using non-permanent paint. Since the 1990s with the rise of Street Art, a growing number of artists are switching to non-permanent paints and non-traditional forms of painting.
Contemporary practitioners, accordingly, have varied and often conflicting practices. Some individuals, such as Alexander Brener, have used the medium to politicize other art forms, and have used the prison sentences enforced on them as a means of further protest. The practices of anonymous groups and individuals also vary widely, and practitioners by no means always agree with each other's practices. For example, the anti-capitalist art group the Space Hijackers did a piece in 2004 about the contradiction between the capitalistic elements of Banksy and his use of political imagery.
Berlin human rights activist Irmela Mensah-Schramm has received global media attention and numerous awards for her 35-year campaign of effacing neo-Nazi and other right-wing extremist graffiti throughout Germany, often by altering hate speech in humorous ways.
In Serbian capital, Belgrade, the graffiti depicting a uniformed former general of Serb army and war criminal, convicted at ICTY for war crimes and crimes against humanity, including genocide and ethnic cleansing in Bosnian War, Ratko Mladić, appeared in a military salute alongside the words "General, thank to your mother". Aleks Eror, Berlin-based journalist, explains how "veneration of historical and wartime figures" through street art is not a new phenomenon in the region of former Yugoslavia, and that "in most cases is firmly focused on the future, rather than retelling the past". Eror is not only analyst pointing to danger of such an expressions for the region's future. In a long expose on the subject of Bosnian genocide denial, at Balkan Diskurs magazine and multimedia platform website, Kristina Gadže and Taylor Whitsell referred to these experiences as a young generations' "cultural heritage", in which young are being exposed to celebration and affirmation of war-criminals as part of their "formal education" and "inheritance".
There are numerous examples of genocide denial through celebration and affirmation of war criminals throughout the region of Western Balkans inhabited by Serbs using this form of artistic expression. Several more of these graffiti are found in Serbian capital, and many more across Serbia and Bosnian and Herzegovinian administrative entity, Republika Srpska, which is the ethnic Serbian majority enclave. Critics point that Serbia as a state, is willing to defend the mural of convicted war criminal, and have no intention to react on cases of genocide denial, noting that Interior Minister of Serbia, Aleksandar Vulin decision to ban any gathering with an intent to remove the mural, with the deployment of riot police, sends the message of "tacit endorsement". Consequently, on 9 November 2021, Serbian heavy police in riot gear, with graffiti creators and their supporters, blocked the access to the mural to prevent human rights groups and other activists to paint over it and mark the International Day Against Fascism and Antisemitism in that way, and even arrested two civic activist for throwing eggs at the graffiti.
Graffiti may also be used as an offensive expression. This form of graffiti may be difficult to identify, as it is mostly removed by the local authority (as councils which have adopted strategies of criminalization also strive to remove graffiti quickly). Therefore, existing racist graffiti is mostly more subtle and at first sight, not easily recognized as "racist". It can then be understood only if one knows the relevant "local code" (social, historical, political, temporal, and spatial), which is seen as heteroglot and thus a 'unique set of conditions' in a cultural context.
A spatial code for example, could be that there is a certain youth group in an area that is engaging heavily in racist activities. So, for residents (knowing the local code), a graffiti containing only the name or abbreviation of this gang already is a racist expression, reminding the offended people of their gang activities. Also a graffiti is in most cases, the herald of more serious criminal activity to come. A person who does not know these gang activities would not be able to recognize the meaning of this graffiti. Also if a tag of this youth group or gang is placed on a building occupied by asylum seekers, for example, its racist character is even stronger.
By making the graffiti less explicit (as adapted to social and legal constraints), these drawings are less likely to be removed, but do not lose their threatening and offensive character.
Elsewhere, activists in Russia have used painted caricatures of local officials with their mouths as potholes, to show their anger about the poor state of the roads. In Manchester, England, a graffitists painted obscene images around potholes, which often resulted in them being repaired within 48 hours.
In the early 1980s, the first art galleries to show graffitists to the public were Fashion Moda in the Bronx, Now Gallery and Fun Gallery, both in the East Village, Manhattan.
A 2006 exhibition at the Brooklyn Museum displayed graffiti as an art form that began in New York's outer boroughs and reached great heights in the early 1980s with the work of Crash, Lee, Daze, Keith Haring, and Jean-Michel Basquiat. It displayed 22 works by New York graffitists, including Crash, Daze, and Lady Pink. In an article about the exhibition in the magazine Time Out, curator Charlotta Kotik said that she hoped the exhibition would cause viewers to rethink their assumptions about graffiti.
From the 1970s onwards, Burhan Doğançay photographed urban walls all over the world; these he then archived for use as sources of inspiration for his painterly works. The project today known as "Walls of the World" grew beyond even his own expectations and comprises about 30,000 individual images. It spans a period of 40 years across five continents and 114 countries. In 1982, photographs from this project comprised a one-man exhibition titled "Les murs murmurent, ils crient, ils chantent ..." (The walls whisper, shout and sing ...) at the Centre Georges Pompidou in Paris.
In Australia, art historians have judged some local graffiti of sufficient creative merit to rank them firmly within the arts. Oxford University Press's art history text Australian Painting 1788–2000 concludes with a long discussion of graffiti's key place within contemporary visual culture, including the work of several Australian practitioners.
Between March and April 2009, 150 artists exhibited 300 pieces of graffiti at the Grand Palais in Paris.
Spray paint has many negative environmental effects. The paint contains toxic chemicals, and the can uses volatile hydrocarbon gases to spray the paint onto a surface.
Volatile organic compound (VOC) leads to ground level ozone formation and most of graffiti related emissions are VOCs. A 2010 paper estimates 4,862 tons of VOCs were released in the United States in activities related to graffiti.
In China, Mao Zedong in the 1920s used revolutionary slogans and paintings in public places to galvanize the country's communist movement.
Based on different national conditions, many people believe that China's attitude towards Graffiti is fierce, but in fact, according to Lance Crayon in his film Spray Paint Beijing: Graffiti in the Capital of China, Graffiti is generally accepted in Beijing, with artists not seeing much police interference. Political and religiously sensitive graffiti, however, is not allowed.
In Hong Kong, Tsang Tsou Choi was known as the King of Kowloon for his calligraphy graffiti over many years, in which he claimed ownership of the area. Now some of his work is preserved officially.
In Taiwan, the government has made some concessions to graffitists. Since 2005 they have been allowed to freely display their work along some sections of riverside retaining walls in designated "Graffiti Zones". From 2007, Taipei's department of cultural affairs also began permitting graffiti on fences around major public construction sites. Department head Yong-ping Lee (李永萍) stated, "We will promote graffiti starting with the public sector, and then later in the private sector too. It's our goal to beautify the city with graffiti". The government later helped organize a graffiti contest in Ximending, a popular shopping district. graffitists caught working outside of these designated areas still face fines up to NT$6,000 under a department of environmental protection regulation. However, Taiwanese authorities can be relatively lenient, one veteran police officer stating anonymously, "Unless someone complains about vandalism, we won't get involved. We don't go after it proactively."
In 1993, after several expensive cars in Singapore were spray-painted, the police arrested a student from the Singapore American School, Michael P. Fay, questioned him, and subsequently charged him with vandalism. Fay pleaded guilty to vandalizing a car in addition to stealing road signs. Under the 1966 Vandalism Act of Singapore, originally passed to curb the spread of communist graffiti in Singapore, the court sentenced him to four months in jail, a fine of S$3,500 (US$2,233), and a caning. The New York Times ran several editorials and op-eds that condemned the punishment and called on the American public to flood the Singaporean embassy with protests. Although the Singapore government received many calls for clemency, Fay's caning took place in Singapore on 5 May 1994. Fay had originally received a sentence of six strokes of the cane, but the presiding president of Singapore, Ong Teng Cheong, agreed to reduce his caning sentence to four lashes.
In South Korea, Park Jung-soo was fined two million South Korean won by the Seoul Central District Court for spray-painting a rat on posters of the G-20 Summit a few days before the event in November 2011. Park alleged that the initial in "G-20" sounds like the Korean word for "rat", but Korean government prosecutors alleged that Park was making a derogatory statement about the president of South Korea, Lee Myung-bak, the host of the summit. This case led to public outcry and debate on the lack of government tolerance and in support of freedom of expression. The court ruled that the painting, "an ominous creature like a rat" amounts to "an organized criminal activity" and upheld the fine while denying the prosecution's request for imprisonment for Park.
In Europe, community cleaning squads have responded to graffiti, in some cases with reckless abandon, as when in 1992 in France a local Scout group, attempting to remove modern graffiti, damaged two prehistoric paintings of bison in the Cave of Mayrière supérieure near the French village of Bruniquel in Tarn-et-Garonne, earning them the 1992 Ig Nobel Prize in archeology.
In September 2006, the European Parliament directed the European Commission to create urban environment policies to prevent and eliminate dirt, litter, graffiti, animal excrement, and excessive noise from domestic and vehicular music systems in European cities, along with other concerns over urban life.
In Budapest, Hungary, both a city-backed movement called I Love Budapest and a special police division tackle the problem, including the provision of approved areas.
The Anti-social Behaviour Act 2003 became Britain's latest anti-graffiti legislation. In August 2004, the Keep Britain Tidy campaign issued a press release calling for zero tolerance of graffiti and supporting proposals such as issuing "on the spot" fines to graffiti offenders and banning the sale of aerosol paint to anyone under the age of 16. The press release also condemned the use of graffiti images in advertising and in music videos, arguing that real-world experience of graffiti stood far removed from its often-portrayed "cool" or "edgy'" image.
To back the campaign, 123 Members of Parliament (MPs) (including then Prime Minister Tony Blair), signed a charter which stated: "Graffiti is not art, it's crime. On behalf of my constituents, I will do all I can to rid our community of this problem."
In the UK, city councils have the power to take action against the owner of any property that has been defaced under the Anti-social Behaviour Act 2003 (as amended by the Clean Neighbourhoods and Environment Act 2005) or, in certain cases, the Highways Act. This is often used against owners of property that are complacent in allowing protective boards to be defaced so long as the property is not damaged.
In July 2008, a conspiracy charge was used to convict graffitists for the first time. After a three-month police surveillance operation, nine members of the DPM crew were convicted of conspiracy to commit criminal damage costing at least £1 million. Five of them received prison sentences, ranging from eighteen months to two years. The unprecedented scale of the investigation and the severity of the sentences rekindled public debate over whether graffiti should be considered art or crime.
Some councils, like those of Stroud and Loerrach, provide approved areas in the town where graffitists can showcase their talents, including underpasses, car parks, and walls that might otherwise prove a target for the "spray and run".
Graffiti Tunnel, University of Sydney at Camperdown (2009)
In an effort to reduce vandalism, many cities in Australia have designated walls or areas exclusively for use by graffitists. One early example is the "Graffiti Tunnel" located at the Camperdown Campus of the University of Sydney, which is available for use by any student at the university to tag, advertise, poster, and paint. Advocates of this idea suggest that this discourages petty vandalism yet encourages artists to take their time and produce great art, without worry of being caught or arrested for vandalism or trespassing.[108][109] Others disagree with this approach, arguing that the presence of legal graffiti walls does not demonstrably reduce illegal graffiti elsewhere. Some local government areas throughout Australia have introduced "anti-graffiti squads", who clean graffiti in the area, and such crews as BCW (Buffers Can't Win) have taken steps to keep one step ahead of local graffiti cleaners.
Many state governments have banned the sale or possession of spray paint to those under the age of 18 (age of majority). However, a number of local governments in Victoria have taken steps to recognize the cultural heritage value of some examples of graffiti, such as prominent political graffiti. Tough new graffiti laws have been introduced in Australia with fines of up to A$26,000 and two years in prison.
Melbourne is a prominent graffiti city of Australia with many of its lanes being tourist attractions, such as Hosier Lane in particular, a popular destination for photographers, wedding photography, and backdrops for corporate print advertising. The Lonely Planet travel guide cites Melbourne's street as a major attraction. All forms of graffiti, including sticker art, poster, stencil art, and wheatpasting, can be found in many places throughout the city. Prominent street art precincts include; Fitzroy, Collingwood, Northcote, Brunswick, St. Kilda, and the CBD, where stencil and sticker art is prominent. As one moves farther away from the city, mostly along suburban train lines, graffiti tags become more prominent. Many international artists such as Banksy have left their work in Melbourne and in early 2008 a perspex screen was installed to prevent a Banksy stencil art piece from being destroyed, it has survived since 2003 through the respect of local street artists avoiding posting over it, although it has recently had paint tipped over it.
In February 2008 Helen Clark, the New Zealand prime minister at that time, announced a government crackdown on tagging and other forms of graffiti vandalism, describing it as a destructive crime representing an invasion of public and private property. New legislation subsequently adopted included a ban on the sale of paint spray cans to persons under 18 and increases in maximum fines for the offence from NZ$200 to NZ$2,000 or extended community service. The issue of tagging become a widely debated one following an incident in Auckland during January 2008 in which a middle-aged property owner stabbed one of two teenage taggers to death and was subsequently convicted of manslaughter.
Graffiti databases have increased in the past decade because they allow vandalism incidents to be fully documented against an offender and help the police and prosecution charge and prosecute offenders for multiple counts of vandalism. They also provide law enforcement the ability to rapidly search for an offender's moniker or tag in a simple, effective, and comprehensive way. These systems can also help track costs of damage to a city to help allocate an anti-graffiti budget. The theory is that when an offender is caught putting up graffiti, they are not just charged with one count of vandalism; they can be held accountable for all the other damage for which they are responsible. This has two main benefits for law enforcement. One, it sends a signal to the offenders that their vandalism is being tracked. Two, a city can seek restitution from offenders for all the damage that they have committed, not merely a single incident. These systems give law enforcement personnel real-time, street-level intelligence that allows them not only to focus on the worst graffiti offenders and their damage, but also to monitor potential gang violence that is associated with the graffiti.
Many restrictions of civil gang injunctions are designed to help address and protect the physical environment and limit graffiti. Provisions of gang injunctions include things such as restricting the possession of marker pens, spray paint cans, or other sharp objects capable of defacing private or public property; spray painting, or marking with marker pens, scratching, applying stickers, or otherwise applying graffiti on any public or private property, including, but not limited to the street, alley, residences, block walls, and fences, vehicles or any other real or personal property. Some injunctions contain wording that restricts damaging or vandalizing both public and private property, including but not limited to any vehicle, light fixture, door, fence, wall, gate, window, building, street sign, utility box, telephone box, tree, or power pole.
To help address many of these issues, many local jurisdictions have set up graffiti abatement hotlines, where citizens can call in and report vandalism and have it removed. San Diego's hotline receives more than 5,000 calls per year, in addition to reporting the graffiti, callers can learn more about prevention. One of the complaints about these hotlines is the response time; there is often a lag time between a property owner calling about the graffiti and its removal. The length of delay should be a consideration for any jurisdiction planning on operating a hotline. Local jurisdictions must convince the callers that their complaint of vandalism will be a priority and cleaned off right away. If the jurisdiction does not have the resources to respond to complaints in a timely manner, the value of the hotline diminishes. Crews must be able to respond to individual service calls made to the graffiti hotline as well as focus on cleanup near schools, parks, and major intersections and transit routes to have the biggest impact. Some cities offer a reward for information leading to the arrest and prosecution of suspects for tagging or graffiti related vandalism. The amount of the reward is based on the information provided, and the action taken.
When police obtain search warrants in connection with a vandalism investigation, they are often seeking judicial approval to look for items such as cans of spray paint and nozzles from other kinds of aerosol sprays; etching tools, or other sharp or pointed objects, which could be used to etch or scratch glass and other hard surfaces; permanent marking pens, markers, or paint sticks; evidence of membership or affiliation with any gang or tagging crew; paraphernalia including any reference to "(tagger's name)"; any drawings, writing, objects, or graffiti depicting taggers' names, initials, logos, monikers, slogans, or any mention of tagging crew membership; and any newspaper clippings relating to graffiti crime.
The Black Bulbul is approximately 24 cm in length, mainly black overall with a grey patch on the secondary feathers of its wings. Its bill and feet are bright red, and its head bears a shaggy crest. Its tail is fairly short, broad and slightly notched. Black Bulbuls feed on fruits and insects, and form fairly large, noisy flocks in winter, emitting an almost continuous series of shrill, squeaky calls. They are found in open forests, forest edges and clearings.
IMG_5080-2
Igneous rocks form by the cooling & crystallization of hot, molten rock (magma & lava). If this happens at or near the land surface, or on the seafloor, they are extrusive igneous rocks. If this happens deep underground, they are intrusive igneous rocks. Most igneous rocks have a crystalline texture, but some are clastic, vesicular, frothy, or glassy.
Basalt is a common extrusive igneous rock. Basalt is the dominant rock in Earth’s upper oceanic crust. Black lava rocks seen at famous volcanoes such as Mt. Kilauea in Hawaii and Mt. Etna in Sicily are composed of basalt. Basalt has a mafic chemistry. Mafic igneous rocks are generally dark-colored, have 45-52% silica (= SiO2 chemistry) (mafic has also been defined as 45 to 55% silica), are rich in iron (Fe), magnesium (Mg), & calcium (Ca), and are dominated by the minerals plagioclase feldspar and pyroxene.
Basalt has an aphanitic texture (finely crystalline; all or almost all crystals are <1 mm in size), which forms by relatively quick cooling of lava. Some basalts are porphyritic or coarsely crystalline if the lava flow took time to cool & solidify (e.g., some Proterozoic basalt lavas in the Keweenaw Peninsula of Michigan's Upper Peninsula).
Exposition
Du 14/06/2017 au 10/09/2017
L’exposition Le Rêve des formes, présentée à l’occasion du vingtième anniversaire du Fresnoy – Studio national des arts contemporains, est conçue comme un paysage imaginaire, un jardin monstrueux où se cultivent des formes périssables et des surfaces en germination, des organismes protubérants et de plates silhouettes.
Les artistes et chercheurs rassemblés dans Le Rêve des formes témoignent de leur rencontre avec de nouvelles possibilités de représentation, issues de découvertes scientifiques et techniques récentes, qui bouleversent notre façon de voir et de montrer. En renouvelant grâce à cela le champ du perceptible – nanotechnologies, imagerie de synthèse, scan 3D, stéréolithographie… –, ces nouvelles visualisations nous laissent présumer de géométries encore inconnues.
Des images, des transcriptions, des modélisations, des formes spéculatives produites par les inventeurs et savants des sciences prospectives, issues des mathématiques, de la physique, de la biologie, de l’optique ou de la chimie par exemple, rejoignent ou inspirent des œuvres qui résultent des greffes opérées entre art et science, entre spéculation et invention, par une vingtaine d’artistes contemporains.
Avec : Francis Alÿs, Hicham Berrada & Sylvain Courrech du Pont & Simon de Dreuille, Michel Blazy, Juliette Bonneviot, Dora Budor, Damien Cadio, Julian Charrière, Sylvie Chartrand, Clément Cogitore, Hugo Deverchère, Bertrand Dezoteux, Mimosa Echard, Alain Fleischer, Fabien Giraud & Raphaël Siboni, Bruno Gironcoli, Spiros Hadjidjanos, Patrick Jouin, Ryoichi Kurokawa, Annick Lesne & Julien Mozziconacci, Adrien Missika, Jean-Luc Moulène, Marie-Jeanne Musiol, Katja Novitskova, Jonathan Pêpe & Thibaut Rostagnat & David Chavalarias, Olivier Perriquet & Jean-Paul Delahaye, Arnaud Petit, Jean-François Peyret & Alain Prochiantz, Gaëtan Robillard, Gwendal Sartre, SMITH & Antonin-Tri Hoang, Anicka Yi
D’Leedon Condominium | Singapore
Designed by internationally renowned Pritzker Architecture Prize winner Zaha Hadid, D’Leedon Condominium is shaped into sweeping fluid forms—a style that characterizes the intricate work of one of the greatest Architects of our time.
Having found this vantage point, I was in awe of the masterpiece in front of me and was stoked to have finally immortalized it in a frame.
© Lemjay Lucas
Curso de “Corte e Costura” ABECAO
As beneficiárias da Oficina de Corte e Costura da ABECAO estão colocando em prática as técnicas adquiridas nas aulas, confeccionando vários modelos de vestuários. O objetivo do curso visa resgatar este projeto de qualificação tradicional, ensinando as técnicas para confecção de vestuários de maneira clara, objetiva e completa de como cortar e costurar, promovendo a profissionalização da mão de obra prioritariamente às pessoas em risco social, formando profissionais atendendo a necessidade do mercado de trabalho, estimulando o desenvolvimento da criatividade com qualidade as alunas, Natalia Aparecida Silva Santos, Alessandra Carla da Silva, Aparecida Castanha Vieira, Elaine Pereira Gomes, Graziela Pereira Celestino, Lindalva Leite Melo Barboza, Maria Aparecida Olmedo, Rose Mara Domelas de Castro,Tassiana de Menezes da Silva, demonstra grande aptidão profissional como mostra as fotos, parabéns as alunas e a monitora Marlene Canhada.
El total de participantes fue de 27 personas (12 hombres y 15 mujeres), de
edades comprendidas entre los 25 y los 50 años. El grupo estaba formado por
responsables políticos/as, técnicos/as de los distintos Ayuntamientos y la
Mancomunidad: presidente, gerente, dinamizadores/as deportivos/as y
socioculturales, representando así a los diferentes Municipios de la
Mancomunidad: Valencia de Alcántara, San Vicente de Alcántara, Santiago de
Alcántara, Cedillo y Herreruela.
Por lo que respecta a la representación institucional, en este grupo de debate
contamos con la presencia de la Directora del Instituto de la Juventud de
Extremadura, Susana Martín Gijón, el Presidente de la Mancomunidad Sierra de
San Pedro, Juan Garlito Batalla y el Alcalde de Valencia de Alcántara, Cándido
Moreno Morgado.
A. CONOCIMIENTO DE LA REALIDAD JUVENIL
¿Cómo ven a los/as jóvenes de la Mancomunidad?
La mayoría de los/as técnicos/as, responsables políticos/as y agentes sociales
afirman que los/as jóvenes de la Mancomunidad son pasivos/as, no tienen
objetivos claros y son despreocupados/as.
Consideran que están desorientados/as por su futuro laboral, por no saber
cuáles son los estudios idóneos que les garanticen una estabilidad en el futuro.
Una juventud apática y desilusionada, con pocas habilidades sociales,
desorganizada y conformista, con poca iniciativa y sin responsabilidades.
No obstante, otro grupo considera que tenemos una juventud muy preparada y
bastante emprendedora, activa y responsable, sincera, participativa y con
mucho potencial.
Unos/as jóvenes inquietos/as, inteligentes y con una energía que necesitan
encauzar en alternativas que se ajusten a sus demandas, intereses e
inquietudes.
En general, podemos afirmar que había dos grupos perfectamente
diferenciados, el primero de ellos representado por los/las técnicos/as,
responsables políticos y/o agentes sociales que tienen una percepción bastante
negativa de los/las jóvenes de la Mancomunidad y el otro, el de los/las
técnicos/as, responsables políticos/as y/o agentes sociales que tienen una
percepción más positiva de la juventud de la Mancomunidad y la consideran
dinámica, dispuesta y comprometida.
B. PROGRAMAS Y RECURSOS DISPONIBLES
En este bloque se exponen las conclusiones del grupo en torno a tres
cuestiones: ¿existen programas comarcales de juventud? ¿en qué consisten? ¿y
estructuras de juventud?
Al igual que con el primer bloque del debate, también en este hubo dos grupos
con opiniones diferentes, por un lado están los/as participantes que opinan que
no existen programas comarcales de juventud, alegando como motivos la falta
de medios y de interés por parte de las autoridades y de los/as técnicos/as. Por
otro lado se encuentra el grupo que expone que a nivel local y mancomunado
existen los siguientes programas: Pueblos (aunque éste concretamente
suscitó el reproche de que son actuaciones puntuales y con una duración muy
limitada para ver resultados concretos), dinamización deportiva, orientación
laboral y autoempleo, diferentes actividades de ocio y tiempo libre, educación
en valores, fomento del asociacionismo juvenil, jornadas de educación y
seguridad vial, planes de fomento de la lectura, actividades culturales, viajes,
convivencias y encuentros comarcales, talleres de verano, sala de ordenadores
y biblioteca.
La mayoría de los/las participantes señalan como una importante y nueva
creación en su Mancomunidad, el Consejo Comarcal de la Juventud, que está
comenzando a preparar sus actividades y en el que tienen puesta mucha
confianza de cara al futuro.
C. PROPUESTAS DE ACCIONES, COMPROMISOS
(Trascripción literal de las propuestas)
o
Según los/as dinamizadores/as deportivos/as se necesita personal
especializado en deportes o bailes de moda que roten por los pueblos,
porque ellos/as no los dominan y es difícil impartirlos.
o
Proponen que todas las asociaciones, concejalías de juventud, técnicos/as,
etc. deben unirse y trabajar juntos/as, por este motivo confían en el Consejo
Comarcal de Juventud.
o
Solicitan más personal técnico y mejores infraestructuras, al igual que sacar
más partido a las infraestructuras que ya existen y que no se potencian
demasiado.
o
Las diferencias materiales entre las distintas localidades de la
Mancomunidad también preocupaba a los/las participantes, insistieron en
que deberían organizarse actividades que se extiendan por todos los
municipios y no sólo por los más grandes. Por este motivo, solicitan la
puesta en marcha de actividades que no dependan del número de
jóvenes existentes, porque hay que tener en cuenta la escasez de
niños/as en algunos municipios.
o
Pasar encuestas para ver si los/as principales beneficiarios/as conocen los
programas, porque hay buenos programas, pero los desconocen.
o
El técnico de juventud de la Mancomunidad opina que los/as jóvenes
necesitan más información y acceso a actividades para su edad, además
añade que a las instituciones les falta presupuesto.
o
El Presidente de la Mancomunidad está muy preocupado por el elevado
índice de jóvenes de la Mancomunidad que pese a estar muy bien
formados/as se marchan a trabajar fuera. Él cree que hay que potenciar de
alguna manera diferentes programas que provoquen que los/as jóvenes se
queden a trabajar en la Mancomunidad. Insiste en elaborar un plan
formativo que desarrolle una política económica y proponer desde ahí una
serie de actividades de formación para intentar que los/as jóvenes no se
vayan fuera.
o
En cuanto a los compromisos: El presidente de la Mancomunidad afirma “la
juventud es el futuro, porque es lo que tenemos en casa y hay que
mantenerlo”. Asimismo, el concejal de Herreruela, dice que las políticas de
juventud existen en los ayuntamientos y que ellos/as están elaborando un
plan de juventud, fomentan las inquietudes de los y las jóvenes y el
asociacionismo juvenil.
Sesión con Jóvenes
PERFIL DEL GRUPO DE JÓVENES
Participaron un total de 42 personas, 22 chicas y 20 chicos, con edades
comprendidas entre los 13 y los 26 años. La mayoría son estudiantes y algún/a
trabajador/a. Los municipios representados fueron: Valencia de Alcántara, San
Vicente de Alcántara, Santiago de Alcántara, Cedillo y Herreruela.
A. VALORACIÓN DEL III PLAN DE JUVENTUD
Actividades en las que han participado:
Los/as participantes manifestaron haber participado en las siguientes
actividades: el Día de la Mancomunidad, excursiones, rutas nocturnas,
actividades deportivas (torneo de fútbol), manualidades, talleres de graffiti,
educación vial, conciertos: extremúsica y otros, camping, el botellón dicen que
es una de las cosas que más les divierte, etc.
Valoración de las actividades:
Les gustó mucho el Día de la Mancomunidad, al igual que todas las actividades
deportivas, por lo que insisten en que continúen e incluyan más variedad.
Los conciertos también tienen mucho éxito entre ellos/as aunque les gustaría
que hubiera más y con diferentes estilos de música.
Todos/as valoran muy positivamente las actividades que han realizado en el
marco del III Plan de Juventud.
B. ANÁLISIS DE LA REALIDAD JOVEN
Principales problemas de los y las jóvenes:
Se repite con frecuencia que existe “escasa información sobre recursos y pocas
actividades de ocio en los pueblos pequeños”. Destacan también la escasez de
empleo para todos y todas las/los jóvenes que lo demandan, el tener que
abandonar los pueblos por la ausencia de trabajo, no poder independizarse, les
preocupa mucho la existencia de empresas que no les dan de alta en la
seguridad social.
Opinan que la Mancomunidad, Concejalías y Ayuntamientos deberían poner
más de su parte porque tienen pocos recursos y lugares de ocio y tiempo libre,
además, cuando la Mancomunidad prepara actividades no tienen muy en
cuenta los gustos de la juventud y no hay talleres en las casas de cultura.
También afirman que la mayoría de los/as jóvenes no quieren asumir
responsabilidades y que sí hay actividades, pero tienen poco interés en ellas.
Añaden que tampoco se implican con el medio ambiente.
C. PROPUESTAS Y COMPROMISOS EN RELACIÓN CON LOS EJES DEL
IV PLAN INTEGRAL DE JUVENTUD
(Trascripción literal de propuestas por ejes)
Eje 1. Emancipación y autonomía
-Vivienda más barata, ayudas para acceder a las viviendas, bajar el alquiler
de los pisos.
-Facilidades de acceso al primer empleo, más empleos y más accesibles.
-Más empresas en las zonas rurales.
-Más ayudas para estudiantes.
-Becas más generalizadas y para segundos estudios.
-Se repiten: sueldos más altos, más cursos de orientación laboral y de
formación, aprender inglés.
Eje 2. Ciudadanía y diálogo
-Convivencias y acampadas entre jóvenes de la mancomunidad, Cooperación.
-Recaudar fondos para distintas organizaciones, campañas solidarias:
mercadillos, conciertos, etc.
-Compartir actividades, intercambios con otras asociaciones de la
mancomunidad y fuera de ella.
-Fomentar y dinamizar el Asociacionismo.
-Viajes al extranjero.
-Promover la democracia participativa, organizando para ello reuniones
abiertas con los/as responsables de las instituciones para que escuchen las
propuestas y necesidades de los/as jóvenes.
Eje 3. Responsabilidad cívica
-Más información, cursos, charlas y actividades sobre salud: Campaña sobre
la droga, educación sexual, enfermedades de transmisión sexual, trastornos
alimentarios, desayuno saludable.
-Campañas sobre educación vial orientadas tanto a mayores como a niños/as
en colegios (circuitos sobre señalización, charlas para prevenir
accidentes,...), carné de conducir más barato.
-Que haya una buena distribución de contenedores para el reciclaje además
de más cantidad de ellos.
Eje 4. Ocio y creación
-Construcción de un espacio joven o punto de información.
-Creación de espacios para las asociaciones, boletines juveniles, publicidad.
-Exposiciones, conciertos, excursiones, ludoteca, cine, discoteca.
-Competiciones deportivas a nivel de mancomunidad, Variedad de
actividades deportivas, cursos de distintos tipos de baile, torneo de fútbol,
piscina climatizada, creación de un gimnasio, circuito de motocross, pista
para Karting y monopatín, gymkhana.
-Centro de conexión inalámbrica, zona wifi, cibercafé.
-Rutas de senderismo e históricas por los pueblos cercanos.
-Zona de recreativos, campeonatos de juegos.
-Habilitar más zonas para el botellón (repiten 4 grupos)
.
-Concursos, más actividades de ocio, socioculturales y deportivas.
-Discotecas, césped artificial y de mejor calidad en el campo de fútbol.
-Festivales de música, un cine y una piscina en buenas condiciones.
-Renovar los centros de salud para evitar trasladarse lejos para poder ir al
médico.
-Campamentos e intercambios juveniles.
COMPROMISOS
Los/as jóvenes se comprometen a:
-Participar más en las actividades que se realizan en el pueblo y en
algunas especialmente para que sigan adelante.
-Estudiar una carrera.
-Actuar con juicio y no abusar de los consumos.
-Ayudar en las tareas del hogar para irse habituando.
-Crear una asociación de fútbol.
-Una asociación tiene el proyecto de hacer un centro joven.
-Consumir menos energía, reciclar y ahorrar agua.
El total de participantes fue de 27 personas (12 hombres y 15 mujeres), de
edades comprendidas entre los 25 y los 50 años. El grupo estaba formado por
responsables políticos/as, técnicos/as de los distintos Ayuntamientos y la
Mancomunidad: presidente, gerente, dinamizadores/as deportivos/as y
socioculturales, representando así a los diferentes Municipios de la
Mancomunidad: Valencia de Alcántara, San Vicente de Alcántara, Santiago de
Alcántara, Cedillo y Herreruela.
Por lo que respecta a la representación institucional, en este grupo de debate
contamos con la presencia de la Directora del Instituto de la Juventud de
Extremadura, Susana Martín Gijón, el Presidente de la Mancomunidad Sierra de
San Pedro, Juan Garlito Batalla y el Alcalde de Valencia de Alcántara, Cándido
Moreno Morgado.
A. CONOCIMIENTO DE LA REALIDAD JUVENIL
¿Cómo ven a los/as jóvenes de la Mancomunidad?
La mayoría de los/as técnicos/as, responsables políticos/as y agentes sociales
afirman que los/as jóvenes de la Mancomunidad son pasivos/as, no tienen
objetivos claros y son despreocupados/as.
Consideran que están desorientados/as por su futuro laboral, por no saber
cuáles son los estudios idóneos que les garanticen una estabilidad en el futuro.
Una juventud apática y desilusionada, con pocas habilidades sociales,
desorganizada y conformista, con poca iniciativa y sin responsabilidades.
No obstante, otro grupo considera que tenemos una juventud muy preparada y
bastante emprendedora, activa y responsable, sincera, participativa y con
mucho potencial.
Unos/as jóvenes inquietos/as, inteligentes y con una energía que necesitan
encauzar en alternativas que se ajusten a sus demandas, intereses e
inquietudes.
En general, podemos afirmar que había dos grupos perfectamente
diferenciados, el primero de ellos representado por los/las técnicos/as,
responsables políticos y/o agentes sociales que tienen una percepción bastante
negativa de los/las jóvenes de la Mancomunidad y el otro, el de los/las
técnicos/as, responsables políticos/as y/o agentes sociales que tienen una
percepción más positiva de la juventud de la Mancomunidad y la consideran
dinámica, dispuesta y comprometida.
B. PROGRAMAS Y RECURSOS DISPONIBLES
En este bloque se exponen las conclusiones del grupo en torno a tres
cuestiones: ¿existen programas comarcales de juventud? ¿en qué consisten? ¿y
estructuras de juventud?
Al igual que con el primer bloque del debate, también en este hubo dos grupos
con opiniones diferentes, por un lado están los/as participantes que opinan que
no existen programas comarcales de juventud, alegando como motivos la falta
de medios y de interés por parte de las autoridades y de los/as técnicos/as. Por
otro lado se encuentra el grupo que expone que a nivel local y mancomunado
existen los siguientes programas: Pueblos (aunque éste concretamente
suscitó el reproche de que son actuaciones puntuales y con una duración muy
limitada para ver resultados concretos), dinamización deportiva, orientación
laboral y autoempleo, diferentes actividades de ocio y tiempo libre, educación
en valores, fomento del asociacionismo juvenil, jornadas de educación y
seguridad vial, planes de fomento de la lectura, actividades culturales, viajes,
convivencias y encuentros comarcales, talleres de verano, sala de ordenadores
y biblioteca.
La mayoría de los/las participantes señalan como una importante y nueva
creación en su Mancomunidad, el Consejo Comarcal de la Juventud, que está
comenzando a preparar sus actividades y en el que tienen puesta mucha
confianza de cara al futuro.
C. PROPUESTAS DE ACCIONES, COMPROMISOS
(Trascripción literal de las propuestas)
o
Según los/as dinamizadores/as deportivos/as se necesita personal
especializado en deportes o bailes de moda que roten por los pueblos,
porque ellos/as no los dominan y es difícil impartirlos.
o
Proponen que todas las asociaciones, concejalías de juventud, técnicos/as,
etc. deben unirse y trabajar juntos/as, por este motivo confían en el Consejo
Comarcal de Juventud.
o
Solicitan más personal técnico y mejores infraestructuras, al igual que sacar
más partido a las infraestructuras que ya existen y que no se potencian
demasiado.
o
Las diferencias materiales entre las distintas localidades de la
Mancomunidad también preocupaba a los/las participantes, insistieron en
que deberían organizarse actividades que se extiendan por todos los
municipios y no sólo por los más grandes. Por este motivo, solicitan la
puesta en marcha de actividades que no dependan del número de
jóvenes existentes, porque hay que tener en cuenta la escasez de
niños/as en algunos municipios.
o
Pasar encuestas para ver si los/as principales beneficiarios/as conocen los
programas, porque hay buenos programas, pero los desconocen.
o
El técnico de juventud de la Mancomunidad opina que los/as jóvenes
necesitan más información y acceso a actividades para su edad, además
añade que a las instituciones les falta presupuesto.
o
El Presidente de la Mancomunidad está muy preocupado por el elevado
índice de jóvenes de la Mancomunidad que pese a estar muy bien
formados/as se marchan a trabajar fuera. Él cree que hay que potenciar de
alguna manera diferentes programas que provoquen que los/as jóvenes se
queden a trabajar en la Mancomunidad. Insiste en elaborar un plan
formativo que desarrolle una política económica y proponer desde ahí una
serie de actividades de formación para intentar que los/as jóvenes no se
vayan fuera.
o
En cuanto a los compromisos: El presidente de la Mancomunidad afirma “la
juventud es el futuro, porque es lo que tenemos en casa y hay que
mantenerlo”. Asimismo, el concejal de Herreruela, dice que las políticas de
juventud existen en los ayuntamientos y que ellos/as están elaborando un
plan de juventud, fomentan las inquietudes de los y las jóvenes y el
asociacionismo juvenil.
Sesión con Jóvenes
PERFIL DEL GRUPO DE JÓVENES
Participaron un total de 42 personas, 22 chicas y 20 chicos, con edades
comprendidas entre los 13 y los 26 años. La mayoría son estudiantes y algún/a
trabajador/a. Los municipios representados fueron: Valencia de Alcántara, San
Vicente de Alcántara, Santiago de Alcántara, Cedillo y Herreruela.
A. VALORACIÓN DEL III PLAN DE JUVENTUD
Actividades en las que han participado:
Los/as participantes manifestaron haber participado en las siguientes
actividades: el Día de la Mancomunidad, excursiones, rutas nocturnas,
actividades deportivas (torneo de fútbol), manualidades, talleres de graffiti,
educación vial, conciertos: extremúsica y otros, camping, el botellón dicen que
es una de las cosas que más les divierte, etc.
Valoración de las actividades:
Les gustó mucho el Día de la Mancomunidad, al igual que todas las actividades
deportivas, por lo que insisten en que continúen e incluyan más variedad.
Los conciertos también tienen mucho éxito entre ellos/as aunque les gustaría
que hubiera más y con diferentes estilos de música.
Todos/as valoran muy positivamente las actividades que han realizado en el
marco del III Plan de Juventud.
B. ANÁLISIS DE LA REALIDAD JOVEN
Principales problemas de los y las jóvenes:
Se repite con frecuencia que existe “escasa información sobre recursos y pocas
actividades de ocio en los pueblos pequeños”. Destacan también la escasez de
empleo para todos y todas las/los jóvenes que lo demandan, el tener que
abandonar los pueblos por la ausencia de trabajo, no poder independizarse, les
preocupa mucho la existencia de empresas que no les dan de alta en la
seguridad social.
Opinan que la Mancomunidad, Concejalías y Ayuntamientos deberían poner
más de su parte porque tienen pocos recursos y lugares de ocio y tiempo libre,
además, cuando la Mancomunidad prepara actividades no tienen muy en
cuenta los gustos de la juventud y no hay talleres en las casas de cultura.
También afirman que la mayoría de los/as jóvenes no quieren asumir
responsabilidades y que sí hay actividades, pero tienen poco interés en ellas.
Añaden que tampoco se implican con el medio ambiente.
C. PROPUESTAS Y COMPROMISOS EN RELACIÓN CON LOS EJES DEL
IV PLAN INTEGRAL DE JUVENTUD
(Trascripción literal de propuestas por ejes)
Eje 1. Emancipación y autonomía
-Vivienda más barata, ayudas para acceder a las viviendas, bajar el alquiler
de los pisos.
-Facilidades de acceso al primer empleo, más empleos y más accesibles.
-Más empresas en las zonas rurales.
-Más ayudas para estudiantes.
-Becas más generalizadas y para segundos estudios.
-Se repiten: sueldos más altos, más cursos de orientación laboral y de
formación, aprender inglés.
Eje 2. Ciudadanía y diálogo
-Convivencias y acampadas entre jóvenes de la mancomunidad, Cooperación.
-Recaudar fondos para distintas organizaciones, campañas solidarias:
mercadillos, conciertos, etc.
-Compartir actividades, intercambios con otras asociaciones de la
mancomunidad y fuera de ella.
-Fomentar y dinamizar el Asociacionismo.
-Viajes al extranjero.
-Promover la democracia participativa, organizando para ello reuniones
abiertas con los/as responsables de las instituciones para que escuchen las
propuestas y necesidades de los/as jóvenes.
Eje 3. Responsabilidad cívica
-Más información, cursos, charlas y actividades sobre salud: Campaña sobre
la droga, educación sexual, enfermedades de transmisión sexual, trastornos
alimentarios, desayuno saludable.
-Campañas sobre educación vial orientadas tanto a mayores como a niños/as
en colegios (circuitos sobre señalización, charlas para prevenir
accidentes,...), carné de conducir más barato.
-Que haya una buena distribución de contenedores para el reciclaje además
de más cantidad de ellos.
Eje 4. Ocio y creación
-Construcción de un espacio joven o punto de información.
-Creación de espacios para las asociaciones, boletines juveniles, publicidad.
-Exposiciones, conciertos, excursiones, ludoteca, cine, discoteca.
-Competiciones deportivas a nivel de mancomunidad, Variedad de
actividades deportivas, cursos de distintos tipos de baile, torneo de fútbol,
piscina climatizada, creación de un gimnasio, circuito de motocross, pista
para Karting y monopatín, gymkhana.
-Centro de conexión inalámbrica, zona wifi, cibercafé.
-Rutas de senderismo e históricas por los pueblos cercanos.
-Zona de recreativos, campeonatos de juegos.
-Habilitar más zonas para el botellón (repiten 4 grupos)
.
-Concursos, más actividades de ocio, socioculturales y deportivas.
-Discotecas, césped artificial y de mejor calidad en el campo de fútbol.
-Festivales de música, un cine y una piscina en buenas condiciones.
-Renovar los centros de salud para evitar trasladarse lejos para poder ir al
médico.
-Campamentos e intercambios juveniles.
COMPROMISOS
Los/as jóvenes se comprometen a:
-Participar más en las actividades que se realizan en el pueblo y en
algunas especialmente para que sigan adelante.
-Estudiar una carrera.
-Actuar con juicio y no abusar de los consumos.
-Ayudar en las tareas del hogar para irse habituando.
-Crear una asociación de fútbol.
-Una asociación tiene el proyecto de hacer un centro joven.
-Consumir menos energía, reciclar y ahorrar agua.
"Colour Form View Dress"
rapu caluson x mayako nakamura
MODESTE cafe・gallery / Hachioji, Tokyo
2013.08.20-25
www.modeste.info/mayako.rapu.tenji.html
いろ かたち みる まとう
rapu caluson x mayako nakamura
MODESTE cafe・gallery / 八王子
2013.08.20-25
www.modeste.info/mayako.rapu.tenji.html
ワークショップを開催いたします
Name: Kamen Rider Kuuga (仮面ライダークウガ)
Form: Dragon form
Series: Kamen Rider Kuuga
Official Video: www.youtube.com/watch?v=o9fEMLIRtnk&t=2s
This is my channel: www.youtube.com/channel/UC9ZlM…
Facebook page: www.facebook.com/demon1408/
Twitter: twitter.com/demon14082000
Club membership application form included as part of a full-page advertisement in the Buster children's comic.
The Airfix Modellers Club was launched in May 1974 by Fleetway Publications in conjunction with the Airfix Company. The club ran from May 1974 to March 1981 and was promoted through Fleetway's comic titles such as Valiant, Lion, Battle Picture Weekly and Buster ( www.bustercomic.co.uk/features.html ). By the end of the club's lifetime, it achieved a cumulative membership of over 150,000.
The club heavily promoted new Airfix products through the comics by advertisements and competitions for club members and for those who remember the adverts which featured Dick Emery, who was the club's president. Every new member received their membership pack comprising of a certificate, voucher stamps for Airfix kits, sticker, membership card and the club badge.
Airfix is a British company founded by Nicholas Kove (1891-1958) in 1939 and famous for their scale plastic model kits. In the late 1940’s the company began to experiment with the mass production of scale self-assembly plastic (polystyrene) kits and in 1952 launched their first mass produced kit of the Golden Hind ship. It was an immediate success and within a year Airfix followed with the release of the Spitfire aircraft. Their first retail outlet was Woolworth stores and this in no small way contributed to Airfix’s success. The plastic scale model kit flourished during it’s peak during the 1960’s and 1970’s but the hobby went into decline during the 1980’s and the Airfix company too until they became bankrupt. However, such was the fame of the Airfix brand-name that the company was bought by Hornby Hobbies Lid in 2006 and so the Airfix name continues on.
.
For more information:
www.airfix.com/official-airfix-club-membership/
www.collectors-club-of-great-britain.co.uk/magazines/arti... (a short historical article about Airfix).
.
Thank you for reading.
Stuart.
St Mary at Stoke, Ipswich, Suffolk
Urban rivers carve allegiances. The Gipping becomes tidal as it enters the Borough of Ipswich, splits around an island, and remerges as the Orwell. 1500 years ago, along this fertile estuary, Anglo-Saxon trading and manufacturing settlements merged to form England's longest continually-occupied town, Gippeswyk, the modern Ipswich. For a while, it was the largest manufacturing and trading town in northern Europe, and even towards the end of the twentieth century Ipswich was first and foremost an industrial port.
The Orwell meets the Stour eight miles downriver, and disgorges into the great German Ocean at the border between the Anglo-Saxon kingdoms of East Anglia and Essex. Not far north of Ipswich was the East Anglian capital at Rendlesham and the great royal burial ground at Sutton Hoo overlooking the Deben. By the time Ipswich had emerged as a proper Borough at the end of the 12th century, its heart was in the quayside parishes of St Peter, St Clement and St Mary at Quay on the north side of the river. Across the river, the gentle hills were quietly settled by farmers and villagers. Stoke Hills overlooked the town centre across the water, but the main road to London was some way to the west, crossing the river at Handford, and so Stoke developed a strong and perhaps slightly smug independence, an identity all of its own. Even today, older Ipswichers can be heard to refer to the part of the town south of the river as 'Over Stoke'.
Stoke was large enough to form two parishes, St Augustine and St Mary. The parish church of St Mary occupies a site on a dramatic bluff overlooking the river, across which it faces St Peter, a couple of hundred metres away. St Mary at Stoke is the only one of the twelve surviving medieval churches in Ipswich town centre to stand south of the River Orwell. The church of St Augustine, which served the quayside area south of the river, is now lost to us. It was still in use in the 1480s, but all traces of it have completely disappeared. It was probably about 100 yards away in Vernon Street. After the Reformation, St Augustine's parish was merged into that of St Peter, and St Mary at Stoke retained its relatively rural feel, so close to the heart of the town. As recently as 1801, the population of the parish was just 385.
And then, as John Barbrook in his excellent guidebook tells us, the railways came. The impact of their coming upon a town like Ipswich, which was already a burgeoning industrial port, should not be underestimated. However, the Stoke Hills, as gentle as they are by Northern standards, proved an impenetrable barrier to the line from Liverpool Street. Consequently. Ipswich's first railway station was built in the south of the parish of St Mary at Stoke, and a mid-Victorian railway town grew up around it. In the 1860s, a tunnel was blasted through the hills so that the line could be extended to Norwich, and a new railway station was built, again in St Mary at Stoke parish, linked to the centre of Ipswich by a major new road, Princes Street. By 1871, the population of the parish had grown to more than 3,000, a ten-fold increase in less than a lifetime, unmatched by almost any other parish in East Anglia.
This development needs to be borne in mind when exploring St Mary at Stoke parish church. From the south, you see a large, blockish Victorian building with flushwork on the porch and transept, a little characterless otherwise. The focus is all to the south, the graveyard dropping away quickly on the other three sides, as if reminding us of the long tradition here of independence from Ipswich over the water.
However, walking around to east or west you discover that behind it there is another church, medieval this time, and still rural in feel. The tower is at the west end of the older church, and the two are joined as if non-identical Siamese twins.
This is a welcoming church, as are most in Ipswich town centre, open to pilgrims and strangers every day. You step inside to the impression of two churches joined together, the near one Victorian and wide, the far one narrower and older. In fact, this impression is almost exactly right. The original medieval church is now the north aisle ahead of you, which is why the tower is off-centre. The 1872 nave you step into is the work of the great Anglo-catholic architect William Butterfield. This church came 15 years after his masterpiece All Saints, Margaret Street. And yet, St Mary at Stoke has nothing like the excitement of that or his other fine London churches. The chequerboard flintwork on the porch and transept are perhaps echoes of St Mary le Tower in the middle of town.
There were two major rebuildings here. The first, in 1864, rather unforgivably destroyed a magnificent Tudor porch in red brick. This rebuilding, by Richard Phipson, the Diocesan architect, gave us the huge, austere transept on the northern side. The intention seems to have been to increase the capacity of the building while tarting it up a bit. Twelve years later, Butterfield's work here was rather more ambitious. He created a large urban church to the south of the original, the joining arcade making an aisle of the old nave.
Standing inside the main entrance, everything appears 19th century, from the font nearby to the grand reredos with the east window above. But this illusion of an entirely Victorian building is dispelled if you walk through the arcade and look up. Here, the north aisle, which was the original church, retains its medieval hammerbeam roof. Because of this, the aisle retains a different atmosphere to the nave, its patterned glass in the aisle east window a counterpoint to Clayton & Bell's typically plodding east window to the south of it. The Heaton, Butler & Bayne glass along the south wall is better.
Halfway along the rather stark north wall is a Great Eastern Railway insignia from a train, a reminder of the industry which almost single-handedly turned this parish into an urban one. In the 20th century, this church had two chapels of ease in the parish, St Etheldreda near the railway bridge on Wherstead Road, and St Edmund beside the school on Ranelagh Road. These have now completely disappeared, but a haunting remnant survives in the form of St Etheldreda's banner on display in the north aisle.
The population of the parish fell sharply in the years after the Second World War because of slum clearance along Vernon Street and Wherstead Road. There was further large scale clearance of terraced houses and industry in the 1990s. However, the continued redevelopment around the docklands has begun to redress the balance, and in any case, and rather pleasingly, St Mary at Stoke turns its back in its traditional manner to the town centre across the river to be the flagship church of the South-West Ipswich Team Ministry, serving, along with the modern estate churches, more than thirty thousand people in the areas of Stoke Park, Thorington Hall, Chantry and Pinewood.
The Orchha Fort complex, which houses a large number of ancient monuments consisting of the fort, palaces, temple and other edifices, is located in the Orchha town in the Indian state of Madhya Pradesh. The fort and other structures within it were built by the Bundela Rajputs starting from early 16th century by King Rudra Pratap Singh of the Orchha State and others who followed him.
The fort complex, which is accessed from an arched causeway, leads to a large gateway. This is followed by a large quadrangular open yard surrounded by palaces. These are Raja Mahal or Raja Mandir, Sheesh Mahal, Jahangir Mahal, a temple, gardens and pavilions. The battlements of the fort have ornamentation. Notable architectural features in the fort complex are projected balconies, open flat areas and decorated latticed windows.
LOCATION
The fort complex is located in the Tikamgarh district of Madhya Pradesh in the erstwhile state of Orchha. The fort complex is within an island formed by the confluence of the Betwa River and Jamni River in Orchha town. Approach to the complex from the eastern part of the market in the town is through a multiple arched bridge with 14 arches built in granite stones.
Orchha town is approximately 80 kilometres away from Tikamgarh town, which is the district headquarters of the district of the same name. Jhansi town is 15 kilometres away. Orchha is a railway station of the Central Railway on the Jhansi-Manikpur section.
HISTORY
The fort was built following the founding of the Orchha State in 1501 AD by Rudra Pratap Singh (r. 1501–1531), a Bundela rajput. The palaces and temples within the fort complex were built over a period of time by successive Maharajas of the Orchha State. Of these, the Raja Mandir or Raja Mahal was built by Madhukar Shah who ruled from 1554 to 1591. Jahangir Mahal and Sawan Bhadon Mahal were built during the reign of Vir Singh Deo (r. 1605–1627). The features of "pepper pots and domes" seen in the fort complex are believed to have inspired Lutyens in the architecture of the structures which he built in New Delhi.
MONUMENTS
The fort complex, accessed from an arched causeway, leads to a large gateway followed by a large quadrangular open space which is surrounded by palaces such as Raja Mahal or Raja Mandir, Sheesh Mahal, Jahangir Mahal, a temple, gardens and pavilions. The fort walls have battlements, which have ornamentation. Notable architectural features seen in the fort complex consist of projected balconies, open flat areas and decorated latticed windows.
RAJA MAHAL
The Raja Mahal (King’s Palace), where the kings and the queens had resided till it was abandoned in 1783, was built in the early part of 16th century. Its exterior is simple without any embellishments but the interior chambers of the palace are elaborately royal in its architectural design, decorated with murals of social and religious themes of gods, mythical animals and people. In the upper floor of the palace there are traces of mirrors in the ceilings and walls. Its windows, arcaded passages and layout plan are designed in such a way that the "sunlight and shadow create areas of different moods and temperatures throughout the day". The interior walls of the Mahal have murals of Lord Vishnu. The Mahal has several secret passages.
A part of this Mahal was converted into a temple and named Rama Raja Temple in honour of the god Rama. There is legend associated with naming it as a temple. According to a local legend, the temple was built following Rani Ganeshkuwari, the queen getting a "dream visitation" by Lord Rama directing her to build a temple for Him; while Madhukar Shah was a devotee of Krishna, his wife's dedication was to Rama. Following this a new temple known as the Chaturbuj Temple was approved to be built, and the queen went to Ayodhya to obtain an image of Lord Rama that was to be enshrined in her new temple. When she came back from Ayodhya with the image of Rama, initially she kept the idol in her palace as the Chaturbuj Temple was still under construction. She was, however, unaware of an injunction that the image to be deified in a temple could not be kept in a palace. Once the temple construction was completed and the idol of the lord had to be moved for installation at the Chatrubhuj Temple, it refused to be shifted from the palace. Hence, instead of the Chaturbhuj Temple, the Rama's idol remained in the palace where as the Chaturbhuj Temple remained without an idol in its sanctum. As Rama was worshipped in the palace, part of the palace was converted into the Rama Raja Temple; it is the only shrine in the country where Rama is worshipped as a King. The temple is guarded by a police force and the deity, Lord Rama, is considered as the king and is given a gun salute of honour every day.
SHEESH MAHAL
Sheesh Mahal is flanked on either side by the Raja Mahal and the Jahangir Mahal. This has royal accommodation, which was built for king Udait Singh. It has now been converted into a hotel. The interior of this edifice consists of a huge impressive hall with high ceiling, which is the dining hall. Its recent colour scheme renovations are an eyesore. But staying in two of its royal suites on the upper floor, which provide scenic views of the town, gives the guest a feeling of royalty.
JAHANGIR MAHAL
Jahangir Mahal is a palace that was exclusively built by Bir Singh Deo in 1605 to humor the Mughal emperor Jahangir who was a guest of the Maharaja for one night only. The palace is built in four levels with elegant architectural features of both Muslim and Rajput architecture. Its layout is a symmetrical square built in the inner courtyard of the fort and has eight large domes. It has a plethora of rooms with arcaded openings, projecting platforms and windows with lattice design work. The roof above top floor of this Mahal is accessed through a steep stairway. It provides picture perfect views of the temples and the Betwa River outside the fort complex. The palace also houses a small archaeological museum.
The entrance gate from this palace, which was earlier the main gate and which has carved ornamentation, leads to the royal baths and then to an elegant small dwelling unit built within a garden in typical Mughal architectural style; this had been built exclusively for Rai Parveen, the female escort of the Raja Indramani (1672 – 76); her large-size portrait in a revealing and seductive attire adorns hall in this Mahal. She was a poet and musician. The building is a double storied structure built with bricks, rising to the height of the trees in the well tended garden called Anand Mahal. The garden is laid out with octagonal flower beds and has good network of water supply. There are niches in the Mahal which permit natural light to the main hall and smaller rooms.
It is said that Emperor Akbar (r. 1556 – 1605) who was enamored by Parveen's beauty had taken her to his palace in Agra to be his courtesan. But Parveen, who wanted to get out of the situation, composed a gazal or a couplet which stated her status as an already used woman not fit for an emperor, which enabled her to get release from Akbar's court and return to Orchha.
PHOOL BAGH
Phool Bagh is an elegantly laid out garden in the fort complex which has a line of water fountains that terminates in a "palace-pavilion" which has eight pillars. Below this garden is an underground structure which was used by the royalty as a cool summer retreat. This cooling system consists of water ventilation system that is linked to an underground palace with "Chandan Katora", which is in the shape of a bowl from where fountains of droplets trickle through the roof creating rainfall.
WIKIPEDIA
Historicamente, a Pateira deve ser considerada como um antigo braço marinho onde desaguavam, independentemente uns dos outros, os rios Cértima, Águeda e Vouga, antes da constituição da Ria de Aveiro. Aquele braço que os aluviões dos três rios fecharam originou um só curso de água - o rio Vouga - passando a foz a situar-se muito mais a noroeste, como actualmente (Almeida, 2006).
Pinho et al. (1988) cit Gomes Andrade escreve, em relação à Pateira, que o vale do Certoma, naquele ponte era dantes terreno firme, coberto de espessos arvoredos, por entre os quais o rio mansamente deslizava.
Também Morais em Sousa Batista (1945) cita um excerto de uma carta do almoxarife de Aveiro a D. Manuel em que fala da Mata de Perrães (eventualmente compreendida entre Perrães e a frente da freguesia de Fermentelos) dizendo que esta sempre fora coutada para nela se colherem porcos (provavelmente javalis) e veados, referindo ainda que era apaúlada.
Aliás, segundo Pinho et al, 1988, parece admissível supor que se trataria de uma zona bastante rica do ponto de vista faunístico e florístico, muito embora as referências à flora e fauna sejam escassas.
A Pateira ter-se-ia começado a formar em finais do século XV, provavelmente ainda na Idade Média, devido às sucessivas inundações dos rios Certoma e Águeda, e alagamento dos campos ribeirinhos.
Presentemente, a Pateira corresponde ao assoreamento e espraiamento do rio Cértima, perto do local onde desagua no rio Águeda.
A maior lagoa natural da Península Ibérica ocupa actualmente uma área de superfície e profundidade variáveis, de acordo com a estação do ano, que, no seu expoente máximo, atinge mais de 5 Km2. Estes, estendem-se, maioritariamente, pelo concelho de Águeda, abrangendo também o concelho de Aveiro e Oliveira do Bairro.
O termo “Pateira” encerra a especificidade da região do Vouga e afluentes designando, por si só, abundância de patos.
Em termos hidrográficos, a lagoa está compreendida na bacia hidrográfica do rio Cértima a qual, por sua vez, se insere na bacia hidrográfica do rio Águeda e esta, na bacia do rio Vouga.
A lagoa é alimentada pelo rio Cértima (a montante), pela ribeira do Pano (a poente), pontualmente por outras escorrências, e por água subterrânea (sistema aquífero Cretácico de Aveiro), sendo o rio Cértima o principal curso a condicionar a hidrologia.
No que diz respeito ao relevo, a zona envolvente da Pateira apresenta um relevo suave, a oeste, registando-se uma zona com altitude superior a 50 metros em Fermentelos (concelho de Águeda).
A este, na zona de Espinhel, ocorre uma elevação que atinge os 78 metros, revelando declives com relativo significado dadas as características da área envolvente. A noroeste, sensivelmente entre a Oliveirinha e Requeixo (concelho de Aveiro) destaca-se uma faixa com altitude entre os 50 e os 70 metros, com declive suave em direcção à Pateira.
A sudoeste, as áreas de cultivo, na margem esquerda do rio Cértima e de Perrães ladeiam a Pateira com relevos suaves de cotas mínimas.
Estatatuto de Protecção
A Pateira de Fermentelos apresenta características de um sistema semi-lêntico que integra a Zona de Protecção Especial da Ria de Aveiro (PTZPE0004) e, como tal, incluída na Rede Natura 2000.
Protegida pela Directiva Aves, está ainda classificada como “Zona Sensível” de acordo com o Decreto-lei n.º 152/97, de 19 de Julho, Anexo II, tratando-se de uma importante e extensa zona húmida (cit. ICN, 2006).
Por definição as Zonas Húmidas (ZH) são áreas de sapal, paul, turfeiras ou águas, naturais ou artificiais, permanentes ou temporárias, estáticas ou correntes, doces , salobras ou salgadas, incluindo extensões de água do mar, cuja profundidade na maré baixa não exceda os 6 metros e zonas costeiras e ribeirinhas (Convenção Ramsar).
Estas ZH, onde se inclui a Pateira, desempenham importantes funções nos ecossistemas como a regularização hídrica e climática, a purificação da água, contrariam o efeito de estufa, protegem a costa, alimentam reservatórios naturais subterrâneos, suportando uma elevada biodiversidade, entre outras.
As zonas húmidas são, aliás, áreas de grande produtividade primária da Terra (a par com as florestas tropicais), suportando assim uma fauna e flora riquíssimas.
Biodiversidade Faunística
No que diz respeito à diversidade faunística, a Pateira e zonas envolventes destacam-se, particularmente, pela importante componente ornitológica. Nestas áreas ocorrem espécies com estatutos de protecção a nível nacional e internacional — classificadas pela Directiva Aves (Directiva 79/409/CEE), Convenção de Bona, Convenção de Berna.
Surgem espécies de importância comunitária, como:
O Garçote (Ixobrychus minutus) frequenta normalmente zonas com abundante vegetação palustre, sendo difícil a sua observação. Não necessita de grandes áreas para nidificar, sendo uma espécie essencialmente solitária durante a reprodução. Os ninhos são construídos no meio do caniçal, acima da água. Alimenta-se essencialmente de insectos e por vezes de pequenos peixes, anfíbios, moluscos, crustáceos, ovos e crias de outras aves, entre outros.
A Garça-vermelha (Ardea purpurea) prefere zonas húmidas com áreas de vegetação densa de caniçais, procurando águas ricas em nutrientes (eutróficas), pouco profundas, paradas ou com pouca corrente. Os ninhos são construídos junto ou sobre a água, geralmente em caniçais inundados, não voltando a ocupar ninhos de anos anteriores. Alimenta-se principalmente de peixes e insectos (larvas e adultos). Segundo observações realizadas ao longo dos últimos anos, a população de Garça-vermelha tem aumentado na Pateira.
A Águia-sapeira (Circus aeruginosus) também designada como Tartaranhão-ruivo-dos-pauis, nidifica em zonas húmidas onde ocorra uma vegetação aquática emergente abundante, preferencialmente manchas de caniçal, onde são construídos os ninhos. Nestas áreas procura ainda alimento, bem como em águas pouco profundas e com vegetação aquática, caçando frequentemente em campos agrícolas nas imediações. Alimenta-se de animais de pequeno e médio porte, nomeadamente aves, mamíferos (roedores), e, em menor proporção, insectos, sapos, cobras e peixes.
O Milhafre-preto (Milvus migrans) frequenta um número diversificado de habitats embora apareça, principalmente, associado a massas de água. Nidifica nos pinhais e matas ripícolas associadas à lagoa, construindo o ninho nas árvores. Procura alimento em áreas abertas ou semi-abertas, alimentando-se de presas de pequeno porte, como roedores, lagomorfos, aves terrestres e ouriços-cacheiros, especialmente indivíduos jovens, doentes ou feridos mas também répteis, peixes, anfíbios e insectos.
Ocorrem ainda espécies como o Perna-longa (Himantopus himantopus), o Guarda-rios (Alcedo athis), a Petinha-dos-campos (Anthus campestris), a Garça-branca-pequena (Egretta garzetta), entre outras, incluídas no Anexo I da Directiva 79/409/CEE.
Estas e outras espécies, ocorrem na ZPE da Ria de Aveiro, fazendo a Pateira, assim, parte do sistema que “suporta, regularmente, mais de 1% da população biogeográfica de Alfaiate (Recurvirostra avosetta), de Negrola (Melanitta nigra), de Borrelho-grande-de-coleira (Charadrius hiaticula) e de Borrelho-de-coleira-interrompida (Charadrius alexandrinus)” (ICN, 2006).
Refere-se ainda a ocorrência de vários passeriformes migradores de matos e bosques, assim como passeriformes de caniçais e galerias ripícolas. A diversidade de biótopos é propícia à reprodução, refúgio e alimento de aves invernantes, nidificantes e migradoras, sendo a Pateira cada vez mais procurada pelos observadores de aves - Birdwatching - e amantes da natureza para a realização de actividades.
As condições biofísicas propiciam também a diversidade de peixes que se encontra na Pateira. Inserida na bacia hidrográfica do Rio Vouga, ocorrem, ou têm potencial para ocorrer, espécies como o Barbo-do-Norte (Barbus bocagei), a Boga (Chondrostoma polylepis), a Boga–portuguesa (Chondrostoma lusitanicum), o Ruivaco (Rutilus macrolepidotus ), o Bordalo (Rutilus alburnoides ) - com estatuto de protecção comunitário (pelo Anexo II e/ou V da Directiva Habitats).
Ocorrem ainda espécies como a Tainha (Chelon labrosus), a Carpa (Cyprinius carpio), o Escalo-do-norte (Leucistus carolitertii), o Lúcio (Esox lucius), a Enguia (Anguilla anguilla), a Pardelha (Cobitis calderoni), o Achigã (Micropterus salmoides ), etc.
Tratam-se de animais sobretudo nocturnos e que, alimentando-se de larvas de insectos, crustáceos e peixes mortos, podem atingir cerca de 1 metro.
A fauna piscícola encontra na Pateira e sistema hídrico adjacente as condições ecológicas que permitem a vitalidade e subsistência das diversas comunidades, condições que permitem o refúgio e a desova em tempo de reprodução. Surgem então na lagoa áreas que são identificadas, pelas gentes locais, como “verdadeiras maternidades” de peixe.
Entre as várias espécies de bivalves que se observam na Bacia Hidrográfica do Vouga, ocorre na lagoa um, cujas dimensões o transformam numa espécie emblemática - a Anodonta.
Este molusco bivalve de água doce, comummente designado como Mexilhão-do-rio, passa despercebido à maioria da população, devido aos seus hábitos ecológicos discretos, que privilegiam o substrato lodoso, onde se enterram.
É muito importante para o ecossistema, uma vez que se alimenta através da filtração de um grande volume de água (de que retira detritos e plâncton), sendo apontada como um indicador da qualidade da água. A degradação das condições ambientais afecta negativamente a população destes bivalves.
Associada aos habitats de zonas húmidas está também uma elevada diversidade de répteis e anfíbios, característicos destes sistemas e que se localizam sobretudo no interface terra-água e cuja ocorrência potencial se lista de seguida.
Ainda neste interface, bem como nas zonas mais secas adjacentes à lagoa, ocorrem diversas espécies de mamíferos. Destas, destaca-se a Lontra (Lutra lutra), emblemática pelos afectos (e desafectos) que provoca na população, mas também por se tratar de uma espécie protegida pelos anexos II e IV do Decreto-lei nº 49/2005 de 24 de Fevereiro.
A Lontra (Lutra lutra) procura de forma selectiva os locais de descanso e abrigo, sendo possível encontrar os seus refúgios nas margens mais tranquilas da lagoa e onde abunda vegetação. Esta espécie solitária alimenta-se sobretudo de fauna piscícola, embora possa alimentar-se também de anfíbios e crustáceos (como o lagostim-do-Louisiana). Pode reproduzir-se durante todo o ano, dependendo da disponibilidade de recursos alimentares, nascendo as crias (uma a quatro) ao fim de 61—63 dias em tocas dissimuladas na vegetação.
Surgem ainda espécies como o Ouriço-cacheiro (Erinaceus europaeus), a Raposa (Vulpes vulpes), o Coelho-bravo (Oryctolagus cuniculus), o Javali (Sus scrofa), vários roedores, entre outras, que encontram protecção no Direito Comunitário, e Nacional.
Assim, a diversidade de biótopos existentes na região (juncais, caniçais, arrozais, margens com vegetação ripícola, etc.) transforma esta região num complexo ecossistema e, por conseguinte, num importante refúgio para a vida animal..
Biodiversidade Florística
Na zona húmida, que engloba as águas livres e a vegetação alagada das margens e linhas, dominam habitats com povoamentos de Caniço (Phragmites communis), juntamente com a Tabúa (Typha sp.) e o Bunho (Scirpus lacustris). Ocorrem ainda comunidades (ou mosaicos de comunidades) de plantas vasculares com macrófitas flutuantes, enraizadas ou suspensas entre o fundo e a superfície: a Erva-pinheirinha (Myriophyllum sp.), os Nenúfares (Nymphaea sp., Nuphar luteo ) ou mesmo o Jacinto-de-água (Eichhornia crassipes).
Em algumas zonas marginais ao longo da Pateira, verifica-se a ocorrência de diversas espécies arbóreas e arbustivas como:
Salgueiros (Salix alba, Salix sp.), Choupos (Populus canescens, Populus nigra, Populus sp.), Amieiros (Alnus glutinosa), Amieiro-negro (Frangula alnus), Freixos (Fraxinus angustifolia), Pilriteiros (Crataegus monogyna), Sabugueiros (Sambucus nigra), Borrazeiras (Salix atrocinerea ), pontualmente Carvalhos (Quercus robur), Loureiros (Laurus nobilis ), Ulmeiros (Ulmus sp.) ...
Entre as espécies alóctones encontra-se o Eucalyptus globulus (predominante no coberto florestal das áreas adjacentes à lagoa), e outras árvores dos géneros Acacia e Hakea , estas com comportamento infestante e que se encontram disseminadas pelas imediações da lagoa.
Do grupo das herbáceas e sub-arbustivas refere-se apenas a presença do Lírio-amarelo-dos-pântanos (Íris pseudacorus), do Agrião (Nasturtium officinale), do Embude (Oenanthe crocata), da Erva-pessegueira (Polygonum persicaria), Hortelã-de-água (Mentha aquatica), entre tantas outras. Ocorrem espécies com estatuto de protecção como a Gilbardeira (Ruscus aculeatus ) pelo anexo V, e a Marsilea quadrifolia.
Peculiar, e pouco divulgado, é o facto de, em áreas adjacentes à lagoa, ocorrerem ainda espécies de plantas carnívoras como a Pinguicula lusitanica; potencialmente poderão ocorrer ainda outras espécies, embora sejam cada vez mais difíceis de encontrar.
Esta carnívora ocorre sobretudo em sítios húmidos, por vezes turfosos das margens da lagoa (e rios), florescendo entre Março e Maio. É nas folhas que é libertado o muco adesivo que aprisiona os insectos, que se aproximam atraídos pelo odor libertado. Assim que detectam a presa, as folhas começam a enrolar-se de forma a envolver a presa nas enzimas digestivas libertadas.
Um aspecto que se encontra ainda pouco desenvolvido diz respeito à diversidade micológica. Assim, a variedade de fungos que ocorre começa agora a ser inventariada e estudada de forma mais exaustiva, apresentando-se nas imagens laterais alguns exemplos.
Na breve resenha biológica apresentada, ainda que incompleta, fica patente a vasta diversidade biológica e potencial natural (e conservacionista) da Pateira, como é referido para as demais Zonas Húmidas. Não obstante, são alguns os problemas que afectam esta área, entre os quais a infestação com Jacinto-de-água.
Jacinto-de-água
O jacinto-de-água (Eichhornia crassipes) é uma espécie infestante originária da bacia do Amazonas (Brasil), encontrando-se actualmente disseminado nos cinco continentes. Alastra-se pelos sistemas aquáticos de climas tropicais e temperados, causando rapidamente a ruptura dos sistemas naturais infestados. É considerada por muitos autores como “uma das piores pragas de plantas aquáticas a nível global” (HOLM et al., 1977).
Como tal, a ocorrência e disseminação desta espécie exótica infestante na Pateira constitui um dos principais factores que contribui para a degradação das condições ecológicas, económicas e sociais desta zona húmida que urge recuperar e preservar.
A ceifeira-aquática
Dada a área em questão e a dimensão da infestação, as metodologias a adoptar e tecnologias de apoio foram seleccionadas de acordo com a avaliação do risco sobre a ZPE, do efeito ambiental das diferentes metodologias e a eficácia da remoção a curto, médio e longo prazo.
A gravidade do problema da infestação de sistemas aquáticos ao nível global levou ao desenvolvimento de tecnologia específica para a sua resolução e/ou controlo.
Assim sendo, recorreu-se à remoção mecânica, sendo a extracção feita com recurso a uma máquina – ceifeira-aquática – que começou a laborar na lagoa a 13 de Dezembro de 2006.
Com um tapete incorporado, e movido por um motor, extrai as massas de jacintos-de-água. Controlada por um operador, a ceifeira-aquática possui um sistema simples e eficaz: duas rodas de pás com um funcionamento hidráulico independente que garantem a grande manobrabilidade do equipamento.
Em apenas dois meses e meio, foi possível melhorar as condições ecológicas e hidrológicas do sistema aquático, recuperar o espelho de água, melhorar a capacidade para suportar actividades lúdicas e de lazer na área, bem como melhorar as condições para a prática das actividades tradicionais no espelho da lagoa.
Requalificação Ambiental e Paisagística da Pateira
A remoção do jacinto-de-água da lagoa foi apenas a 1ª fase de um vasto e complexo processo, que engloba várias outras medidas e acções que visam o desenvolvimento sustentável, a conservação e protecção da Natureza e, consequentemente, a Requalificação Ambiental e Paisagística da maior lagoa natural da Península Ibérica, a Pateira de Fermentelos.
Após o levantamento topo-hidrográfico realizado, concluiu-se que o leito da lagoa se encontra fortemente assoreado, em particular na zona mais a jusante da Pateira.
Desta forma, ficou patente a necessidade de, a curto prazo, se proceder à normalização do leito natural da Pateira, pela remoção (dragagem) do excesso de sedimentos entretanto acumulados, bem como à reconstrução do pequeno açude localizado na confluência da Pateira e rio Águeda.
Numa área classificada como a Pateira, englobada numa importante bacia hidrográfica (bacia hidrográfica do Rio Vouga), com valores paisagísticos e a nível da conservação da natureza, que se traduzem na elevada diversidade biológica, alguma com estatuto de protecção a nível nacional e internacional, é importante dotar o espaço com infra-estruturas adequadas que permitam a conservação, mas também a observação e a interpretação da natureza.
Neste âmbito, são desenvolvidas várias acções de educação ambiental, como a organização de palestras e acções de sensibilização ambiental, observação de aves, realização de percursos interpretativos, workshops para a construção de ninhos, entre outras actividades promovidas pela Autarquia ou por outras entidades como a SPEA (Sociedade Portuguesa para o Estudo das Aves), a UA (Universidade de Aveiro), a QUERCUS (Associação Nacional de Conservação da Natureza).
A definição de percursos com temas e finalidades várias (educação ambiental, prática de desporto, observação de aves, etc.) está a ser estudada numa perspectiva intermunicipal.
A Pateira é, desta forma, vista como um todo, onde o objectivo é conduzir o visitante pelo espaço natural dando-lhe a conhecer os valores naturais da área (com descritores de paisagem, de espécies), bem como dotar estes percursos do mobiliário adequado (observatórios de aves, pontos de encontro e descanso, material de apoio à prática desportiva, etc) e que dê ao visitante o conforto, a segurança e o equilíbrio natural que procura neste local.
São várias as propostas de actividades que o visitante encontra ao seu dispor na lagoa ou nas áreas adjacentes e que o levam ao contacto quer com a natureza, quer com as dinâmicas culturais e tradições locais. Desde os momentos de descontracção que pode passar nos parques de lazer, a uma travessia nas tradicionais bateiras, a uma viagem nas bicicletas aquáticas, de um passeio a cavalo, de bicicleta ou a pé, a uma tarde de pesca, um dia desportivo, ou simplesmente um momento de pausa a vislumbrar a paisagem, só ou em família, são algumas das ideias já praticáveis na Pateira de Fermentelos.
Considerações finais
Numa época em que o ambiente se assume no contexto nacional e internacional como tema prioritário e se procura evitar a continuação da degradação dos recursos hídricos, surge a Directiva-Quadro da Água (DQA) – 2000/60/CE – transposta para a ordem jurídica nacional pela Lei nº 58/2005, de 29 de Dezembro. Esta vem estabelecer como objectivo a alcançar, até 2015, “o bom estado ecológico ou o bom potencial ecológico e químico de todas as massas de água”.
Como tal, “proteger e melhorar o estado dos ecossistemas aquáticos e também dos ecossistemas terrestres e zonas húmidas, directamente dependentes dos ecossistemas aquáticos”, constitui uma atribuição das entidades públicas e um dever dos particulares.
Não obstante, e tal como referido no início deste documento, além da dimensão ambiental, prevalece uma forte componente social, sendo incalculável a importância que a Pateira e ecossistemas associados representam para as populações limítrofes desta área.
Assim, torna-se premente assegurar a continuidade deste projecto, com o desenvolvimento e implementação das acções previstas para a requalificação ambiental e paisagística da Pateira. Pretende-se pois que a Pateira de Fermentelos volte a ser um ex libris natural da região, motivo de referência e orgulho nacional.
Texto retirado do livro
Pateira de Fermentelos: Paisagem a proteger
Célia Laranjeira (CMA) www.cm-agueda.pt/PageGen.aspx?WMCM_PaginaId=28901