View allAll Photos Tagged exploit
Navette Nantes Cruises - Arrêt : Gaston Veil
Exploitant : SEMITAN
Réseau TAN - Nantes
Navette mise en place pour l'escale du navire Azamara Pursuit à Nantes.
The frankly exploitative Greek publishing house, Synéchise, produced a series of comic books in the early fifties.
These covers are very rare, which to be honest, isn't surprising, as most of them must have been put in the bin by disappointed readers on day three of ownership.
The lurid covers - so amiably represented here by this edition of Harr & Smesl - tempted the readers in. The stories, however, were thin and trite.
This edition contains nothing more than a little mystery to do with a hunt for a Yeti, a cave of eternal misery, an avalanche, a fight atop a cliff, a tempestuous storm, an attack of the Martians and a volcano, before the action begins on page two.
It's probably not giving the game away to say that armed only with a Christmas decoration and a pair of extraordinary underpants between them, as it were, Harr and Smesl save the day.
Should you come across one of these comic books in your travels, be sure to make a space for it on your mantlepiece.
p.s."Copyright © – Ashok Gupta Monaliesa.The reproduction, publication, modification, transmission or exploitation of any work contained herein for any use, personal or commercial, without my prior written permission is strictly prohibited. All rights reserved."
Who benefits when there are more workers than jobs? Powerful people? Rich people? People who advertise in the major media?
Who benefits when members of their political party have children? Who benefits when members of their religious faith have children? Who benefits when citizens have children who can be drafted into the military? Just asking.
In honor of the month of the military child, the 3rd Military Intelligence Battalion (Aerial Exploitation) hosted a military child appreciation day on April 21. The unit hosted an open house tailored to children.
Both children and family members were treated to static displays consisting of unit equipment, vehicles, and reconnaissance aircraft. Children (and parents) were able to climb behind the wheel of an LMTV and a HEMMT. They were also able to pose for photos with M4 training aids otherwise known as ‘rubber ducks’.
B Company, 3rd MI BN (AE) had a static display of their GUARDRAIL RC-12 reconnaissance aircraft and A Company 3rd MI BN (AE) had a static display of their DHC-7 Airborne Reconnaissance Low (ARL) multi- mission aircraft. Under the watchful eyes of Soldiers, who volunteered their time to demonstrate the equipment, the children were able to go inside unit aircraft and learn about the responsibilities and missions of their military parents.
While the 3rd MI BN (AE) aircraft and military vehicles made an impression, the USAG-Humphreys Military Police working dogs made a guest appearance and held a working dog demonstration. The MP’s demonstrated how their dogs are trained to sniff for drugs and to attack on command.
Military children are a critical part of the Army family and it was great for Soldiers to have the interaction with an enthusiastic audience and teach the children about the unit and its mission.
The event concluded with a Family Readiness Group Potluck Dinner. Children and Spouses, of the 3rd MI BN (AE) are looking forward to another fun filled open house this summer.
Courtesy photos
For more information on U.S. Army Garrison Humphreys and living and working in Korea visit: USAG-Humphreys' official web site or check out our online videos.
NEW: The only thing you have to do is use our online generator. MODERN COMBAT 5 BLACKOUT generator saves you a lot of time as well as money. Thanks to the team of developers & hackers who managed to find some loopholes & exploit the server of MODERN COMBAT 5 BLACKOUT. #ModernCombat5BlackoutHack #generator #today #usegenerator #gamecheat #ModernCombat5BlackoutCheat #hacked #iphone #cheat #hacked #free #reddit #TagsForLikes #like4like #facebook #lol #legit #ModernCombat5Blackout #android #games #gamehack #ios #hack |||| Visit Here To Hack MODERN COMBAT 5 BLACKOUT : bit.ly/1R7vXAE ift.tt/1VmVU3K
Ville: Marseille
Réseau: RTM
Exploitant: SNT SUMA
Numéro de parc: 1997
Ligne: 144 Allauch - Métro La Rose
"Yeah, so you got Creative Commons on your side. Yeah, so the band and artist said it was CC too, and they never made a penny outta it? Ain't they the fools.
Read our conditions, and remember, we decide. See them fat lawyers over there? We'll grass you over to the trolls so they can litigate til you run outta money. We're the judge, and if we take you down, there ain't a thing you can do about it. You gonna try fighting it, pretty thing? Go on, you gonna try? I dares yer."
YT: "Your dispute wasn't approved.
The claimant has reviewed their claim and has confirmed it was valid.
You may be able to appeal this decision, but if the claimant disagrees with your appeal, you could end up with a strike on your account."
As I provided evidence about the music on my video with my original dispute, it seems rather unlikely the claimant is going to suddenly realise they have made an unfortunate error 24 hours later. I know the artist hasn't made a penny out of it, so why should others monetise it?
'Shot' at Missing Mile Dark Rural Community: maps.secondlife.com/secondlife/Soap/80/127/27
'Less than Zilch'. Proudly Creative Commons on Vimeo: vimeo.com/136958109
Translation / Traduction 🇬🇧 UK
● 1st tram with the Ilévia color.
● 2nd day of exploitation to the Ilévia color.
● 3rd Delivered ( Color ).
Bye Bye Transpole, Hello Ilévia ( New brand since February 28th, 2019 )
Translation / Traduction 🇫🇷 Fr.
● 1er tramway avec la couleur Ilévia.
● 2ème jour d'exploitation Tram n° 01 au nouvelle couleur Ilévia.
● 3ème livrée ( couleur ).
Bye Bye Transpole, Hello Ilévia ( Nouvelle marque depuis le 28 février 2019 )
Tramway de Lille Roubaix Tourcoing.
Parc : 24 Tramways
Fiche technique :
- Longueur : 29.6 mètres
- Largeur : 2,4 mètres
- Hauteur : 3,425 mètres
- Masse à vide : 40 tonnes
- Capacité avant ◄ 2015 : 200 personnes
( 50 assises et 150 debout )
- Capacité évolué après rénovation ( voir ci-dessous )
- Capacité après ► 2016 : 245 personnes
( 40 assises et 205 debout )
- Vitesse maxi : 80 km/h
- Captage : pantographe unijambiste Faiveley
- Ecartement : voie métrique ( 1 mètre )
- Constructeur : Breda Costruzioni Ferroviaire
Source : Trans'Lille
www.translille.com/spip.php?article4
Exploitant ►Ilévia ( Site officiel )
www.ilevia.fr/fr/?gclid=EAIaIQobChMIsK7duc3k4AIViZ3VCh3HD...
Ilévia ( Wikipédia )
fr.wikipedia.org/wiki/Il%C3%A9via
Tramway de Lille - Roubaix - Tourcoing ( Wikipédia )
fr.wikipedia.org/wiki/Tramway_de_Lille_-_Roubaix_-_Tourcoing
Breda ( Wikipédia )
fr.wikipedia.org/wiki/Breda_VLC
fr.wikipedia.org/wiki/Breda_costruzioni_ferroviarie
Liste des tramways de France
Exploiting: People will write things on the sidewalk using chalk to advertise things going on throughout campus, events, holidays, even greeting messages just to brighten people's days.
The exploitation rights for this text are the property of the Vienna Tourist Board. This text may be reprinted free of charge until further notice, even partially and in edited form. Forward sample copy to: Vienna Tourist Board, Media Management, Invalidenstraße 6, 1030 Vienna; media.rel@wien.info. All information in this text without guarantee.
Author: Andreas Nierhaus, Curator of Architecture/Wien Museum
Last updated January 2014
Architecture in Vienna
Vienna's 2,000-year history is present in a unique density in the cityscape. The layout of the center dates back to the Roman city and medieval road network. Romanesque and Gothic churches characterize the streets and squares as well as palaces and mansions of the baroque city of residence. The ring road is an expression of the modern city of the 19th century, in the 20th century extensive housing developments set accents in the outer districts. Currently, large-scale urban development measures are implemented; distinctive buildings of international star architects complement the silhouette of the city.
Due to its function as residence of the emperor and European power center, Vienna for centuries stood in the focus of international attention, but it was well aware of that too. As a result, developed an outstanding building culture, and still today on a worldwide scale only a few cities can come up with a comparable density of high-quality architecture. For several years now, Vienna has increased its efforts to connect with its historical highlights and is drawing attention to itself with some spectacular new buildings. The fastest growing city in the German-speaking world today most of all in residential construction is setting standards. Constants of the Viennese architecture are respect for existing structures, the palpability of historical layers and the dialogue between old and new.
Culmination of medieval architecture: the Stephansdom
The oldest architectural landmark of the city is St. Stephen's Cathedral. Under the rule of the Habsburgs, defining the face of the city from the late 13th century until 1918 in a decisive way, the cathedral was upgraded into the sacral monument of the political ambitions of the ruling house. The 1433 completed, 137 meters high southern tower, by the Viennese people affectionately named "Steffl", is a masterpiece of late Gothic architecture in Europe. For decades he was the tallest stone structure in Europe, until today he is the undisputed center of the city.
The baroque residence
Vienna's ascension into the ranks of the great European capitals began in Baroque. Among the most important architects are Johann Bernhard Fischer von Erlach and Johann Lucas von Hildebrandt. Outside the city walls arose a chain of summer palaces, including the garden Palais Schwarzenberg (1697-1704) as well as the Upper and Lower Belvedere of Prince Eugene of Savoy (1714-22). Among the most important city palaces are the Winter Palace of Prince Eugene (1695-1724, now a branch of the Belvedere) and the Palais Daun-Kinsky (auction house in Kinsky 1713-19). The emperor himself the Hofburg had complemented by buildings such as the Imperial Library (1722-26) and the Winter Riding School (1729-34). More important, however, for the Habsburgs was the foundation of churches and monasteries. Thus arose before the city walls Fischer von Erlach's Karlskirche (1714-39), which with its formal and thematic complex show façade belongs to the major works of European Baroque. In colored interior rooms like that of St. Peter's Church (1701-22), the contemporary efforts for the synthesis of architecture, painting and sculpture becomes visible.
Upgrading into metropolis: the ring road time (Ringstraßenzeit)
Since the Baroque, reflections on extension of the hopelessly overcrowed city were made, but only Emperor Franz Joseph ordered in 1857 the demolition of the fortifications and the connection of the inner city with the suburbs. 1865, the Ring Road was opened. It is as the most important boulevard of Europe an architectural and in terms of urban development achievement of the highest rank. The original building structure is almost completely preserved and thus conveys the authentic image of a metropolis of the 19th century. The public representational buildings speak, reflecting accurately the historicism, by their style: The Greek Antique forms of Theophil Hansen's Parliament (1871-83) stood for democracy, the Renaissance of the by Heinrich Ferstel built University (1873-84) for the flourishing of humanism, the Gothic of the Town Hall (1872-83) by Friedrich Schmidt for the medieval civic pride.
Dominating remained the buildings of the imperial family: Eduard van der Nüll's and August Sicardsburg's Opera House (1863-69), Gottfried Semper's and Carl Hasenauer's Burgtheater (1874-88), their Museum of Art History and Museum of Natural History (1871-91) and the Neue (New) Hofburg (1881-1918 ). At the same time the ring road was the preferred residential area of mostly Jewish haute bourgeoisie. With luxurious palaces the families Ephrussi, Epstein or Todesco made it clear that they had taken over the cultural leadership role in Viennese society. In the framework of the World Exhibition of 1873, the new Vienna presented itself an international audience. At the ring road many hotels were opened, among them the Hotel Imperial and today's Palais Hansen Kempinski.
Laboratory of modernity: Vienna around 1900
Otto Wagner's Postal Savings Bank (1903-06) was one of the last buildings in the Ring road area Otto Wagner's Postal Savings Bank (1903-06), which with it façade, liberated of ornament, and only decorated with "functional" aluminum buttons and the glass banking hall now is one of the icons of modern architecture. Like no other stood Otto Wagner for the dawn into the 20th century: His Metropolitan Railway buildings made the public transport of the city a topic of architecture, the church of the Psychiatric hospital at Steinhofgründe (1904-07) is considered the first modern church.
With his consistent focus on the function of a building ("Something impractical can not be beautiful"), Wagner marked a whole generation of architects and made Vienna the laboratory of modernity: in addition to Joseph Maria Olbrich, the builder of the Secession (1897-98) and Josef Hoffmann, the architect of the at the western outskirts located Purkersdorf Sanatorium (1904) and founder of the Vienna Workshop (Wiener Werkstätte, 1903) is mainly to mention Adolf Loos, with the Loos House at the square Michaelerplatz (1909-11) making architectural history. The extravagant marble cladding of the business zone stands in maximal contrast, derived from the building function, to the unadorned facade above, whereby its "nudity" became even more obvious - a provocation, as well as his culture-critical texts ("Ornament and Crime"), with which he had greatest impact on the architecture of the 20th century. Public contracts Loos remained denied. His major works therefore include villas, apartment facilities and premises as the still in original state preserved Tailor salon Knize at Graben (1910-13) and the restored Loos Bar (1908-09) near the Kärntner Straße (passageway Kärntner Durchgang).
Between the Wars: International Modern Age and social housing
After the collapse of the monarchy in 1918, Vienna became capital of the newly formed small country of Austria. In the heart of the city, the architects Theiss & Jaksch built 1931-32 the first skyscraper in Vienna as an exclusive residential address (Herrengasse - alley 6-8). To combat the housing shortage for the general population, the social democratic city government in a globally unique building program within a few years 60,000 apartments in hundreds of apartment buildings throughout the city area had built, including the famous Karl Marx-Hof by Karl Ehn (1925-30). An alternative to the multi-storey buildings with the 1932 opened International Werkbundsiedlung was presented, which was attended by 31 architects from Austria, Germany, France, Holland and the USA and showed models for affordable housing in greenfield areas. With buildings of Adolf Loos, André Lurçat, Richard Neutra, Gerrit Rietveld, the Werkbundsiedlung, which currently is being restored at great expense, is one of the most important documents of modern architecture in Austria.
Modernism was also expressed in significant Villa buildings: The House Beer (1929-31) by Josef Frank exemplifies the refined Wiener living culture of the interwar period, while the house Stonborough-Wittgenstein (1926-28, today Bulgarian Cultural Institute), built by the philosopher Ludwig Wittgenstein together with the architect Paul Engelmann for his sister Margarete, by its aesthetic radicalism and mathematical rigor represents a special case within contemporary architecture.
Expulsion, war and reconstruction
After the "Anschluss (Annexation)" to the German Reich in 1938, numerous Jewish builders, architects (female and male ones), who had been largely responsible for the high level of Viennese architecture, have been expelled from Austria. During the Nazi era, Vienna remained largely unaffected by structural transformations, apart from the six flak towers built for air defense of Friedrich Tamms (1942-45), made of solid reinforced concrete which today are present as memorials in the cityscape.
The years after the end of World War II were characterized by the reconstruction of the by bombs heavily damaged city. The architecture of those times was marked by aesthetic pragmatism, but also by the attempt to connect with the period before 1938 and pick up on current international trends. Among the most important buildings of the 1950s are Roland Rainer's City Hall (1952-58), the by Oswald Haerdtl erected Wien Museum at Karlsplatz (1954-59) and the 21er Haus of Karl Schwanzer (1958-62).
The youngsters come
Since the 1960s, a young generation was looking for alternatives to the moderate modernism of the reconstruction years. With visionary designs, conceptual, experimental and above all temporary architectures, interventions and installations, Raimund Abraham, Günther Domenig, Eilfried Huth, Hans Hollein, Walter Pichler and the groups Coop Himmelb(l)au, Haus-Rucker-Co and Missing Link rapidly got international attention. Although for the time being it was more designed than built, was the influence on the postmodern and deconstructivist trends of the 1970s and 1980s also outside Austria great. Hollein's futuristic "Retti" candle shop at Charcoal Market/Kohlmarkt (1964-65) and Domenig's biomorphic building of the Central Savings Bank in Favoriten (10th district of Vienna - 1975-79) are among the earliest examples, later Hollein's Haas-Haus (1985-90), the loft conversion Falkestraße (1987/88) by Coop Himmelb(l)au or Domenig's T Center (2002-04) were added. Especially Domenig, Hollein, Coop Himmelb(l)au and the architects Ortner & Ortner (ancient members of Haus-Rucker-Co) by orders from abroad the new Austrian and Viennese architecture made a fixed international concept.
MuseumQuarter and Gasometer
Since the 1980s, the focus of building in Vienna lies on the compaction of the historic urban fabric that now as urban habitat of high quality no longer is put in question. Among the internationally best known projects is the by Ortner & Ortner planned MuseumsQuartier in the former imperial stables (competition 1987, 1998-2001), which with institutions such as the MUMOK - Museum of Modern Art Foundation Ludwig, the Leopold Museum, the Kunsthalle Wien, the Architecture Center Vienna and the Zoom Children's Museum on a wordwide scale is under the largest cultural complexes. After controversies in the planning phase, here an architectural compromise between old and new has been achieved at the end, whose success as an urban stage with four million visitors (2012) is overwhelming.
The dialogue between old and new, which has to stand on the agenda of building culture of a city that is so strongly influenced by history, also features the reconstruction of the Gasometer in Simmering by Coop Himmelb(l)au, Wilhelm Holzbauer, Jean Nouvel and Manfred Wehdorn (1999-2001). Here was not only created new housing, but also a historical industrial monument reinterpreted into a signal in the urban development area.
New Neighborhood
In recent years, the major railway stations and their surroundings moved into the focus of planning. Here not only necessary infrastructural measures were taken, but at the same time opened up spacious inner-city residential areas and business districts. Among the prestigious projects are included the construction of the new Vienna Central Station, started in 2010 with the surrounding office towers of the Quartier Belvedere and the residential and school buildings of the Midsummer quarter (Sonnwendviertel). Europe's largest wooden tower invites here for a spectacular view to the construction site and the entire city. On the site of the former North Station are currently being built 10,000 homes and 20,000 jobs, on that of the Aspangbahn station is being built at Europe's greatest Passive House settlement "Euro Gate", the area of the North Western Railway Station is expected to be developed from 2020 for living and working. The largest currently under construction residential project but can be found in the north-eastern outskirts, where in Seaside Town Aspern till 2028 living and working space for 40,000 people will be created.
In one of the "green lungs" of Vienna, the Prater, 2013, the WU campus was opened for the largest University of Economics of Europe. Around the central square spectacular buildings of an international architect team from Great Britain, Japan, Spain and Austria are gathered that seem to lead a sometimes very loud conversation about the status quo of contemporary architecture (Hitoshi Abe, BUSarchitektur, Peter Cook, Zaha Hadid, NO MAD Arquitectos, Carme Pinós).
Flying high
International is also the number of architects who have inscribed themselves in the last few years with high-rise buildings in the skyline of Vienna and make St. Stephen's a not always unproblematic competition. Visible from afar is Massimiliano Fuksas' 138 and 127 meters high elegant Twin Tower at Wienerberg (1999-2001). The monolithic, 75-meter-high tower of the Hotel Sofitel at the Danube Canal by Jean Nouvel (2007-10), on the other hand, reacts to the particular urban situation and stages in its top floor new perspectives to the historical center on the other side.
Also at the water stands Dominique Perrault's DC Tower (2010-13) in the Danube City - those high-rise city, in which since the start of construction in 1996, the expansion of the city north of the Danube is condensed symbolically. Even in this environment, the slim and at the same time striking vertically folded tower of Perrault is beyond all known dimensions; from its Sky Bar, from spring 2014 on you are able to enjoy the highest view of Vienna. With 250 meters, the tower is the tallest building of Austria and almost twice as high as the St. Stephen's Cathedral. Vienna, thus, has acquired a new architectural landmark which cannot be overlooked - whether it also has the potential to become a landmark of the new Vienna, only time will tell. The architectural history of Vienna, where European history is presence and new buildings enter into an exciting and not always conflict-free dialogue with a great and outstanding architectural heritage, in any case has yet to offer exciting chapters.
Info: The folder "Architecture: From Art Nouveau to the Presence" is available at the Vienna Tourist Board and can be downloaded on www.wien.info/media/files/guide-architecture-in-wien.pdf.
23 Beekman Place, Turtle Bay, Manhattan
Paul Rudolph, one of the most celebrated and innovative American architects of the 20th century, was associated with 23 Beekman Place for more than 35 years, from 1961 until his death in 1997. Trained at the Harvard Graduate School of Design in the 1940s, Rudolph was a second-generation modernist who grew dissatisfied with functional aesthetics but remained committed to exploiting industrial materials to create structures of great formal complexity. From 1958 to 1965, he served as chairman of the Department of Architecture at Yale University, where he designed the well-known Art and Architecture Building, now called Paul Rudolph Hall. Rudolph began leasing an apartment on the fourth floor of 23 Beekman Place in 1961, which became his full-time residence in 1965. He purchased the building in 1976 and converted it into five apartments in 1977-82, adding a remarkable multi-story penthouse that suggests a work of architectonic sculpture. New York Times architecture critic Paul Goldberger praised the steel-and-concrete design, calling it “a handsome composition, a neat arrangement of geometric forms that is visually pleasing in itself and a welcome addition to Beekman Place’s already long list of architectural styles.”
23 Beekman Place was also home to actress Katharine Cornell. Dubbed by drama critic Alexander Woolcott the “First Lady of the Theater,” she purchased the building with her husband, director-producer Guthrie McClintic, in 1922 and lived here until the early 1950s. Although the elaborate multi-level interiors have been modified by subsequent owners, the exterior is virtually unchanged. Rudolph completed only six buildings in New York City. 23 Beekman Place stands out as one of his most personal and experimental designs, drawing on themes that he explored throughout his prolific career, as well as anticipating aspects of his later work in Southeast Asia.
DESCRIPTION AND ANALYSIS
Beekman Place
The Paul Rudolph Penthouse & Apartments is located on Beekman Place, a small residential enclave in the Turtle Bay section of Manhattan. Close to the East River, this street extends just two blocks, from Mitchell Place (aka East 49th Street), past 50th Street (aka Dunscombe Place), to 51st Street. Topography has always played a significant role in this neighborhood’s appeal. Because the numbered cross-town streets end slightly to the east, for more than a century Beekman Place developed in quasi-isolation, standing above and apart from early industrial activities in the area, and construction of the United Nations, which began in the mid-1940s. Furthermore, due to the street’s unique and secluded character, it attracted a continuously changing roster of prominent residents, from the late 19th century to the present day.
Beekman Place was first opened in the mid-1860s. Most of the property in the area was owned by Samuel W. Dunscombe, a former minister. Four-story houses, faced with brownstone and classical detail, were soon erected on both sides of the new street, as well as a stone retaining wall to separate the rear yards from a narrow piece of river front property that James W. Beekman and family continued to own. These single-family houses were similar to those along 48th and 49th Streets, in what is now the Turtle Bay Gardens Historic District; each building was 20 feet wide, with a continuous metal or wood roof cornice, as well as a stoop rising to the first or parlor floor. Early residents included author Henry Harland, who produced popular novels under the pseudonym Sydney Luska. In Mrs. Peixada (1886) he described the street’s character:
Beekman Place, as the reader may not know, is a short, chocolate-colored, unpretentious thoroughfare, perched on the eastern brink of Manhattan Island, and commanding a fine view of the river, of the penitentiary, and of the oil factories of Hunter’s Point.
When Beekman sold the property, he promised that any future development would rise no higher than Dunscombe’s retaining wall – about 40 feet. He also promised that “nothing could be built there considered dangerous, noxious or offensive.” In 1914, the estate’s lawyers asked that these restrictions be nullified to allow improvements to the property. They claimed that commercial use was part of the “natural progress of the city,” but the New York State Supreme Court upheld the 1865 agreement, maintaining restrictions. Such litigation had a significant impact on Beekman Place; in addition to protecting views from the houses that faced east, these events brought the area increased attention and a large number of buildings were sold, substantially altered, or demolished.
Residential Beekman Place
Actress Katharine Cornell (1893-1974) and producer-director Guthrie McClintic (189361) acquired 23 Beekman Place in 1922. They purchased the former town house from Charles Schmid, who acquired it from Maria L. Higgins in 1906. It seems likely that one of these owners removed the stoop and divided the structure into at least two apartments, which were occupied in the 1910s by Schmid and four children, and Roger Howson, who later became chief librarian at Columbia University, as well as his wife, three children, and a governess.
Cornell and McClintic met in 1921 and married, forming a professional partnership that lasted four decades. Though relatively little is known about their private lives, they collaborated on 28 theatrical productions, with Cornell in the lead roles. Critic Alexander Woollcott described her as the “First Lady of Theater” and she was often compared to such luminaries as Helen Hayes and Lynn Fontaine. McClintic rivaled Cornell in terms of his contribution to the New York stage, directing 94 theatrical productions, including both classic and contemporary works.
Architect Franklin Abbott was hired to “remodel” the front elevation in 1929, as well as the interiors. Simple neo-classical details were added to the facade, as well as round-arched windows at the base and rusticated stonework. It was probably at this time that a service entrance was added to the right side of the ground story, as well as a metal canopy to keep water from collecting in the areaway. The basement was also extended at the rear of the property and walls were built around the garden. According to the United States Census of 1930, McClintic and Cornell occupied the building with two servants, a butler and cook, and possibly, a single tenant. A visitor in the 1940s described their home as “veritable theatrical museum,” with Cornell occupying the third floor, and McClintic, the fourth. They moved to Palisades, New York, in 1951 and the house was sold two years later, in 1953.
In the 1920s, Beekman Place developed considerable cachet, attracting prosperous families and cultural figures, such as: John D. and Blanchette Rockefeller III at 1 Beekman Place (Sloan & Robertson, 1929); Noel Coward at 2 (1932); composer Irving Berlin at 17 (1929); landscape architect Ellen Shipman at 19-21 (Butler & Corse, 1920s); CBS executive William S. Paley at 29 (Eldridge Snyder, 1934); art critic and historian Walter Pach at 33 (redesigned by Harrie T. Lindeberg, 1925); and painter Max Ernst and Peggy Guggenheim at 39 (redesigned by John B. Thomas, 1925). Physical changes to the immediate neighborhood also contributed to an aura of exclusivity, starting with construction of the East River (now Franklin Delano Roosevelt) Drive in the 1940s. Built on landfill and pilings, this highway project eliminated commercial wharves and reduced local access to the waterfront. The city also acquired riparian rights to a section of the shoreline between 52nd and 53rd Streets and a pedestrian bridge was constructed above the highway, near 51st Street. This trend continued in the 1950s, with the completion of the United Nations Headquarters, which occupies a 17-acre site, south of 48th Street. Acquired from developer William Zeckendorf, a resident of 30 Beekman Place (Emery Roth, 1932), this large parcel had been occupied by tanneries, breweries, and slaughterhouses. The buildings at 860 and 870 United Nations Plaza, a mixed-use development with the apartment entrances facing 49th Street and Mitchell Place, were erected by the architects Harrison & Abramowitz in the mid1960s. Like “Beekman House,” a neo-Gothic style apartment building at 439 East 51st Street (Treanor & Fatio, 1925) that stands at the street’s north end, this pair of sleek, bronze-colored International Style towers blocks views south and provides a sense of enclosure.
Paul Rudolph in New York City
Paul Rudolph was an important late 20th century American architect, with a close association with New York City. He moved his practice here at the height of his career, during the mid 1960s, when his tenure as chairman of the Department of Architecture at Yale University was coming to a close and his firm was embarking on many ambitious projects, including a large number in the metropolitan area.
Born in Kentucky in 1918, Rudolph received a Bachelor’s Degree in Architecture from the Alabama Polytechnic Institute, now Auburn University, in 1940. During the Second World War, he spent nearly four years as an officer in the U.S. Naval Reserve working at the Brooklyn Navy Yard, where he oversaw ship construction. For a brief period prior to the war (1941-42), and after, he attended the Harvard Graduate School of Design, where he studied with Walter Gropius and Marcel Breuer, formerly of the Bauhaus. Rudolph graduated in 1947 and following travels in Europe, was active in Florida where he worked with the Sarasota architect Ralph Twitchell (1890-1978). The sleek, box-like houses that he produced were widely praised for their imaginative forms and sensitivity to the natural environment. Rudolph also worked for the Museum of Modern Art in New York City, collaborating with design curator Edgar Kaufmann, Jr., on the “Good Design” exhibition of 1952. Several years later, in 1955, he designed “The Family of Man,” organized by photography curator Edward Steichen. With more than five hundred images on display, this immensely popular exhibition included one of the museum’s most daring and memorable installations.
Rudolph maintained three architectural offices in the early 1960s: in New Haven, where he designed the controversial and now-celebrated Art and Architecture Building at Yale University; in Cambridge, Massachusetts; and Manhattan. His approach to design became increasingly sculptural and many projects were executed using textured concrete. Though most schemes in the metropolitan area remained unrealized, such as an audacious plan for the Lower Manhattan Expressway (1967-72) and a Graphic Art Center over the West Side Highway (196768), he did execute at least five other projects here: a townhouse at 101 East 63rd Street (1966), Manhattan; Tracy Towers (1967-72), 20/40 West Mosholu Parkway, the Bronx; Davidson Houses for NYC Housing Authority (1967-73), 810 Home Street in the Morrisania section of the Bronx; Middletown Plaza for the NYC Housing Authority (1967-73), 3033 Middletown Road in the Pelham Bay section of the Bronx; and 246 East 58th Street (1989-94), Manhattan.
His first office in Manhattan was located on the top floor of 26 West 58th Street, between Fifth and Sixth Avenues. Designed 1964-65, the interiors suggested a terraced garden with distinct and overlapping levels of interconnected workspace that anticipate the general layout of the penthouse. When the 58th Street building was demolished in 1969, Rudolph settled into a smaller space at 54 West 57th Street, near Sixth Avenue, where the alterations to 23 Beekman Place were planned. In the early 1990s, he moved the office to 246 East 58th Street, which he designed and built as an investment. In his final years, he worked at 23 Beekman Place, where he converted his bedroom into a small atelier. During this period, most of his clients were located in Southeast Asia and local firms were responsible for preparing the final production drawings and overseeing construction. Rudolph died in 1997; in his New York Times obituary, architecture critic Herbert Muschamp discussed his evolving reputation and continued significance:
Mr. Rudolph leaves behind a perplexing legacy that will take many years to untangle. With the exception of Louis I. Kahn, no American architect of his generation enjoyed higher esteem in the 1960s . . . [he] wielded enormous influence over the direction of American architecture at mid-century. His buildings . . . were widely studied and imitated. In recent years, American architecture students too young to remember the 1960s have rediscovered Mr. Rudolph as a model of rare integrity. In 1993, at a lecture at the Cooper-Hewitt Museum in New York, he drew a standing room only crowd composed mostly of the young and held the audience spellbound, as if he were a visitor from a long-vanished golden age.
In the introduction to a 2008 collection of architect’s writings, Robert A. M. Stern declared that Rudolph “possessed the greatest talent of his generation of American architects.”
Re-designing 23 Beekman Place
Rudolph began his three-decade association with 23 Beekman Place in 1961, leasing the fourth-story from Philomena Marsciano, of the Mariscano Foundation, which had purchased the building as an investment five years earlier. He was currently living in New Haven and probably used the 700-800 square foot apartment on weekends, or occasionally, as a workspace. It became his primary residence in 1965. Two years later, in 1967, New York Times reporter Barbara Plumb wrote: “This one-bedroom apartment may be small, but its influence is likely to be huge because the architect, Paul Rudolph, former chairman of the School of Architecture at Yale University, lives here.”
In the mid-1970s, Manhattan’s real estate market was weak and Rudolph purchased 23 Beekman Place for $300,000. Having already completed several significant alterations as a tenant, he wrote in GA Houses:
For approximately 15 years I have occupied an 800 square foot apartment overlooking the East River. During this period its constrictions were modified in various ways. Three small windows facing the river, Roosevelt Island, and industrial Queens (complete with its 40’ x 90’ neon signs) were replaced by a glass wall with doors opening onto a small terrace.
Though the text devoted considerable attention to the interiors, he concluded with this cryptic sentence: “The apartment no longer exists, but it was never more than a series of sketches, or studies, for other projects.” In saying this, Rudolph hinted at forthcoming changes, not only to his apartment but to the entire structure at 23 Beekman Place.
Initial plans for a $120,000 alteration were filed with the Department of Buildings (DOB) in July 1976. Plan examiners expressed objections to the proposed height and the enlargement of the second, third and fourth floors by as much as 25 per cent. Alfonso Duarte, a Queens engineer, presented Rudolph’s case to the Board of Standards and Appeals (BSA), arguing that it was “not feasible or practical nor even economical to erect a new comparable structure on the site” and that by taking specific precautions it would actually improve safety. The BSA granted a variance in February 1977 and a DOB permit was issued in June 1977.
Donald Luckenbill, who was employed in Rudolph’s office from 1969 to 1982, served as project architect. Trained at Brooklyn’s Pratt Institute, he remembered 23 Beekman Place as an extremely challenging project that needed to be broken down into “manageable parts.” The rear was demolished and a new steel-and-glass facade was erected that extended out by as much as 17½ feet. Furthermore, the roof-top addition was carefully engineered to support multiple mezzanines, terraces, and cantilevers. At the front of the building, the cantilever projects approximately five feet, matching the depth of the areaway below. Some proposals, however, were rejected by DOB, such as a roof-top swimming pool and rooms without windows. Luckenbill met frequently with plan examiners during 1976 and 1977. He worked closely with contractor Marco Martelli, of the Omar Building Corp., of New Rochelle, as well as structural engineer Vincent J. DeSimone. Though the upper floors are the most conspicuous element, the first stage of work involved rebuilding sections of the brick sidewalls, which were determined unsafe. The penthouse was then erected during late 1977 and 1978 using “exceptionally light” steel supplied by East Bay Iron Works, located in the Hunt’s Point Section of the Bronx, and concrete block panels manufactured by Imperia Brothers, of Pelham Manor, New York.
By the end of 1978, most of the interior work on the rental apartments was done and the materials needed for the penthouse were being raised to the fifth floor. The building received temporary certificates of occupancy throughout 1979 and 1980. So that the apartments could be rented at market rates only five units were built. Two were duplexes at the rear of the building, spanning the ground and first floors, as well as the fifth and sixth floors. The penthouse, sometimes described as a quadriplex, was arranged on four interconnected levels. Entered from the main stairs near the west end of the sixth and seventh story, it contained a two-level guest suite on Beekman Place, as well as a private elevator. At the core was a large volume of space ringed by cantilevered floors, narrow bridges, open stairs, windows of varying dimensions, and terraces. In total, there were estimated to be seventeen distinct levels. A final certificate of occupancy was awarded in January 1982.
Rudolph would continue to rework the interiors (not part of designation) in subsequent years, often serving as his own contractor. Various completion dates have been proposed, including as late as 1988, when architect-critic Michael Sorkin called the penthouse “one of the most amazing pieces of modern urban domestic architecture produced in this county, a structure packing more finesse and design wallop in its compact volume than many architects manage to produce over entire careers.”
Architectural and Aesthetic Significance
Rudolph was a “second-generation” modernist. Trained at Harvard University in the 1940s, he studied with Bauhaus founder Walter Gropius but eventually grew dissatisfied with the so-called “International Style,” which he described as “monotonous” and “timid” as early as 1952. To Rudolph, functional aesthetics became a cliché after the Second World War and he said that “driving down Park Avenue [was] rather like flipping through the pages of a window manufacturer’s catalogue.” Though he never completely rejected this training, like his classmates Edward Larrabee Barnes, Victor Lundy and I. M. Pei, he saw modernism as “a base on which one could build, not merely a formula.” Rudolph later remarked:
I think things grow, one thing from another, and develop, and retard and take side
trips and whatnot. [International-style modernists] figured out a lot of things that
give you a base to proceed.”
Rudolph’s once-distinguished reputation entered a slow period of decline in the 1970s – Post-Modernism (and the rediscovery of traditional ornament) was becoming fashionable. Despite trends, he remained strongly opposed to using historical forms, claiming as early as 1962: “neoclassicism is a dead duck. We have been through almost a decade of neo-classicism, which has nearly ruined American architecture.”
23 Beekman Place is a late work in Rudolph’s career that draws on themes that he explored throughout his life, as well as anticipating projects that he would design for Southeast Asian clients during the 1980s. At a time when many of his peers were drawn to stone surfaces with classical detail, he remained committed to experimenting with industrial materials to produce complex abstract forms. Consequently, this project ignored current fashion – not only would it provide him with a spacious residence and rental income, but it would demonstrate his continued vitality as a designer and the enduring relevance of architectural modernism.
In New York City, relatively few buildings have been designed and built by architects for their own use. Two significant 20th-century survivors can be viewed in nearby in Turtle Bay, close to Beekman Place: the William Lescaze House & Office (1933-34, a designated New York City Landmark), and the Morris Sanders House & Studio (1934-35, a designated New York City Landmark). Like 23 Beekman Place, these pioneering modern works incorporate industrial materials that contrast sharply with their earlier row house neighbors. Architect Edward Durrell Stone, however, adopted a somewhat different strategy at 130 East 64th Street (1878/1958, part of the Upper East Side Historic District), where he replaced the original masonry facade with a glass curtain wall disguised by a decorative concrete screen. This solution transformed the exterior without sacrificing some of the Victorian-era interiors, including a paneled Eastlakestyle parlor.
While many mid-20th-century architects have been criticized for ignoring history and context, these issues did interest Rudolph. He wrote in 1962:
Le Corbusier’s solution was to tear down Paris; Gropius tried to reduce planning to a few simple rules and principles; even Wright – not that he was an International Stylist – had nothing to suggest, except that we all move to the country. We have still to learn how to add to the evolving city without tearing down everything in sight . . . Most buildings should be background buildings, so to speak; only a few should stand out to stop a certain sequence …
As an urban planner, Rudolph believed scale, rather than ornament, should be used to tie old and new construction together. He also felt that how a building is perceived from the street and sidewalk is as important as how it looks against the sky.
What sets 23 Beekman Place apart from earlier Rudolph designs was his decision to place a highly-conspicuous, multi-story addition on top of an existing structure. As a long-term tenant, he was familiar with Beekman Place and the neighborhood’s historic fabric. In effect, he took an aging town house and turned it into a podium, fusing disparate aesthetics and building campaigns into a memorable late 20th-century modern design. Juxtaposing new construction with old, as well as steel, glass, concrete and masonry, it differs significantly from how most New York architects approached roof-top additions. When floors were added to row houses in the late 19th century, the original roof was sometimes replaced by a mansard, inspired by Second Empire French residences and palaces. Steep canted roofs, usually with large windows, were also popular, especially among artists and their patrons. In contrast, additions to most 19th- and early 20th-century office buildings were remarkably seamless, displaying almost identical materials and ornament. One memorable exception to this pattern was the penthouse headquarters that I.
M. Pei (in association with William Lescaze) designed for William Zeckendorf in 1952. Erected on the roof of the Webb & Knapp Building at 383 Madison Avenue (1920s), there was a floor of glazed office suites and terraces, as well as remarkable cantilevered circular pavilion. This eye-catching addition contained the developer’s office and private dining room.
Penthouses appeal to New Yorkers because they offer increased privacy, superb vistas, cool breezes, and in many cases, substantial prestige. According to the American Heritage Dictionary (2000), the word is derived from the Latin appendre, meaning “to cause to be suspended.” It first appeared in the New York Times in 1924 under the headline “Homes on The Roofs: Penthouses Under the Sky Are Prized by City Dwellers, but Few Can Be Had.” More of these apartments became available in subsequent years, especially in buildings located near public parks and along the riverfront. Many incorporated terraces that were positioned on setbacks required by the 1916 zoning ordinance. After the Second World War, however, slab-like towers came into vogue and cantilevered balconies were much more common. These stacked outdoor spaces were initially large and well-proportioned, as at Manhattan House (1947-51, a designated New York City Landmark), but later examples provided considerably less square footage, with limited benefit to residents.
Rudolph’s penthouse fits squarely into this tradition and was conceived as a private refuge, a place where he could escape from and observe the city. Designed to take full advantage of its elevated position, there are five distinct outdoor spaces on four staggered levels. The largest terrace, located at the apex of the building, is L-shaped and opens to the sky. It faces east, providing exceptional views of the East River, Roosevelt Island, and Queens. Like an outdoor room, each space is enclosed by an exposed steel framework that functioned as a pergola. Hung with plants and vines, these natural elements were intended to provide a leafy camouflage, softening the structure’s rectilinear character, while providing shade and visual privacy. Though Rudolph encountered some difficulty finding the right mix of greenery, towards the end of his life the vegetation, sometimes hung by gridded wires, was remembered as full and abundant.
Architecture, Rudolph claimed, was a “serious game of space” and the spaces he created at 23 Beekman Place were intended to be as varied and challenging as possible. It served as his private laboratory in which the layered interior organization is expressed on the exterior through the play of open and closed forms that project out, rise up, and recede from the street. Constructed with thin steel elements, these box-like silhouettes display similar proportions to the rooms they adjoin. This treatment recalls the Walker Guest House (1954) on Sanibel Island, Florida, which Rudolph considered one of his most successful early projects. To give this modest beach house increased visual coherence the gridded framework was painted white, but in the case of 23 Beekman Place the steel is brown, to contrast with the color of the concrete panels.
Concrete was an essential material in Rudolph’s work. Though some of his best-known projects of the 1960s, such as the Art & Architecture Building at Yale, feature textured surfaces, here the rectangular panels were assembled from concrete blocks and coated with stucco to create a smooth, unbroken appearance. Arranged vertically, they appear to float weightlessly in front of the windows, allowing light to leak through the slender gaps that divide them. Most are lined up along the side elevations, but a large, nearly square panel fronts the terrace that extends over Beekman Place. Similar in texture and color to the lower facade, the panels toward the front of the building screen the windows, while creating a visual link between the penthouse and the floors below.
Rudolph frequently employed cantilevers in his institutional designs, but in a residential neighborhood it comes as a complete surprise. While it somewhat recalls the deep extended eaves that crown many of Frank Lloyd Wright’s houses, in other instances it suggests the late, more sculptural work of the French-Swiss architect Le Corbusier, whom he especially admired. Rudolph wrote in 1954:
Why do buildings always have to flank the street? Why can they not sometimes
be placed over the street, thereby forming an enclosure and a focal point? . . . the
tyranny of the endless streets must end.
The penthouse hangs over the front areaway and interrupts the street wall, occupying vertical space that is commonly left open. He did this to provide a place for an external stair, to enlarge the guest suite, and perhaps, to make the penthouse even more visible from the street. As an added benefit, this feature increased privacy. In a 1986 interview, he said: “The fact of the matter is that because of the cantilevers you don’t see into the building much. You see underneath the building.” The base of the cantilever is steel, except for two rectangular openings, one filled with clear glass and the other left empty. Like the transparent and reflective materials used throughout the apartment, the juxtaposition of solids and voids was intended to create a sense of dislocation and unease.
At the height of his career in 1967, Rudolph’s varied production was justly praised in the New York Times for being “unpredictable” as he urged students and contemporaries to create structures that “give visual delight.” Though some neighbors on Beekman Place objected to the penthouse and the views that were lost, his was certainly a unique solution that reflected a bold and distinctive architectural philosophy. Abstract and minimal, open and closed, classical and industrial, 23 Beekman Place has a strong sculptural quality – a quality rarely found in Manhattan’s residential streetscape.
Subsequent Owners
Following Rudolph’s death in 1997, 23 Beekman Place was sold to Gabrielle and Michael Boyd in 2000. They converted the four apartments and penthouse into a single-family residence in 2001. Though some writers praised their alterations, others strongly criticized changes to the interiors. The current owner, Rupert LLC, purchased the building in 2003. The architects Jared Della Valle and Andrew Bernheimer began renovating the building in 2004, undertaking structural work and exterior renovations.
Description
The Paul Rudolph Penthouse & Apartments is located at 23 Beekman Place, on the east side of the street, between 50th Street and 51st Street. Approximately 20 feet wide, the structure has two distinct sections: a five-story masonry structure and four-story roof-top addition that cantilevers over the sidewalk, as well as the rear yard. The front (west) facade is visible from Beekman Place and 50th Street, and the rear (east) facade is visible from Peter Detmold Park, as well as the FDR Drive.
The rusticated ground story is set below grade and incorporates three round-arched openings. Reached by steps, the left (north) opening is slightly wider than the two windows and serves as the entrance. Above the door, attached to the keystone, is a non-historic glass-andmetal lighting fixture, flanked by simple decorative reliefs. There is an Adamesque wood-paneled door, probably dating to 1929-30, with an arched transom that incorporates scalloped details similar to those that crown each window. The mullions and wood details are painted black. To the right of the door is an oval plaque, sponsored by the New York Landmarks Preservation Foundation. To the right of the south window, a small metal camera is attached near the top of the wall. Between the ground story and first floor is a continuous flat metal awning supported by four metal columns, probably dating to 1929-30. The metal is painted black, though the underside is painted white. Above the center window, the awning is interrupted and part of the air conditioning unit is visible. Attached to the north column is a metal tube to drain water. Metal railings parallel the sidewalk, as well as along the north and south edges of the areaway.
The second story has three nine-over-nine windows, set in recessed frames, with shallow decorative metal screens at the bottom. The third, fourth, and fifth stories have non-historic double-hung windows. The third-story windows have sills and prominent keystones that meet the raised scalloped cornice that extends between the third and fourth stories. On the third story, the sill below the center window has been removed and replaced by a recessed air conditioning unit. The center windows on the fourth and fifth stories are treated in a similar manner.
The penthouse begins at the sixth story and cantilevers above the sidewalk. It is constructed with exposed steel I-beams and metal panels, painted brown. It has floor-to-ceiling windows, screened by rectangular concrete block panels, with non-historic metal coping. There are multiple panels along the north and south elevations, and a large, single panel facing Beekman Place. The base of the cantilever has small openings on the left and right side. The left side has a metal grate and the right has been left completely open. Above the concrete panel, at the sixth story, is a wide terrace with stairs on the left side ascending to the uppermost terrace and mezzanine. To shade the stairs, the framework above it is filled with what appears to be tinted plexiglas.
The rear facade faces east, overlooking the East River. It is framed with painted steel and is entirely glazed. Each floor has a shallow terrace that extends the full width of the building. The south facade is partly visible from 50th Street and Beekman Place, and points to the southeast. The west section consists of vertical concrete panels of various widths, separated by small gaps, the rest of the facade is mostly faced with stucco. Single rectangular windows are visible near the east end, on the fourth, fifth, and sixth floors. The widest window, consisting of slender vertical mullions and glass panes, extends across the east side of the seventh floor. A slender vertical strip of windows, near the center of the south facade, extends from the seventh to eighth floors. The north facade is partly visible from Beekman Place, and points to the northeast. Near the west end, the penthouse levels are enclosed with concrete panels, steel, and glass. The east end is less visible and features cage-like steel framing.
- From the 2010 NYCLPC Landmark Designation Report
en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Cattle_Egret
The Cattle Egret (Bubulcus ibis) is a cosmopolitan species of heron (family Ardeidae) found in the tropics, subtropics and warm temperate zones. It is the only member of the monotypic genus Bubulcus, although some authorities regard its two subspecies as full species, the Western Cattle Egret and the Eastern Cattle Egret. Despite the similarities in plumage to the egrets of the genus Egretta, it is more closely related to the herons of Ardea. Originally native to parts of Asia, Africa and Europe, it has undergone a rapid expansion in its distribution and successfully colonised much of the rest of the world.
It is a white bird adorned with buff plumes in the breeding season. It nests in colonies, usually near bodies of water and often with other wading birds. The nest is a platform of sticks in trees or shrubs. Cattle Egrets exploit drier and open habitats more than other heron species. Their feeding habitats include seasonally inundated grasslands, pastures, farmlands, wetlands and rice paddies. They often accompany cattle or other large mammals, catching insect and small vertebrate prey disturbed by these animals. Some populations of the Cattle Egret are migratory and others show post-breeding dispersal.
The adult Cattle Egret has few predators, but birds or mammals may raid its nests, and chicks may be lost to starvation, calcium deficiency or disturbance from other large birds. This species maintains a special relationship with cattle, which extends to other large grazing mammals. The cattle egret removes ticks and flies from cattle and consumes them. This benefits both species, but it has been implicated in the spread of tick-borne animal diseases.
The Cattle Egret was first described in 1758 by Linnaeus in his Systema naturae as Ardea ibis,[2] but was moved to its current genus by Charles Lucien Bonaparte in 1855.[3] Its genus name Bubulcus is Latin for herdsman, referring, like the English name, to this species' association with cattle.[4] Ibis is a Latin and Greek word which originally referred to another white wading bird, the Sacred Ibis.[5]
The Cattle Egret has two geographical races which are sometimes classified as full species, the Western Cattle Egret, B. ibis, and Eastern Cattle Egret, B. coromandus. The two forms were split by McAllan and Bruce,[6] but were regarded as conspecific by almost all other recent authors until the publication of the influential Birds of South Asia.[7] The eastern subspecies B. (i.) coromandus, described by Pieter Boddaert in 1783, breeds in Asia and Australasia, and the western nominate form occupies the rest of the species range, including the Americas.[8] Some authorities recognise a third Seychelles subspecies, B. i. seychellarum, which was first described by Finn Salomonsen in 1934.[9]
Despite superficial similarities in appearance, the Cattle Egret is more closely related to the genus Ardea, which comprises the great or typical herons and the Great Egret (A. alba), than to the majority of species termed egrets in the genus Egretta.[10] Rare cases of hybridization with Little Blue Heron Egretta caerulea, Little Egret Egretta garzetta and Snowy Egret Egretta thula have been recorded.
Description
The Cattle Egret is a stocky heron with a 88–96 cm (35–38 in) wingspan; it is 46–56 centimetres (18–22 in) long and weighs 270–512 grams (9.5–18.1 oz).[12] It has a relatively short thick neck, sturdy bill, and a hunched posture. The non-breeding adult has mainly white plumage, a yellow bill and greyish-yellow legs. During the breeding season, adults of the nominate western subspecies develop orange-buff plumes on the back, breast and crown, and the bill, legs and irises become bright red for a brief period prior to pairing.[13] The sexes are similar, but the male is marginally larger and has slightly longer breeding plumes than the female; juvenile birds lack coloured plumes and have a black bill.[12][14]
B. i. coromandus differs from the nominate subspecies in breeding plumage, when the buff colour on its head extends to the cheeks and throat, and the plumes are more golden in colour. This subspecies' bill and tarsus are longer on average than in B. i. ibis.[15] B. i. seychellarum is smaller and shorter-winged than the other forms. It has white cheeks and throat, like B. i. ibis, but the nuptial plumes are golden, as with B. i. coromandus.[9]
The positioning of the egret's eyes allows for binocular vision during feeding,[16] and physiological studies suggest that the species may be capable of crepuscular or nocturnal activity.[17] Adapted to foraging on land, they have lost the ability possessed by their wetland relatives to accurately correct for light refraction by water.[18]
This species gives a quiet, throaty "rick-rack" call at the breeding colony, but is otherwise largely silent.
Distribution and habitat
The Cattle Egret has undergone one of the most rapid and wide reaching natural expansions of any bird species.[19] It was originally native to parts of Southern Spain and Portugal, tropical and subtropical Africa and humid tropical and subtropical Asia. In the end of the 19th century it began expanding its range into southern Africa, first breeding in the Cape Province in 1908.[20] Cattle Egrets were first sighted in the Americas on the boundary of Guiana and Suriname in 1877, having apparently flown across the Atlantic Ocean.[8][12] It was not until the 1930s that the species is thought to have become established in that area.[21]
The species first arrived in North America in 1941 (these early sightings were originally dismissed as escapees), bred in Florida in 1953, and spread rapidly, breeding for the first time in Canada in 1962.[20] It is now commonly seen as far west as California. It was first recorded breeding in Cuba in 1957, in Costa Rica in 1958, and in Mexico in 1963, although it was probably established before that.[21] In Europe the species had historically declined in Spain and Portugal, but in the latter part of the 20th century it expanded back through the Iberian Peninsula, and then began to colonise other parts of Europe; southern France in 1958, northern France in 1981 and Italy in 1985.[20] Breeding in the United Kingdom was recorded for the first time in 2008 only a year after an influx seen in the previous year.[22][23] In 2008 cattle egrets were also reported as having moved into Ireland for the first time.[24]
In Australia the colonisation began in the 1940s, with the species establishing itself in the north and east of the continent.[25] It began to regularly visit New Zealand in the 1960s. Since 1948 the Cattle Egret has been permanently resident in Israel. Prior to 1948 it was only a winter visitor. [26]
The massive and rapid expansion of the Cattle Egret's range is due to its relationship with humans and their domesticated animals. Originally adapted to a commensal relationship with large browsing animals, it was easily able to switch to domesticated cattle and horses. As the keeping of livestock spread throughout the world, the Cattle Egret was able to occupy otherwise empty niches.[27] Many populations of Cattle Egrets are highly migratory and dispersive,[19] and this has helped the species' range expansion. The species has been seen as a vagrant in various sub-Antarctic islands, including South Georgia, Marion Island, the South Sandwich Islands and the South Orkney Islands.[28] A small flock of eight birds was also seen in Fiji in 2008.[29]
In addition to the natural expansion of its range, Cattle Egrets have been introduced into a few areas. The species was introduced to Hawaii in 1959, and to the Chagos Archipelago in 1955. Successful releases were also made in the Seychelles and Rodrigues, but attempts to introduce the species to Mauritius failed. Numerous birds were also released by Whipsnade Zoo in England, but the species was never established.[30]
Although the Cattle Egret sometimes feeds in shallow water, unlike most herons it is typically found in fields and dry grassy habitats, reflecting its greater dietary reliance on terrestrial insects rather than aquatic prey.
Migration and movements
Some populations of Cattle Egrets are migratory, others are dispersive, and distinguishing between the two can be difficult for this species.[19] In many areas populations can be both sedentary and migratory. In the northern hemisphere migration is from cooler climes to warmer areas, but Cattle Egrets nesting in Australia migrate to cooler Tasmania and New Zealand in the winter and return in the spring.[25] Migration in western Africa is in response to rainfall, and in South America migrating birds travel south of their breeding range in the non breeding season.[19] Populations in southern India appear to show local migrations in response to the monsoons. They move north from Kerala after September.[32][33] During winter, many birds have been seen flying at night with flocks of Indian Pond Herons (Ardeola grayii) on the southeastern coast of India[34] and a winter influx has also been noted in Sri Lanka.[7]
Young birds are known to disperse up to 5,000 km (3,100 mi) from their breeding area. Flocks may fly vast distances and have been seen over seas and oceans including in the middle of the Atlantic.
Status
This species has a large range, with an estimated global extent of occurrence of 10 million square kilometres (3.8 million square miles). Its global population estimated to be 3.8–6.7 million individuals. For these reasons, the species is evaluated as Least Concern.[1] On the other hand the expansion and establishment of the species over large ranges has led it to be classed as an invasive species (although little, if any impact has been noted yet).[
Behaviour
Breeding
The Cattle Egret nests in colonies, which are often, but not always, found around bodies of water.[19] The colonies are usually found in woodlands near lakes or rivers, in swamps, or on small inland or coastal islands, and are sometimes shared with other wetland birds, such as herons, egrets, ibises and cormorants. The breeding season varies within South Asia.[7] Nesting in northern India begins with the onset of monsoons in May.[37] The breeding season in Australia is November to early January, with one brood laid per season.[38] The North American breeding season lasts from April to October.[19] In the Seychelles, the breeding season of the subspecies B.i. seychellarum is April to October.[39]
The male displays in a tree in the colony, using a range of ritualised behaviours such as shaking a twig and sky-pointing (raising bill vertically upwards),[40] and the pair forms over three or four days. A new mate is chosen in each season and when re-nesting following nest failure.[41] The nest is a small untidy platform of sticks in a tree or shrub constructed by both parents. Sticks are collected by the male and arranged by the female, and stick-stealing is rife.[14] The clutch size can be anywhere from one to five eggs, although three or four is most common. The pale bluish-white eggs are oval-shaped and measure 45 mm × 53 mm. (1.8–2.1 in)[38] Incubation lasts around 23 days, with both sexes sharing incubation duties.[19] The chicks are partly covered with down at hatching, but are not capable of fending for themselves; they become capable of regulating their temperature at 9–12 days and are fully feathered in 13–21 days.[42] They begin to leave the nest and climb around at 2 weeks, fledge at 30 days and become independent at around the 45th day.[41]
The Cattle Egret engages in low levels of brood parasitism, and there are a few instances of Cattle Egret eggs being laid in the nests of Snowy Egrets and Little Blue Herons, although these eggs seldom hatch.[19] There is also evidence of low levels of intraspecific brood parasitism, with females laying eggs in the nests of other Cattle Egrets. As much as 30% extra-pair copulations have been noted.[43][44]
The dominant factor in nesting mortality is starvation. Sibling rivalry can be intense, and in South Africa third and fourth chicks inevitably starve.[41] In the dryer habitats with fewer amphibians the diet may lack sufficient vertebrate content and may cause bone abnormalities in growing chicks due to calcium deficiency.[45] In Barbados, nests were sometimes raided by vervet monkeys,[8] and a study in Florida reported the Fish Crow and black rat as other possible nest raiders. The same study attributed some nestling mortality to Brown Pelicans nesting in the vicinity, which accidentally, but frequently, dislodged nests or caused nestlings to fall.[46] In Australia, Torresian Crows, Wedge-tailed Eagles and White-bellied Sea Eagles take eggs or young, and tick infestation and viral infections may also be causes of mortality.
Feeding
The Cattle Egret feeds on a wide range of prey, particularly insects, especially grasshoppers, crickets, flies (adults and maggots [47]), and moths, as well as spiders, frogs, and earthworms.[48][49] In a rare instance they have been observed foraging along the branches of a Banyan tree for ripe figs.[50] The species is usually found with cattle and other large grazing and browsing animals, and catches small creatures disturbed by the mammals. Studies have shown that Cattle Egret foraging success is much higher when foraging near a large animal than when feeding singly.[51] When foraging with cattle, it has been shown to be 3.6 times more successful in capturing prey than when foraging alone. Its performance is similar when it follows farm machinery, but it is forced to move more.[52]
A Cattle Egret will weakly defend the area around a grazing animal against others of the same species, but if the area is swamped by egrets it will give up and continue foraging elsewhere. Where numerous large animals are present, Cattle Egrets selectively forage around species that move at around 5–15 steps per minute, avoiding faster and slower moving herds; in Africa, Cattle Egrets selectively forage behind Plains Zebras, Waterbuck, Blue Wildebeest and Cape Buffalo.[53] Dominant birds feed nearest to the host, and obtain more food.[14]
The Cattle Egret may also show versatility in its diet. On islands with seabird colonies, it will prey on the eggs and chicks of terns and other seabirds.[30] During migration it has also been reported to eat exhausted migrating landbirds.[54] Birds of the Seychelles race also indulge in some kleptoparasitism, chasing the chicks of Sooty Terns and forcing them to disgorge food.[
Relationship with humans
A conspicuous species, the Cattle Egret has attracted many common names. These mostly relate to its habit of following cattle and other large animals, and it is known variously as cow crane, cow bird or cow heron, or even elephant bird, rhinoceros egret.[19] Its Arabic name, abu qerdan, means "father of ticks", a name derived from the huge number of parasites such as avian ticks found in its breeding colonies.[19][56]
The Cattle Egret is a popular bird with cattle ranchers for its perceived role as a biocontrol of cattle parasites such as ticks and flies.[19] A study in Australia found that Cattle Egrets reduced the number of flies that bothered cattle by pecking them directly off the skin.[57] It was the benefit to stock that prompted ranchers and the Hawaiian Board of Agriculture and Forestry to release the species in Hawaii.[30][58]
Not all interactions between humans and Cattle Egrets are beneficial. The Cattle Egret can be a safety hazard to aircraft due to its habit of feeding in large groups in the grassy verges of airports,[59] and it has been implicated in the spread of animal infections such as heartwater, infectious bursal disease[60] and possibly Newcastle disease
Exploitants : Keolis Aude + Keolis Narbonne
Réseau : Citibus
Lignes : Été 3 + Été 6
Lien TC Infos :
159179 : tc-infos.fr/id/18736
Jack Rossiter was a famous name between the wars for his cycling exploits. He held the Land's End to John'o'Groats record for many years. He is included here as he married Lilian Morris and became part of the family.
After 10 years of service with EarthSTINK, I finally cancelled my account with them. Motherfuckers.
They started off as this kind of "earthy" indie internet provider, and grew into a bloated corporate menace. For the last couple of years, I have HATED having service with them, but was too lazy to do anything about it. One time, I was on the phone with them for THREE HOURS, at the end of which smoke was coming out of my ears and nostrils. I demanded that they give me discounts on my service for all of my troubles, and they did so... in fact I got free service for six months.
In recent years EarthSUCK outsourced all of their customer service to India. I have nothing but empathy for the underpaid workers in India, so this is not a rant about them. But outsourcing SUCKS. It saps jobs at home and egregiously exploits workers overseas.
The poor dude on the line today, when I called to cancel my account. I had to apologize to him several times for my short temper. He would ask me things like, "Please give me a reason for cancelling your account?" And I would say, "Because I just really dislike Earthlink, and I don't want to get into details." And then he would say, "But it would help if you gave more particular feedback." And then I would retort: "Sir, I am sorry you have to be caught up in all this, but I just really fucking hate Earthlink and I don't want to get into it. Please just cancel my account and don't ask me any more questions. I know you are just doing your job but this is one of the MANY reasons I hate Earthlink."
I did not want to cite customer service as one reason for hating Earthlink cuz the poor guy is just doing the job he was hired to do. Of course my incessantly terrible DSL connection is one of the main reasons I hate Earthlink. I don't know how many times I called their ass about that, and they would walk me through the same scripted shit, all to no avail.
Customer service dude also told me that hopefully the account was fully cancelled. I had to laugh sarcastically at this - "hopefully?" I did apologize to him for my sardonic cackle but WTF!
I FUCKING HATE EARTHLINK AND I HOPE THAT THE GREEDY CORPORATE MOTHERFUCKERS AT THE TOP DIE A VIOLENT DEATH.
There are several forums devoted to Earthlink sob stories. Here is one:
Exploitant : Transdev TVO
Réseau : R'Bus (Argenteuil)
Ligne : 3
Lieu : Pont de Bezons (Bezons, F-95)
Lien TC Infos : tc-infos.fr/id/25202
Ça a la couleur, la forme et ça ressemble à un système d'exploitation bien connu, mais ce n'est pas le système d'exploitation bien connu.
Tout se passe à Millau, capitale de la défense des petits contre les gros. Et dire que le logo Microsoft aurait pu provenir de cette terre. Étonnant non?
Thor (from Old Norse: Þórr) is a prominent god in Germanic paganism. In Norse mythology, he is a hammer-wielding god associated with lightning, thunder, storms, sacred groves and trees, strength, the protection of humankind, hallowing, and fertility. Besides Old Norse Þórr, the deity occurs in Old English as Þunor ("Thunor"), in Old Frisian as Thuner, in Old Saxon as Thunar, and in Old High German as Donar, all ultimately stemming from the Proto-Germanic theonym *Þun(a)raz, meaning 'Thunder'.
Thor is a prominently mentioned god throughout the recorded history of the Germanic peoples, from the Roman occupation of regions of Germania, to the Germanic expansions of the Migration Period, to his high popularity during the Viking Age, when, in the face of the process of the Christianization of Scandinavia, emblems of his hammer, Mjölnir, were worn and Norse pagan personal names containing the name of the god bear witness to his popularity.
Due to the nature of the Germanic corpus, narratives featuring Thor are only attested in Old Norse, where Thor appears throughout Norse mythology. Norse mythology, largely recorded in Iceland from traditional material stemming from Scandinavia, provides numerous tales featuring the god. In these sources, Thor bears at least fifteen names, and is the husband of the golden-haired goddess Sif and the lover of the jötunn Járnsaxa. With Sif, Thor fathered the goddess (and possible valkyrie) Þrúðr; with Járnsaxa, he fathered Magni; with a mother whose name is not recorded, he fathered Móði, and he is the stepfather of the god Ullr. Thor is the son of Odin and Jörð, by way of his father Odin, he has numerous brothers, including Baldr. Thor has two servants, Þjálfi and Röskva, rides in a cart or chariot pulled by two goats, Tanngrisnir and Tanngnjóstr (whom he eats and resurrects), and is ascribed three dwellings (Bilskirnir, Þrúðheimr, and Þrúðvangr). Thor wields the hammer Mjölnir, wears the belt Megingjörð and the iron gloves Járngreipr, and owns the staff Gríðarvölr. Thor's exploits, including his relentless slaughter of his foes and fierce battles with the monstrous serpent Jörmungandr—and their foretold mutual deaths during the events of Ragnarök—are recorded throughout sources for Norse mythology.
Into the modern period, Thor continued to be acknowledged in rural folklore throughout Germanic-speaking Europe. Thor is frequently referred to in place names, the day of the week Thursday bears his name (modern English Thursday derives from Old English þunresdæġ, 'Þunor's day'), and names stemming from the pagan period containing his own continue to be used today, particularly in Scandinavia. Thor has inspired numerous works of art and references to Thor appear in modern popular culture. Like other Germanic deities, veneration of Thor is revived in the modern period in Heathenry.
Graffiti (plural; singular graffiti or graffito, the latter rarely used except in archeology) is art that is written, painted or drawn on a wall or other surface, usually without permission and within public view. Graffiti ranges from simple written words to elaborate wall paintings, and has existed since ancient times, with examples dating back to ancient Egypt, ancient Greece, and the Roman Empire (see also mural).
Graffiti is a controversial subject. In most countries, marking or painting property without permission is considered by property owners and civic authorities as defacement and vandalism, which is a punishable crime, citing the use of graffiti by street gangs to mark territory or to serve as an indicator of gang-related activities. Graffiti has become visualized as a growing urban "problem" for many cities in industrialized nations, spreading from the New York City subway system and Philadelphia in the early 1970s to the rest of the United States and Europe and other world regions
"Graffiti" (usually both singular and plural) and the rare singular form "graffito" are from the Italian word graffiato ("scratched"). The term "graffiti" is used in art history for works of art produced by scratching a design into a surface. A related term is "sgraffito", which involves scratching through one layer of pigment to reveal another beneath it. This technique was primarily used by potters who would glaze their wares and then scratch a design into them. In ancient times graffiti were carved on walls with a sharp object, although sometimes chalk or coal were used. The word originates from Greek γράφειν—graphein—meaning "to write".
The term graffiti originally referred to the inscriptions, figure drawings, and such, found on the walls of ancient sepulchres or ruins, as in the Catacombs of Rome or at Pompeii. Historically, these writings were not considered vanadlism, which today is considered part of the definition of graffiti.
The only known source of the Safaitic language, an ancient form of Arabic, is from graffiti: inscriptions scratched on to the surface of rocks and boulders in the predominantly basalt desert of southern Syria, eastern Jordan and northern Saudi Arabia. Safaitic dates from the first century BC to the fourth century AD.
Some of the oldest cave paintings in the world are 40,000 year old ones found in Australia. The oldest written graffiti was found in ancient Rome around 2500 years ago. Most graffiti from the time was boasts about sexual experiences Graffiti in Ancient Rome was a form of communication, and was not considered vandalism.
Ancient tourists visiting the 5th-century citadel at Sigiriya in Sri Lanka write their names and commentary over the "mirror wall", adding up to over 1800 individual graffiti produced there between the 6th and 18th centuries. Most of the graffiti refer to the frescoes of semi-nude females found there. One reads:
Wet with cool dew drops
fragrant with perfume from the flowers
came the gentle breeze
jasmine and water lily
dance in the spring sunshine
side-long glances
of the golden-hued ladies
stab into my thoughts
heaven itself cannot take my mind
as it has been captivated by one lass
among the five hundred I have seen here.
Among the ancient political graffiti examples were Arab satirist poems. Yazid al-Himyari, an Umayyad Arab and Persian poet, was most known for writing his political poetry on the walls between Sajistan and Basra, manifesting a strong hatred towards the Umayyad regime and its walis, and people used to read and circulate them very widely.
Graffiti, known as Tacherons, were frequently scratched on Romanesque Scandinavian church walls. When Renaissance artists such as Pinturicchio, Raphael, Michelangelo, Ghirlandaio, or Filippino Lippi descended into the ruins of Nero's Domus Aurea, they carved or painted their names and returned to initiate the grottesche style of decoration.
There are also examples of graffiti occurring in American history, such as Independence Rock, a national landmark along the Oregon Trail.
Later, French soldiers carved their names on monuments during the Napoleonic campaign of Egypt in the 1790s. Lord Byron's survives on one of the columns of the Temple of Poseidon at Cape Sounion in Attica, Greece.
The oldest known example of graffiti "monikers" found on traincars created by hobos and railworkers since the late 1800s. The Bozo Texino monikers were documented by filmmaker Bill Daniel in his 2005 film, Who is Bozo Texino?.
In World War II, an inscription on a wall at the fortress of Verdun was seen as an illustration of the US response twice in a generation to the wrongs of the Old World:
During World War II and for decades after, the phrase "Kilroy was here" with an accompanying illustration was widespread throughout the world, due to its use by American troops and ultimately filtering into American popular culture. Shortly after the death of Charlie Parker (nicknamed "Yardbird" or "Bird"), graffiti began appearing around New York with the words "Bird Lives".
Modern graffiti art has its origins with young people in 1960s and 70s in New York City and Philadelphia. Tags were the first form of stylised contemporary graffiti. Eventually, throw-ups and pieces evolved with the desire to create larger art. Writers used spray paint and other kind of materials to leave tags or to create images on the sides subway trains. and eventually moved into the city after the NYC metro began to buy new trains and paint over graffiti.
While the art had many advocates and appreciators—including the cultural critic Norman Mailer—others, including New York City mayor Ed Koch, considered it to be defacement of public property, and saw it as a form of public blight. The ‘taggers’ called what they did ‘writing’—though an important 1974 essay by Mailer referred to it using the term ‘graffiti.’
Contemporary graffiti style has been heavily influenced by hip hop culture and the myriad international styles derived from Philadelphia and New York City Subway graffiti; however, there are many other traditions of notable graffiti in the twentieth century. Graffiti have long appeared on building walls, in latrines, railroad boxcars, subways, and bridges.
An early graffito outside of New York or Philadelphia was the inscription in London reading "Clapton is God" in reference to the guitarist Eric Clapton. Creating the cult of the guitar hero, the phrase was spray-painted by an admirer on a wall in an Islington, north London in the autumn of 1967. The graffito was captured in a photograph, in which a dog is urinating on the wall.
Films like Style Wars in the 80s depicting famous writers such as Skeme, Dondi, MinOne, and ZEPHYR reinforced graffiti's role within New York's emerging hip-hop culture. Although many officers of the New York City Police Department found this film to be controversial, Style Wars is still recognized as the most prolific film representation of what was going on within the young hip hop culture of the early 1980s. Fab 5 Freddy and Futura 2000 took hip hop graffiti to Paris and London as part of the New York City Rap Tour in 1983
Commercialization and entrance into mainstream pop culture
Main article: Commercial graffiti
With the popularity and legitimization of graffiti has come a level of commercialization. In 2001, computer giant IBM launched an advertising campaign in Chicago and San Francisco which involved people spray painting on sidewalks a peace symbol, a heart, and a penguin (Linux mascot), to represent "Peace, Love, and Linux." IBM paid Chicago and San Francisco collectively US$120,000 for punitive damages and clean-up costs.
In 2005, a similar ad campaign was launched by Sony and executed by its advertising agency in New York, Chicago, Atlanta, Philadelphia, Los Angeles, and Miami, to market its handheld PSP gaming system. In this campaign, taking notice of the legal problems of the IBM campaign, Sony paid building owners for the rights to paint on their buildings "a collection of dizzy-eyed urban kids playing with the PSP as if it were a skateboard, a paddle, or a rocking horse".
Tristan Manco wrote that Brazil "boasts a unique and particularly rich, graffiti scene ... [earning] it an international reputation as the place to go for artistic inspiration". Graffiti "flourishes in every conceivable space in Brazil's cities". Artistic parallels "are often drawn between the energy of São Paulo today and 1970s New York". The "sprawling metropolis", of São Paulo has "become the new shrine to graffiti"; Manco alludes to "poverty and unemployment ... [and] the epic struggles and conditions of the country's marginalised peoples", and to "Brazil's chronic poverty", as the main engines that "have fuelled a vibrant graffiti culture". In world terms, Brazil has "one of the most uneven distributions of income. Laws and taxes change frequently". Such factors, Manco argues, contribute to a very fluid society, riven with those economic divisions and social tensions that underpin and feed the "folkloric vandalism and an urban sport for the disenfranchised", that is South American graffiti art.
Prominent Brazilian writers include Os Gêmeos, Boleta, Nunca, Nina, Speto, Tikka, and T.Freak. Their artistic success and involvement in commercial design ventures has highlighted divisions within the Brazilian graffiti community between adherents of the cruder transgressive form of pichação and the more conventionally artistic values of the practitioners of grafite.
Graffiti in the Middle East has emerged slowly, with taggers operating in Egypt, Lebanon, the Gulf countries like Bahrain or the United Arab Emirates, Israel, and in Iran. The major Iranian newspaper Hamshahri has published two articles on illegal writers in the city with photographic coverage of Iranian artist A1one's works on Tehran walls. Tokyo-based design magazine, PingMag, has interviewed A1one and featured photographs of his work. The Israeli West Bank barrier has become a site for graffiti, reminiscent in this sense of the Berlin Wall. Many writers in Israel come from other places around the globe, such as JUIF from Los Angeles and DEVIONE from London. The religious reference "נ נח נחמ נחמן מאומן" ("Na Nach Nachma Nachman Meuman") is commonly seen in graffiti around Israel.
Graffiti has played an important role within the street art scene in the Middle East and North Africa (MENA), especially following the events of the Arab Spring of 2011 or the Sudanese Revolution of 2018/19. Graffiti is a tool of expression in the context of conflict in the region, allowing people to raise their voices politically and socially. Famous street artist Banksy has had an important effect in the street art scene in the MENA area, especially in Palestine where some of his works are located in the West Bank barrier and Bethlehem.
There are also a large number of graffiti influences in Southeast Asian countries that mostly come from modern Western culture, such as Malaysia, where graffiti have long been a common sight in Malaysia's capital city, Kuala Lumpur. Since 2010, the country has begun hosting a street festival to encourage all generations and people from all walks of life to enjoy and encourage Malaysian street culture.
The modern-day graffitists can be found with an arsenal of various materials that allow for a successful production of a piece. This includes such techniques as scribing. However, spray paint in aerosol cans is the number one medium for graffiti. From this commodity comes different styles, technique, and abilities to form master works of graffiti. Spray paint can be found at hardware and art stores and comes in virtually every color.
Stencil graffiti is created by cutting out shapes and designs in a stiff material (such as cardboard or subject folders) to form an overall design or image. The stencil is then placed on the "canvas" gently and with quick, easy strokes of the aerosol can, the image begins to appear on the intended surface.
Some of the first examples were created in 1981 by artists Blek le Rat in Paris, in 1982 by Jef Aerosol in Tours (France); by 1985 stencils had appeared in other cities including New York City, Sydney, and Melbourne, where they were documented by American photographer Charles Gatewood and Australian photographer Rennie Ellis
Tagging is the practice of someone spray-painting "their name, initial or logo onto a public surface" in a handstyle unique to the writer. Tags were the first form of modern graffiti.
Modern graffiti art often incorporates additional arts and technologies. For example, Graffiti Research Lab has encouraged the use of projected images and magnetic light-emitting diodes (throwies) as new media for graffitists. yarnbombing is another recent form of graffiti. Yarnbombers occasionally target previous graffiti for modification, which had been avoided among the majority of graffitists.
Theories on the use of graffiti by avant-garde artists have a history dating back at least to the Asger Jorn, who in 1962 painting declared in a graffiti-like gesture "the avant-garde won't give up"
Many contemporary analysts and even art critics have begun to see artistic value in some graffiti and to recognize it as a form of public art. According to many art researchers, particularly in the Netherlands and in Los Angeles, that type of public art is, in fact an effective tool of social emancipation or, in the achievement of a political goal
In times of conflict, such murals have offered a means of communication and self-expression for members of these socially, ethnically, or racially divided communities, and have proven themselves as effective tools in establishing dialog and thus, of addressing cleavages in the long run. The Berlin Wall was also extensively covered by graffiti reflecting social pressures relating to the oppressive Soviet rule over the GDR.
Many artists involved with graffiti are also concerned with the similar activity of stenciling. Essentially, this entails stenciling a print of one or more colors using spray-paint. Recognized while exhibiting and publishing several of her coloured stencils and paintings portraying the Sri Lankan Civil War and urban Britain in the early 2000s, graffitists Mathangi Arulpragasam, aka M.I.A., has also become known for integrating her imagery of political violence into her music videos for singles "Galang" and "Bucky Done Gun", and her cover art. Stickers of her artwork also often appear around places such as London in Brick Lane, stuck to lamp posts and street signs, she having become a muse for other graffitists and painters worldwide in cities including Seville.
Graffitist believes that art should be on display for everyone in the public eye or in plain sight, not hidden away in a museum or a gallery. Art should color the streets, not the inside of some building. Graffiti is a form of art that cannot be owned or bought. It does not last forever, it is temporary, yet one of a kind. It is a form of self promotion for the artist that can be displayed anywhere form sidewalks, roofs, subways, building wall, etc. Art to them is for everyone and should be showed to everyone for free.
Graffiti is a way of communicating and a way of expressing what one feels in the moment. It is both art and a functional thing that can warn people of something or inform people of something. However, graffiti is to some people a form of art, but to some a form of vandalism. And many graffitists choose to protect their identities and remain anonymous or to hinder prosecution.
With the commercialization of graffiti (and hip hop in general), in most cases, even with legally painted "graffiti" art, graffitists tend to choose anonymity. This may be attributed to various reasons or a combination of reasons. Graffiti still remains the one of four hip hop elements that is not considered "performance art" despite the image of the "singing and dancing star" that sells hip hop culture to the mainstream. Being a graphic form of art, it might also be said that many graffitists still fall in the category of the introverted archetypal artist.
Banksy is one of the world's most notorious and popular street artists who continues to remain faceless in today's society. He is known for his political, anti-war stencil art mainly in Bristol, England, but his work may be seen anywhere from Los Angeles to Palestine. In the UK, Banksy is the most recognizable icon for this cultural artistic movement and keeps his identity a secret to avoid arrest. Much of Banksy's artwork may be seen around the streets of London and surrounding suburbs, although he has painted pictures throughout the world, including the Middle East, where he has painted on Israel's controversial West Bank barrier with satirical images of life on the other side. One depicted a hole in the wall with an idyllic beach, while another shows a mountain landscape on the other side. A number of exhibitions also have taken place since 2000, and recent works of art have fetched vast sums of money. Banksy's art is a prime example of the classic controversy: vandalism vs. art. Art supporters endorse his work distributed in urban areas as pieces of art and some councils, such as Bristol and Islington, have officially protected them, while officials of other areas have deemed his work to be vandalism and have removed it.
Pixnit is another artist who chooses to keep her identity from the general public. Her work focuses on beauty and design aspects of graffiti as opposed to Banksy's anti-government shock value. Her paintings are often of flower designs above shops and stores in her local urban area of Cambridge, Massachusetts. Some store owners endorse her work and encourage others to do similar work as well. "One of the pieces was left up above Steve's Kitchen, because it looks pretty awesome"- Erin Scott, the manager of New England Comics in Allston, Massachusetts.
Graffiti artists may become offended if photographs of their art are published in a commercial context without their permission. In March 2020, the Finnish graffiti artist Psyke expressed his displeasure at the newspaper Ilta-Sanomat publishing a photograph of a Peugeot 208 in an article about new cars, with his graffiti prominently shown on the background. The artist claims he does not want his art being used in commercial context, not even if he were to receive compensation.
Territorial graffiti marks urban neighborhoods with tags and logos to differentiate certain groups from others. These images are meant to show outsiders a stern look at whose turf is whose. The subject matter of gang-related graffiti consists of cryptic symbols and initials strictly fashioned with unique calligraphies. Gang members use graffiti to designate membership throughout the gang, to differentiate rivals and associates and, most commonly, to mark borders which are both territorial and ideological.
Graffiti has been used as a means of advertising both legally and illegally. Bronx-based TATS CRU has made a name for themselves doing legal advertising campaigns for companies such as Coca-Cola, McDonald's, Toyota, and MTV. In the UK, Covent Garden's Boxfresh used stencil images of a Zapatista revolutionary in the hopes that cross referencing would promote their store.
Smirnoff hired artists to use reverse graffiti (the use of high pressure hoses to clean dirty surfaces to leave a clean image in the surrounding dirt) to increase awareness of their product.
Graffiti often has a reputation as part of a subculture that rebels against authority, although the considerations of the practitioners often diverge and can relate to a wide range of attitudes. It can express a political practice and can form just one tool in an array of resistance techniques. One early example includes the anarcho-punk band Crass, who conducted a campaign of stenciling anti-war, anarchist, feminist, and anti-consumerist messages throughout the London Underground system during the late 1970s and early 1980s. In Amsterdam graffiti was a major part of the punk scene. The city was covered with names such as "De Zoot", "Vendex", and "Dr Rat". To document the graffiti a punk magazine was started that was called Gallery Anus. So when hip hop came to Europe in the early 1980s there was already a vibrant graffiti culture.
The student protests and general strike of May 1968 saw Paris bedecked in revolutionary, anarchistic, and situationist slogans such as L'ennui est contre-révolutionnaire ("Boredom is counterrevolutionary") and Lisez moins, vivez plus ("Read less, live more"). While not exhaustive, the graffiti gave a sense of the 'millenarian' and rebellious spirit, tempered with a good deal of verbal wit, of the strikers.
I think graffiti writing is a way of defining what our generation is like. Excuse the French, we're not a bunch of p---- artists. Traditionally artists have been considered soft and mellow people, a little bit kooky. Maybe we're a little bit more like pirates that way. We defend our territory, whatever space we steal to paint on, we defend it fiercely.
The developments of graffiti art which took place in art galleries and colleges as well as "on the street" or "underground", contributed to the resurfacing in the 1990s of a far more overtly politicized art form in the subvertising, culture jamming, or tactical media movements. These movements or styles tend to classify the artists by their relationship to their social and economic contexts, since, in most countries, graffiti art remains illegal in many forms except when using non-permanent paint. Since the 1990s with the rise of Street Art, a growing number of artists are switching to non-permanent paints and non-traditional forms of painting.
Contemporary practitioners, accordingly, have varied and often conflicting practices. Some individuals, such as Alexander Brener, have used the medium to politicize other art forms, and have used the prison sentences enforced on them as a means of further protest. The practices of anonymous groups and individuals also vary widely, and practitioners by no means always agree with each other's practices. For example, the anti-capitalist art group the Space Hijackers did a piece in 2004 about the contradiction between the capitalistic elements of Banksy and his use of political imagery.
Berlin human rights activist Irmela Mensah-Schramm has received global media attention and numerous awards for her 35-year campaign of effacing neo-Nazi and other right-wing extremist graffiti throughout Germany, often by altering hate speech in humorous ways.
In Serbian capital, Belgrade, the graffiti depicting a uniformed former general of Serb army and war criminal, convicted at ICTY for war crimes and crimes against humanity, including genocide and ethnic cleansing in Bosnian War, Ratko Mladić, appeared in a military salute alongside the words "General, thank to your mother". Aleks Eror, Berlin-based journalist, explains how "veneration of historical and wartime figures" through street art is not a new phenomenon in the region of former Yugoslavia, and that "in most cases is firmly focused on the future, rather than retelling the past". Eror is not only analyst pointing to danger of such an expressions for the region's future. In a long expose on the subject of Bosnian genocide denial, at Balkan Diskurs magazine and multimedia platform website, Kristina Gadže and Taylor Whitsell referred to these experiences as a young generations' "cultural heritage", in which young are being exposed to celebration and affirmation of war-criminals as part of their "formal education" and "inheritance".
There are numerous examples of genocide denial through celebration and affirmation of war criminals throughout the region of Western Balkans inhabited by Serbs using this form of artistic expression. Several more of these graffiti are found in Serbian capital, and many more across Serbia and Bosnian and Herzegovinian administrative entity, Republika Srpska, which is the ethnic Serbian majority enclave. Critics point that Serbia as a state, is willing to defend the mural of convicted war criminal, and have no intention to react on cases of genocide denial, noting that Interior Minister of Serbia, Aleksandar Vulin decision to ban any gathering with an intent to remove the mural, with the deployment of riot police, sends the message of "tacit endorsement". Consequently, on 9 November 2021, Serbian heavy police in riot gear, with graffiti creators and their supporters, blocked the access to the mural to prevent human rights groups and other activists to paint over it and mark the International Day Against Fascism and Antisemitism in that way, and even arrested two civic activist for throwing eggs at the graffiti.
Graffiti may also be used as an offensive expression. This form of graffiti may be difficult to identify, as it is mostly removed by the local authority (as councils which have adopted strategies of criminalization also strive to remove graffiti quickly). Therefore, existing racist graffiti is mostly more subtle and at first sight, not easily recognized as "racist". It can then be understood only if one knows the relevant "local code" (social, historical, political, temporal, and spatial), which is seen as heteroglot and thus a 'unique set of conditions' in a cultural context.
A spatial code for example, could be that there is a certain youth group in an area that is engaging heavily in racist activities. So, for residents (knowing the local code), a graffiti containing only the name or abbreviation of this gang already is a racist expression, reminding the offended people of their gang activities. Also a graffiti is in most cases, the herald of more serious criminal activity to come. A person who does not know these gang activities would not be able to recognize the meaning of this graffiti. Also if a tag of this youth group or gang is placed on a building occupied by asylum seekers, for example, its racist character is even stronger.
By making the graffiti less explicit (as adapted to social and legal constraints), these drawings are less likely to be removed, but do not lose their threatening and offensive character.
Elsewhere, activists in Russia have used painted caricatures of local officials with their mouths as potholes, to show their anger about the poor state of the roads. In Manchester, England, a graffitists painted obscene images around potholes, which often resulted in them being repaired within 48 hours.
In the early 1980s, the first art galleries to show graffitists to the public were Fashion Moda in the Bronx, Now Gallery and Fun Gallery, both in the East Village, Manhattan.
A 2006 exhibition at the Brooklyn Museum displayed graffiti as an art form that began in New York's outer boroughs and reached great heights in the early 1980s with the work of Crash, Lee, Daze, Keith Haring, and Jean-Michel Basquiat. It displayed 22 works by New York graffitists, including Crash, Daze, and Lady Pink. In an article about the exhibition in the magazine Time Out, curator Charlotta Kotik said that she hoped the exhibition would cause viewers to rethink their assumptions about graffiti.
From the 1970s onwards, Burhan Doğançay photographed urban walls all over the world; these he then archived for use as sources of inspiration for his painterly works. The project today known as "Walls of the World" grew beyond even his own expectations and comprises about 30,000 individual images. It spans a period of 40 years across five continents and 114 countries. In 1982, photographs from this project comprised a one-man exhibition titled "Les murs murmurent, ils crient, ils chantent ..." (The walls whisper, shout and sing ...) at the Centre Georges Pompidou in Paris.
In Australia, art historians have judged some local graffiti of sufficient creative merit to rank them firmly within the arts. Oxford University Press's art history text Australian Painting 1788–2000 concludes with a long discussion of graffiti's key place within contemporary visual culture, including the work of several Australian practitioners.
Between March and April 2009, 150 artists exhibited 300 pieces of graffiti at the Grand Palais in Paris.
Spray paint has many negative environmental effects. The paint contains toxic chemicals, and the can uses volatile hydrocarbon gases to spray the paint onto a surface.
Volatile organic compound (VOC) leads to ground level ozone formation and most of graffiti related emissions are VOCs. A 2010 paper estimates 4,862 tons of VOCs were released in the United States in activities related to graffiti.
In China, Mao Zedong in the 1920s used revolutionary slogans and paintings in public places to galvanize the country's communist movement.
Based on different national conditions, many people believe that China's attitude towards Graffiti is fierce, but in fact, according to Lance Crayon in his film Spray Paint Beijing: Graffiti in the Capital of China, Graffiti is generally accepted in Beijing, with artists not seeing much police interference. Political and religiously sensitive graffiti, however, is not allowed.
In Hong Kong, Tsang Tsou Choi was known as the King of Kowloon for his calligraphy graffiti over many years, in which he claimed ownership of the area. Now some of his work is preserved officially.
In Taiwan, the government has made some concessions to graffitists. Since 2005 they have been allowed to freely display their work along some sections of riverside retaining walls in designated "Graffiti Zones". From 2007, Taipei's department of cultural affairs also began permitting graffiti on fences around major public construction sites. Department head Yong-ping Lee (李永萍) stated, "We will promote graffiti starting with the public sector, and then later in the private sector too. It's our goal to beautify the city with graffiti". The government later helped organize a graffiti contest in Ximending, a popular shopping district. graffitists caught working outside of these designated areas still face fines up to NT$6,000 under a department of environmental protection regulation. However, Taiwanese authorities can be relatively lenient, one veteran police officer stating anonymously, "Unless someone complains about vandalism, we won't get involved. We don't go after it proactively."
In 1993, after several expensive cars in Singapore were spray-painted, the police arrested a student from the Singapore American School, Michael P. Fay, questioned him, and subsequently charged him with vandalism. Fay pleaded guilty to vandalizing a car in addition to stealing road signs. Under the 1966 Vandalism Act of Singapore, originally passed to curb the spread of communist graffiti in Singapore, the court sentenced him to four months in jail, a fine of S$3,500 (US$2,233), and a caning. The New York Times ran several editorials and op-eds that condemned the punishment and called on the American public to flood the Singaporean embassy with protests. Although the Singapore government received many calls for clemency, Fay's caning took place in Singapore on 5 May 1994. Fay had originally received a sentence of six strokes of the cane, but the presiding president of Singapore, Ong Teng Cheong, agreed to reduce his caning sentence to four lashes.
In South Korea, Park Jung-soo was fined two million South Korean won by the Seoul Central District Court for spray-painting a rat on posters of the G-20 Summit a few days before the event in November 2011. Park alleged that the initial in "G-20" sounds like the Korean word for "rat", but Korean government prosecutors alleged that Park was making a derogatory statement about the president of South Korea, Lee Myung-bak, the host of the summit. This case led to public outcry and debate on the lack of government tolerance and in support of freedom of expression. The court ruled that the painting, "an ominous creature like a rat" amounts to "an organized criminal activity" and upheld the fine while denying the prosecution's request for imprisonment for Park.
In Europe, community cleaning squads have responded to graffiti, in some cases with reckless abandon, as when in 1992 in France a local Scout group, attempting to remove modern graffiti, damaged two prehistoric paintings of bison in the Cave of Mayrière supérieure near the French village of Bruniquel in Tarn-et-Garonne, earning them the 1992 Ig Nobel Prize in archeology.
In September 2006, the European Parliament directed the European Commission to create urban environment policies to prevent and eliminate dirt, litter, graffiti, animal excrement, and excessive noise from domestic and vehicular music systems in European cities, along with other concerns over urban life.
In Budapest, Hungary, both a city-backed movement called I Love Budapest and a special police division tackle the problem, including the provision of approved areas.
The Anti-social Behaviour Act 2003 became Britain's latest anti-graffiti legislation. In August 2004, the Keep Britain Tidy campaign issued a press release calling for zero tolerance of graffiti and supporting proposals such as issuing "on the spot" fines to graffiti offenders and banning the sale of aerosol paint to anyone under the age of 16. The press release also condemned the use of graffiti images in advertising and in music videos, arguing that real-world experience of graffiti stood far removed from its often-portrayed "cool" or "edgy'" image.
To back the campaign, 123 Members of Parliament (MPs) (including then Prime Minister Tony Blair), signed a charter which stated: "Graffiti is not art, it's crime. On behalf of my constituents, I will do all I can to rid our community of this problem."
In the UK, city councils have the power to take action against the owner of any property that has been defaced under the Anti-social Behaviour Act 2003 (as amended by the Clean Neighbourhoods and Environment Act 2005) or, in certain cases, the Highways Act. This is often used against owners of property that are complacent in allowing protective boards to be defaced so long as the property is not damaged.
In July 2008, a conspiracy charge was used to convict graffitists for the first time. After a three-month police surveillance operation, nine members of the DPM crew were convicted of conspiracy to commit criminal damage costing at least £1 million. Five of them received prison sentences, ranging from eighteen months to two years. The unprecedented scale of the investigation and the severity of the sentences rekindled public debate over whether graffiti should be considered art or crime.
Some councils, like those of Stroud and Loerrach, provide approved areas in the town where graffitists can showcase their talents, including underpasses, car parks, and walls that might otherwise prove a target for the "spray and run".
Graffiti Tunnel, University of Sydney at Camperdown (2009)
In an effort to reduce vandalism, many cities in Australia have designated walls or areas exclusively for use by graffitists. One early example is the "Graffiti Tunnel" located at the Camperdown Campus of the University of Sydney, which is available for use by any student at the university to tag, advertise, poster, and paint. Advocates of this idea suggest that this discourages petty vandalism yet encourages artists to take their time and produce great art, without worry of being caught or arrested for vandalism or trespassing.[108][109] Others disagree with this approach, arguing that the presence of legal graffiti walls does not demonstrably reduce illegal graffiti elsewhere. Some local government areas throughout Australia have introduced "anti-graffiti squads", who clean graffiti in the area, and such crews as BCW (Buffers Can't Win) have taken steps to keep one step ahead of local graffiti cleaners.
Many state governments have banned the sale or possession of spray paint to those under the age of 18 (age of majority). However, a number of local governments in Victoria have taken steps to recognize the cultural heritage value of some examples of graffiti, such as prominent political graffiti. Tough new graffiti laws have been introduced in Australia with fines of up to A$26,000 and two years in prison.
Melbourne is a prominent graffiti city of Australia with many of its lanes being tourist attractions, such as Hosier Lane in particular, a popular destination for photographers, wedding photography, and backdrops for corporate print advertising. The Lonely Planet travel guide cites Melbourne's street as a major attraction. All forms of graffiti, including sticker art, poster, stencil art, and wheatpasting, can be found in many places throughout the city. Prominent street art precincts include; Fitzroy, Collingwood, Northcote, Brunswick, St. Kilda, and the CBD, where stencil and sticker art is prominent. As one moves farther away from the city, mostly along suburban train lines, graffiti tags become more prominent. Many international artists such as Banksy have left their work in Melbourne and in early 2008 a perspex screen was installed to prevent a Banksy stencil art piece from being destroyed, it has survived since 2003 through the respect of local street artists avoiding posting over it, although it has recently had paint tipped over it.
In February 2008 Helen Clark, the New Zealand prime minister at that time, announced a government crackdown on tagging and other forms of graffiti vandalism, describing it as a destructive crime representing an invasion of public and private property. New legislation subsequently adopted included a ban on the sale of paint spray cans to persons under 18 and increases in maximum fines for the offence from NZ$200 to NZ$2,000 or extended community service. The issue of tagging become a widely debated one following an incident in Auckland during January 2008 in which a middle-aged property owner stabbed one of two teenage taggers to death and was subsequently convicted of manslaughter.
Graffiti databases have increased in the past decade because they allow vandalism incidents to be fully documented against an offender and help the police and prosecution charge and prosecute offenders for multiple counts of vandalism. They also provide law enforcement the ability to rapidly search for an offender's moniker or tag in a simple, effective, and comprehensive way. These systems can also help track costs of damage to a city to help allocate an anti-graffiti budget. The theory is that when an offender is caught putting up graffiti, they are not just charged with one count of vandalism; they can be held accountable for all the other damage for which they are responsible. This has two main benefits for law enforcement. One, it sends a signal to the offenders that their vandalism is being tracked. Two, a city can seek restitution from offenders for all the damage that they have committed, not merely a single incident. These systems give law enforcement personnel real-time, street-level intelligence that allows them not only to focus on the worst graffiti offenders and their damage, but also to monitor potential gang violence that is associated with the graffiti.
Many restrictions of civil gang injunctions are designed to help address and protect the physical environment and limit graffiti. Provisions of gang injunctions include things such as restricting the possession of marker pens, spray paint cans, or other sharp objects capable of defacing private or public property; spray painting, or marking with marker pens, scratching, applying stickers, or otherwise applying graffiti on any public or private property, including, but not limited to the street, alley, residences, block walls, and fences, vehicles or any other real or personal property. Some injunctions contain wording that restricts damaging or vandalizing both public and private property, including but not limited to any vehicle, light fixture, door, fence, wall, gate, window, building, street sign, utility box, telephone box, tree, or power pole.
To help address many of these issues, many local jurisdictions have set up graffiti abatement hotlines, where citizens can call in and report vandalism and have it removed. San Diego's hotline receives more than 5,000 calls per year, in addition to reporting the graffiti, callers can learn more about prevention. One of the complaints about these hotlines is the response time; there is often a lag time between a property owner calling about the graffiti and its removal. The length of delay should be a consideration for any jurisdiction planning on operating a hotline. Local jurisdictions must convince the callers that their complaint of vandalism will be a priority and cleaned off right away. If the jurisdiction does not have the resources to respond to complaints in a timely manner, the value of the hotline diminishes. Crews must be able to respond to individual service calls made to the graffiti hotline as well as focus on cleanup near schools, parks, and major intersections and transit routes to have the biggest impact. Some cities offer a reward for information leading to the arrest and prosecution of suspects for tagging or graffiti related vandalism. The amount of the reward is based on the information provided, and the action taken.
When police obtain search warrants in connection with a vandalism investigation, they are often seeking judicial approval to look for items such as cans of spray paint and nozzles from other kinds of aerosol sprays; etching tools, or other sharp or pointed objects, which could be used to etch or scratch glass and other hard surfaces; permanent marking pens, markers, or paint sticks; evidence of membership or affiliation with any gang or tagging crew; paraphernalia including any reference to "(tagger's name)"; any drawings, writing, objects, or graffiti depicting taggers' names, initials, logos, monikers, slogans, or any mention of tagging crew membership; and any newspaper clippings relating to graffiti crime.
Longueur : 24,4 m
Capacité : 154 voyageurs
Constructeur : Carrosserie Hess AG
Exploitant : Réseau Stan
Pays : France🇫🇷
Ville : Nancy (54000)
Nombre de trolley : 25
Ganesha, also spelled Ganesh, and also known as Ganapati and Vinayaka, is a widely worshipped deity in the Hindu pantheon. His image is found throughout India and Nepal. Hindu sects worship him regardless of affiliations. Devotion to Ganesha is widely diffused and extends to Jains, Buddhists, and beyond India.
Although he is known by many attributes, Ganesha's elephant head makes him easy to identify. Ganesha is widely revered as the remover of obstacles, the patron of arts and sciences and the deva of intellect and wisdom. As the god of beginnings, he is honoured at the start of rituals and ceremonies. Ganesha is also invoked as patron of letters and learning during writing sessions. Several texts relate mythological anecdotes associated with his birth and exploits and explain his distinct iconography.
Ganesha emerged as a distinct deity in the 4th and 5th centuries CE, during the Gupta Period, although he inherited traits from Vedic and pre-Vedic precursors. He was formally included among the five primary deities of Smartism (a Hindu denomination) in the 9th century. A sect of devotees called the Ganapatya arose, who identified Ganesha as the supreme deity. The principal scriptures dedicated to Ganesha are the Ganesha Purana, the Mudgala Purana, and the Ganapati Atharvashirsa.
ETYMOLOGY AND OTHER NAMES
Ganesha has been ascribed many other titles and epithets, including Ganapati and Vighneshvara. The Hindu title of respect Shri is often added before his name. One popular way Ganesha is worshipped is by chanting a Ganesha Sahasranama, a litany of "a thousand names of Ganesha". Each name in the sahasranama conveys a different meaning and symbolises a different aspect of Ganesha. At least two different versions of the Ganesha Sahasranama exist; one version is drawn from the Ganesha Purana, a Hindu scripture venerating Ganesha.
The name Ganesha is a Sanskrit compound, joining the words gana, meaning a group, multitude, or categorical system and isha, meaning lord or master. The word gaņa when associated with Ganesha is often taken to refer to the gaņas, a troop of semi-divine beings that form part of the retinue of Shiva. The term more generally means a category, class, community, association, or corporation. Some commentators interpret the name "Lord of the Gaņas" to mean "Lord of Hosts" or "Lord of created categories", such as the elements. Ganapati, a synonym for Ganesha, is a compound composed of gaṇa, meaning "group", and pati, meaning "ruler" or "lord". The Amarakosha, an early Sanskrit lexicon, lists eight synonyms of Ganesha : Vinayaka, Vighnarāja (equivalent to Vighnesha), Dvaimātura (one who has two mothers), Gaṇādhipa (equivalent to Ganapati and Ganesha), Ekadanta (one who has one tusk), Heramba, Lambodara (one who has a pot belly, or, literally, one who has a hanging belly), and Gajanana; having the face of an elephant).
Vinayaka is a common name for Ganesha that appears in the Purāṇas and in Buddhist Tantras. This name is reflected in the naming of the eight famous Ganesha temples in Maharashtra known as the Ashtavinayak (aṣṭavināyaka). The names Vighnesha and Vighneshvara (Lord of Obstacles) refers to his primary function in Hindu theology as the master and remover of obstacles (vighna).
A prominent name for Ganesha in the Tamil language is Pillai. A. K. Narain differentiates these terms by saying that pillai means a "child" while pillaiyar means a "noble child". He adds that the words pallu, pella, and pell in the Dravidian family of languages signify "tooth or tusk", also "elephant tooth or tusk". Anita Raina Thapan notes that the root word pille in the name Pillaiyar might have originally meant "the young of the elephant", because the Pali word pillaka means "a young elephant".
In the Burmese language, Ganesha is known as Maha Peinne, derived from Pali Mahā Wināyaka. The widespread name of Ganesha in Thailand is Phra Phikhanet or Phra Phikhanesuan, both of which are derived from Vara Vighnesha and Vara Vighneshvara respectively, whereas the name Khanet (from Ganesha) is rather rare.
In Sri Lanka, in the North-Central and North Western areas with predominantly Buddhist population, Ganesha is known as Aiyanayaka Deviyo, while in other Singhala Buddhist areas he is known as Gana deviyo.
ICONOGRAPHY
Ganesha is a popular figure in Indian art. Unlike those of some deities, representations of Ganesha show wide variations and distinct patterns changing over time. He may be portrayed standing, dancing, heroically taking action against demons, playing with his family as a boy, sitting down or on an elevated seat, or engaging in a range of contemporary situations.
Ganesha images were prevalent in many parts of India by the 6th century. The 13th century statue pictured is typical of Ganesha statuary from 900–1200, after Ganesha had been well-established as an independent deity with his own sect. This example features some of Ganesha's common iconographic elements. A virtually identical statue has been dated between 973–1200 by Paul Martin-Dubost, and another similar statue is dated c. 12th century by Pratapaditya Pal. Ganesha has the head of an elephant and a big belly. This statue has four arms, which is common in depictions of Ganesha. He holds his own broken tusk in his lower-right hand and holds a delicacy, which he samples with his trunk, in his lower-left hand. The motif of Ganesha turning his trunk sharply to his left to taste a sweet in his lower-left hand is a particularly archaic feature. A more primitive statue in one of the Ellora Caves with this general form has been dated to the 7th century. Details of the other hands are difficult to make out on the statue shown. In the standard configuration, Ganesha typically holds an axe or a goad in one upper arm and a pasha (noose) in the other upper arm.
The influence of this old constellation of iconographic elements can still be seen in contemporary representations of Ganesha. In one modern form, the only variation from these old elements is that the lower-right hand does not hold the broken tusk but is turned towards the viewer in a gesture of protection or fearlessness (abhaya mudra). The same combination of four arms and attributes occurs in statues of Ganesha dancing, which is a very popular theme.
COMMON ATTRIBUTES
Ganesha has been represented with the head of an elephant since the early stages of his appearance in Indian art. Puranic myths provide many explanations for how he got his elephant head. One of his popular forms, Heramba-Ganapati, has five elephant heads, and other less-common variations in the number of heads are known. While some texts say that Ganesha was born with an elephant head, he acquires the head later in most stories. The most recurrent motif in these stories is that Ganesha was created by Parvati using clay to protect her and Shiva beheaded him when Ganesha came between Shiva and Parvati. Shiva then replaced Ganesha's original head with that of an elephant. Details of the battle and where the replacement head came from vary from source to source. Another story says that Ganesha was created directly by Shiva's laughter. Because Shiva considered Ganesha too alluring, he gave him the head of an elephant and a protruding belly.
Ganesha's earliest name was Ekadanta (One Tusked), referring to his single whole tusk, the other being broken. Some of the earliest images of Ganesha show him holding his broken tusk. The importance of this distinctive feature is reflected in the Mudgala Purana, which states that the name of Ganesha's second incarnation is Ekadanta. Ganesha's protruding belly appears as a distinctive attribute in his earliest statuary, which dates to the Gupta period (4th to 6th centuries). This feature is so important that, according to the Mudgala Purana, two different incarnations of Ganesha use names based on it: Lambodara (Pot Belly, or, literally, Hanging Belly) and Mahodara (Great Belly). Both names are Sanskrit compounds describing his belly. The Brahmanda Purana says that Ganesha has the name Lambodara because all the universes (i.e., cosmic eggs) of the past, present, and future are present in him. The number of Ganesha's arms varies; his best-known forms have between two and sixteen arms. Many depictions of Ganesha feature four arms, which is mentioned in Puranic sources and codified as a standard form in some iconographic texts. His earliest images had two arms. Forms with 14 and 20 arms appeared in Central India during the 9th and the 10th centuries. The serpent is a common feature in Ganesha iconography and appears in many forms. According to the Ganesha Purana, Ganesha wrapped the serpent Vasuki around his neck. Other depictions of snakes include use as a sacred thread wrapped around the stomach as a belt, held in a hand, coiled at the ankles, or as a throne. Upon Ganesha's forehead may be a third eye or the Shaivite sectarian mark , which consists of three horizontal lines. The Ganesha Purana prescribes a tilaka mark as well as a crescent moon on the forehead. A distinct form of Ganesha called Bhalachandra includes that iconographic element. Ganesha is often described as red in color. Specific colors are associated with certain forms. Many examples of color associations with specific meditation forms are prescribed in the Sritattvanidhi, a treatise on Hindu iconography. For example, white is associated with his representations as Heramba-Ganapati and Rina-Mochana-Ganapati (Ganapati Who Releases from Bondage). Ekadanta-Ganapati is visualized as blue during meditation in that form.
VAHANAS
The earliest Ganesha images are without a vahana (mount/vehicle). Of the eight incarnations of Ganesha described in the Mudgala Purana, Ganesha uses a mouse (shrew) in five of them, a lion in his incarnation as Vakratunda, a peacock in his incarnation as Vikata, and Shesha, the divine serpent, in his incarnation as Vighnaraja. Mohotkata uses a lion, Mayūreśvara uses a peacock, Dhumraketu uses a horse, and Gajanana uses a mouse, in the four incarnations of Ganesha listed in the Ganesha Purana. Jain depictions of Ganesha show his vahana variously as a mouse, elephant, tortoise, ram, or peacock.
Ganesha is often shown riding on or attended by a mouse, shrew or rat. Martin-Dubost says that the rat began to appear as the principal vehicle in sculptures of Ganesha in central and western India during the 7th century; the rat was always placed close to his feet. The mouse as a mount first appears in written sources in the Matsya Purana and later in the Brahmananda Purana and Ganesha Purana, where Ganesha uses it as his vehicle in his last incarnation. The Ganapati Atharvashirsa includes a meditation verse on Ganesha that describes the mouse appearing on his flag. The names Mūṣakavāhana (mouse-mount) and Ākhuketana (rat-banner) appear in the Ganesha Sahasranama.
The mouse is interpreted in several ways. According to Grimes, "Many, if not most of those who interpret Gaṇapati's mouse, do so negatively; it symbolizes tamoguṇa as well as desire". Along these lines, Michael Wilcockson says it symbolizes those who wish to overcome desires and be less selfish. Krishan notes that the rat is destructive and a menace to crops. The Sanskrit word mūṣaka (mouse) is derived from the root mūṣ (stealing, robbing). It was essential to subdue the rat as a destructive pest, a type of vighna (impediment) that needed to be overcome. According to this theory, showing Ganesha as master of the rat demonstrates his function as Vigneshvara (Lord of Obstacles) and gives evidence of his possible role as a folk grāma-devatā (village deity) who later rose to greater prominence. Martin-Dubost notes a view that the rat is a symbol suggesting that Ganesha, like the rat, penetrates even the most secret places.
ASSOCIATIONS
OBSTACLES
Ganesha is Vighneshvara or Vighnaraja or Vighnaharta (Marathi), the Lord of Obstacles, both of a material and spiritual order. He is popularly worshipped as a remover of obstacles, though traditionally he also places obstacles in the path of those who need to be checked. Paul Courtright says that "his task in the divine scheme of things, his dharma, is to place and remove obstacles. It is his particular territory, the reason for his creation."
Krishan notes that some of Ganesha's names reflect shadings of multiple roles that have evolved over time. Dhavalikar ascribes the quick ascension of Ganesha in the Hindu pantheon, and the emergence of the Ganapatyas, to this shift in emphasis from vighnakartā (obstacle-creator) to vighnahartā (obstacle-averter). However, both functions continue to be vital to his character.
BUDDHI (KNOWLEDGE)
Ganesha is considered to be the Lord of letters and learning. In Sanskrit, the word buddhi is a feminine noun that is variously translated as intelligence, wisdom, or intellect. The concept of buddhi is closely associated with the personality of Ganesha, especially in the Puranic period, when many stories stress his cleverness and love of intelligence. One of Ganesha's names in the Ganesha Purana and the Ganesha Sahasranama is Buddhipriya. This name also appears in a list of 21 names at the end of the Ganesha Sahasranama that Ganesha says are especially important. The word priya can mean "fond of", and in a marital context it can mean "lover" or "husband", so the name may mean either "Fond of Intelligence" or "Buddhi's Husband".
AUM
Ganesha is identified with the Hindu mantra Aum, also spelled Om. The term oṃkārasvarūpa (Aum is his form), when identified with Ganesha, refers to the notion that he personifies the primal sound. The Ganapati Atharvashirsa attests to this association. Chinmayananda translates the relevant passage as follows:
(O Lord Ganapati!) You are (the Trinity) Brahma, Vishnu, and Mahesa. You are Indra. You are fire [Agni] and air [Vāyu]. You are the sun [Sūrya] and the moon [Chandrama]. You are Brahman. You are (the three worlds) Bhuloka [earth], Antariksha-loka [space], and Swargaloka [heaven]. You are Om. (That is to say, You are all this).
Some devotees see similarities between the shape of Ganesha's body in iconography and the shape of Aum in the Devanāgarī and Tamil scripts.
FIRST CHAKRA
According to Kundalini yoga, Ganesha resides in the first chakra, called Muladhara (mūlādhāra). Mula means "original, main"; adhara means "base, foundation". The muladhara chakra is the principle on which the manifestation or outward expansion of primordial Divine Force rests. This association is also attested to in the Ganapati Atharvashirsa. Courtright translates this passage as follows: "[O Ganesha,] You continually dwell in the sacral plexus at the base of the spine [mūlādhāra cakra]." Thus, Ganesha has a permanent abode in every being at the Muladhara. Ganesha holds, supports and guides all other chakras, thereby "governing the forces that propel the wheel of life".
FAMILY AND CONSORTS
Though Ganesha is popularly held to be the son of Shiva and Parvati, the Puranic myths give different versions about his birth. In some he was created by Parvati, in another he was created by Shiva and Parvati, in another he appeared mysteriously and was discovered by Shiva and Parvati or he was born from the elephant headed goddess Malini after she drank Parvati's bath water that had been thrown in the river.
The family includes his brother the war god Kartikeya, who is also called Subramanya, Skanda, Murugan and other names. Regional differences dictate the order of their births. In northern India, Skanda is generally said to be the elder, while in the south, Ganesha is considered the first born. In northern India, Skanda was an important martial deity from about 500 BCE to about 600 CE, when worship of him declined significantly in northern India. As Skanda fell, Ganesha rose. Several stories tell of sibling rivalry between the brothers and may reflect sectarian tensions.
Ganesha's marital status, the subject of considerable scholarly review, varies widely in mythological stories. One pattern of myths identifies Ganesha as an unmarried brahmacari. This view is common in southern India and parts of northern India. Another pattern associates him with the concepts of Buddhi (intellect), Siddhi (spiritual power), and Riddhi (prosperity); these qualities are sometimes personified as goddesses, said to be Ganesha's wives. He also may be shown with a single consort or a nameless servant (Sanskrit: daşi). Another pattern connects Ganesha with the goddess of culture and the arts, Sarasvati or Śarda (particularly in Maharashtra). He is also associated with the goddess of luck and prosperity, Lakshmi. Another pattern, mainly prevalent in the Bengal region, links Ganesha with the banana tree, Kala Bo.
The Shiva Purana says that Ganesha had begotten two sons: Kşema (prosperity) and Lābha (profit). In northern Indian variants of this story, the sons are often said to be Śubha (auspiciouness) and Lābha. The 1975 Hindi film Jai Santoshi Maa shows Ganesha married to Riddhi and Siddhi and having a daughter named Santoshi Ma, the goddess of satisfaction. This story has no Puranic basis, but Anita Raina Thapan and Lawrence Cohen cite Santoshi Ma's cult as evidence of Ganesha's continuing evolution as a popular deity.
WOSHIP AND FESTIVALS
Ganesha is worshipped on many religious and secular occasions; especially at the beginning of ventures such as buying a vehicle or starting a business. K.N. Somayaji says, "there can hardly be a [Hindu] home [in India] which does not house an idol of Ganapati. [..] Ganapati, being the most popular deity in India, is worshipped by almost all castes and in all parts of the country". Devotees believe that if Ganesha is propitiated, he grants success, prosperity and protection against adversity.
Ganesha is a non-sectarian deity, and Hindus of all denominations invoke him at the beginning of prayers, important undertakings, and religious ceremonies. Dancers and musicians, particularly in southern India, begin performances of arts such as the Bharatnatyam dance with a prayer to Ganesha. Mantras such as Om Shri Gaṇeshāya Namah (Om, salutation to the Illustrious Ganesha) are often used. One of the most famous mantras associated with Ganesha is Om Gaṃ Ganapataye Namah (Om, Gaṃ, Salutation to the Lord of Hosts).
Devotees offer Ganesha sweets such as modaka and small sweet balls (laddus). He is often shown carrying a bowl of sweets, called a modakapātra. Because of his identification with the color red, he is often worshipped with red sandalwood paste (raktacandana) or red flowers. Dūrvā grass (Cynodon dactylon) and other materials are also used in his worship.
Festivals associated with Ganesh are Ganesh Chaturthi or Vināyaka chaturthī in the śuklapakṣa (the fourth day of the waxing moon) in the month of bhādrapada (August/September) and the Gaṇeśa jayanti (Gaṇeśa's birthday) celebrated on the cathurthī of the śuklapakṣa (fourth day of the waxing moon) in the month of māgha (January/February)."
GANESH CHATURTI
An annual festival honours Ganesha for ten days, starting on Ganesha Chaturthi, which typically falls in late August or early September. The festival begins with people bringing in clay idols of Ganesha, symbolising Ganesha's visit. The festival culminates on the day of Ananta Chaturdashi, when idols (murtis) of Ganesha are immersed in the most convenient body of water. Some families have a tradition of immersion on the 2nd, 3rd, 5th, or 7th day. In 1893, Lokmanya Tilak transformed this annual Ganesha festival from private family celebrations into a grand public event. He did so "to bridge the gap between the Brahmins and the non-Brahmins and find an appropriate context in which to build a new grassroots unity between them" in his nationalistic strivings against the British in Maharashtra. Because of Ganesha's wide appeal as "the god for Everyman", Tilak chose him as a rallying point for Indian protest against British rule. Tilak was the first to install large public images of Ganesha in pavilions, and he established the practice of submerging all the public images on the tenth day. Today, Hindus across India celebrate the Ganapati festival with great fervour, though it is most popular in the state of Maharashtra. The festival also assumes huge proportions in Mumbai, Pune, and in the surrounding belt of Ashtavinayaka temples.
TEMPLES
In Hindu temples, Ganesha is depicted in various ways: as an acolyte or subordinate deity (pãrśva-devatã); as a deity related to the principal deity (parivāra-devatã); or as the principal deity of the temple (pradhāna), treated similarly as the highest gods of the Hindu pantheon. As the god of transitions, he is placed at the doorway of many Hindu temples to keep out the unworthy, which is analogous to his role as Parvati’s doorkeeper. In addition, several shrines are dedicated to Ganesha himself, of which the Ashtavinayak (lit. "eight Ganesha (shrines)") in Maharashtra are particularly well known. Located within a 100-kilometer radius of the city of Pune, each of these eight shrines celebrates a particular form of Ganapati, complete with its own lore and legend. The eight shrines are: Morgaon, Siddhatek, Pali, Mahad, Theur, Lenyadri, Ozar and Ranjangaon.
There are many other important Ganesha temples at the following locations: Wai in Maharashtra; Ujjain in Madhya Pradesh; Jodhpur, Nagaur and Raipur (Pali) in Rajasthan; Baidyanath in Bihar; Baroda, Dholaka, and Valsad in Gujarat and Dhundiraj Temple in Varanasi, Uttar Pradesh. Prominent Ganesha temples in southern India include the following: Kanipakam in Chittoor; the Jambukeśvara Temple at Tiruchirapalli; at Rameshvaram and Suchindram in Tamil Nadu; at Malliyur, Kottarakara, Pazhavangadi, Kasargod in Kerala, Hampi, and Idagunji in Karnataka; and Bhadrachalam in Andhra Pradesh.
T. A. Gopinatha notes, "Every village however small has its own image of Vighneśvara (Vigneshvara) with or without a temple to house it in. At entrances of villages and forts, below pīpaḹa (Sacred fig) trees [...], in a niche [...] in temples of Viṣṇu (Vishnu) as well as Śiva (Shiva) and also in separate shrines specially constructed in Śiva temples [...]; the figure of Vighneśvara is invariably seen." Ganesha temples have also been built outside of India, including southeast Asia, Nepal (including the four Vinayaka shrines in the Kathmandu valley), and in several western countries.
RISE TO PROMINENCE
FIRST APEARANCE
Ganesha appeared in his classic form as a clearly recognizable deity with well-defined iconographic attributes in the early 4th to 5th centuries. Shanti Lal Nagar says that the earliest known iconic image of Ganesha is in the niche of the Shiva temple at Bhumra, which has been dated to the Gupta period. His independent cult appeared by about the 10th century. Narain summarizes the controversy between devotees and academics regarding the development of Ganesha as follows:
What is inscrutable is the somewhat dramatic appearance of Gaņeśa on the historical scene. His antecedents are not clear. His wide acceptance and popularity, which transcend sectarian and territorial limits, are indeed amazing. On the one hand there is the pious belief of the orthodox devotees in Gaņeśa's Vedic origins and in the Purāṇic explanations contained in the confusing, but nonetheless interesting, mythology. On the other hand there are doubts about the existence of the idea and the icon of this deity" before the fourth to fifth century A.D. ... [I]n my opinion, indeed there is no convincing evidence of the existence of this divinity prior to the fifth century.
POSSIBLE INFLUENCES
Courtright reviews various speculative theories about the early history of Ganesha, including supposed tribal traditions and animal cults, and dismisses all of them in this way:
In the post 600 BC period there is evidence of people and places named after the animal. The motif appears on coins and sculptures.
Thapan's book on the development of Ganesha devotes a chapter to speculations about the role elephants had in early India but concludes that, "although by the second century CE the elephant-headed yakṣa form exists it cannot be presumed to represent Gaṇapati-Vināyaka. There is no evidence of a deity by this name having an elephant or elephant-headed form at this early stage. Gaṇapati-Vināyaka had yet to make his debut."
One theory of the origin of Ganesha is that he gradually came to prominence in connection with the four Vinayakas (Vināyakas). In Hindu mythology, the Vināyakas were a group of four troublesome demons who created obstacles and difficulties but who were easily propitiated. The name Vināyaka is a common name for Ganesha both in the Purāṇas and in Buddhist Tantras. Krishan is one of the academics who accepts this view, stating flatly of Ganesha, "He is a non-vedic god. His origin is to be traced to the four Vināyakas, evil spirits, of the Mānavagŗhyasūtra (7th–4th century BCE) who cause various types of evil and suffering". Depictions of elephant-headed human figures, which some identify with Ganesha, appear in Indian art and coinage as early as the 2nd century. According to Ellawala, the elephant-headed Ganesha as lord of the Ganas was known to the people of Sri Lanka in the early pre-Christian era.
A metal plate depiction of Ganesha had been discovered in 1993, in Iran, it dated back to 1,200 BCE. Another one was discovered much before, in Lorestan Province of Iran.
First Ganesha's terracotta images are from 1st century CE found in Ter, Pal, Verrapuram and Chandraketugarh. These figures are small, with elephant head, two arms, and chubby physique. The earliest Ganesha icons in stone were carved in Mathura during Kushan times (2nd-3rd centuries CE).
VEDIC AND EPIC LITERATURE
The title "Leader of the group" (Sanskrit: gaṇapati) occurs twice in the Rig Veda, but in neither case does it refer to the modern Ganesha. The term appears in RV 2.23.1 as a title for Brahmanaspati, according to commentators. While this verse doubtless refers to Brahmanaspati, it was later adopted for worship of Ganesha and is still used today. In rejecting any claim that this passage is evidence of Ganesha in the Rig Veda, Ludo Rocher says that it "clearly refers to Bṛhaspati—who is the deity of the hymn—and Bṛhaspati only". Equally clearly, the second passage (RV 10.112.9) refers to Indra, who is given the epithet 'gaṇapati', translated "Lord of the companies (of the Maruts)." However, Rocher notes that the more recent Ganapatya literature often quotes the Rigvedic verses to give Vedic respectability to Ganesha .
Two verses in texts belonging to Black Yajurveda, Maitrāyaṇīya Saṃhitā (2.9.1) and Taittirīya Āraṇyaka (10.1), appeal to a deity as "the tusked one" (Dantiḥ), "elephant-faced" (Hastimukha), and "with a curved trunk" (Vakratuņḍa). These names are suggestive of Ganesha, and the 14th century commentator Sayana explicitly establishes this identification. The description of Dantin, possessing a twisted trunk (vakratuṇḍa) and holding a corn-sheaf, a sugar cane, and a club, is so characteristic of the Puranic Ganapati that Heras says "we cannot resist to accept his full identification with this Vedic Dantin". However, Krishan considers these hymns to be post-Vedic additions. Thapan reports that these passages are "generally considered to have been interpolated". Dhavalikar says, "the references to the elephant-headed deity in the Maitrāyaṇī Saṃhitā have been proven to be very late interpolations, and thus are not very helpful for determining the early formation of the deity".
Ganesha does not appear in Indian epic literature that is dated to the Vedic period. A late interpolation to the epic poem Mahabharata says that the sage Vyasa (Vyāsa) asked Ganesha to serve as his scribe to transcribe the poem as he dictated it to him. Ganesha agreed but only on condition that Vyasa recite the poem uninterrupted, that is, without pausing. The sage agreed, but found that to get any rest he needed to recite very complex passages so Ganesha would have to ask for clarifications. The story is not accepted as part of the original text by the editors of the critical edition of the Mahabharata, in which the twenty-line story is relegated to a footnote in an appendix. The story of Ganesha acting as the scribe occurs in 37 of the 59 manuscripts consulted during preparation of the critical edition. Ganesha's association with mental agility and learning is one reason he is shown as scribe for Vyāsa's dictation of the Mahabharata in this interpolation. Richard L. Brown dates the story to the 8th century, and Moriz Winternitz concludes that it was known as early as c. 900, but it was not added to the Mahabharata some 150 years later. Winternitz also notes that a distinctive feature in South Indian manuscripts of the Mahabharata is their omission of this Ganesha legend. The term vināyaka is found in some recensions of the Śāntiparva and Anuśāsanaparva that are regarded as interpolations. A reference to Vighnakartṛīṇām ("Creator of Obstacles") in Vanaparva is also believed to be an interpolation and does not appear in the critical edition.
PURANIC PERIOD
Stories about Ganesha often occur in the Puranic corpus. Brown notes while the Puranas "defy precise chronological ordering", the more detailed narratives of Ganesha's life are in the late texts, c. 600–1300. Yuvraj Krishan says that the Puranic myths about the birth of Ganesha and how he acquired an elephant's head are in the later Puranas, which were composed from c. 600 onwards. He elaborates on the matter to say that references to Ganesha in the earlier Puranas, such as the Vayu and Brahmanda Puranas, are later interpolations made during the 7th to 10th centuries.
In his survey of Ganesha's rise to prominence in Sanskrit literature, Ludo Rocher notes that:
Above all, one cannot help being struck by the fact that the numerous stories surrounding Gaṇeśa concentrate on an unexpectedly limited number of incidents. These incidents are mainly three: his birth and parenthood, his elephant head, and his single tusk. Other incidents are touched on in the texts, but to a far lesser extent.
Ganesha's rise to prominence was codified in the 9th century, when he was formally included as one of the five primary deities of Smartism. The 9th-century philosopher Adi Shankara popularized the "worship of the five forms" (Panchayatana puja) system among orthodox Brahmins of the Smarta tradition. This worship practice invokes the five deities Ganesha, Vishnu, Shiva, Devi, and Surya. Adi Shankara instituted the tradition primarily to unite the principal deities of these five major sects on an equal status. This formalized the role of Ganesha as a complementary deity.
SCRIPTURES
Once Ganesha was accepted as one of the five principal deities of Brahmanism, some Brahmins (brāhmaṇas) chose to worship Ganesha as their principal deity. They developed the Ganapatya tradition, as seen in the Ganesha Purana and the Mudgala Purana.
The date of composition for the Ganesha Purana and the Mudgala Purana - and their dating relative to one another - has sparked academic debate. Both works were developed over time and contain age-layered strata. Anita Thapan reviews comments about dating and provides her own judgement. "It seems likely that the core of the Ganesha Purana appeared around the twelfth and thirteenth centuries", she says, "but was later interpolated." Lawrence W. Preston considers the most reasonable date for the Ganesha Purana to be between 1100 and 1400, which coincides with the apparent age of the sacred sites mentioned by the text.
R.C. Hazra suggests that the Mudgala Purana is older than the Ganesha Purana, which he dates between 1100 and 1400. However, Phyllis Granoff finds problems with this relative dating and concludes that the Mudgala Purana was the last of the philosophical texts concerned with Ganesha. She bases her reasoning on the fact that, among other internal evidence, the Mudgala Purana specifically mentions the Ganesha Purana as one of the four Puranas (the Brahma, the Brahmanda, the Ganesha, and the Mudgala Puranas) which deal at length with Ganesha. While the kernel of the text must be old, it was interpolated until the 17th and 18th centuries as the worship of Ganapati became more important in certain regions. Another highly regarded scripture, the Ganapati Atharvashirsa, was probably composed during the 16th or 17th centuries.
BEYOND INDIA AND HINDUISM
Commercial and cultural contacts extended India's influence in western and southeast Asia. Ganesha is one of a number of Hindu deities who reached foreign lands as a result.
Ganesha was particularly worshipped by traders and merchants, who went out of India for commercial ventures. From approximately the 10th century onwards, new networks of exchange developed including the formation of trade guilds and a resurgence of money circulation. During this time, Ganesha became the principal deity associated with traders. The earliest inscription invoking Ganesha before any other deity is associated with the merchant community.
Hindus migrated to Maritime Southeast Asia and took their culture, including Ganesha, with them. Statues of Ganesha are found throughout the region, often beside Shiva sanctuaries. The forms of Ganesha found in Hindu art of Java, Bali, and Borneo show specific regional influences. The spread of Hindu culture to southeast Asia established Ganesha in modified forms in Burma, Cambodia, and Thailand. In Indochina, Hinduism and Buddhism were practiced side by side, and mutual influences can be seen in the iconography of Ganesha in the region. In Thailand, Cambodia, and among the Hindu classes of the Chams in Vietnam, Ganesha was mainly thought of as a remover of obstacles. Today in Buddhist Thailand, Ganesha is regarded as a remover of obstacles, the god of success.
Before the arrival of Islam, Afghanistan had close cultural ties with India, and the adoration of both Hindu and Buddhist deities was practiced. Examples of sculptures from the 5th to the 7th centuries have survived, suggesting that the worship of Ganesha was then in vogue in the region.
Ganesha appears in Mahayana Buddhism, not only in the form of the Buddhist god Vināyaka, but also as a Hindu demon form with the same name. His image appears in Buddhist sculptures during the late Gupta period. As the Buddhist god Vināyaka, he is often shown dancing. This form, called Nṛtta Ganapati, was popular in northern India, later adopted in Nepal, and then in Tibet. In Nepal, the Hindu form of Ganesha, known as Heramba, is popular; he has five heads and rides a lion. Tibetan representations of Ganesha show ambivalent views of him. A Tibetan rendering of Ganapati is tshogs bdag. In one Tibetan form, he is shown being trodden under foot by Mahākāla, (Shiva) a popular Tibetan deity. Other depictions show him as the Destroyer of Obstacles, and sometimes dancing. Ganesha appears in China and Japan in forms that show distinct regional character. In northern China, the earliest known stone statue of Ganesha carries an inscription dated to 531. In Japan, where Ganesha is known as Kangiten, the Ganesha cult was first mentioned in 806.
The canonical literature of Jainism does not mention the worship of Ganesha. However, Ganesha is worshipped by most Jains, for whom he appears to have taken over certain functions of Kubera. Jain connections with the trading community support the idea that Jainism took up Ganesha worship as a result of commercial connections. The earliest known Jain Ganesha statue dates to about the 9th century. A 15th-century Jain text lists procedures for the installation of Ganapati images. Images of Ganesha appear in the Jain temples of Rajasthan and Gujarat.
WIKIPEDIA
Lagos de Covadonga, Asturias, España.
El conjunto de los lagos de Covadonga está formado por dos pequeños lagos, el Enol y el Ercina de origen glaciar situados en la parte asturiana del Parque Nacional de los Picos de Europa, en el macizo occidental de dicha cadena montañosa. Existe un tercer lago, el Bricial, que solo tiene agua durante el deshielo, pero también pertenece al conjunto. En Asturias son conocidos simplemente como los lagos.
Se sitúan en el concejo de Cangas de Onís y se accede a ellos a través de una carretera de 14,5 km que nace en el Real Sitio de Covadonga para llegar en primer lugar al lago Enol, incluyendo también una pequeña carretera que les llevaría hasta el Lago Ercina. Su frecuente uso desde 1983 como final de etapa en la Vuelta ciclista a España ha popularizado internacionalmente el paraje.
La afluencia masiva de turistas, sobre todo aficionados al ciclismo, ha obligado a limitar el desarrollo de pruebas ciclistas en el entorno de Los Lagos. No obstante, la zona cuenta con una infraestructura turística.
La excesiva afluencia de visitas, en especial en temporada alta, también ha supuesto que el acceso en coche a los Lagos esté restringido, pudiendo acceder únicamente utilizando el transporte público habilitado para ello. Los vehículos particulares solo pueden circular a primera hora de la mañana (antes de las 8:30 a.m) y a última de la tarde ( a partir de las 20:00p.m). En temporada baja, no hay rectricciones de acceso con vehículo particular.
En las proximidades del lago Ercina, en Buferrera, hasta 1979 se explotaron minas de hierro, manganeso y mercurio. Las personas que visitan dicho paraje tienen a su disposición un aparcamiento "aparcamiento de Buferrera", un centro de visitantes , un refugio y dos bares restaurante para su disfrute.
The set of Covadonga lakes is made up of two small lakes, the Enol and the Ercina, of glacial origin, located in the Asturian part of the Picos de Europa National Park, in the western massif of said mountain range. There is a third lake, the Bricial, which only has water during the thaw, but it also belongs to the whole.In Asturias they are known simply as the lakes.
They are located in the council of Cangas de Onís and are accessed through a 14.5 km road that starts at the Real Sitio de Covadonga to reach Lake Enol first, including also a small road that would take them to Lake Ercina. Its frequent use since 1983 as the end of the stage in the Cycling Tour of Spain has made the place internationally popular.
The massive influx of tourists, especially cycling fans, has forced to limit the development of cycling events in the surroundings of Los Lagos. However, the area has a tourist infrastructure.
The excessive influx of visitors, especially in high season, has also meant that access by car to the Lakes is restricted, and can only be accessed using public transport enabled for this. Private vehicles can only circulate first thing in the morning (before 8:30 a.m.) and late in the afternoon (after 20:00 p.m.). In low season, there are no access restrictions with a private vehicle.
In the vicinity of Lake Ercina, in Buferrera, iron, manganese and mercury mines were exploited until 1979. People who visit this place have at their disposal a "Buferrera parking" car park, a visitor center, a shelter and two restaurant bars for their enjoyment.
+++ DISCLAIMER +++
Nothing you see here is real, even though the conversion or the presented background story might be based historical facts. BEWARE!
Some background:
In March 1941 Saab was given the task to design a better fighter than the Seversky Republic P-35s and Reggiane 2000s, at that time the only fighter aircraft Sweden was able or allowed to buy and the air force’s most modern fighters. Several other foreign designs, including the German Bf 109 or even the Japanese Mitsubishi Zero had also been considered.
Anyway, during the ongoing war the procurement of foreign equipment had no predictable future, and so a program for an indigenous fighter aircraft was launched the same year. This resulted in two different designs, which were both initially constructed around an imported German DB 603 engine – a deal which had become possible through the allowance of German transport flights to Norway over Swedish territory, a reason why no Allied equipment was sold to Sweden.
The resulting designs, the L-21 and L-23, differed considerably from each other. The Saab L-21 was a futuristic twin-boom pusher. This unconventional layout was a technological risk, with ejection seat and all, but it was expected to exploit the DB603 engine to the max, with a low-drag airframe (e .g. with a totally buried radiator installation inside of the inner wings) and a well-balanced center of gravity, which was expected to improve handling and turn radius. It was the favored design of Saab’s engineers.
As a fall-back option, though, the L-23 was added. It was a more conservative design with the same DB 603 engine, but with the engine in the classic nose position, a tunnel radiator under the rear fuselage, low tapered wings and a conventional tail. The overall outline resembled the P-51B/C Mustang. Most interestingly, the J 23 was to have a Bofors ejection seat, too, despite its conventional layout.
In December 1941 both designs were approved for prototypes, so that a direct comparison of both layouts could be made. The first of three J 21 prototypes flew on 30 July 1943, while the first three J 23 fighters followed on 10 August, just two weeks later.
Flight tests and evaluation continued until mid-1944 and, despite less weight and size, the J 23 turned out to be fast (Max. speed 626 km/h (388 mph) with the DB 603), but considerably less maneuverable than the J 21, which in itself was also not a perfect aircraft and frequently faced overheating problems.
Faced with two mediocre designs and an urgent need for a modern fighter, it was eventually decided to go ahead with the J 21 for serial production, but a pre-production batch of upgraded J 23 was also ordered for field tests and further development. In the meantime, Sweden had acquired rights to produce the DB 605 in license, and the new fighter was to be adapted to this more modern and powerful engine – it was hoped that the new engine would improve the J 23’s performance, and it was also fitted to the production J 21.
This re-engined variant was the J 23A, of which twelve aircraft were constructed at the main plant in Trollhättan and delivered from August 1945, too late to be involved in typical interception duties at the Swedish borders.
Deliveries of the favored J 21 started in December of the same year. The latter’s field performance turned out to be unsuited for the interceptor role, and the cooling problems persisted. Relegated mainly into the bomber and CAS role (the J 21 turned out to be a passable ground attack aircraft and a stable gun platform), the limitation of the J 21’s pusher design led to a revival of the front-engine J 23.
The resulting J 23B became the aircraft’s actual production variant, incorporating many improvements which had been developed and tested on the prototypes and the pre-production J 23As. These included aerodynamic modifications like a different airfoil on the outer wings and a lowered horizontal stabilizer, coupled with an extended rear fuselage for better directional stability and a slimmed-down radiator fairing for less drag. These machines were delivered from late 1946 on, and a total of forty-six J 23B airframes were produced until early 1948.
In service, the lighter J 23Bs proved to be a better interceptor than the J 21, with a higher top speed and rate of climb, but its handling was less responsive than the pusher aircraft with the same engine and armament.
Overall the J 23B was regarded as inferior to the very similar J 26 (the P-51D) in almost any respect, and the J 23B was never really popular with its flight or ground crews. Consequently, the J 23Bs active fighter career was short and the machines were only operated by the F 16 fighter wing and the F 20 Air Force Academy, both based at Uppsala Airfield, primarily used for advanced weapon and air combat training.
A new evaluation of the J 21 and the J 23 in 1947 led to the decision to retain the J 21 series but to consider the modification of the airframe to accommodate a jet engine. While production line J 21A series aircraft were first selected for conversion, the initial piston-engine version continued in production in five series "batches" that were completed in 1948–49.
Further J 23B production was not resumed, instead the J 26 and J 27 were procured. Anyway, the age of the piston-engine fighter came soon to a close and the Swedish Air Force entered the jet age. Consequently, the J 23B was already phased out, together with the J 21, after 1954.
General characteristics:
Crew: one
Length: 9.58 m (31 ft 4 in)
Wingspan: 11.3 m (37 ft 8 in)
Height: 3.96 (13 ft 0 in)
Wing area: 20.00 m² (215.28 ft²)
Empty weight: 2,535 kg (5,583 lb)
Loaded weight: 3,445 kg (7,588 lb)
Max. take-off weight: 3,663 kg (8,068 lb)
Powerplant:
1× Daimler-Benz liquid-cooled, supercharged, 60° inverted V12 DB 605B engine,
rated at 1,085 kW (1,455 hp / 1,475 PS) and license-built by SFA.
Performance:
Maximum speed: 680 km/h (367 knots, 422 mph)
Cruise speed: 495 km/h (265 knots, 308 mph)
Range: 750 km (466 mi)
Service ceiling: 11,200 m (36,685 ft)
Rate of climb: 17 m/s (3,340 ft/min)
Armament:
1× engine-mounted 20 mm Hispano-Suiza HS.404 or Bofors cannon,
firing through the propeller hub
4× 13 mm Bofors-built Colt machine guns in the outer wings nose
Underwing hardpoints for various bombs, drop tanks and unguided rockets
The kit and its assembly:
The “Swedish Season” continues! The Saab 23 is another “phantom of the past”, a real world design that never left the drawing board. The J 23 actually started as an alternative to the J 21, but was discarded in late 1941 in favor of the more promising, yet bigger and heavier, pusher design. But that would not stop modelers from trying to build one, even though I have never seen a model of this aircraft? Having recently tried to build a Saab 27 fighter caught me in the right mood for another whiffy Swedish design, so I took a chance on the J 23, too.
At first glance you can mistake the J 23 for a P-51B with an engine from a late Bf 109, some sources describe it as “a Swedish Messerschmitt”. But that’s only superficial, much like the later Griffon-powered J 27 project which can be described as a “Super Spitfire”, but this does not do justice to the aircraft’s construction.
Both were independent developments, even though the P-51 (some early specimen were forced to land in Sweden and closely examined) certainly had a massive impact on both designs.
Anyway, the information basis surrounding the J 23 is worse than the J 27’s, and I only had rather vague profile drawings/sketches at hand for reference. A basis model was also hard to find: the rear section from a P-51B (in this case an Intech kit from Poland) was settled, since the Mustang’s cockpit shape, dorsal section and fin come really close to the J 23. But you cannot simply mate a P-51 with a Bf 109 nose, it would result in a rather wacky Mustang-thing because the proportions are not right.
Finding a good solution was not easy, and I was lucky to find a Hasegawa Ki-61 in the stash – it has a German engine (an earlier DB 601, though) and an overall layout similar to the P-51B. But the Ki-61 is considerably larger than a Bf 109, more in the P-51’s size class. Despite many detail modifications I decided to mate these unlikely aircraft for the J 23s basis – engraved panel lines on both kits made the combination less obvious, too.
The InTech P-51B gave its tail and the cockpit section (excluding the radiator tunnel and the wing roots), cut away from the rest of the Mustang fuselage with a Z-shaped cut. With a matching cut on the Ki-61’s fuselage, the engine and the whole wing/fuselage intersection were used. Styrene strips held the fuselage sections in place, on the outside the seams were later blended with nitrous compound putty. One benefit of this solution is that the OOB P-51 canopy could be used (even though the rear end fit necessitated some body work), and the resulting cockpit position was just as far forward as on the J 23, right above the wings. As a consequence the rear fuselage behind the cockpit appears to be rather long, but that is AFAIK correct, the J 23 had these slightly odd proportions!
For the J 23’s DB 605 engine a different, bigger spinner had to be mounted – scratched from a massive PZL 23 spinner and single blades (from the Hasegawa Ki-61), together with a metal axis and a styrene tube adapter inside of the nose. Some putty work was necessary to fair over the Ki-61 guns on the cowling, the typical DB 601 front bulge and blend the bigger, new spinner to the rest of the fuselage, but the result looks O.K.
The Ki-61’s original wings and landing gear could, thanks to the original fuselage section from the Hasegawa kit, be carried over and easily mounted, even though the wing tips were clipped for a square, Mustang-esque shape (the J 23’s look in all illustrations I’ve seen like upscaled Bf 109E wings).
The InTech P-51’s horizontal stabilizers were used, but for a J 23 they had to be placed in a different position: further back (so that wedges for the vertical rudder had to be cut out) and considerably lower, necessitating some (more) body work to hide the original attachment points. The new position adds to the impression of an extended fuselage section behind the cockpit, even though the P-51 donor fuselage section is only a little longer than the Ki-61’s. All tail surface outlines were slightly modified, too.
The J 23’s typical, shallow radiator tunnel had to be scratched, the semi-buried construction sits far behind the wings’ training edge. In an initial step, the removed Ki-61 radiator’s gap as well as the P-51 tail wheel well were faired over with styrene sheet and new intake/outlet ramps integrated into the lower rear fuselage. The tunnel itself is the narrow, aerodynamic fairing of a Boulton Paul Defiant’s machine guns behind the turret (raised when not in use), left over from a Pavla kit, opened at both ends.
As a consequence of the new and long radiator tunnel, the P-51 tail wheel well was moved about 5mm further back and the fuselage profile under the tail fin re-shaped.
One of the final steps was the cockpit interior, because I was not sure concerning the relative position of the P-51’s canopy (cut into three pieces for open display) and dashboard and the Ki-61’s cockpit floor panel and seat. But both turned out to match relatively well, and I added a tank and radio dummy behind the seat in order to prevent a clear view into the rear fuselage.
The landing gear was taken OOB from the Ki-61 – it looks similar to the real J 23 arrangement, so I stuck with it. The tail wheel comes from the InTech P-51, just the covers were scratched for the re-located well.
All gun barrels on spinner and wings are hollow steel needles, no ordnance was hung under the wings, even though the Ki-61 hardpoints were retained. After all, it’s a fighter aircraft.
Painting and markings:
Once more a classic, if not conservative, livery for a fictional aircraft – and in this case I chose the simple olivgrön/ljust blågrå camouflage of the late Fourties, coupled with contemporary color-coded letters identifying the individual aircraft and its squadron within the Flygflöttilj group.
The uniform upper surfaces were painted with RAF Dark Green (Humbrol 163). This tone has an olive drab touch and comes IMHO pretty close to the original Swedish color, the frequently recommended FS 34079 is IMHO too blue-ish. For the underside I used Humbrol 87 (Steel Gray), which is a blue-greenish gray. The authentic tone would be FS 36270, but on a model it appears much too dark, so that the lighter Steel Gray is a handy and individual alternative.
A light black ink was applied in order to emphasize the panel lines, some more depth was added through dry-painted panels with lighter shades of the basic colors (in this case, Humbrol 155 and 128).
The cockpit interior was painted in dark gray (Humbrol 32), while the landing gear and the wells became Aluminum (Humbrol 56).
As an aircraft of the air staff flight, this J 23 received a white spinner and a white code letter on the tail. These and other markings came from various sources and spare decal sheets. Some extra color was added with red warning markings on the wings above the flaps, plus some visual markings - all made with generic decal stripes. The cock nose art is a personal addition - taken from a Spanish Bf 109D, but AFAIK such personal markings were not uncommon on Swedish Air Force aircraft in the post WWII era.
An eye-catcher and some variety on the otherwise simple green/gray livery are white high-viz markings on the wing tips and a wide fuselage band. Such additional markings were frequently used in the post WWII-era during exercises, training or public displays. Styles varied considerably, though, between “color blocks” and wide single bands which I used (seen on a J 21) and even dense, thin zebra stripes on wings and fuselage. In this case, the white markings were painted onto wings and fuselage (Humbrol 34).
Since most panel lines on the fuselage were lost I painted some new ones with a soft pencil. Finally, after some gun soot and exhaust stains made with grinded graphite as well as some dry-brushed silver on the wings’ leading edges and around the cockpit were added, the kit received a coating with matt acrylic varnish.
Another scratch build of an obscure Swedish aircraft that never reached the hardware stage – and pretty successful, IMHO. This sleek J 23 model looks just as harmless and innocent, but involved massive construction work in almost every area as the kitbashed J 27 before. It’s actually the first model rendition of the J 23 I have seen so far – and another funny fact is that this “Swedish Messerschmitt” was built without any Bf 109 part at all!
Exploitant : Keolis Val-d'Oise
Réseau : Navette Substitution SNCF Île-de-France
Ligne : Navette Transilien H
Lieu : Gare d'Enghien-les-Bains (Enghien-les-Bains, F-95)
The exploitation rights for this text are the property of the Vienna Tourist Board. This text may be reprinted free of charge until further notice, even partially and in edited form. Forward sample copy to: Vienna Tourist Board, Media Management, Invalidenstraße 6, 1030 Vienna; media.rel@wien.info. All information in this text without guarantee.
Author: Andreas Nierhaus, Curator of Architecture/Wien Museum
Last updated January 2014
Architecture in Vienna
Vienna's 2,000-year history is present in a unique density in the cityscape. The layout of the center dates back to the Roman city and medieval road network. Romanesque and Gothic churches characterize the streets and squares as well as palaces and mansions of the baroque city of residence. The ring road is an expression of the modern city of the 19th century, in the 20th century extensive housing developments set accents in the outer districts. Currently, large-scale urban development measures are implemented; distinctive buildings of international star architects complement the silhouette of the city.
Due to its function as residence of the emperor and European power center, Vienna for centuries stood in the focus of international attention, but it was well aware of that too. As a result, developed an outstanding building culture, and still today on a worldwide scale only a few cities can come up with a comparable density of high-quality architecture. For several years now, Vienna has increased its efforts to connect with its historical highlights and is drawing attention to itself with some spectacular new buildings. The fastest growing city in the German-speaking world today most of all in residential construction is setting standards. Constants of the Viennese architecture are respect for existing structures, the palpability of historical layers and the dialogue between old and new.
Culmination of medieval architecture: the Stephansdom
The oldest architectural landmark of the city is St. Stephen's Cathedral. Under the rule of the Habsburgs, defining the face of the city from the late 13th century until 1918 in a decisive way, the cathedral was upgraded into the sacral monument of the political ambitions of the ruling house. The 1433 completed, 137 meters high southern tower, by the Viennese people affectionately named "Steffl", is a masterpiece of late Gothic architecture in Europe. For decades he was the tallest stone structure in Europe, until today he is the undisputed center of the city.
The baroque residence
Vienna's ascension into the ranks of the great European capitals began in Baroque. Among the most important architects are Johann Bernhard Fischer von Erlach and Johann Lucas von Hildebrandt. Outside the city walls arose a chain of summer palaces, including the garden Palais Schwarzenberg (1697-1704) as well as the Upper and Lower Belvedere of Prince Eugene of Savoy (1714-22). Among the most important city palaces are the Winter Palace of Prince Eugene (1695-1724, now a branch of the Belvedere) and the Palais Daun-Kinsky (auction house in Kinsky 1713-19). The emperor himself the Hofburg had complemented by buildings such as the Imperial Library (1722-26) and the Winter Riding School (1729-34). More important, however, for the Habsburgs was the foundation of churches and monasteries. Thus arose before the city walls Fischer von Erlach's Karlskirche (1714-39), which with its formal and thematic complex show façade belongs to the major works of European Baroque. In colored interior rooms like that of St. Peter's Church (1701-22), the contemporary efforts for the synthesis of architecture, painting and sculpture becomes visible.
Upgrading into metropolis: the ring road time (Ringstraßenzeit)
Since the Baroque, reflections on extension of the hopelessly overcrowed city were made, but only Emperor Franz Joseph ordered in 1857 the demolition of the fortifications and the connection of the inner city with the suburbs. 1865, the Ring Road was opened. It is as the most important boulevard of Europe an architectural and in terms of urban development achievement of the highest rank. The original building structure is almost completely preserved and thus conveys the authentic image of a metropolis of the 19th century. The public representational buildings speak, reflecting accurately the historicism, by their style: The Greek Antique forms of Theophil Hansen's Parliament (1871-83) stood for democracy, the Renaissance of the by Heinrich Ferstel built University (1873-84) for the flourishing of humanism, the Gothic of the Town Hall (1872-83) by Friedrich Schmidt for the medieval civic pride.
Dominating remained the buildings of the imperial family: Eduard van der Nüll's and August Sicardsburg's Opera House (1863-69), Gottfried Semper's and Carl Hasenauer's Burgtheater (1874-88), their Museum of Art History and Museum of Natural History (1871-91) and the Neue (New) Hofburg (1881-1918 ). At the same time the ring road was the preferred residential area of mostly Jewish haute bourgeoisie. With luxurious palaces the families Ephrussi, Epstein or Todesco made it clear that they had taken over the cultural leadership role in Viennese society. In the framework of the World Exhibition of 1873, the new Vienna presented itself an international audience. At the ring road many hotels were opened, among them the Hotel Imperial and today's Palais Hansen Kempinski.
Laboratory of modernity: Vienna around 1900
Otto Wagner's Postal Savings Bank (1903-06) was one of the last buildings in the Ring road area Otto Wagner's Postal Savings Bank (1903-06), which with it façade, liberated of ornament, and only decorated with "functional" aluminum buttons and the glass banking hall now is one of the icons of modern architecture. Like no other stood Otto Wagner for the dawn into the 20th century: His Metropolitan Railway buildings made the public transport of the city a topic of architecture, the church of the Psychiatric hospital at Steinhofgründe (1904-07) is considered the first modern church.
With his consistent focus on the function of a building ("Something impractical can not be beautiful"), Wagner marked a whole generation of architects and made Vienna the laboratory of modernity: in addition to Joseph Maria Olbrich, the builder of the Secession (1897-98) and Josef Hoffmann, the architect of the at the western outskirts located Purkersdorf Sanatorium (1904) and founder of the Vienna Workshop (Wiener Werkstätte, 1903) is mainly to mention Adolf Loos, with the Loos House at the square Michaelerplatz (1909-11) making architectural history. The extravagant marble cladding of the business zone stands in maximal contrast, derived from the building function, to the unadorned facade above, whereby its "nudity" became even more obvious - a provocation, as well as his culture-critical texts ("Ornament and Crime"), with which he had greatest impact on the architecture of the 20th century. Public contracts Loos remained denied. His major works therefore include villas, apartment facilities and premises as the still in original state preserved Tailor salon Knize at Graben (1910-13) and the restored Loos Bar (1908-09) near the Kärntner Straße (passageway Kärntner Durchgang).
Between the Wars: International Modern Age and social housing
After the collapse of the monarchy in 1918, Vienna became capital of the newly formed small country of Austria. In the heart of the city, the architects Theiss & Jaksch built 1931-32 the first skyscraper in Vienna as an exclusive residential address (Herrengasse - alley 6-8). To combat the housing shortage for the general population, the social democratic city government in a globally unique building program within a few years 60,000 apartments in hundreds of apartment buildings throughout the city area had built, including the famous Karl Marx-Hof by Karl Ehn (1925-30). An alternative to the multi-storey buildings with the 1932 opened International Werkbundsiedlung was presented, which was attended by 31 architects from Austria, Germany, France, Holland and the USA and showed models for affordable housing in greenfield areas. With buildings of Adolf Loos, André Lurçat, Richard Neutra, Gerrit Rietveld, the Werkbundsiedlung, which currently is being restored at great expense, is one of the most important documents of modern architecture in Austria.
Modernism was also expressed in significant Villa buildings: The House Beer (1929-31) by Josef Frank exemplifies the refined Wiener living culture of the interwar period, while the house Stonborough-Wittgenstein (1926-28, today Bulgarian Cultural Institute), built by the philosopher Ludwig Wittgenstein together with the architect Paul Engelmann for his sister Margarete, by its aesthetic radicalism and mathematical rigor represents a special case within contemporary architecture.
Expulsion, war and reconstruction
After the "Anschluss (Annexation)" to the German Reich in 1938, numerous Jewish builders, architects (female and male ones), who had been largely responsible for the high level of Viennese architecture, have been expelled from Austria. During the Nazi era, Vienna remained largely unaffected by structural transformations, apart from the six flak towers built for air defense of Friedrich Tamms (1942-45), made of solid reinforced concrete which today are present as memorials in the cityscape.
The years after the end of World War II were characterized by the reconstruction of the by bombs heavily damaged city. The architecture of those times was marked by aesthetic pragmatism, but also by the attempt to connect with the period before 1938 and pick up on current international trends. Among the most important buildings of the 1950s are Roland Rainer's City Hall (1952-58), the by Oswald Haerdtl erected Wien Museum at Karlsplatz (1954-59) and the 21er Haus of Karl Schwanzer (1958-62).
The youngsters come
Since the 1960s, a young generation was looking for alternatives to the moderate modernism of the reconstruction years. With visionary designs, conceptual, experimental and above all temporary architectures, interventions and installations, Raimund Abraham, Günther Domenig, Eilfried Huth, Hans Hollein, Walter Pichler and the groups Coop Himmelb(l)au, Haus-Rucker-Co and Missing Link rapidly got international attention. Although for the time being it was more designed than built, was the influence on the postmodern and deconstructivist trends of the 1970s and 1980s also outside Austria great. Hollein's futuristic "Retti" candle shop at Charcoal Market/Kohlmarkt (1964-65) and Domenig's biomorphic building of the Central Savings Bank in Favoriten (10th district of Vienna - 1975-79) are among the earliest examples, later Hollein's Haas-Haus (1985-90), the loft conversion Falkestraße (1987/88) by Coop Himmelb(l)au or Domenig's T Center (2002-04) were added. Especially Domenig, Hollein, Coop Himmelb(l)au and the architects Ortner & Ortner (ancient members of Haus-Rucker-Co) by orders from abroad the new Austrian and Viennese architecture made a fixed international concept.
MuseumQuarter and Gasometer
Since the 1980s, the focus of building in Vienna lies on the compaction of the historic urban fabric that now as urban habitat of high quality no longer is put in question. Among the internationally best known projects is the by Ortner & Ortner planned MuseumsQuartier in the former imperial stables (competition 1987, 1998-2001), which with institutions such as the MUMOK - Museum of Modern Art Foundation Ludwig, the Leopold Museum, the Kunsthalle Wien, the Architecture Center Vienna and the Zoom Children's Museum on a wordwide scale is under the largest cultural complexes. After controversies in the planning phase, here an architectural compromise between old and new has been achieved at the end, whose success as an urban stage with four million visitors (2012) is overwhelming.
The dialogue between old and new, which has to stand on the agenda of building culture of a city that is so strongly influenced by history, also features the reconstruction of the Gasometer in Simmering by Coop Himmelb(l)au, Wilhelm Holzbauer, Jean Nouvel and Manfred Wehdorn (1999-2001). Here was not only created new housing, but also a historical industrial monument reinterpreted into a signal in the urban development area.
New Neighborhood
In recent years, the major railway stations and their surroundings moved into the focus of planning. Here not only necessary infrastructural measures were taken, but at the same time opened up spacious inner-city residential areas and business districts. Among the prestigious projects are included the construction of the new Vienna Central Station, started in 2010 with the surrounding office towers of the Quartier Belvedere and the residential and school buildings of the Midsummer quarter (Sonnwendviertel). Europe's largest wooden tower invites here for a spectacular view to the construction site and the entire city. On the site of the former North Station are currently being built 10,000 homes and 20,000 jobs, on that of the Aspangbahn station is being built at Europe's greatest Passive House settlement "Euro Gate", the area of the North Western Railway Station is expected to be developed from 2020 for living and working. The largest currently under construction residential project but can be found in the north-eastern outskirts, where in Seaside Town Aspern till 2028 living and working space for 40,000 people will be created.
In one of the "green lungs" of Vienna, the Prater, 2013, the WU campus was opened for the largest University of Economics of Europe. Around the central square spectacular buildings of an international architect team from Great Britain, Japan, Spain and Austria are gathered that seem to lead a sometimes very loud conversation about the status quo of contemporary architecture (Hitoshi Abe, BUSarchitektur, Peter Cook, Zaha Hadid, NO MAD Arquitectos, Carme Pinós).
Flying high
International is also the number of architects who have inscribed themselves in the last few years with high-rise buildings in the skyline of Vienna and make St. Stephen's a not always unproblematic competition. Visible from afar is Massimiliano Fuksas' 138 and 127 meters high elegant Twin Tower at Wienerberg (1999-2001). The monolithic, 75-meter-high tower of the Hotel Sofitel at the Danube Canal by Jean Nouvel (2007-10), on the other hand, reacts to the particular urban situation and stages in its top floor new perspectives to the historical center on the other side.
Also at the water stands Dominique Perrault's DC Tower (2010-13) in the Danube City - those high-rise city, in which since the start of construction in 1996, the expansion of the city north of the Danube is condensed symbolically. Even in this environment, the slim and at the same time striking vertically folded tower of Perrault is beyond all known dimensions; from its Sky Bar, from spring 2014 on you are able to enjoy the highest view of Vienna. With 250 meters, the tower is the tallest building of Austria and almost twice as high as the St. Stephen's Cathedral. Vienna, thus, has acquired a new architectural landmark which cannot be overlooked - whether it also has the potential to become a landmark of the new Vienna, only time will tell. The architectural history of Vienna, where European history is presence and new buildings enter into an exciting and not always conflict-free dialogue with a great and outstanding architectural heritage, in any case has yet to offer exciting chapters.
Info: The folder "Architecture: From Art Nouveau to the Presence" is available at the Vienna Tourist Board and can be downloaded on www.wien.info/media/files/guide-architecture-in-wien.pdf.
(Exploitant inconnu) Temsa Tourmalin immatriculé DB-335-DD de septembre 2008 sur un service navette de remplacement SNCF RER A entre les gares de Cergy le haut et d'Achère ville suivi d'un CEOBUS réseau Bus Val d'Oise Irisbus Agora S sur le même service. Photo prise à Cergy (Val d'Oise, France). 24 novembre 2018, 12 h 53.
Exploitant : Transdev TVO
Réseau : R'Bus (Argenteuil)
Ligne : 8
Lieu : Bérionne (Argenteuil, F-95)
Lien TC Infos : tc-infos.fr/id/22078
WASHINGTON, DC: National Center for Missing & Exploited (NCMEC) 2022 Hope Gala, Oct. 20, 2022
The National Center for Missing & Exploited Children’s (NCMEC) Hope Gala held on Oct. 20, 2022 at the District Pier at The Wharf, Washington, D.C. The event is a celebration of the inspiring work being done globally to protect children. We recognized leaders in child safety, honor survivors, and remember the families and victims who are still seeking justice and safety. Claire Edkins /NCMEC
Roscoff [ʁɔskɔf], est une commune française du Léon située sur la côte nord de la Bretagne, dans le département du Finistère.
Ancien havre de corsaires puis de contrebandiers, d'où partirent les Johnnies vendre leurs oignons rosés, Roscoff, homologué « petite cité de caractère1 », est une petite ville balnéaire qui a conservé son patrimoine architectural des XVIe et XVIIe siècles. Son port en eau profonde, desservi par Irish Ferries et Brittany Ferries, qui y a son siège, assure la liaison en ferry avec les îles Britanniques ainsi que l'Espagne.
Son estran, balayé par des marées dont le marnage peut atteindre 10,40 m, abrite une diversité biologique propre à deux écosystèmes d'algues frontaliers dont l'étude, en 1872, est l'origine du premier2 pôle européen3 de recherches et d'enseignement en biologie marine, la Station biologique de Roscoff. Recherché pour ses embruns iodés et la douceur d'un climat maintenue par un courant marin qui ne varie qu'entre 8 °C et 18 °C, Roscoff a vu la naissance du concept de centre de thalassothérapie en 1899, avec l'institut de Rockroum, et la fondation d'un centre héliomarin en 1900.
L'île de Batz est desservie par des vedettes au départ du vieux port de Roscoff.
Géographie physique
Carte schématique de Roscoff et ses environs.
Roscoff occupe la pointe du promontoire qui ferme à l'ouest la baie de Morlaix. La ville s'étend sur 619 hectares au nord de Saint-Pol-de-Léon distant de centre à centre de 5 kilomètres, avec lequel elle tend à former une conurbation, et possède 14 kilomètres de côte avec plusieurs plages de sable blanc très fin. L'accès par la terre se fait de Saint-Pol par une route unique, la RD 58 (ancienne route nationale) ou de Santec, au sud ouest, par une petite route côtière.
Le figuier de Roscoff vers 1910 (carte postale ND Photo)
Ce territoire est dessiné par trois pointes. Celle du milieu, la moins marquée, occupe le centre de la vieille ville et est appelée la pointe du Vil. Les deux autres sont 0,665 mille à l'est la péninsule de Bloscon, séparée de la précédente par la petite anse du vieux port, et 0,604 mille à l'ouest la presqu'île de Perharidy, séparée de la même par l'anse de Laber. Celle-ci, profonde de près de 2 kilomètres, se découvre entièrement à marée basse. Son tiers amont est depuis 1835 un polder.
Article détaillé : Pointe de Perharidy.
Roscoff appartient à la Ceinture Dorée, cet affleurement lœssique de 30 à 60 centimètres de profondeur, formé au Devensien par les déjections friables et les moraines du bord de la calotte glaciaire, dont la fertilité, bien qu'il soit plus de mille fois plus mince, ne se compare qu'à celui de la plaine du fleuve Jaune. C'est ce lœss, amendé par les phosphates du goémon, qui donne l'impression que les Roscovites, tels Ulysse, cultivent du sable. La région de Roscoff, réchauffée par le Gulf Stream et protégée des vents du nord par l'Île de Batz, est la zone privilégiée de la Ceinture Dorée. Le célèbre figuier de Roscoff, un figuier géant planté en 1610, situé dans l'enclos du couvent des Capucins, qui illustrait la douceur du climat local, a été coupé en 19864.
Situation et transports
Roscoff est à 98 milles marins, soit 182 kilomètres, de Plymouth, 210 kilomètres de Rennes et 562 de Paris. Il faut 6 heures en ferry5, environ 15 heures à la voile (mais deux jours par vents contraires), pour rejoindre Plymouth. L''aérodrome de Morlaix et la base de Landivisiau sont à une trentaine de kilomètres chacun.
En face de Roscoff, au-delà d'un double chenal, le grand Kan et le petit Kan séparés par le rocher de Perroc'h, et animé de forts courants, se situe l'Île-de-Batz distante de 0,55 mille.
Roscoff dispose d'un port en eau profonde, ce qui lui permet d'accueillir les ferries des compagnies Brittany Ferries et Irish Ferries, qui desservent la Grande-Bretagne (Plymouth) et l'Irlande (Cork).
Article détaillé : Port de Roscoff - Bloscon.
Roscoff est desservi par voie routière par la D 58 qui est à 4 voies (de type voie express) de Morlaix (où cette route rejoint la route nationale 12) jusqu'à Saint-Pol-de-Léon et la D 788 depuis Brest via Lesneven. La ligne ferroviaire Morlaix-Roscoff, à voie unique et non électrifiée, relie Roscoff au réseau ferré national ; son trafic est interrompu depuis juin 2018 en raison d'un effondrement de terrain survenu près de Morlaix6.
Article détaillé : Gare de Roscoff.
Vestige de l'habitat dispersé, la commune est entourée d'écarts (Laber, Kersaliou, Keradennec…), parfois séparés par des champs en pleine zone urbaine, signe que le rendement agricole reste supérieur à celui de la rente immobilière.
Population
47% de la population a plus de 60 ans. En période estivale, la commune peut dénombrer de 16 à 20 000 résidents17.
D'année en année, la densité démographique reste supérieure à 550 habitants au kilomètre carré, la plus forte de la côte du Léon après Brest et Morlaix18.
Logement
La commune regroupe 1 597 résidences principales, 881 résidences secondaires et 549 logements vacants (+10% en 5 ans) 19.
Climat
Le ciel de Roscoff, extrêmement variable sur une journée, délivre tout au long de l'année une luminosité d'une grande constance, laquelle est ici un des facteurs déterminants, avec la transparence des eaux, de l'abondance exceptionnelle des algues.
Faune remarquable
Dans les eaux limpides au large de Roscoff, ici en 2015, convergent deux écosystèmes d'algue, source d'une exceptionnelle biodiversité.
Roscoff est inclus dans la Zone de protection spéciale Natura 2000 de la Baie de Morlaix20 et borde21 la zone naturelle d'intérêt écologique, faunistique et floristique de l'estuaire de la Penzé. L'exceptionnelle diversité biologique de Roscoff, constituée de plus de trois mille espèces animales22, est liée à son interface maritime et à ses singularités géographiques (marée, climat, courants marins, nébulosité, géodésie, etc.) qui font s'y chevaucher deux écosystèmes d'algues, un nordique et un méditerranéen.
Oiseaux.
Sternes de différentes espèces (S. caugek23, goélette23, S. de Dougall24…)nb 1.
Fou de Bassan. Plus grand voilier planant au-dessus de Roscoff (jusqu'à 1,70 m d'envergure), il niche depuis la fin des années trente dans la réserve naturelle de l'île Rouzic, en janvier.
Goélands (Goéland argenté25, goéland brun, goéland marin26)
Cormoran huppé
Mouette rieuse
Mouette mélanocéphale
Océanite tempête. Elle niche dans la réserve naturelle des Sept-Îles et seuls les marins la voient, rarement.
Fulmar boréal
Tournepierre
Huîtrier pie
Tadorne de Belon
Bernache
Guillemots. En particulier, quelques dizaines de Guillemot de Troïl nichent dans la réserve naturelle des Sept-Îles.
Guifette noire23
Sarcelle d'hiver26
Héron cendré26
Petit Pingouin26
Grand Corbeau
…
Mammifères (leur observation est très aléatoire)
Phoque gris, non vu depuis 198127.
Veau marin28
Marsouin29
Vison d'Amérique
Musaraigne couronnée27
Hérisson d'Europe27
Blaireau commun27, autrefois chassé pour sa fourrure et consommé pour sa chair délicieuse.
Belette commune27
…
Les baleines (Rorqual commun27, Balaenoptera acutorostrata26, Cachalot pygmée27) et dauphins (Dauphin commun à bec court26, Dauphin de Risso26) ont pour l'instant disparu mais se voient toujours en très grand nombre dans le golfe de Gascogne.
L'hippocampe est répandu en Bretagne mais l'espèce guttulatus, présente sur la côte sud de l'Angleterre, dans le bassin d'Arcachon et jusqu'en Méditerranée, ne s'y voit qu'à Roscoff.
.
Poissons
Hippocampe à museau court30.
Hippocampe moucheté (Hippocampus guttulatus)31.
Vieille27, qui change de sexe avec l'âge.
…
Invertébrés
Ver plat de Roscoff
Halammohydra (H. octopodites, H. schulzei, H. vermiformis H. adhaerens), hydrozoaires de la méiofaune dont la découverte a permis en 1959 l'invention à Roscoff de l'ordre des Actinulides et une révision de la phylogénèse de certains cnidaires (Gymnoblastiques et méduses Trachylides) par Georges Tessier.
Loricifères, phylum inventé dans le benthos d'une dune hydraulique de Roscoff en 1983.
Spirorbis27
Oursin violet, modèle du développement embryonnaire dont le génome a été décodé en totalité à la Station biologique de Roscoff
Ver de sable, appât traditionnel dont l'hémoglobine étudiée32 à la Station biologique de Roscoff par l'équipe de Franck Zal permet d'envisager dans le cadre du projet Hémarina une production industrielle de sang artificiel33 (cicatrisation, greffe…).
Coquillages et crustacés communs (langouste, crabe, étrille, pétoncle, bernique, bigorneau, couteau…)
Crépidule
Veloutée moine27
Abeille noire de Bretagne
…
Flore remarquable
Le paysage de Roscoff abrite plus de sept cents espèces végétales différentes22.
Les microalgues pélagiques du plancton, tels Emiliania huxleyi34 et Phymatolithon calcareum, se protègent de coccolithes qui en sédimentant forment le traez, variété de sable crayeux, et le maërl où dominent les Corallinacées, tous deux dragués pour amender les sols.
Algues
Emiliania huxleyi35.
Phymatolithon calcareum qui produit le maërl.
Alexandrium minutum, sécréteur de la saxitoxine dont l'efflorescence rend les coquillages neurotoxiques.
Dinophysis, autre dinoflagellé qui, elle, se défend en sécrétant de l'acide okadaïque qui a provoqué sous d'autres tropiques des diarrhées.
Pseudo-nitzschias, diatomées phytotoxiques qui sécrètent de l'acide domoïque et font l'objet elles aussi d'une surveillance sanitaire.
Picobiliphytes, phylum de phycobilines invisibles du picoplancton découvert en 2003 et caractérisé en 200636 par Fabrice Not et Daniel Vaulot à la Station biologique de Roscoff37.
Laminaires (laminaire sucrée, fleur de mai, fouet des sorcières…) Pour voir une forêt de laminaires, il faut cependant aller à Molène.
Goémon, combustible du pauvre que quelques goémoniers récoltent encore pour servir d'engrais. La soude ne sort plus aujourd'hui des fours à goémon.
Goémon noir, matière première des alginates (E400 & E405) utilisés dans les industries alimentaires, pharmaceutiques et cosmétique.
Varech vésiculeux que les enfants font exploser entre leurs doigts.
Sargasse japonaise.
Corrallines (C. officinalis, C. squamata…), utilisées pour reconstruire les os et les dents.
Dulse alimentaire.
Mousse d'Irlande, source du E407.
Porphyras, enveloppe des makis.
…
Flore indigène
Ajonc. Cultivé sur les terres à lande, il était écrasé après récolte selon la méthode Calloet-Kerbrat pour faire un fourrage garant de la bonne qualité du beurre.
Genêt. Il était planté dans les jachères pour enrichir la pâture et fournir des balais, des litières, des joncs de toiture, le reste pour servir de combustible ou d'engrais.
Laiche, tressée pour faire des licous, des paillassons, des ruches, des coussins, etc.
Chardon, symbole des liens de Roscoff avec l'Écosse des Stuarts et le pèlerinage de Saint Ninian.
Fétuque
Les symboles de la littérature (lierre, coudrier, chèvrefeuille).
Orme de Cornouailles (en), typique de la Bretagne. Un exemplaire résiste à Kerestat38.
Les simples de la tradition (herbe d'or39 utilisée comme cierge propitiatoire40, jusquiame, pimprenelle d'eau, verveine, primevère, trèfle)41
…
Flore acclimatée
Le figuier des Capucins, aujourd'hui détruit, attraction touristique en 1913.
Figuier. Symbole de la terre d'Israël annonçant le Royaume des Cieux et plus encore affirmant la liberté dans la Grâce face à certains augustiniens, le premier figuier a été planté par les missionnaires capucins à côté de leur cloître en 163442, année de l'inauguration de la Chapelle d'albâtre dans Notre Dame de Batz. Le spécimen, visité par les voyageurs, couvrait plus de sept cents mètres carrés quand il a été rasé en 1987 pour faire un parking ; il avait 800 m²de ramifications supportées par 120 béquilles de granite et ses branchages abritaient trois profondes tonnelles43.
Artichaut, autre héritage de la curiosité des capucins, férus de botanique depuis leur promotion à la tête du projet scientifique et colonial de la France par le plus influent d'entre eux. Quelques siècles ont donc suffi pour aboutir à l'actuel cultivar Camus de Bretagne.
Échalote rosée ronde de Jersey44 introduite au XIIe siècle45.
Oignon rosé importé du Portugal et acclimaté par les Capucins au milieu du XVIIe siècle.
Pomme de terre46, résultat de l'activisme physiocratique de l'« évêque aux patates » lors de la crise alimentaire qui a précédé la Révolution.
Rhododendron
Tamaris
Palmier, déjà évoqué dans l'odyssée du malouin Saint Brendan.
Palmier de Chine, expédié de Chousan, à l'est de Shanghaï, par Charles de Montigny en 185147, planté en 1853 à Alger puis en 1856 à Porzantrez près de Morlaix48.
Désespoir des singes, souvenir des cap-horniers revenus de Valparaiso.
Aloe et agaves, témoignage des relations commerciales anciennes avec la Floride et la Nouvelle-Espagne.
…
Toponymie
Le nom en breton de la commune en breton est Rosko prononcé [ʁoskṓ].
Roscoff vient du breton ros signifiant promontoire, et de goff qui signifie forgeron, probablement un anthroponyme49, peut-être celui du même saint patron que celui de la paroisse de Plogoff, masque chrétien d'une divinité forgeronne, Gofannon. Le nom de Roscoff pourrait donc se traduire en français par le coteau du forgeron.
Une mutation consonantique durcit après ros le g en c. La prononciation de la consonne finale -ff est muette en léonard, d'où la graphie bretonne moderne : Rosko [roskṓ]. La prononciation française [roskɔf] est une lecture fautive de la graphie bretonne classique, Roscoff.
Gentilé
Les habitants de Roscoff, appelés Roscouins au XVIIIe siècle, s'appellent aujourd'hui les Roscovites.
Blason
Blason de Roscoff
Blason de Roscoff :
Blasonnement : D'azur au navire d'argent équipé d'hermine voguant sur une onde d'argent ; au chef de Bretagne (qui est semé d'hermine).
Devise
« A rei, a skei atao » (« Donner et frapper toujours »).
La devise est un jeu de mots sur les composantes du nom de la ville prononcé en breton: Rosko, le double f final étant muet. En breton ro signifie en effet donne, et sko veut dire littéralement frappe, selon le contexte au sens physique de joue des poings ou au sens moral de frappe l'imagination, accomplis quelque chose de touchant, mais aussi dirige, oriente, commande. D'où l'impératif ro, sko, donne, frappe, atténué par l'infinitif a rei, a skei, expression d'une sorte de justice immanente, dont le sous entendu ironique est que celui qui paye, décide. L'étymologie véritable de Roscoff est pourtant toute différente.
Hymne
Au début du XIXe siècle, le vicomte Eugène d'Herbais de Thun écrivit, sur une musique galloise qui avait eu beaucoup de succès dans les cercles celtisants, l'hymne Paotred rosko (Les gars de Roscoff)50. Les compagnies de Johnnies partantes en chantait le refrain Rosko, sko mibin, sko kaled, sko atao (« Roscoff, cogne sec, cogne dur, cogne sans cesse ») en hissant trois fois le pavillon en vue de la chapelle de Sainte Barbe, patronne de la cité depuis au moins le début du XVIIe siècle.
Histoire
Roscoff avant Roscoff
Préhistoire
Le réchauffement climatique, qui a commencé à l'épipaléolithique en achevant de transformer la vallée de la Manche en mer et s'est poursuivi après le boréal jusqu'à le phase atlantique, voit en Bretagne l'homme de Téviec se sédentariser vers - 7000 autour de sites de « pieds rouges » (récolteurs de coquillages sur l'estran), en particulier celui de la baie de Pemprat, au sud de Roscoff, qui, à défaut d'ossements, conserve un kokkenmodding semblable à ceux de la culture d'Ertebølle.
Des traces mégalithiques subsistent faiblement : le dolmen de Kerfissiec, le lech de Reuniou… La triple allée couverte de Keravel a été dynamitée par le propriétaire du terrain en 1942. La pointe de Bloscon a vraisemblablement été vers - 4 500 un tumulus tel celui de Barnenez, candidat à la place de plus vieux monument du monde, avant d'être réutilisé comme fort. Comme dans tout le pourtour de la baie de Morlaixnb 2, la toponymie témoigne toutefois d'un pôle important au néolithique, développement naturel de deux mille ans de présence des « pieds rouges » du mésolithique : Parc al lia (lia est le pluriel de lech) en retrait de la pointe de Bloscon au-dessus de l'actuel port en eau profonde, Parc an dolmen et Goarem an dolmen, noms de champs autour d'un hypothétique dolmen situé un peu plus au sud au lieu-dit Ruveic, etc. Roscogoz, quartier de la ville où se situait le premier port, était dans le souvenir de témoins du XIXe siècle le nom d'un dolmen51 peut être évoqué dans le nom de Rochgroum (pierre courbe) qui, à Santec, sert à en désigner un.
Macle de cassitérite du gisement de Saint Erc en Cornouailles.
La civilisation maritime du Wessex, celle qui construit au chalcolithique, vers 2100 av . J-C, le second Stonehenge, s'implante plus en amont (Cléder, Plouvorn, Saint-Vougay, Saint-Thégonnec) mais ses chefferies minières entretiennent un commerce intense de l'étain et ont nécessairement exploité les ports naturels tels que ceux que présentait la côte, alors plus basse, du futur Roscoff et de l'île de Batz réunis par la terre. Ce composant du bronze, fondu avec le cuivre de Cambrie et d'Espagne, affleure naturellement dans les sables alluviaires du gisement de l'actuel Saint-Renan et de son jumeau du Dartmoor, qui, parmi de nombreux autres dispersés dans l'ouest armoricain52 et le sud ouest britannique53, étaient les deux principaux fournisseurs de l'Occidentnb 3. L'imagination laissera rêver que le « promontoire du forgeron » qui a donné son nom à Roscoff était un site d'exportation de cette civilisation du bronze où le forgeron tenait un rôle magique.
Le lech de Reuniou (cf. infra "Vestiges mégalithiques") date de l'âge du fer, qui est tardif dans les Cassitérides, soit au plus tôt - 700. Comme il ne marque pas une fontaine, il correspond peut-être, comme certains autres lechs, à un ancien cimetière, ici détruit, et marque certainement un lieu fréquenté par les Osismes.
Antiquité
Vers - 100, les Celtes, soucieux après la défaîte de Bituit de maintenir les liens avec Carthage que Massilia ne permet plus, fondent en territoire armoricain la colonie de Vorganium, dont le site de Roscoff a été un des ports possibles. Lors de la reconstruction du fort de Bloscon en 1615 a été trouvée à dix mètres de profondeur la statue gauloise dite de Saint-Pyriec d'un enfant à l'oiseau, statue aujourd'hui disparue51. La construction du port en eau profonde a révélé un abri de l'époque gauloise, peut être en rapport avec les stèles funéraires de l'île de Batz qui était alors attachée au continent. L'île verte, qui se trouve au bord sud du chenal de l'île de Batz au bout de l'actuelle jetée piétonne, a en effet livré à la fin du XIXe siècle deux épées, huit haches, dont cinq portent un anneau, un torque, un fer de lance et un morceau de poignard51. Les navigateurs osismes, partenaires des tartessiens et de Carthage54 depuis au moins le voyage d'Himilcon, soit près de quatre cents ans, étaient un atout dans cette alliance contre Rome, qui se concrétisera militairement lors de l'expédition d'Hannibal.
Pol Potier de Courcy a trouvé près du même dolmen de Keravel des petits bronzes, traces d'une garnison du IIIe siècle51, probablement un des détachements des Mauri Osismaci que Carausius a dispersé pour surveiller les pirates le long de la nouvelle route côtière reliant Osismis, devenue capitale de la cité en 282, au gué du Mont Relaxe vers Aleth. De l'époque romaine, ont été également trouvées dans la ferme de Kergoff, une pièce d'or du VIe siècle51. D'autres monnaies romaines ont été retrouvées entre les deux guerres au Ruguel sur la presqu'île de Perharidy.
Une épave romaine datant du II ou IIIe siècle a été découverte à l'est de l'ilot Ti Saozon en 2014. Fouillée par la DRASSM sous le nom de Bloscon 1, elle a révélé des objets permettant de la dater ainsi que plus de 800 lingots d'étain ou d'alliage plomb-étain provenant probablement de l'actuelle Grande-Bretagne55.
Entre monastère et place militaire
La mer a submergé les mille trois mètres qui séparent aujourd'hui Roscoff, ici au fond, de l'Île de Batz, au premier plan, où l'église de Pol Aurélien est envahie par le sable.
Selon la légende hagiographique écrite au Bas Moyen Âge à partir d'un manuscrit daté de 88456, Saint Pol Aurélien, missioné par l'évêque de Guicastel, débarque en 510 à Ouessant puis est accueilli par son cousin à la forteresse de Saint-Pol, Castel Paol en breton. Des remparts, il a pu voir, selon les documents compilés par Albert Le Grand, le roi de Domnonée chasser en 513 les danois installés dans l'île Callotnb 4. Pol finit par s'installer à Batz alors rattachée au continent, y fonde un monastère et évangélise la région acquise au pélagianisme depuis plus d'un siècle comme en avaient attesté les missions de Saint Germain et son diacre Palladiusnb 5.
Nul doute que les rivages de Roscoff virent passer la voile blanche d'Iseut que Marie de France fait arriver trop tard pour sauver Tristan de Loonois.
Trois siècles plus tard, en 857, des Normands, suivant l'exemple d'Hasting, s'installent sur l'île de Batz et pillent toute la région. Leurs exactions récurrentes provoquent en 878 le transfert des reliques de Saint Pol à Fleury et celui de la population loin du rivage. Celui-ci ne sera réinvesti qu'à l'installation en 937, dans le sillage d'Alain Barbetorte rentré d'exil et vainqueur de Rognvald puis Håkon57, de la cour d'Even le Grand, comte de Léon, à Lesneven. Le vieux Roscoff, pillé, détruit, dépeuplé à plusieurs reprises, fut à chaque fois reconstruit, se cristallisant alors autour de deux pôles principaux, le port et l'église.
Au cours de l'hiver 1114-1115, la Manche gèle à quelques distances des côtes58, ce qui était déjà arrivé à l'hiver 763-76458,nb 6.
Ces Messieurs de Roscoff
Le Rosco goz de la fin du Moyen Âge
Article connexe : Minihy de Léon.
L'envasement progressif au Moyen Âge du port de Pempoul, au pied de la capitale de l'évêché-comté, oblige les navires à débarquer de l'autre côté de la péninsule, au lieu-dit Roscoff situé sur la plage orientale de Laber, appelé aujourd'hui Rosko Goz (vieux Roscoff en breton). L'actuelle pointe du Vil est un cul-de-sac où mène la route de Saint-Pol-de-Léon appelée au XVIIe rue Ker da Laez c'est-à-dire de la ville en passant par le haut, actuelle rue Albert de Mun59. La route partage alors le territoire entre la paroisse de Toussaints, à laquelle appartient Bloscon, à l'est de cette route, et la paroisse de Saint-Pierre, à laquelle appartient Santec, à l'ouest60. Ce sont deux des sept paroisses du minihy de Léon, chacune étant dirigée par un vicaire perpétuel et la cure primitive exercée directement par le chapitre cathédral de Léon.
Cette future rue de Ker da Laez, actuelle rue Albert de Mun, une fois arrivée au cul-de-sac de la pointe du Vil rebrousse chemin par ce qui deviendra la rue du Cap, actuelle rue Édouard-Corbière, le long de la côte vers Perharidy, ex-cap Ederi ou pointe Ederi, qui se dit Pen Ederi ou Pen ar Ederi59. L'endroit de la bifurcation est alors occupé par une auberge, à l'emplacement de l'actuel Hôtel de France59 aujourd'hui logement de la Station biologique de Roscoff. Le lieu est dit Croaz Vaz, c'est-à-dire la Croix de l'île de Batz59, croix qui donnera son nom au fort construit par Vauban trois siècles et demi plus tard. Comme en atteste une charte de 132361, cette auberge familiale est bâtie sur une concession féodale des seigneurs et propriétaires des terrains, le prieur de l'île de Batz et l'Abbaye de Saint-Mélaine à Rennes62.
Durant la Guerre de Succession de Bretagne, en 1363, soit quatorze ans après le début de la peste noire, le fort de Bloscon, au nord-est de l'actuel vieux portnb 7, pris par les Anglais, est repris par Bertrand du Guesclin. De 1374 à 1387, le port de Rosco lui-même est plusieurs fois de suite incendié par le gouverneur de Brest, Richard Fitzalan, que Richard II a choisi pour soutenir le parti montfortain. La population se réinstalle plus au nord au lieu-dit Golban60 pour former le quartier du Vil, c'est-à-dire du Moulin (Mil en moyen breton, féminin Vil)63. En juin 1403, mille deux cents hommes d'armes sous les ordres de Jean de Penhoët partent de l'anse de Laber dans trente vaisseaux vaincre les Anglais au large de la pointe Saint-Mathieu. Ils en ramènent quarante navires ennemis. Un an plus tard, Plymouth est pris et saccagé.
Le 19 décembre 1455, le Duc Pierre de Montfort, entérinant un état de faits générés par cette guerre de Cent Ans navale, ordonne que ne dérogent pas à la noblesse les gentilshommes « qui marchandent en gros et en plusieurs marchandises sans les détailler ni vendre par la main ». Cette singularité du droit breton fait naître un capitalisme d'armateurs à l'origine du développement économique de Saint-Malo et Morlaix ainsi que du port avancé de ce dernier, Roscoff64. Les cadets infortunés pouvaient ainsi, sans s'exposer au fouage, se livrer sur mer à une « vie de bourse commune » au terme de laquelle ils retrouvaient les privilèges et obligations de leur ordre. Pour cela, ils devaient donc mander aux ventes des intermédiaires, souvent des étrangers qui furent nombreux à s'installer à Roscoff. Inversement, l'affrètement offrait aux roturiers de s'élever au rang de la « noblesse dormante » et d'accéder parfois à la condition d' « annobliz »65.
Durant les années suivantes, la course est encouragée par Louis XI, personnellement impliqué dans la marine à travers la politique de son vice-amiral Guillaume de Casenove et très désireux depuis le traité de Caen de s'attacher des léonards ambitieux et éloignés, sinon opposésnb 8, au pouvoir ducal. C'est ainsi qu'il anoblit en 1480 l'armateur roscovite Tanguy Marzin.
Ar vil de la Renaissance
La construction de l'église fut à la fois une revendication d'autonomie politique et une ostentation ambivalente de richesses détournées des investissements.
En 1500, le nouveau Roscoff se construit sept cents mètres plus au nord de Roscoff goz où quelques puits66 permettent de débiter aux navires de l'eau douce. Le port prospère grâce à l'importation chaque hiver de Libau67 en Courlande via Anvers, principalement par des navires de Lübeck qui en ont le monopole dans la Baltique, des graines de lin récoltées au milieu de l'été en Lituanie et choisies exclusivementnb 9 par la « manufacture » toilière des créesnb 10 du Léon. Toutes celles des parties de l'arrière-pays qui sont impropres à la culture du blé forment alors une zone de production de renom international68, la seconde en France après la région de Rouen. Développée lentement durant la seconde moitié du XVe siècle, elle connait un boom à la Renaissance avec l'ouverture du marché anglais. La blancheurnb 11 de cette toile de lin est appréciée pour faire du linge et sa régulariténb 12 pour faire des voiles. Les toiles étaient réexportées du port de Morlaix, qui disposait d'un privilègenb 13, sur toute la côte atlantique jusqu'à l'Espagne d'où étaient importés au retour vin et huile, via Bilbaonb 14 puis à partir de 1530 Séville69, et au Portugalnb 15 ainsi que leurs nouvelles colonies70. C'est ainsi qu'en 1527 un navire armé pour le Brésil par le roscovite Jean Jarnet est coulé par la flotte portugaise en baie de Tous les Saints71. Dans ce réseau, Roscoff, à côté d'une activité interlope séculaire, devient le principal marché des semences de lin. Son bureau de contrôle, sous l'autorité du juge des Requaires, les fait distribuer par des commissionnaires dans le haut Léon qui produit la rosconne et sa marque finira par en monopoliser au XVIIIe siècle le réacheminement via les succursales installées dans les ports du Trégor, d'où sortent les gratiennes, et de Penthièvre, où sont produites les Bretagnes.
Comme partout en Léon, le capital accumulé est sacrifié à des constructions religieuses de prestige. Notre-Dame de Croaz Vaz est érigée entre 1522, année du saccage de Morlaix par les Anglo-Espagnols, et 1545nb 16. La chapelle Saint-Ninien est construite à l'initiative de l'évêquenb 17 et reçoit en 1538 l'assemblée capitulaire du minihy de Léon. Le 18 août 1548, la ville nouvelle accueille à son débarquement, le temps d'une prièrenb 18, Marie Stuart, reine d'Écosse âgée de cinq ans et promise au Dauphin François pour réactiver l'Auld Alliance.
Un an plus tard, le Parlement de Bretagne accède à la demande du bourg de devenir une paroisse indépendante du minihy de Léon (dont le siège se trouve à Saint-Pol-de-Léon) puis, en 1550, alors que les représentants de l'ordre ancien Claude de Coetlestremeur, seigneur de Penmarc'h, et Jean de Kermellecnb 19, commandant du château du Taureau, se livrent à la piraterie sur les côtes du Léon et que la Réforme est au cœur des préoccupations, le roi Henri II l'autorise à se doter d'une milice municipale d'arquebusiers. Simultanément, l'évêque du Léon concède aux paroissiens sécessionnistes le droit de faire baptiser leurs enfants dans leur église. Entre 1575 et 1576, la ville est dotée par Monseigneur de Neufville d'un hospice pour indigents, l'hôpital Saint Nicolas, actuelle maison de retraite où subsiste la chapelle construite en 1598. Accusé d'attirer les pauvres sur le territoire de la paroisse, l'hôpital sera en 1715 réservé aux seules personnes installées dans celle-ci depuis plus de dix ans. En 1559, mille huit cents livres sont consacrées à la chaussée du bourg.
La chapelle Sainte-Barbe.
Le XVIIe siècle, âge d'or des armateurs
De 1560nb 20 jusqu'à la fin du XVIIenb 21, les terrains autour de l'église sont lotis par l'évêque-comte à des investisseursnb 22 du Léon, tels François Jaffres, marchand et gouverneur de l'église de Roscoff, en 1561nb 23 ou Olivier Le Maigrenb 24, pour construire des hôtels de négoce qui deviendront des résidences au XVIIIe siècle. Ils sont construits pour la seule traite, tel l'hôtel de Mathieu Le Hir du Carpont et de Keramanach en 1582nb 25, ou pour servir en sous sol de magasin, voire de maison fortifiée, telle celle du corsaire Chrétien Le Pappe qui eut à se défendre en 1592 contre le régiment paysan de la Sainte Union de Morlaix conduit par Bras de Fer72. Ceux des bâtiments qui donnent, ou donnaient, sur le rivage participent au système défensif de la villenb 26.
Le 17 mai 1595, le Duc de Mercœur, prétendant baillistre militairement allié aux Espagnols contre le roi depuis cinq ans, rétablit par lettres patentes le commerce avec Bilbao et Séville, principaux débouchés des crées. Trois familles de marchands basques s'installent à Roscoffnb 27. Roscoff sert aussi de refuge à plusieurs familles anglaises catholiquesnb 28 fuyant les persécutions commencées sous le règne d'Élisabeth.
Le 12 juin 1600, après un terrible hiver, est posée, à l'emplacement du cimetière des victimes de l'épidémie de décembre 1593, la première pierre de la chapelle Saint Roch et Saint Sébastiennb 29, saints invoqués contre les épidémies et les persécutions religieuses. Cette double action de grâce décidée en décembre 1598 célébrait l'Édit de Nantes qui clôturait les cinq années de la guerre civile menée par La Fontenelle, pilleur de Roscoff en 1592nb 30, et visait simultanément à obtenir la fin de l'hécatombe causée par l'épidémie recrudescente qui se prolongea au cours de l'année 1599. Un décret municipal de 1632 transformera le lazaret en prison mouroir pour tous les individus suspects de peste.
Au tout début du siècle, Mgr de Neufville érige le nord de la paroisse de Toussaint, c'est-à-dire la péninsule de Bloscon à l'est de l'actuelle rue Albert de Mun, en trève. Désormais les paroissiens, devenus relativement nombreux, pourront recevoir les sacrements, célébrer les mariages et les enterrements, sans se rendre à la cathédrale, siège du minihy. Cependant, dès 1611, l'ecclésiastique ville de Saint-Pol obtient la suppression du député aux États de Bretagne de l'orgueilleux et bourgeois Roscoff. Les marchands de celui-ci s'organisent dès l'année suivante en la « confrérie de Sant Ninian », équivalent de l'actuel conseil municipal. En dépit de sa démographie croissante, Roscoff continue de ne députer qu'un seul représentant sur les douze que compte le conseil de la ville de Saint-Pol où sont décidés les aménagements vicinaux et les taxes afférentes, ce qui est source de contestations éternelles.
La chapelle Sainte-Anne, construite en 1640 sur fonds privés, achetée par la commune en 1967, sert aujourd'hui de lieu d'exposition.
Autour de 1619, la chapelle Sainte-Barbe, protectrice contre les pirates et intercessrice pour les âmes défuntes sans absolution, est érigée à son tournb 31. Deux ans plus tard, les Capucins sous la direction du Père Pacifique de Morlaix, ouvriront dans la paroisse, à la demande des habitants qui leur concèdent le terrain, un petit couvent dont le cloître sera achevé en 1682nb 32. Les Capucins, qui donnent des rudiments d'instruction à quelques enfants pauvres et soignent les malades, sont botanistes: ils acclimatent un figuier, qui deviendra une curiositénb 33, et introduisent d'autres plantes méditerranéennes dont en 1661 l'artichaut, qui deviendra la fortune de la région. En 1634, est inaugurée la chapelle des albâtres (cf. infra), qui vient remplacer le porche sud de Notre Dame de Croaz Vaz. En 1640, l'érection de la chapelle Sainte Anne, patronne de la Bretagne, grâce aux donations de Françoise Marzin, dame de Kerugantnb 34, et Louis Ronyant, son mari, marque la fin d'une quinzaine d'années de peste et en 1643 le quai du portnb 35 est achevé sur une longueur de cent quatre-vingt mètres après vingt-six ans de travaux.
En 1649, Roscoff obtient de la Régence gouvernée par Mazarin confirmation des lettres patentes signées en 1600 par Henri IV l'autorisant à tenir une foire six fois par an. Tant la conjoncture économique qu'une prétendue opposition de la ville de Saint-Pol empêcheront la tenue de celles ci. En mars 1649, l'église s'offre des orgues que Thomas Harrison, Anglais catholique installé à Roscoff, livre vingt mois plus tard. Le recensement de 1664 comptabilise quinze navires attachés au port de Roscoff. En 1665 monseigneur de Visdelou met en place un règlement, très modestenb 36, concernant les tavernes.
Roscoff est aussi à partir du XVIe siècle, avec Morlaix et Paimpol, un des premiers ports à armer à la pêche à la morue sur les bancs de Terre-Neuve, puis sur les côtes d'Islande. La morue salée était vendue en France et surtout en Espagne ; la Bretagne n'étant pas soumise à la gabelle, les pêcheurs picards et normands venaient à Roscoff s'approvisionner en sel à bon compte. Le trafic des faux-saulniers professionnels fut très actif jusqu'au XVIIIe siècle, assuré par une cinquantaine de bateaux de 50 à 100 tonneaux, venant principalement du port de Dieppe. Les armateurs de Roscoff prenaient leurs chargements de sel au Croisic. Avec le sel, les principales marchandises de mer étaient alors à la sortie les toiles de lin et le blé (à destination de ports comme Dunkerque, ainsi que vers l'Espagne et l'Angleterre), à l'entrée les vins et eaux-de-vie, l'huile d'olive, les merrains73 et le thé74.
Le lent déclin jusqu'au XIXe siècle
1665-1698 : taxes et smogleurs
La chute de Nicolas Fouquet marque le début de la destruction économique et politique de la province sous le règne absolutiste du Duc de Chaulnes. La politique de Louis XIV et les mesures protectionnistes de Charles II75 ferment les marchés anglais et hanséatique. La fiscalité imaginée par Pierre Deschien et la politique de manufactures d'étatnb 37 initiée par Colbert69 ruinent le commerce libre. La décroissance de la production de lin, désormais concurrencée par celle du coton des colonies dont le prix de revient est artificiellement baissé par l'esclavage, et la baisse de fréquentation du port, désormais hors du jeu commercial atlantique, ne sont pas compensées par l'activité militaire ni par la course, dont Morlaix profite presque exclusivementnb 38.
Roscoff devient pour presque trois siècles le premier port de la contrebande avec les Îles britanniques. L'origine de ce développement est le Navigation Act, première loi sur la navigation signée par Cromwell en 1651, qui interdit à tout navire d'importer en Grande Bretagne des marchandises qui ne viennent pas du pays auquel le navire appartient et qui assure le monopole de l'importation depuis les îles aux navires servis par des équipages au moins aux trois-quarts anglais et commandés par des capitaines anglais. Le trafic, qui connaitra son apogée au XVIIIe siècle en dépassant alors le volume des importations légales, profite de la proximité des Îles anglo-normandes et devient, malgré les risques encourus, une activité économique essentielle aux populations du littoral tant britannique que français, faisant progresser la construction navales, marquant des territoires d'une architecture qui bénéficie de ces progrès techniques, forgeant des caractères, suscitant des légendes, rapprochant des populations d'une même origine que les frontières ont séparées, affirmant des altérités76. Les bateaux pratiquant ce trafic sont dénommés « smogleurs », déformation du mot anglais smuggler qui signifie « contrebandier »77.
Régulièrement réprimé, mais officieusement encouragé par Colbert puis par les partisans d'un mercantilisme industriel pour ce qu'elle affaiblirait les économies rivales, cette contrebande maritime prospérera jusqu'en 1784 quand William Pitt, premier ministre du roi George III, décidera d'abaisser les droits de douane, qui passeront par exemple pour le thé de 127 % à 12 %, et signera deux ans plus tard un traité de libre-échange avec l'ancien ennemi. Elle périclitera rapidement quand Napoléon III signera, le 16 avril 1856, le traité de Paris, qui abolira l'activité connexe de course en mer. Elle ne survivra pas au chemin de fer ni au désenclavement de la Cornouaille qui s'ensuivra.
Le 30 novembre 1694, Vauban signe les plans de la transformation exécutée par La Renaudière, du fort de Bloscon en une importante batterie de treize canons fermée par un pont levis. Pour le financer, un impôt spécial est prélevé par la municipalité sur les habitants. Les merlons en gazon coûtent dix fois moins cher qu'une muraille et arrêtent les boulets sans dégâts. Le Bloscon devient le siège de la capitainerie de Saint-Pol-de-Léon qui s'étend de Ploujean à Cleder et dont la pièce maîtresse est le château du Taureau. La milice garde côtes était une corvée échue aux habitants regroupés en un bataillon sous le commandement d'un capitaine général. Sur le port lui-même, le fort de la Croix abritait une poudrièrenb 39 et un canon gardait la jetée face au rocher du Gran Quelennb 40.
1699-1789 : guerres et calamités climatiques
L'ancien port et son quai ouest prolongé d'un môle au XIXe puis d'une jetée piétonne au XXe. Les bateaux pouvaient, comme le montre une gravure du XVIIIe siècle, non pas venir à quai mais s'échouer sur les plages de Laber à Roscogoz et plus facilement sur celle qui est aujourd'hui le « vieux port ».
En 1699, une tempête ensable deux cent cinquante hectares de terres agricoles à Santec où l'ensablement a commencé dès 1666, favorisant l'aménagement de nouveaux lotissements. La guerre de Succession d'Espagne stoppe presque totalement pendant dix ans le commerce du linnb 41 mais permet de rançonner les navires ennemis, comme le fit pour deux cent cinquante livres le capitaine Lair le 1er septembre 1705 dans le port de Cork où il s'était introduit sous pavillon anglais.
La combat d'Ouessant de 1778 - Théodore Gudin (1848)
La bataille navale quasi permanente n'engage guère directement les lougres roscovites qui en sont réduits à la course et au commerce interlope.
En 1715, une autre tempête endommage le quai et en 1722 plus de cinquante centimètres de sable doivent être enlevés des rues de Roscoff. Le port a alors une capacité de cent vaisseaux de quatre à cinq cents tonneaux78 mais la flotte est considérablement réduite (en 1730, elle ne compte que trois bateaux de pêche hauturiers venus de Normandie) mêmes si certains bâtiments naviguent au long cours entre Terre Neuve, Saint-Domingue et l'Île-de-France. Il faudra attendre le 19 février 1743 et une souscription de huit mille livres auprès de la société des armateurs roscovites réunis autour de messieurs de Portenoire et Sioch'an de Kersabiec, en conflit avec la ville de Saint-Pol qui refuse de contribuer, pour que la reconstruction du quai sur une longueur double soit achevée, les pierres provenant du Petit-Quellen, de l'île de Batz et de l'île Callot.
Roscoff deviendra dès lors un chantier naval mineur mais recherché sous la marque de la dynastie Kerenfors, ce qu'il restera jusqu'à sa fermeture entre les deux guerres mondialesnb 42 et qui construira en particulier en 1779 le senau La Duchesse de Chartres79. Le 10 octobre 1746, deux siècles après son aïeule, Bonnie Prince Charlie, échappé de sa défaite à Culloden, y débarque d'un corsaire, L'Hermine escorté par le capitaine malouin du Fresne. À cette époque, les batailles navales entre Anglais et Français étaient constantesnb 43. En 1756, un ingénieur est dépêché pour mettre en place les moyens de lutte contre l'ensablement. La tempête du 4 octobre 1765 abat la flèche du clocher et endommage le toit et le porche de l'église.
Au tournant des années 1770, le port, qui avait perdu la plupart de ses marins durant la guerre de 1758nb 44, est sinistré par la disparition inexpliquée du maquereau qui abondait au large de Batz et dont les armateurs d'Honfleur et Fécamp s'étaient fait la spécialité en Bretagne80. La disparition de la « fortune de mer » et le déclin de la culture du lin sont palliés par la culture des pommes de terre initiée par Monseigneur de La Marche puis par le développement de celle des artichauts et autres primeurs, introduits un siècle plus tôt par les Capucins, qui est une agriculture spéculative basée sur la complémentarité des marchés saisonniersnb 45. Certains Roscovites sont ainsi poussés à les colporter en Maine, Anjou et Normandie.
Pauvreté et récolte du goémon à la fin du XVIIIe siècle et au début du XIXe siècle
Le recteur de la trève de Roscoff, dans une lettre écrite en 1774 adressée à l'évêque de Léon Jean-François de la Marche en réponse à son enquête sur la mendicité, proteste contre la déclaration du 30 octobre 1772 qui limite aux trois premiers mois de l'année la coupe du goémon. Il écrit (l'orthographe de l'époque a été respectée) :
« L'objet du gouesmon est très intéressant pour le païs. Les règlements qui en interdisent la coupe pendant le mois d'août ou de septembre augmente beaucoup la misère d'une partie du bas-peuple et des riverains. Cette coupe, qui s'est faite de tous tems, sur cette côte, dans cette saison, sert presque uniquement au chauffage, et il l'est le seul pour ces pauvres gens. Point de bois sur la côte, d'aucune espèce. Celui qu'on y porte est d'une cherté exorbitante. Les landes y sont maigres, rares ; point de fougères. Cette coupe ne doit pas nuire aux trempes [utilisation du goémon comme engrais], car notre côte hérissée de rochers fournit abondamment de cet herbage [goémon]. La trempe a pour elle la coupe presque entière de février et tous les gouesmons de marée [goémon échoué] pendant l'année. Ces derniers ne peuvent servir au feu81. »
À la suite d'une enquête organisée par une circulaire du 8 juin 1819 du Préfet du Finistère, le conseil municipal de Roscoff répond (l'orthographe de l'époque a été respectée) : « Ceux qui ne se servent que de paniers doivent être autorisés à commencer la récolte du goëmon deux ou trois jours avant les cultivateurs pourvus de chevaux et de voitures » et souhaite que « chaque voiture de transport ne doit être accompagnée que de huit personnes, et chaque cheval de quatre, à moins que lé ménage ne soit plus nombreux. Il doit être défendu d'enlever pendant la nuit le goëmon apporté par les flots »82.
1789-1818: de la Révolution à la famine
À la Révolution, le cahier de doléances du 29 mars 1789 dénonce la concurrence déloyale des ports francs de Guernesey et d'Aurigny, l'insuffisance de l'entrepôt du port, l'incurie de la ville de Saint-Pol, les dîmes prélevées par celle-ci sans qu'elle n'aménage de route facilitant le transport des marchandises du port, les taxes décidées par la même ayant ruiné l'exportation vers l'Irlande et l'ouest de l'Angleterre ainsi que l'importation de thé et de rhum des Amériques. Il dit entre autres qu'il faut supprimer « les octrois ruineux obtenus pour des embellissements frivoles à Saint-Pol-de-Léon » et demande de bénéficier de « la liberté d'entreposer les eaux-de-vie d'Espagne, le rhum ou le tafia de l'étranger, comme Sa Majesté a accordé pour le genièvre de Hollande et le tafia de ses colonies (...) S'il est nécessaire de lever quelque droit sur l'exportation, qu'il soit assez modique, pour que le négociant pût le céder de ses bénéfices afin de le mettre en concurrence avec les îles de Guernesey et Origny (...) qui, par une exemption de tous droits (...), ont attiré chez eux tout ce commerce »83.
Le 31 janvier 1790, Roscoff se constitue unilatéralement en municipalité autonome de Saint-Pol-de-Léonnb 46 et se choisit pour maire un marchand, Gérard Mège, qui, le 14 juillet, conduira lui-même la prière devant le refus du recteur, monsieur Boutin, lequel démissionnera du conseil municipal dès l'automne. Le 2 août, à l'occasion du pardon de la Portioncule, deux cents soldats républicains cantonnés à Saint-Pol viennent saccager Roscoff et violenter la populationnb 47. La Constitution civile du clergé achève de faire de Roscoff un foyer de la résistance passivenb 48. Sous le Gouvernement Révolutionnaire, de septembre 1792 à mai 1793, puis durant le premier semestre 1794, Roscoff devient un centre de déportationnb 49. Le 11 octobre 1794 est enfin inaugurée une route entre Roscoff et Saint-Pol. La proclamation du 9 mars 1795 du député Bruc rétablit la liberté de cultenb 50 mais la constitution d'une Garde nationale le 9 juillet 1795 provoque la révolte dite des Pitiguetnb 51.
Le système continental, loin de relancer le commerce du lin et de ses semences, ferme le port et entraîne mécanisation et délocalisation.
Le Directoire fait fermer de nouveau tous les lieux de culte et retourner dans la clandestinité les deux prêtres restants de la paroisse. L'activité portuaire est alors réduite à celles de transitaires de légumes desservant Brest, Morlaix et Landerneau. Le Consulat n'apaise en rien le conflit entre la population et la nouvelle administration : la ville, suspectée de rébellion, est mise en état de siège à deux reprisesnb 52, et le maire est accusé d'organiser la liaison entre le clergé et son évêque déchu, Monseigneur de La Marche84, exilé à Londres. Finalement, le sous-préfet autorise de nouveau le clergé local le 2 mai 1800nb 53 et rend Notre-Dame de Croaz Vaz au culte catholique le 30 octobrenb 54
Tout en favorisant le « smoglage », contrebande aléatoire qu'exercent à Roscoff quatre naviresnb 55, le Premier Empire et son blocus continental ruinent toute chance de reprise du commerce si bien qu'en mai 1810, l'armateur et maire de Roscoff Picrel chute dans la faillite retentissante du morlaisien Philippe Deleville85.
Cette crise économique se prolonge de 1816 à 1818 par une famine climatique.
L'essor des cultures maraîchères
Ce n'est que vers 1790 que commença véritablement la culture maraîchère, même si antérieurement des jardins potagers existaient déjà, principalement aux alentours du port, pour approvisionner les habitants, mais aussi les navires en escale ; les pères Capucins furent les premiers à faire en grand la culture des légumes dans une propriété leur appartenant à partir de 162286. Les conditions naturelles étaient favorables à la culture des légumes en raison du climat, de la fertilité naturelle des sols, de la fumure des champs en goémon et de la correction de la pauvreté des sols en calcaire grâce au maërl. Au début du XIXe siècle, durant la saison, les paysans de Roscoff chargeaient chaque jour de 10 à 12 charrettes de légumes qu'ils allaient vendre à Morlaix, à Brest, à Landivisiau, à Landerneau, voire à Quimperlé et à Lorient.
L'oignon rose de Roscoff est une variété importée au XVIe siècle du Portugal, vendue au XVIIe siècle jusqu'en Su-de et en Russie ; au XVIIIe siècle et au début du XIXe siècle, durant la saison, les paysans de Roscoff chargeaient chaque jour de 10 à 12 charrettes de légumes qu'ils allaient vendre à Morlaix, à Brest, à Landivisiau, à Landerneau, voire à Quimperlé et à Lorient, et même jusqu'à Paris vers 1830. Jacques Cambry qualifie la région roscovite de « jardin de la Bretagne », écrivant qu'elle « produit une incroyable quantité de légumes de toute espèce (...) : oignons, choux, navets, panais, choux-fleurs, asperges, artichauts ». Dans la seconde moitié du XIXe siècle, la navigation à vapeur facilite l'expédition vers la Hollande et la Grande-Bretagne : des groupes de roscovites vont, sur leurs vélos surchargés, vendre des oignons au Payas de galles, en Angleterre et jusqu'en Écosse.
Article détaillé : Oignon de Roscoff.
En 1828, le surpeuplement, conjugué au caractère saisonnier de l'activité agricole, déclenche l'histoire des Johnnies, marchands ambulants souvent roscovites partant vendre, entre fin juillet et l'Avent, leurs oignons rosés de Roscoff en Angleterre (Henry Olivier87 en fut l'initiateur). Désormais, l'agriculture cesse d'être une activité vivrière et renoue avec la vocation marchande de la cité.
Roscoff : l'arrivée des voitures d'oignons au port vers 1920 (carte postale)
Roscoff : l'embarquement des oignons pour l'Angleterre (vers 1920)
Cliquez sur une vignette pour l’agrandir.
Roscoff et le Léon ayant le privilège de récolter les primeurs quatre, cinq et même six semaines avant l'Angleterre et l'Irlande et les Anglais cherchant en dehors de leur île l'appoint indispensable à leur subsistance, des services de cabotage à vapeur furent créés, facilitant l'exportation des légumes. À partir du 10 juillet 1839, une troisième génération d'agriculteurs-colporteurs roscovites, déjà habitués aux marchés de l'ouest de la France, bénéficie, grâce à l'initiative de la Chambre de Commerce et d'Édouard Corbière, de la liaison hebdomadaire Morlaix-Le Havre assurée par les steamers de la Compagnie du Finistèrenb 56. Les liens établis pour affaires et par mariages entre ces colporteurs et leurs interlocuteurs normands finissent par faire passer une grande part de l'épicerie de cette province aux mains d'immigrés bretons. La liaison au Havre relance la pêche88. En 1854, une campagne de travaux décidée par le département et renouvelée en 1870, rectifie la route qui mène à Morlaix, principal marché aux légumes de la région.
En juillet 1858, 28 passeports sont délivrés à Roscoff pour l'Angleterre et le Pays de Galles, ce qui témoigne de l'amorce d'exportations légumières vers ces destinations89.
1818-1860 : surpopulation et émigration
De 1817 à son décès, le 2 octobre 1820, Dorothée Silburne, qui avait hébergé et secouru Monseigneur de La Marche durant son exil à Holborn, est recueillie par le comte de la Fruglayenb 57 dans sa maison près de l'église d'où elle dépense la pension qu'elle a reçu de Louis XVIII à ses œuvres de bienfaisancenb 58.
Du 1er novembre au 6 décembre 1832, l'épidémie de choléra, qui sévit dans toute la France, tue quatre vingt-six roscovites. Devant l'incompétence des médecins locaux, deux médecins de la Marine sont dépechés de Brest et mettent un terme à la surmortalité90. Le 8 avril suivant, la municipalité est contrainte par une loi d'assainissement votée par l'Assemblée d'ouvrir, en sus des cimetières de l'enclos paroissial et de l’hospice ainsi que celui de Santec, un quatrième cimetière, le cimetière du Vil. Cette même année 1831, des investisseurs brestois, espérant valoriser un polder de cent hectares, construisent la digue à écluse qui ferme le fond de l'anse de Laber, espérance déçue par l’opposition de la commune favorable aux goémoniers et à la libre pâture pratiquée par les santéquoisnb 59.
Les vapeurs à aubes de Corbière font entrer les colporteurs dans la modernité et convertit Roscoff en port pêche.
Le bourg compte alors de nombreux indigents91, journaliers et matelots au chômage entre deux emplois. L'alphabétisme est l'exception y compris chez les hommes d'affaires les plus expérimentés. Le budget de la commune, réduit à quelque quatre mil francs92 issus principalement de l'octroi et des taxes sur le smoglage (importation de whisky), peine à l'entretien de la digue du Vil et des pavés, à la rémunération d'une dame des Postes, d'un cantonnier et, depuis 1831, de deux instituteurs, l'un à Roscoff même, l'autre à Santec. La commune s'en remet souvent à la tutelle du préfet93. Vers le milieu du XIXe siècle l'ossuaire désaffecté servit d'école94.
La réinvention de la station maritime
Roscoff : vue prise de la petite jetée (dessin publié dans Félix Benoist, "La Bretagne contemporaine", tome "Finistère", 1867).
Le port de Roscoff en 1873.
Roscoff vers 1900 (lithographie d'Albert Robida).
Machines à vapeurs et mode des bains de mer
La phase libérale du Second Empire puis, avec bien plus d'ampleur, la IIIe République voit Roscoff, dont le budget des années 1870 a plus que doublé en quarante ans66, s'équiper de nouvelles infrastructures et entrer dans la modernité par étapes.
En 1860, Claude Chevalier construit les Viviers de Roscoff sur une concession.
Le 12 février 1867 est ouverte une des premières stations de la Société Centrale de Sauvetage des Naufragés, un an après la fondation d'une succursale locale. Elle compte deux équipes de dix rameurs et leurs chefs d'équipage.
En 1869, grâce à une souscription abondée par emprunt et subvention, sont mises en service au port six pompes à eau douce66,nb 60.
En juin 1873, Henri de Lacaze-Duthiers ouvre par souscription un laboratoire de l'Institut, la Station biologique de Roscoff, dans deux hôtels de négoce mitoyens de la fin du XVIe siècle qu'Édouard Corbière avait acquis en 1860.
En 1877, le port s'équipe de la digue Pen ar Vil en face de la Station biologique de Roscoff. Elle lui sert de port pour ses expéditions maritimes et devient l'embarcadère pour l'île de Batz.
Le 10 juin 188395, l'inauguration de la ligne de Morlaix à Roscoff par le viaduc de la Penzé et de la gare de Roscoff permet l'affluence de touristes empruntant les directs de Paris et ouvre le débouché des halles de Paris aux primeurs et à la marée96.
En 1890 est construit le château de Labernb 61 par l'héritière d'un marchand lorientais.
En 1899, le docteur Louis Bagot, dix ans après que le docteur Henry Abélanet a mis au point le dispositif dans sa villa de Saint Gilles Croix de Vie pour soigner son fils atteint du mal de Pott puis quelques autres patients, invente le premier établissement médical de thalassothérapie ouvert en Europe au public, l'institut Rockroum, en complétant les traditionnels bains de mer, lancés par la duchesse de Berry à Dieppe en 1829, d'un système de chauffage et de distribution de l'eau de mer.
En juillet de l'année suivante, la marquise de Kergariou97 fonde sur la presqu'île de Perharidy un sanatorium héliomarin confié aux sœurs qui soignent les malades atteints de tuberculose ; lors du décès de sa bienfaitrice en 1915, 180 malades sont hébergés.
En 1912, commence la construction de l'actuel port qui sera achevé en 1932. La chapelle Saint-Ninien, siège en ruine de l'ex-confrérie, y est sacrifiée.
Le transport de masse ne va pas sans catastrophes. Les naufrages de 1897 et 1899, plus encore celui du Hilda en 190598, donnent lieu à d'émouvantes commémorations au cimetière du Vil qui en conserve le souvenir. Plus souvent, les accidents (une charrette à l'eau, une chaloupe renversée…) ne sont que matériels mais ruinent en une saison deux générations d'une même famille.
Le XXe siècle
Le port au début du XXe siècle
« Au début du XXe siècle le port de Roscoff connaît un trafic important grâce, en particulier, aux liaisons transmanches. Nombre de caboteurs et de longs-courriers y font régulièrement escale. La flottille se compose en majorité de cotres spécialisés dans la pêche aux filets et aux cordes (ou lignes de fond) ». Jacques de Thézac y inaugure l'Abri du marin, financé par une brestoise, Mme Kernéis, le 19 décembre 1909. L' Abri ferma en 195299.
Au début du XXe siècle environ 1 300 léonard embarquent de Roscoff la seconde quinzaine de juillet100. De nombreux Johnnies originaires de Roscoff et des communes avoisinantes trouvèrent la mort lors du naufrage du Hilda le 17 novembre 1905101 ; la liste des victimes, membres des cinq compagnies Pichon102, Quiviger103, Jaouen104, Calarnou105 et Tanguy106, est fournie par le journal L'Univers du 26 novembre 1905107. Le journal L'Ouest-Éclair décrit l'arrivée des victimes en gare de Roscoff et les scènes poignantes lors de leurs obsèques108.
Article détaillé : SS Hilda.
La Première Guerre mondiale
Début août 1914, la mobilisation puis l'entrée en guerre de l'Empire britannique provoque des défilés patriotiques accompagnant les soldats à la gare ou au port dans lequel la population fraternise avec les touristes et habitants « grands bretons »109. Ceux qui ne sont pas mobilisés pour la défense de l'île de Batz ou le front forment spontanément une milice qui dès la fin de la Grande Retraite se dissout en même temps que l'enthousiasme109. La guerre reporte le projet de phare qui ne sera construit qu'en 1934.
Le monument aux morts de Roscoff porte les noms de 159 marins et soldats morts pour la France pendant la Première Guerre mondiale ; parmi eux, 6 sont des marins morts ou disparus en mer, Étienne Le Saout est un marin mort à Bizerte (Tunisie), 5 (Joseph Daridon, Jean Le Gad, Paul Le Guen, Paul Prigentnb 62, Louis Roignant) des soldats morts sur le front belge, 6 lors de l'expédition de Salonique (Félix Kerenfors à Moudros (Grèce) en 1916, Henri Creignou à Salonique en 1916, François Le Fur à Argostóli (Grèce) en 1917, Jean Pichon et Henri Daniélou en Serbie en 1918, Tanguy Le Bihan en Macédoine en 1918), Jacques Daridon en Turquie lors de la bataille de Sedd-Ul-Bahr ; deux (François Guivarch et Olivier Tanguy) alors qu'ils étaient prisonniers en Allemagne ; la plupart des autres sont décédés sur le sol français (parmi eux Jean Boutouiller a été décoré de la Médaille militaire, Henri Guyader et Expédit Noirot de la Médaille militaire et de la Croix de guerre, Yves Poder de la Légion d'honneur et de la Croix de guerre)110.
Par ailleurs Jean Daridon, canonnier au 1er régiment d'artillerie coloniale, est mort de maladie en 1919 lors de la Guerre civile russe à Tchéliabinsk (Russie).
L'Entre-deux-guerres
La jetée piétonne construite en 1967.
En 1920, la commune de Santec, paroisse autonome depuis 1840, est créée sur une partie des terres de Roscoff, de Saint-Pol-de-Léon, et de Plougoulm. Attendue depuis près d'un siècle par les roscovites111,112, l'inauguration en 1927 du pont de la Corde, doublant par la route le viaduc de la Penzé, améliore considérablement l'accès au marché de Morlaix. Cette route est celle du second plus important trafic du Finistère.
Le sanatorium hélio-marin de Perharidy est décoré au début de la décennie 1930 par des grands panneaux muraux peints par le peintre autodidacte Kerga et des œuvres de style Art déco du mosaïste Isidore Odorico.
En 1937, les capucins se réinstallent dans leur couvent vendu en 1793. L'année suivante commence la construction de l'aquarium, initialement destiné aux seuls chercheurs de la SBR.
La Seconde Guerre mondiale
Article connexe : Réseau Centurie.
Le monument aux morts de Roscoff porte les noms de 41 personnes mortes pour la France pendant la Seconde Guerre mondiale ; parmi elles, Olivier Cabiochnb 63, résistant mort en déportation ; Eugène Le Sauxnb 64, marin qui mourut de ses blessures en Angleterre après que son bateau le Vauquois ait été victime d'une mine le 18 juin 1940 ; plusieurs autres, par exemple Yves Dirounb 65sont des marins disparus en mer ou comme François Fournisnb 66, victime de l'attaque anglaise contre la flotte française à Mers el-Kébir110.
Une plaque commémorative située à la gare commémore la mémoire de deux cheminots (Jean Braouézec et Jean Le Coz) tués lors du mitraillage de leur train par la RAF à la bifurcation de Roscoff sur la ligne Morlaix-Roscoff le 6 juin 1943113.
Le 18 avril 1943, l'occupant décide de détruire quelques parties du fort du Bloscon construit par Vauban pour y aménager sept blockhaus, quatorze casemates de tir et quelques autres ouvrages en béton, le tout accueillant une batterie de soixante hommes114. Début janvier 1944, c'est par cet élément du mur de l'Atlantique qu'Erwin Rommel commence sa tournée d'inspection jusqu'à Plérin115.
Un témoignage d'un roscovite illustre la vie des prisonniers français au stalag [le Stalag IX-B] de Bad Orb entre 1940 et 1943 : « Je suis prisonnier au stalag à Bad Orb. Sacré pays ! Le camp est construit sur une ancienne carrière. Que du caillou. Ici rien ne pousse. Pourtant Pauline, ma petite femme, m'a fait parvenir des graines de tomates dans son dernier colis. Alors, avec des copains, on s'organise. Chaque matin, pour rejoindre le travail à l'extérieur du camp, on enfile notre lourde capote, et nos deux musettes en bandoulière. Même par grand soleil. On crève de chaud, et çà fait sourire les Allemands. Mais, chaque soir, on revient avec nos musettes chargées de terre, et de tout ce qu'on a pu chaparder à l'extérieur du camp. (...) C'est comme çà qu'on a pu cultiver une magnifique plate bande de tomates, sous l'œil amusé de nos gardiens »116.
Le lundi 19 juin 1944, l'enterrement interdit par l'occupant de Franck Mac Dowell William Stout, aviateur néozélandais abattu la veille par la DCA de l'île de Batz, rassemble au chant du Libera deux à trois mille personnes de Roscoff, Saint-Pol et Santec117 dont une centaine d'enfants portant des fleursnb 67. La manifestation sera renouvelée le lendemain au cimetière du Vil.
Plusieurs roscovites sont morts pour la France dans les décennies d'après-guerre : Auguste Quéré, Henri Corre, Joseph Grall, Paul Montagnies de La Roque, Robert Merrien, Jean Lebian, Paul Autret, Robert Le Mat et G. Veillard en Indochine ; Alain Castel et Jean Velly pendant la Guerre d'Algérie110.
Développement et défis écologiques
En 1953, l'institut de thalassothérapie Rockroum, détruit pendant la Seconde Guerre mondiale, rouvre et la station de la Société Centrale de Sauvetage des Naufragés ferme118. L'aquarium Charles Pérez est achevé et ouvert au public, et le CNRS, dans une nouvelle aile, ajoute à la SBR des laboratoires d'océanographie dotés de leur premier navire, le Pluteus II. À partir du début des années soixante, le centre dirigé par Georges Tessier, jusqu'alors station estivale pour étudiants et chercheurs étrangers limités à la zone intertidale, accueille des équipes permanentes. Une seconde aile est construite en 1968. Pendant quelques semaines de mai, un comité de grève occupe les laboratoires.
En août 1969, la je
Our Child Sexual Exploitation Unit were out in Oldham and Manchester earlier today executing warrants as part of an investigation into non-recent child sexual abuse dating back to the early 2000s.
This is part of our ongoing operation to tackle all forms of CSE in Greater Manchester.
Always call 999 in an emergency, such as when a crime is in progress, violence is being used or threatened or where there is danger to life.
You can also call anonymously with information about crime to Crimestoppers on 0800 555 111. Crimestoppers is an independent charity who will not want your name, just your information. Your call will not be traced or recorded and you do not have to go to court or give a statement.
You can access many of our services online at www.gmp.police.uk
Ganesha, also spelled Ganesh, and also known as Ganapati and Vinayaka, is a widely worshipped deity in the Hindu pantheon. His image is found throughout India and Nepal. Hindu sects worship him regardless of affiliations. Devotion to Ganesha is widely diffused and extends to Jains, Buddhists, and beyond India.
Although he is known by many attributes, Ganesha's elephant head makes him easy to identify. Ganesha is widely revered as the remover of obstacles, the patron of arts and sciences and the deva of intellect and wisdom. As the god of beginnings, he is honoured at the start of rituals and ceremonies. Ganesha is also invoked as patron of letters and learning during writing sessions. Several texts relate mythological anecdotes associated with his birth and exploits and explain his distinct iconography.
Ganesha emerged as a distinct deity in the 4th and 5th centuries CE, during the Gupta Period, although he inherited traits from Vedic and pre-Vedic precursors. He was formally included among the five primary deities of Smartism (a Hindu denomination) in the 9th century. A sect of devotees called the Ganapatya arose, who identified Ganesha as the supreme deity. The principal scriptures dedicated to Ganesha are the Ganesha Purana, the Mudgala Purana, and the Ganapati Atharvashirsa.
ETYMOLOGY AND OTHER NAMES
Ganesha has been ascribed many other titles and epithets, including Ganapati and Vighneshvara. The Hindu title of respect Shri is often added before his name. One popular way Ganesha is worshipped is by chanting a Ganesha Sahasranama, a litany of "a thousand names of Ganesha". Each name in the sahasranama conveys a different meaning and symbolises a different aspect of Ganesha. At least two different versions of the Ganesha Sahasranama exist; one version is drawn from the Ganesha Purana, a Hindu scripture venerating Ganesha.
The name Ganesha is a Sanskrit compound, joining the words gana, meaning a group, multitude, or categorical system and isha, meaning lord or master. The word gaņa when associated with Ganesha is often taken to refer to the gaņas, a troop of semi-divine beings that form part of the retinue of Shiva. The term more generally means a category, class, community, association, or corporation. Some commentators interpret the name "Lord of the Gaņas" to mean "Lord of Hosts" or "Lord of created categories", such as the elements. Ganapati, a synonym for Ganesha, is a compound composed of gaṇa, meaning "group", and pati, meaning "ruler" or "lord". The Amarakosha, an early Sanskrit lexicon, lists eight synonyms of Ganesha : Vinayaka, Vighnarāja (equivalent to Vighnesha), Dvaimātura (one who has two mothers), Gaṇādhipa (equivalent to Ganapati and Ganesha), Ekadanta (one who has one tusk), Heramba, Lambodara (one who has a pot belly, or, literally, one who has a hanging belly), and Gajanana; having the face of an elephant).
Vinayaka is a common name for Ganesha that appears in the Purāṇas and in Buddhist Tantras. This name is reflected in the naming of the eight famous Ganesha temples in Maharashtra known as the Ashtavinayak (aṣṭavināyaka). The names Vighnesha and Vighneshvara (Lord of Obstacles) refers to his primary function in Hindu theology as the master and remover of obstacles (vighna).
A prominent name for Ganesha in the Tamil language is Pillai. A. K. Narain differentiates these terms by saying that pillai means a "child" while pillaiyar means a "noble child". He adds that the words pallu, pella, and pell in the Dravidian family of languages signify "tooth or tusk", also "elephant tooth or tusk". Anita Raina Thapan notes that the root word pille in the name Pillaiyar might have originally meant "the young of the elephant", because the Pali word pillaka means "a young elephant".
In the Burmese language, Ganesha is known as Maha Peinne, derived from Pali Mahā Wināyaka. The widespread name of Ganesha in Thailand is Phra Phikhanet or Phra Phikhanesuan, both of which are derived from Vara Vighnesha and Vara Vighneshvara respectively, whereas the name Khanet (from Ganesha) is rather rare.
In Sri Lanka, in the North-Central and North Western areas with predominantly Buddhist population, Ganesha is known as Aiyanayaka Deviyo, while in other Singhala Buddhist areas he is known as Gana deviyo.
ICONOGRAPHY
Ganesha is a popular figure in Indian art. Unlike those of some deities, representations of Ganesha show wide variations and distinct patterns changing over time. He may be portrayed standing, dancing, heroically taking action against demons, playing with his family as a boy, sitting down or on an elevated seat, or engaging in a range of contemporary situations.
Ganesha images were prevalent in many parts of India by the 6th century. The 13th century statue pictured is typical of Ganesha statuary from 900–1200, after Ganesha had been well-established as an independent deity with his own sect. This example features some of Ganesha's common iconographic elements. A virtually identical statue has been dated between 973–1200 by Paul Martin-Dubost, and another similar statue is dated c. 12th century by Pratapaditya Pal. Ganesha has the head of an elephant and a big belly. This statue has four arms, which is common in depictions of Ganesha. He holds his own broken tusk in his lower-right hand and holds a delicacy, which he samples with his trunk, in his lower-left hand. The motif of Ganesha turning his trunk sharply to his left to taste a sweet in his lower-left hand is a particularly archaic feature. A more primitive statue in one of the Ellora Caves with this general form has been dated to the 7th century. Details of the other hands are difficult to make out on the statue shown. In the standard configuration, Ganesha typically holds an axe or a goad in one upper arm and a pasha (noose) in the other upper arm.
The influence of this old constellation of iconographic elements can still be seen in contemporary representations of Ganesha. In one modern form, the only variation from these old elements is that the lower-right hand does not hold the broken tusk but is turned towards the viewer in a gesture of protection or fearlessness (abhaya mudra). The same combination of four arms and attributes occurs in statues of Ganesha dancing, which is a very popular theme.
COMMON ATTRIBUTES
Ganesha has been represented with the head of an elephant since the early stages of his appearance in Indian art. Puranic myths provide many explanations for how he got his elephant head. One of his popular forms, Heramba-Ganapati, has five elephant heads, and other less-common variations in the number of heads are known. While some texts say that Ganesha was born with an elephant head, he acquires the head later in most stories. The most recurrent motif in these stories is that Ganesha was created by Parvati using clay to protect her and Shiva beheaded him when Ganesha came between Shiva and Parvati. Shiva then replaced Ganesha's original head with that of an elephant. Details of the battle and where the replacement head came from vary from source to source. Another story says that Ganesha was created directly by Shiva's laughter. Because Shiva considered Ganesha too alluring, he gave him the head of an elephant and a protruding belly.
Ganesha's earliest name was Ekadanta (One Tusked), referring to his single whole tusk, the other being broken. Some of the earliest images of Ganesha show him holding his broken tusk. The importance of this distinctive feature is reflected in the Mudgala Purana, which states that the name of Ganesha's second incarnation is Ekadanta. Ganesha's protruding belly appears as a distinctive attribute in his earliest statuary, which dates to the Gupta period (4th to 6th centuries). This feature is so important that, according to the Mudgala Purana, two different incarnations of Ganesha use names based on it: Lambodara (Pot Belly, or, literally, Hanging Belly) and Mahodara (Great Belly). Both names are Sanskrit compounds describing his belly. The Brahmanda Purana says that Ganesha has the name Lambodara because all the universes (i.e., cosmic eggs) of the past, present, and future are present in him. The number of Ganesha's arms varies; his best-known forms have between two and sixteen arms. Many depictions of Ganesha feature four arms, which is mentioned in Puranic sources and codified as a standard form in some iconographic texts. His earliest images had two arms. Forms with 14 and 20 arms appeared in Central India during the 9th and the 10th centuries. The serpent is a common feature in Ganesha iconography and appears in many forms. According to the Ganesha Purana, Ganesha wrapped the serpent Vasuki around his neck. Other depictions of snakes include use as a sacred thread wrapped around the stomach as a belt, held in a hand, coiled at the ankles, or as a throne. Upon Ganesha's forehead may be a third eye or the Shaivite sectarian mark , which consists of three horizontal lines. The Ganesha Purana prescribes a tilaka mark as well as a crescent moon on the forehead. A distinct form of Ganesha called Bhalachandra includes that iconographic element. Ganesha is often described as red in color. Specific colors are associated with certain forms. Many examples of color associations with specific meditation forms are prescribed in the Sritattvanidhi, a treatise on Hindu iconography. For example, white is associated with his representations as Heramba-Ganapati and Rina-Mochana-Ganapati (Ganapati Who Releases from Bondage). Ekadanta-Ganapati is visualized as blue during meditation in that form.
VAHANAS
The earliest Ganesha images are without a vahana (mount/vehicle). Of the eight incarnations of Ganesha described in the Mudgala Purana, Ganesha uses a mouse (shrew) in five of them, a lion in his incarnation as Vakratunda, a peacock in his incarnation as Vikata, and Shesha, the divine serpent, in his incarnation as Vighnaraja. Mohotkata uses a lion, Mayūreśvara uses a peacock, Dhumraketu uses a horse, and Gajanana uses a mouse, in the four incarnations of Ganesha listed in the Ganesha Purana. Jain depictions of Ganesha show his vahana variously as a mouse, elephant, tortoise, ram, or peacock.
Ganesha is often shown riding on or attended by a mouse, shrew or rat. Martin-Dubost says that the rat began to appear as the principal vehicle in sculptures of Ganesha in central and western India during the 7th century; the rat was always placed close to his feet. The mouse as a mount first appears in written sources in the Matsya Purana and later in the Brahmananda Purana and Ganesha Purana, where Ganesha uses it as his vehicle in his last incarnation. The Ganapati Atharvashirsa includes a meditation verse on Ganesha that describes the mouse appearing on his flag. The names Mūṣakavāhana (mouse-mount) and Ākhuketana (rat-banner) appear in the Ganesha Sahasranama.
The mouse is interpreted in several ways. According to Grimes, "Many, if not most of those who interpret Gaṇapati's mouse, do so negatively; it symbolizes tamoguṇa as well as desire". Along these lines, Michael Wilcockson says it symbolizes those who wish to overcome desires and be less selfish. Krishan notes that the rat is destructive and a menace to crops. The Sanskrit word mūṣaka (mouse) is derived from the root mūṣ (stealing, robbing). It was essential to subdue the rat as a destructive pest, a type of vighna (impediment) that needed to be overcome. According to this theory, showing Ganesha as master of the rat demonstrates his function as Vigneshvara (Lord of Obstacles) and gives evidence of his possible role as a folk grāma-devatā (village deity) who later rose to greater prominence. Martin-Dubost notes a view that the rat is a symbol suggesting that Ganesha, like the rat, penetrates even the most secret places.
ASSOCIATIONS
OBSTACLES
Ganesha is Vighneshvara or Vighnaraja or Vighnaharta (Marathi), the Lord of Obstacles, both of a material and spiritual order. He is popularly worshipped as a remover of obstacles, though traditionally he also places obstacles in the path of those who need to be checked. Paul Courtright says that "his task in the divine scheme of things, his dharma, is to place and remove obstacles. It is his particular territory, the reason for his creation."
Krishan notes that some of Ganesha's names reflect shadings of multiple roles that have evolved over time. Dhavalikar ascribes the quick ascension of Ganesha in the Hindu pantheon, and the emergence of the Ganapatyas, to this shift in emphasis from vighnakartā (obstacle-creator) to vighnahartā (obstacle-averter). However, both functions continue to be vital to his character.
BUDDHI (KNOWLEDGE)
Ganesha is considered to be the Lord of letters and learning. In Sanskrit, the word buddhi is a feminine noun that is variously translated as intelligence, wisdom, or intellect. The concept of buddhi is closely associated with the personality of Ganesha, especially in the Puranic period, when many stories stress his cleverness and love of intelligence. One of Ganesha's names in the Ganesha Purana and the Ganesha Sahasranama is Buddhipriya. This name also appears in a list of 21 names at the end of the Ganesha Sahasranama that Ganesha says are especially important. The word priya can mean "fond of", and in a marital context it can mean "lover" or "husband", so the name may mean either "Fond of Intelligence" or "Buddhi's Husband".
AUM
Ganesha is identified with the Hindu mantra Aum, also spelled Om. The term oṃkārasvarūpa (Aum is his form), when identified with Ganesha, refers to the notion that he personifies the primal sound. The Ganapati Atharvashirsa attests to this association. Chinmayananda translates the relevant passage as follows:
(O Lord Ganapati!) You are (the Trinity) Brahma, Vishnu, and Mahesa. You are Indra. You are fire [Agni] and air [Vāyu]. You are the sun [Sūrya] and the moon [Chandrama]. You are Brahman. You are (the three worlds) Bhuloka [earth], Antariksha-loka [space], and Swargaloka [heaven]. You are Om. (That is to say, You are all this).
Some devotees see similarities between the shape of Ganesha's body in iconography and the shape of Aum in the Devanāgarī and Tamil scripts.
FIRST CHAKRA
According to Kundalini yoga, Ganesha resides in the first chakra, called Muladhara (mūlādhāra). Mula means "original, main"; adhara means "base, foundation". The muladhara chakra is the principle on which the manifestation or outward expansion of primordial Divine Force rests. This association is also attested to in the Ganapati Atharvashirsa. Courtright translates this passage as follows: "[O Ganesha,] You continually dwell in the sacral plexus at the base of the spine [mūlādhāra cakra]." Thus, Ganesha has a permanent abode in every being at the Muladhara. Ganesha holds, supports and guides all other chakras, thereby "governing the forces that propel the wheel of life".
FAMILY AND CONSORTS
Though Ganesha is popularly held to be the son of Shiva and Parvati, the Puranic myths give different versions about his birth. In some he was created by Parvati, in another he was created by Shiva and Parvati, in another he appeared mysteriously and was discovered by Shiva and Parvati or he was born from the elephant headed goddess Malini after she drank Parvati's bath water that had been thrown in the river.
The family includes his brother the war god Kartikeya, who is also called Subramanya, Skanda, Murugan and other names. Regional differences dictate the order of their births. In northern India, Skanda is generally said to be the elder, while in the south, Ganesha is considered the first born. In northern India, Skanda was an important martial deity from about 500 BCE to about 600 CE, when worship of him declined significantly in northern India. As Skanda fell, Ganesha rose. Several stories tell of sibling rivalry between the brothers and may reflect sectarian tensions.
Ganesha's marital status, the subject of considerable scholarly review, varies widely in mythological stories. One pattern of myths identifies Ganesha as an unmarried brahmacari. This view is common in southern India and parts of northern India. Another pattern associates him with the concepts of Buddhi (intellect), Siddhi (spiritual power), and Riddhi (prosperity); these qualities are sometimes personified as goddesses, said to be Ganesha's wives. He also may be shown with a single consort or a nameless servant (Sanskrit: daşi). Another pattern connects Ganesha with the goddess of culture and the arts, Sarasvati or Śarda (particularly in Maharashtra). He is also associated with the goddess of luck and prosperity, Lakshmi. Another pattern, mainly prevalent in the Bengal region, links Ganesha with the banana tree, Kala Bo.
The Shiva Purana says that Ganesha had begotten two sons: Kşema (prosperity) and Lābha (profit). In northern Indian variants of this story, the sons are often said to be Śubha (auspiciouness) and Lābha. The 1975 Hindi film Jai Santoshi Maa shows Ganesha married to Riddhi and Siddhi and having a daughter named Santoshi Ma, the goddess of satisfaction. This story has no Puranic basis, but Anita Raina Thapan and Lawrence Cohen cite Santoshi Ma's cult as evidence of Ganesha's continuing evolution as a popular deity.
WOSHIP AND FESTIVALS
Ganesha is worshipped on many religious and secular occasions; especially at the beginning of ventures such as buying a vehicle or starting a business. K.N. Somayaji says, "there can hardly be a [Hindu] home [in India] which does not house an idol of Ganapati. [..] Ganapati, being the most popular deity in India, is worshipped by almost all castes and in all parts of the country". Devotees believe that if Ganesha is propitiated, he grants success, prosperity and protection against adversity.
Ganesha is a non-sectarian deity, and Hindus of all denominations invoke him at the beginning of prayers, important undertakings, and religious ceremonies. Dancers and musicians, particularly in southern India, begin performances of arts such as the Bharatnatyam dance with a prayer to Ganesha. Mantras such as Om Shri Gaṇeshāya Namah (Om, salutation to the Illustrious Ganesha) are often used. One of the most famous mantras associated with Ganesha is Om Gaṃ Ganapataye Namah (Om, Gaṃ, Salutation to the Lord of Hosts).
Devotees offer Ganesha sweets such as modaka and small sweet balls (laddus). He is often shown carrying a bowl of sweets, called a modakapātra. Because of his identification with the color red, he is often worshipped with red sandalwood paste (raktacandana) or red flowers. Dūrvā grass (Cynodon dactylon) and other materials are also used in his worship.
Festivals associated with Ganesh are Ganesh Chaturthi or Vināyaka chaturthī in the śuklapakṣa (the fourth day of the waxing moon) in the month of bhādrapada (August/September) and the Gaṇeśa jayanti (Gaṇeśa's birthday) celebrated on the cathurthī of the śuklapakṣa (fourth day of the waxing moon) in the month of māgha (January/February)."
GANESH CHATURTI
An annual festival honours Ganesha for ten days, starting on Ganesha Chaturthi, which typically falls in late August or early September. The festival begins with people bringing in clay idols of Ganesha, symbolising Ganesha's visit. The festival culminates on the day of Ananta Chaturdashi, when idols (murtis) of Ganesha are immersed in the most convenient body of water. Some families have a tradition of immersion on the 2nd, 3rd, 5th, or 7th day. In 1893, Lokmanya Tilak transformed this annual Ganesha festival from private family celebrations into a grand public event. He did so "to bridge the gap between the Brahmins and the non-Brahmins and find an appropriate context in which to build a new grassroots unity between them" in his nationalistic strivings against the British in Maharashtra. Because of Ganesha's wide appeal as "the god for Everyman", Tilak chose him as a rallying point for Indian protest against British rule. Tilak was the first to install large public images of Ganesha in pavilions, and he established the practice of submerging all the public images on the tenth day. Today, Hindus across India celebrate the Ganapati festival with great fervour, though it is most popular in the state of Maharashtra. The festival also assumes huge proportions in Mumbai, Pune, and in the surrounding belt of Ashtavinayaka temples.
TEMPLES
In Hindu temples, Ganesha is depicted in various ways: as an acolyte or subordinate deity (pãrśva-devatã); as a deity related to the principal deity (parivāra-devatã); or as the principal deity of the temple (pradhāna), treated similarly as the highest gods of the Hindu pantheon. As the god of transitions, he is placed at the doorway of many Hindu temples to keep out the unworthy, which is analogous to his role as Parvati’s doorkeeper. In addition, several shrines are dedicated to Ganesha himself, of which the Ashtavinayak (lit. "eight Ganesha (shrines)") in Maharashtra are particularly well known. Located within a 100-kilometer radius of the city of Pune, each of these eight shrines celebrates a particular form of Ganapati, complete with its own lore and legend. The eight shrines are: Morgaon, Siddhatek, Pali, Mahad, Theur, Lenyadri, Ozar and Ranjangaon.
There are many other important Ganesha temples at the following locations: Wai in Maharashtra; Ujjain in Madhya Pradesh; Jodhpur, Nagaur and Raipur (Pali) in Rajasthan; Baidyanath in Bihar; Baroda, Dholaka, and Valsad in Gujarat and Dhundiraj Temple in Varanasi, Uttar Pradesh. Prominent Ganesha temples in southern India include the following: Kanipakam in Chittoor; the Jambukeśvara Temple at Tiruchirapalli; at Rameshvaram and Suchindram in Tamil Nadu; at Malliyur, Kottarakara, Pazhavangadi, Kasargod in Kerala, Hampi, and Idagunji in Karnataka; and Bhadrachalam in Andhra Pradesh.
T. A. Gopinatha notes, "Every village however small has its own image of Vighneśvara (Vigneshvara) with or without a temple to house it in. At entrances of villages and forts, below pīpaḹa (Sacred fig) trees [...], in a niche [...] in temples of Viṣṇu (Vishnu) as well as Śiva (Shiva) and also in separate shrines specially constructed in Śiva temples [...]; the figure of Vighneśvara is invariably seen." Ganesha temples have also been built outside of India, including southeast Asia, Nepal (including the four Vinayaka shrines in the Kathmandu valley), and in several western countries.
RISE TO PROMINENCE
FIRST APEARANCE
Ganesha appeared in his classic form as a clearly recognizable deity with well-defined iconographic attributes in the early 4th to 5th centuries. Shanti Lal Nagar says that the earliest known iconic image of Ganesha is in the niche of the Shiva temple at Bhumra, which has been dated to the Gupta period. His independent cult appeared by about the 10th century. Narain summarizes the controversy between devotees and academics regarding the development of Ganesha as follows:
What is inscrutable is the somewhat dramatic appearance of Gaņeśa on the historical scene. His antecedents are not clear. His wide acceptance and popularity, which transcend sectarian and territorial limits, are indeed amazing. On the one hand there is the pious belief of the orthodox devotees in Gaņeśa's Vedic origins and in the Purāṇic explanations contained in the confusing, but nonetheless interesting, mythology. On the other hand there are doubts about the existence of the idea and the icon of this deity" before the fourth to fifth century A.D. ... [I]n my opinion, indeed there is no convincing evidence of the existence of this divinity prior to the fifth century.
POSSIBLE INFLUENCES
Courtright reviews various speculative theories about the early history of Ganesha, including supposed tribal traditions and animal cults, and dismisses all of them in this way:
In the post 600 BC period there is evidence of people and places named after the animal. The motif appears on coins and sculptures.
Thapan's book on the development of Ganesha devotes a chapter to speculations about the role elephants had in early India but concludes that, "although by the second century CE the elephant-headed yakṣa form exists it cannot be presumed to represent Gaṇapati-Vināyaka. There is no evidence of a deity by this name having an elephant or elephant-headed form at this early stage. Gaṇapati-Vināyaka had yet to make his debut."
One theory of the origin of Ganesha is that he gradually came to prominence in connection with the four Vinayakas (Vināyakas). In Hindu mythology, the Vināyakas were a group of four troublesome demons who created obstacles and difficulties but who were easily propitiated. The name Vināyaka is a common name for Ganesha both in the Purāṇas and in Buddhist Tantras. Krishan is one of the academics who accepts this view, stating flatly of Ganesha, "He is a non-vedic god. His origin is to be traced to the four Vināyakas, evil spirits, of the Mānavagŗhyasūtra (7th–4th century BCE) who cause various types of evil and suffering". Depictions of elephant-headed human figures, which some identify with Ganesha, appear in Indian art and coinage as early as the 2nd century. According to Ellawala, the elephant-headed Ganesha as lord of the Ganas was known to the people of Sri Lanka in the early pre-Christian era.
A metal plate depiction of Ganesha had been discovered in 1993, in Iran, it dated back to 1,200 BCE. Another one was discovered much before, in Lorestan Province of Iran.
First Ganesha's terracotta images are from 1st century CE found in Ter, Pal, Verrapuram and Chandraketugarh. These figures are small, with elephant head, two arms, and chubby physique. The earliest Ganesha icons in stone were carved in Mathura during Kushan times (2nd-3rd centuries CE).
VEDIC AND EPIC LITERATURE
The title "Leader of the group" (Sanskrit: gaṇapati) occurs twice in the Rig Veda, but in neither case does it refer to the modern Ganesha. The term appears in RV 2.23.1 as a title for Brahmanaspati, according to commentators. While this verse doubtless refers to Brahmanaspati, it was later adopted for worship of Ganesha and is still used today. In rejecting any claim that this passage is evidence of Ganesha in the Rig Veda, Ludo Rocher says that it "clearly refers to Bṛhaspati—who is the deity of the hymn—and Bṛhaspati only". Equally clearly, the second passage (RV 10.112.9) refers to Indra, who is given the epithet 'gaṇapati', translated "Lord of the companies (of the Maruts)." However, Rocher notes that the more recent Ganapatya literature often quotes the Rigvedic verses to give Vedic respectability to Ganesha .
Two verses in texts belonging to Black Yajurveda, Maitrāyaṇīya Saṃhitā (2.9.1) and Taittirīya Āraṇyaka (10.1), appeal to a deity as "the tusked one" (Dantiḥ), "elephant-faced" (Hastimukha), and "with a curved trunk" (Vakratuņḍa). These names are suggestive of Ganesha, and the 14th century commentator Sayana explicitly establishes this identification. The description of Dantin, possessing a twisted trunk (vakratuṇḍa) and holding a corn-sheaf, a sugar cane, and a club, is so characteristic of the Puranic Ganapati that Heras says "we cannot resist to accept his full identification with this Vedic Dantin". However, Krishan considers these hymns to be post-Vedic additions. Thapan reports that these passages are "generally considered to have been interpolated". Dhavalikar says, "the references to the elephant-headed deity in the Maitrāyaṇī Saṃhitā have been proven to be very late interpolations, and thus are not very helpful for determining the early formation of the deity".
Ganesha does not appear in Indian epic literature that is dated to the Vedic period. A late interpolation to the epic poem Mahabharata says that the sage Vyasa (Vyāsa) asked Ganesha to serve as his scribe to transcribe the poem as he dictated it to him. Ganesha agreed but only on condition that Vyasa recite the poem uninterrupted, that is, without pausing. The sage agreed, but found that to get any rest he needed to recite very complex passages so Ganesha would have to ask for clarifications. The story is not accepted as part of the original text by the editors of the critical edition of the Mahabharata, in which the twenty-line story is relegated to a footnote in an appendix. The story of Ganesha acting as the scribe occurs in 37 of the 59 manuscripts consulted during preparation of the critical edition. Ganesha's association with mental agility and learning is one reason he is shown as scribe for Vyāsa's dictation of the Mahabharata in this interpolation. Richard L. Brown dates the story to the 8th century, and Moriz Winternitz concludes that it was known as early as c. 900, but it was not added to the Mahabharata some 150 years later. Winternitz also notes that a distinctive feature in South Indian manuscripts of the Mahabharata is their omission of this Ganesha legend. The term vināyaka is found in some recensions of the Śāntiparva and Anuśāsanaparva that are regarded as interpolations. A reference to Vighnakartṛīṇām ("Creator of Obstacles") in Vanaparva is also believed to be an interpolation and does not appear in the critical edition.
PURANIC PERIOD
Stories about Ganesha often occur in the Puranic corpus. Brown notes while the Puranas "defy precise chronological ordering", the more detailed narratives of Ganesha's life are in the late texts, c. 600–1300. Yuvraj Krishan says that the Puranic myths about the birth of Ganesha and how he acquired an elephant's head are in the later Puranas, which were composed from c. 600 onwards. He elaborates on the matter to say that references to Ganesha in the earlier Puranas, such as the Vayu and Brahmanda Puranas, are later interpolations made during the 7th to 10th centuries.
In his survey of Ganesha's rise to prominence in Sanskrit literature, Ludo Rocher notes that:
Above all, one cannot help being struck by the fact that the numerous stories surrounding Gaṇeśa concentrate on an unexpectedly limited number of incidents. These incidents are mainly three: his birth and parenthood, his elephant head, and his single tusk. Other incidents are touched on in the texts, but to a far lesser extent.
Ganesha's rise to prominence was codified in the 9th century, when he was formally included as one of the five primary deities of Smartism. The 9th-century philosopher Adi Shankara popularized the "worship of the five forms" (Panchayatana puja) system among orthodox Brahmins of the Smarta tradition. This worship practice invokes the five deities Ganesha, Vishnu, Shiva, Devi, and Surya. Adi Shankara instituted the tradition primarily to unite the principal deities of these five major sects on an equal status. This formalized the role of Ganesha as a complementary deity.
SCRIPTURES
Once Ganesha was accepted as one of the five principal deities of Brahmanism, some Brahmins (brāhmaṇas) chose to worship Ganesha as their principal deity. They developed the Ganapatya tradition, as seen in the Ganesha Purana and the Mudgala Purana.
The date of composition for the Ganesha Purana and the Mudgala Purana - and their dating relative to one another - has sparked academic debate. Both works were developed over time and contain age-layered strata. Anita Thapan reviews comments about dating and provides her own judgement. "It seems likely that the core of the Ganesha Purana appeared around the twelfth and thirteenth centuries", she says, "but was later interpolated." Lawrence W. Preston considers the most reasonable date for the Ganesha Purana to be between 1100 and 1400, which coincides with the apparent age of the sacred sites mentioned by the text.
R.C. Hazra suggests that the Mudgala Purana is older than the Ganesha Purana, which he dates between 1100 and 1400. However, Phyllis Granoff finds problems with this relative dating and concludes that the Mudgala Purana was the last of the philosophical texts concerned with Ganesha. She bases her reasoning on the fact that, among other internal evidence, the Mudgala Purana specifically mentions the Ganesha Purana as one of the four Puranas (the Brahma, the Brahmanda, the Ganesha, and the Mudgala Puranas) which deal at length with Ganesha. While the kernel of the text must be old, it was interpolated until the 17th and 18th centuries as the worship of Ganapati became more important in certain regions. Another highly regarded scripture, the Ganapati Atharvashirsa, was probably composed during the 16th or 17th centuries.
BEYOND INDIA AND HINDUISM
Commercial and cultural contacts extended India's influence in western and southeast Asia. Ganesha is one of a number of Hindu deities who reached foreign lands as a result.
Ganesha was particularly worshipped by traders and merchants, who went out of India for commercial ventures. From approximately the 10th century onwards, new networks of exchange developed including the formation of trade guilds and a resurgence of money circulation. During this time, Ganesha became the principal deity associated with traders. The earliest inscription invoking Ganesha before any other deity is associated with the merchant community.
Hindus migrated to Maritime Southeast Asia and took their culture, including Ganesha, with them. Statues of Ganesha are found throughout the region, often beside Shiva sanctuaries. The forms of Ganesha found in Hindu art of Java, Bali, and Borneo show specific regional influences. The spread of Hindu culture to southeast Asia established Ganesha in modified forms in Burma, Cambodia, and Thailand. In Indochina, Hinduism and Buddhism were practiced side by side, and mutual influences can be seen in the iconography of Ganesha in the region. In Thailand, Cambodia, and among the Hindu classes of the Chams in Vietnam, Ganesha was mainly thought of as a remover of obstacles. Today in Buddhist Thailand, Ganesha is regarded as a remover of obstacles, the god of success.
Before the arrival of Islam, Afghanistan had close cultural ties with India, and the adoration of both Hindu and Buddhist deities was practiced. Examples of sculptures from the 5th to the 7th centuries have survived, suggesting that the worship of Ganesha was then in vogue in the region.
Ganesha appears in Mahayana Buddhism, not only in the form of the Buddhist god Vināyaka, but also as a Hindu demon form with the same name. His image appears in Buddhist sculptures during the late Gupta period. As the Buddhist god Vināyaka, he is often shown dancing. This form, called Nṛtta Ganapati, was popular in northern India, later adopted in Nepal, and then in Tibet. In Nepal, the Hindu form of Ganesha, known as Heramba, is popular; he has five heads and rides a lion. Tibetan representations of Ganesha show ambivalent views of him. A Tibetan rendering of Ganapati is tshogs bdag. In one Tibetan form, he is shown being trodden under foot by Mahākāla, (Shiva) a popular Tibetan deity. Other depictions show him as the Destroyer of Obstacles, and sometimes dancing. Ganesha appears in China and Japan in forms that show distinct regional character. In northern China, the earliest known stone statue of Ganesha carries an inscription dated to 531. In Japan, where Ganesha is known as Kangiten, the Ganesha cult was first mentioned in 806.
The canonical literature of Jainism does not mention the worship of Ganesha. However, Ganesha is worshipped by most Jains, for whom he appears to have taken over certain functions of Kubera. Jain connections with the trading community support the idea that Jainism took up Ganesha worship as a result of commercial connections. The earliest known Jain Ganesha statue dates to about the 9th century. A 15th-century Jain text lists procedures for the installation of Ganapati images. Images of Ganesha appear in the Jain temples of Rajasthan and Gujarat.
WIKIPEDIA
+++ DISCLAIMER +++
Nothing you see here is real, even though the conversion or the presented background story might be based on historical facts. BEWARE!
Some background:
The Korean People's Army Air and Anti-Air Force began as the "Korean Aviation Society" in 1945. It was organized along the lines of flying clubs in the Soviet Union. In 1946, the society became a military organization and became an aviation division of the Korean People's Army (KPA). It became a branch of the army in its own right in November 1948. The KPAF incorporated much of the original Soviet air tactics, as well as North Korean experience from the UN bombings during the Korean War.
North Korea’s first indigenous jet fighter aircraft, the Wonsan Aircraft Works 여-1 (known as “W-1” outside of the country), started its existence in China as the Shenyang J-3 (Jianjiji = fighter). The J-3 was a project to exploit the knowledge and hardware gained through the license production of the Soviet MiG-15UTI trainer, locally designated JJ-2 (Jianjiji Jiaolianji – fighter trainer), a study that was primarily intended to improve China’s aircraft industry and the country’s respective engineering know how after the Korean War. The Soviet VVS and PVO had been the primary users of the MiG-15 during the Korean war, but not the only ones; it was also used by the PLAAF and KPAF (known as the United Air Army).
The J-3 was designed during the Korean War between 1952 and 1953 and two prototypes were built with Soviet help and tested in 1953, but the aircraft came too late – and it was not regarded as a successor or even an alternative to the Soviet MiG-15, because it lacked modern features like swept wings. The J-3’s design drew more on American rather than British inspiration, having elected to use features such as a very thin (but almost straight) wing akin to the Lockheed P-80 Shooting Star and a basic configuration comparable to the North American F-86 Sabre. Due to its conceptual interceptor role, an emphasis had been placed on a fast rate of climb. Power came from a Klimov VK-1 centrifugal-flow turbojet, a derivative of the British Rolls-Royce Nene Mk.104B that also powered the MiG-15. Armament consisted of four 23 mm (0.906 in) Nudelman-Suranov NS-23 autocannon under the nose.
The J-3’s rate of progress on the project was such that, within 15 months of design work having formally started, the first prototype had been fully constructed. On 28 October 1953, the first J-3 fighter prototype conducted its first flight, even though it still lacked pressurization, armament, and other military equipment. Gradually, new hardware was integrated and tested, and a second aircraft joined the tests in January 1954. Flight tests followed quickly and showed that the J-3 was easy to fly and had exceptional performance and maneuverability for a straight-wing aircraft. Unfortunately, it soon became clear that the laminar flow section used for the original tail unit was totally unsuitable, with extremely severe buffeting setting in at 500 km/h (310 mph). The buffeting was so bad that the test pilots were thrown about in the cockpit, banging their head on the canopy, and the needles fell off all the flight instruments. Fortunately, accidents could be avoided, and the tailplane section was changed with much improved results.
The gun armament caused troubles, too. Firing all four NS-23 at once made the robust engine surge – a problem that did not occur on the MiG-15, but it only carried two of these weapons. A remedy was eventually found through the introduction of a slightly elongated nose that kept the air intake further away from the gun blast shock waves. The flight and test program lasted until 1955, and a total of five J-3 prototypes were built, but with no serious plan to put this aircraft into series production, even more so after China had been offered to produce the even more modern and capable Soviet MiG-17 fighter under license as the J-5. In the People's Republic of China (PRC), an initial MiG-17F was assembled from parts in 1956, with license production following in 1957 at Shenyang. The Chinese-built version was/is known as the Shenyang J-5 (for local use) or F-5 (for export). After this decision, the J-3 program was stopped, but the machines were retained in flightworthy condition as testbeds and chase planes by the PLAAF until the late Sixties
However, this was not the end of the J-3. After fighting had ended on 27 July 1953 when the Korean Armistice Agreement was signed, the Korean People's Army Air and Anti-Air Force (KPAAF) was keen to boost its capabilities and build a domestic aircraft industry, beyond the option to produce existing designs in license. Turning to its main sponsor China, North Korea was offered the plans for the J-3 and its tools, together with a supply of Chinese-built VK-1 engines. Even though the J-3 did not represent the state-of-the-art in jet fighters anymore, it was the best option for an industrial quickstart and until 1956 a dedicated production site for the J-3 was built at Wonsan, leading to the Wonsan Aircraft Works (Wonsan hang-gong-gi jag-eob , 원산 항공기 작업) and its first military product, the 여-1 (Yeo-1 = W-1). When NATO became aware of the aircraft it received the reporting code name “Freshman”.
However, despite the J-3’s plans and tools at hand, the W-1’s production was hampered by the lack of experience, sub-optimal materials, and poor logistics (esp. concerning vital imported components like the Chinese WP-5 engine, a license-built VK-1). Consequently, it took almost three years to roll out the first pre-serial production aircraft in 1959, and even then, the W-1 was plagued with material and reliability problems. Furthermore, once the W-1 became operational in 1961, the aircraft had become outdated. The W-1 had been designed to intercept straight-and-level-flying enemy bombers, not for air-to-air combat (dogfighting) with other fighters. The subsonic (Mach .76) fighter was effective against slower (Mach .6-.8), heavily loaded U.S. fighter-bombers from the Fifties, as well as the mainstay American strategic bombers during the aircraft's development cycle (such as the Boeing B-50 Superfortress or Convair B-36 Peacemaker, which were both still powered by piston engines). It was not however able to intercept the new generation of British jet bombers such as the Avro Vulcan and Handley Page Victor, which could both fly higher. Most W-1s were initially used as night fighters – even though they lacked any on-board radar and the pilot had to rely on visual contact and/or radio guidance from ground stations to make out and close in on a potential target. The USAF's introduction of strategic bombers capable of supersonic dash speeds such as the B-58 Hustler and General Dynamics FB-111 rendered the W-1 totally obsolete in front-line KPAAF service, and they were quickly supplanted by supersonic interceptors such as the MiG-21 and MiG-23.
The rugged aircraft was not retired, though, and found use as ground attack aircraft (despite its limited payload of around 2 tons) and as an advanced fighter trainer. Total production numbers are uncertain, but less than 100 W-1s were produced until 1969, with no further variants becoming known. In 1990, probably forty were still operational, and even after 2000 some KPAAF W-1s were still flying.
General characteristics:
Crew: 1
Length: 10.73 m (35 ft 2 in)
Wingspan: 12.16 m (39 ft 10½ in)
Height: 4.46 m (14 ft 7½ in)
Wing area: 23.8 m² (256 sq ft)
Aspect ratio: 7.3
Empty weight: 4,142 kg (9,132 lb)
Gross weight: 7,404 kg (16,323 lb)
Max takeoff weight: 7,900 kg (17,417 lb)
Powerplant:
1× Wopen WP-5 (Rolls-Royce Nene Mk.104B) centrifugal-flow turbojet
with 26.5 kN (5,950 lbf) thrust
Performance:
Maximum speed: 940 km/h (580 mph, 510 kn) at sea level
Maximum speed: Mach 0.76
Cruise speed: 750 km/h (470 mph, 400 kn)
Maximum Mach number: M0.83
Combat range: 450 km (280 mi, 240 nmi)
Ferry range: 920 km (570 mi, 500 nmi)
Service ceiling: 13,000 m (43,000 ft)
Rate of climb: 38 m/s (7,500 ft/min)
Take-off run: 783 m (2,569 ft)
Landing run: 910 m (2,986 ft)
Armament:
4× 23 mm (0.906 in) Nudelman-Suranov NS-23 autocannon with 100 rounds per gun
2× underwing hardpoints for 2.000 kg of payload, including a variety of unguided iron bombs such
as 2× 250 kg (500 lb) bombs, napalm tanks, pods with unguided missiles, or 2× 350 l (92 US
gal; 77 imp gal) drop tanks for extended range.
The kit and its assembly:
I always thought that the tubby Dassault Ouragan had something “Soviet-ish” about it, looking much like one of the obscure early Yakowlew jet fighter prototypes (e .g. the straight-wing Yak-25 [first use of this designation in 1947] or the swept-wing Yak-30) around 1950. With this idea I had stashed away a Heller Ouragan for a while, and recently wondered about an indigenous North-Korean aircraft that could have emerged after the Korean War? The Ouragan looked like a good basis, and so this project started as a simple conversion of the Heller kit.
While most of the airframe was retained, I made some cosmetic changes to change the aircraft’s looks and add a Warsaw Pact flavor. The characteristic wing tip tanks disappeared, and the wings’ ends were rounded off. The fin tip was extended with a piece of 1.5 mm styrene sheet and a different fin shape was sculpted from it. The original stabilizers were replaced with what I think are stabilizers from a VEB Plasticart 1:100 An-24 – they better match the wing shape than the OOB parts!
The cockpit was taken OOB, I just replaced the ejection seat with a different piece from a KP 1:72 MiG-19. The air intake was modified with the opening from a Heller 1:72 F-84G, extending and narrowing it slightly, even though the internal splitter plate (which also bears the front wheel well) was retained. The landing gear was also basically taken OOB, but the main wheels were now mounted on the outside position (with an adaptation of the covers), and the front wheel was moved 3 mm further forward, to compensate for the slightly longer nose section, and its cover was modified accordingly. The flaps were lowered, primarily because this modification is easy to realize on this kit and it makes the simple aircraft look “livelier”, and the canopy was cut into three parts for open display.
Pylons were added under the wings, together with drop tanks from a Hobby Boss 1:72 MiG-15. The same source provided the swept antenna mast behind the cockpit and the small but characteristic altimeter sensors under the wings. As a final twist of “Sovietization” I added small fences to the wings, made from styrene profiles – they would not be necessary on the aircraft’s straight wings, but they help change the model’s overall look. 😉
Building the Heller Ouragan was a straightforward affair, even though the plastic of the recent re-boxing I used was pretty soft and took long to cure after gluing parts together. A real problem occurred when I tried to close the fuselage halves, though, because the parts did not align well behind the cockpit, as if they were warped? The walls were rather thin, too, and as a result a lot of PSR went into the spine and the ventral area behind the wings, which mismatched badly. The rather thin material in these areas did not help much, either. I have built the Ouragan before, and I do not remember these massive troubles?!
Painting and markings:
I initially considered a North-Korean night fighter camouflage from the Korea War, but since the aircraft would have been introduced into service after the open hostilities, I rather settled for a very dry NMF finish with minimal markings. Therefore, the model received an overall coat with “White Aluminum” from the rattle can and a light overall rubbing treatment with graphite to emphasize the raised panel lines and add a slightly irregular metallic shine to the paint. Since they had disappeared through PSR, I also added/recreated some panel lines with a soft pencil.
The cockpit interior was painted in medium grey and Soviet cockpit turquoise, the landing gear and its wells became metallic-grey (Humbrol 56). The areas around the exhaust and the guns were painted with Revell 91 (Iron), the only color contrasts are red trim tabs.
The large KPAAF roundels with a white background came from a Cutting Edge MiG-15 sheet, the large red tactical code was left over from an unidentifiable “Eastern Bloc” model’s decal sheet. After some more graphite treatment around the guns and the tail section the model was sealed with a coat of semi-gloss acrylic varnish (Italeri), resulting in a nice metallic shine that looks better than expected on this uniform aircraft.
Well, this converted Ouragan looks pretty dull at first sight, due to its simple livery. But this makes it pretty plausible, and the small cosmetic changes add a serious Soviet-esque touch to the aircraft.
+++ DISCLAIMER +++
Nothing you see here is real, even though the model, the conversion or the presented background story might be based on historical facts. BEWARE!
Some background:
The Royal Ceylon Air Force (RCyAF) was formed on 2 March 1951 with RAF officers and other personnel seconded to the RCyAF. Ceylonese were recruited to the new RCyAF and several Ceylonese who had served with the RAF during WWII were absorbed in the force. Initial objective was to train local pilots and ground crew, early administration and training was carried out by exclusively by RAF officers and other personnel on secondment. The first aircraft of the RCyAF were de Havilland Canada DHC-1 Chipmunks used as basic trainers to train the first batches of pilots locally while several cadets were sent to Royal Air Force College Cranwell. These were followed by Boulton Paul Balliol T.Mk.2s and Airspeed Oxford Mk.1s for advanced training of pilots and aircrew along with de Havilland Doves and de Havilland Herons for transport use, all provided by the British. By 1955 the RCyAF was operating two flying squadrons based at RAF Negombo. The first helicopter type to be added to the service was the Westland Dragonfly.
Following Prime Minister S. W. R. D. Bandaranaike's negotiated the closure of British air and naval bases in Ceylon in 1956, the RCyAF took over the former RAF stations; Katunayake and China Bay, becoming RCyAF operational stations while ancillary functions were carried out at Diyatalawa and Ekala. The RAF headquarters, Air HQ Ceylon, was disbanded on 1 November 1957. However, RAF officers remained with the RCyAF till 1962.
In 1959 de Havilland Vampire jet aircraft were acquired, five fighter bombers and five trainers. The Vampire was developed and manufactured by the de Havilland Aircraft Company and its development as an experimental aircraft began in 1941 during the Second World War, to exploit the revolutionary innovation of jet propulsion. From the company's design studies, it was decided to use a single-engine, twin-boom aircraft, powered by the Halford H.1 turbojet (later produced as the Goblin). Aside from its propulsion system and twin-boom configuration, it was a relatively conventional aircraft. In May 1944 it was decided to produce the aircraft as an interceptor for the Royal Air Force (RAF), but it came too late for operati9onal use in the war. It was eventually the second jet fighter to be operated by the RAF, after the Gloster Meteor, and the first to be powered by a single jet engine. In 1946 the Vampire entered operational service with the RAF, only months after the war had ended.
The Vampire quickly proved to be effective and was adopted as a replacement of wartime piston-engined fighter aircraft. During its early service it accomplished several aviation firsts and achieved various records, such as being the first jet aircraft to cross the Atlantic Ocean. The Vampire remained in front-line RAF service until 1953 when its transfer began to secondary roles such as ground attack and pilot training, for which specialist variants were produced. Many of these aircraft were sold to foreign air forces. The RAF retired the Vampire in 1966 when its final role of advanced trainer was filled by the Folland Gnat. The Royal Navy had also adapted the type as the Sea Vampire, a navalised variant suitable for operations from aircraft carriers. It was the service's first jet fighter.
The Vampire was exported to many nations and was operated worldwide in numerous theatres and climates. Several countries used the type in combat including the Suez Crisis, the Malayan Emergency and the Rhodesian Bush War. By the end of production, almost 3,300 Vampires had been manufactured, a quarter of these having been manufactured under licence abroad.
The Ceylonese Vampires received the official export designation FB.56, but they were in fact refurbished Fairey-built ex-RAF FB.9 fighter bombers, the last single seater fighter bomber variant to be produced. As such, they were tropicalised Goblin-3 powered F.5 fighter-bombers with air conditioning and retrofitted with ejection seats. They had the ability to carry bombs of up to 1.000 lb (454 kg) caliber under each wing, drop tanks or up to eight unguided 3-inch "60 lb" rockets againts ground targets. The trainers were newly-built T.55 export machines with ejection seats.
Following a RCyAF superstition, the machines were allocated tactical codes that the single numerals did not sum up to "13" or a multiple of it, a "tradition" that has been kept up until today. Even more weird: codes that openly sported a "13" were and are used - as long as the whole code number conforms to the cross total rule!
This small fleet formed the 'Jet Squadron' was soon supplemented with five Hunting Jet Provosts obtained from the British, and ten more Vampire FB.56 fighter bombers in 1959. In the 1960s, various other aircraft were procured, most notably American Bell JetRanger helicopters and a Hindustan HUL-26 Pushpak given by India. The force had grown gradually during its early years, reaching a little over 1,000 officers and recruits in the 1960s.
The Vampires' service did not last long, though. The trainers were replaced by the more modern and economic Jet Provosts and mothballed by 1963. In 1968, the Royal Ceylon Air Force started to look out for a more capable multi-role aircraft to replace the Vampire FB.56s and evaluated foreign types like the F-86 Sabre, the Douglas A-4 Skyhawk, the Hawker Hunter and AMD's Mystère IV as well as the SMB.2. The decision fell on the supersonic Super Mystère, which was offered as a bargain from French surplus stock since the fighter was at that time in the process of being gradually replaced by the 3rd generation Mirage III. A total of eight revamped SMB.2s were procured, which conformed to the Armée de l’Air’s standard. The machines arrived in early 1971 and were allocated to the newly established No. 3 Squadron, even though it took some months to make them fully operational, and the Vampires (eleven FB.56s were still operational at that time) soldiered on as a stopgap measure, due to innerpolitical tensions.
These got more and more tense and the Ceylonese Vampires were eventually deployed in a hot conflict in 1971. Together with the Jet Provosts, which had been mothballed since 1970 and quickly revamped, they were used in COIN missions during the Janatha Vimukthi Peramuna (JVP) insurrection, since the new SMB.2s were not ready yet and deemed too valuable and unsuited to be deployed in guerilla warfare. The JVP insurrection was the first of two unsuccessful armed revolts conducted by the communist JVP against the socialist United Front Government of Ceylon under Prime Minister Sirimavo Bandaranaike. The revolt began on 5 April 1971, and lasted until June of that year. The insurgents held towns and rural areas for several weeks, until the regions were recaptured by the armed forces, following strong support from friendly nations that sent men and material. Vampires and Jet Provosts flew from RCyAF Chinabay to RCyAF Katunayake, attacking rebel locations en route, and on the 12 April following a bombing run on a target in Polonnaruwa, one Jet Provost lost power and crashed on its approach to RCyAF Chinabay killing its pilot. Several weeks later, the Jet Provosts were joined by the Bell 47-G2 in ground attacks. After three weeks of fighting, the government regained control of all but a few remote areas. In most cases, the government regained control of townships; insurgent groups melted away into the jungle and continued to operate, with some groups operating into early 1972.
With Ceylon becoming a republic in 1972, the Royal Ceylon Air Force changed its name to the Sri Lanka Air Force (SLAF), along with all insignia, and the last RCyAF Vampire was retired in summer 1972.
General characteristics:
Crew: 1
Length: 30 ft 9 in (9.37 m)
Wingspan: 38 ft (12 m)
Height: 8 ft 10 in (2.69 m)
Wing area: 262 sq ft (24.3 m²)
Airfoil: root: EC1240/0640 (14%); tip: EC1240/0640 (9%)
Empty weight: 7,283 lb (3,304 kg)
Max takeoff weight: 12,390 lb (5,620 kg)
Powerplant:
1× de Havilland Goblin 3 centrifugal-flow turbojet engine, 3,350 lbf (14.9 kN) thrust
Performance:
Maximum speed: 548 mph (882 km/h, 476 kn)
Range: 1,220 mi (1,960 km, 1,060 nmi)
Service ceiling: 42,800 ft (13,000 m)
Rate of climb: 4,800 ft/min (24 m/s)
Wing loading: 39.4 lb/sq ft (192 kg/m²)
Armament:
4× 20 mm (0.79 in) Hispano Mk.V cannon with 600 rounds total (150 rounds per gun)
8× 3-inch "60 lb" rockets or 2× 1.000 lb (454 kg) bombs or two drop-tanks
The kit and its assembly:
A subtle what-if model, and despite the xotic markings the CeyloneseVampire is closer to reality than one might think. In fact, Ceylon actually received Vampire fighter bombers and trainer from the RAF when the country became independent and the RCyAF was founded, but they were never put into service. So, this whif depicts what might have been, and the type's use until the early Seventies is purely fictional.
The kit is the venerable Heller Vampire FB.5, which has been released under various brand labels (including Airfix and Revell) through the years. While it is a very simple model kit, the level of detail is not bad. You get a decent cockpit with a nice dashboard, separated canopy sections and even the landing gear wells feature details. You can hardly ask for more, even though the fit is rather mediocre - but this might be blamed on the molds' age. PSR was necessary on almost any major seam, and the fit of the tail booms to their adapters on the wings was really poor - the kit's engineers could have copme up with a better and more stable solution for the tail assembly. Another issue is the cockpit: while it's detailed, everything is much too small and tight - it turned out to be impossible to insert a pilot figure for the flight scenes, even just a torso!
Since I wanted to build a standard export Vampire fighter bomber, the kit was built OOB. I just added a gunsight behind the windscreen, replaced the rather massive pitot on the left fin and added some ordnance for the machine's COIN missions using the JVP insurrection. These comsist of a pair of vintage 500 lb iron bombs (from a Monogram F8F Bearcat) on pylons which probably come from an Academy P-47 Thunderbolt, plus four unguided 60 lb rockets and their launch rails from a Pioneer/Airfix Hawker Sea Fury.
Painting and markings:
Conservative. A real RCyAF Vampire would during the late Sixties probably have been painted overall silver, but I found this rather boring and thought that the role as s strike aircraft would justify camouflage. With its origins in the RAF I gave the Vampire consequently the British standard paint scheme in Dark Green/Dark Sea Grey from above, using Humbrol 163 and 156 (Dark Camouflage Grey BS381C/629, the latter on purpose as a lighter alternative to 164, for more contrast). For a slightly odd look I painted the undersides in RAF Azure Blue (Humbrol 157), what also makes a good contrast to the colorful RCyAF roundels.
The cockpit interior was painted in very dark grey (Anthracite, Revell 09) while the landing gear and the respective wells were painted in Humbrol 56 (Aluminum Dope), a metallic grey.
The kit received a lioght black ink washing and some panel shading, especuially from above to simulate sun-bleached paint - after all, the model depicts an aircraft that would soon be retired.
The roundels come from an Xtradecal aftermarket sheet for Jet Provosts, the fictional serial number was created with 3 and 10mm letters in black from TL Modellbau. A personal addition are the RAF-style white individual aircraft code letters on the fin and the front wheel cover. Due to their size, the fuselage roundels had to be placed under the cockpit, but that does not look bad or out of place at all - early Swedish Vampires used a similar solution. Unfortunately, the kit came without decal sheet, so that other details had to be procured elsewhere - but the decal heap provided ample material. The few stencils and the "No step" warnings were taken from a Model decal Vampire sheet; the ejection seat markings came from an Xtradecal Vampire trainer sheet.
After some light traces with dry-brushed silver on the wings' leading edges the model was eventually sealed with matt acrylic varnish.
Simple but exotic, and like the whiffy Sri Lankan SM2.B I built some time ago a very plausible result. I really like the fact that the model is, despite the camouflage and the subdued colors, quite colorful. outcome a lot. The paint scheme already looks unusual, even though it has been patterned after a real world benchmark. But together with the colorful SLAF markings and some serious weathering, the whole package looks pretty weird but also believable. A classic what-if model! 😉
Picture taken 1983 - digitally captured from paper print
__________________________________________
The Dayak or Dyak or Dayuh /ˈdaɪ.ək/ are the native people of Borneo. It is a loose term for over 200 riverine and hill-dwelling ethnic subgroups, located principally in the interior of Borneo, each with its own dialect, customs, laws, territory and culture, although common distinguishing traits are readily identifiable. Dayak languages are categorised as part of the Austronesian languages in Asia. The Dayak were animist in belief; however many converted to Islam and since the 19th century, mass conversion to Christianity.
HISTORY
The Dayak people of Borneo possess an indigenous account of their history, mostly in oral literature, partly in writing in papan turai (wooden records), and partly in common cultural customary practices. Among prominent accounts of the origin of the Dayak people includes the mythical oral epic of "Tetek Tahtum" by the Ngaju Dayak of Central Kalimantan, it narrates the ancestors of the all Dayak people descended from the heavens before dispensing from the inland to the downstream shores of Borneo.
In the southern Kalimantan flourished the independent state of Nansarunai established by the Ma'anyan Dayaks prior to the 12th century. The kingdom suffered two major attacks from the Majapahit forces that caused the decline and fall of the kingdom by the year 1389, the attacks are known as Nansarunai Usak Jawa (meaning the destruction of the Nansarunai by the Javanese) by the oral accounts of the Ma'anyan people. This contributed to the migration of the Ma'anyans to the Central and South Borneo region.
The colonial accounts and reports of Dayak activity in Borneo detail carefully cultivated economic and political relationships with other communities as well as an ample body of research and study considering historical Dayak migrations. In particular, the Iban or the Sea Dayak exploits in the South China Seas are documented, owing to their ferocity and aggressive culture of war against sea dwelling groups and emerging Western trade interests in the 18th and 19th centuries.
In 1824, as a result of the Anglo-Dutch Treaty of 1824 to settle their commercial regional disputes by switching Java from British to Dutch in return for Malacca, the Malay Archipelago was permanently divided into formerly Dutch-colonized Indonesia and British-colonized Malaysia to this day.
In 1838, British adventurer James Brooke arrived to find the Sultan of Brunei fending off rebellion from warlike inland tribes. Sarawak was in chaos. Brooke put down the rebellion, and was made Governor of Sarawak in 1841, with the title of Rajah. Brooke pacified the natives, including the Dayaks, who became some of his most loyal followers. He suppressed headhunting and piracy. Brooke's most famous Iban enemy was Libau "Rentap"; Brooke led three expeditions against him and finally defeated him at Sadok Hill. Brooke had many Dayaks in his forces at this battle, and famously said "Only Dayaks can kill Dayaks.So he deployed Dayaks to kill Dayaks." Sharif Mashor, a Melanau from Mukah, was another enemy of Brooke.
During World War II, Japanese forces occupied Borneo and treated all of the indigenous peoples poorly - massacres of the Malay and Dayak peoples were common, especially among the Dayaks of the Kapit Division. In response, the Dayaks formed a special force to assist the Allied forces. Eleven US airmen and a few dozen Australian special operatives trained a thousand Dayaks from the Kapit Division in guerrilla warfare. This army of tribesmen killed or captured some 1,500 Japanese soldiers and provided the Allies with vital intelligence about Japanese-held oil fields.
Coastal populations in Borneo are largely Muslim in belief, however these groups (Tidung, Banjarese, Bulungan, Paser, Melanau, Kutainese, Kedayan, Bakumpai, Bisayah) are generally considered to be Malayised and Islamised Dayaks, native to Borneo, and heavily amalgated by the Malay people, culture and sultanate system.
Other groups in coastal areas of Sabah and northeastern Kalimantan; namely the Illanun, Tausūg, Sama and Bajau, although inhabiting and (in the case of the Tausug group) ruling the northern tip of Borneo for centuries, have their origins from the southern Philippines. These groups though may be indigenous to Borneo, they are nonetheless not Dayak, but instead are grouped under the separate umbrella term of Moro.
ETHNICITY
The Indigenous people of the Heart of Borneo are commonly known as Dayak. The term was coined by Europeans referring to the non-Malay inhabitants of Borneo. There are seven main ethnic divisions of Dayaks according to their respective native languages which are:
1. the Ngaju,
2. Apau Kayan,
3. Iban (Sea Dayak),
4. Klemantan (Land Dayak),
5. Murut,
6. Punan and
7. Ot Danum groups.
Under the main classifications, there are dozens of ethnics and hundreds of sub-ethnics dwelling in the Borneo island. There are over 50 ethnic Dayak groups speaking different languages. This cultural and linguistic diversity parallels the high biodiversity and related traditional knowledge of Borneo.
LANGUAGES
Dayaks do not speak just one language, even if just those on the island of Borneo (Kalimantan) are considered. Their indigenous languages belong in the general classification of Malayo-Polynesian languages and to diverse groups of Bornean and Sabahan languages (including Land Dayak), and the Ibanic languages of the Malayic branch. The Dayak are very adaptable and also speak the lingua franca of the place such as those of Malay, Chinese and European origin.
Many of Borneo’s languages are endemic (which means they are spoken nowhere else). It is estimated that around 170 languages and dialects are spoken on the island and some by just a few hundred people, thus posing a serious risk to the future of those languages and related heritage.
Headhunting and peacemaking
In the past, the Dayak were feared for their ancient tradition of headhunting practices (the ritual is also known as Ngayau by the Dayaks). Among the Iban Dayaks, the origin of headhunting was believed to be meeting one of the mourning rules given by a spirit which is as follows:
The sacred jar is not to be opened except by a warrior who has managed to obtain a head, or by a man who can present a human head, which he obtained in a fight; or by a man who has returned from a sojourn in enemy country.
Often, a war leader had at least three lieutenants (called manuk sabong) who in turn had some followers. The war (ngayau) rules among the Iban Dayaks are listed below:
If a warleader leads a party on an expedition, he must not allow his warriors to fight a guiltless tribe that has no quarrel with them.
If the enemy surrenders, he may not take their lives, lest his army be unsuccessful in future warfare and risk fighting empty-handed war raids (balang kayau).
The first time that a warrior takes a head or captures a prisoner, he must present the head or captive to the warleader in acknowledgement of the latter's leadership.
If a warrior takes two heads or captives, or more, one of each must be given to the warleader; the remainder belongs to the killer or captor.
The warleader must be honest with his followers in order that in future wars he may not be defeated (alah bunoh).
THERE WERE VARIOUS REASONS FOR HEADHUNTING
For soil fertility so Dayaks hunted fresh heads before paddy harvesting seasons after which head festival would be held in honour of the new heads.
To add supernatural strength which Dayaks believed to be centred in the soul and head of humans. Fresh heads can give magical powers for communinal protection, bountiful paddy harvesting and disease curing.
To avenge revenge for murders based on "blood credit" principle unless "adat pati nyawa" (customary compensation token) is paid.
To pay dowry for marriages e.g. "derian palit mata" (eye blocking dowry) for Ibans once blood has been splashed prior to agreeing to marriage and of course, new fresh heads show prowess, bravery, ability and capability to protect his family, community and land
For foundation of new buildings to be stronger and meaningful than the normal practice of not putting in human heads.
For protection against enemy attacks according to the principle of "attack first before being attacked".
As a symbol of power and social status ranking where the more heads someone has, the respect and glory due to him. The warleader is called tuai serang (warleader) or raja berani (king of the brave) while kayau anak (small raid) leader is only called tuai kayau (raid leader) whereby adat tebalu (widower rule) after their death would be paid according to their ranking status in the community.
For territorial expansion where some brave Dayaks intentionally migrated into new areas such as Mujah "Buah Raya" migrated from Skrang to Paku to Kanowit while infighting among Ibans themselves in Batang Ai caused the Ulu Ai Ibans to migrate to Batang Kanyau River in Kapuas, Kalimantan and then proceeded to Katibas and later on Ulu Rajang in Sarawak. The earlier migrations from Kapuas to Batang Ai, Batang Lupar, Batang Saribas and Batang Krian rivers were also made possible by fighting the local tribes like Bukitan.
REASONS FOR ABANDONING HEADHUNTING
Peacemaking agreements at Tumbang Anoi, Kalimantan in 1874 and Kapit, Sarawak in 1924.
Coming of Christianity, with education where Dayaks are taught that headhunting is murder and against the Christian Bible's teachings.
Dayaks' own realisation that headhunting was more to lose than to gain.
Among the most prominent legacy during the colonial rule in the Dutch Borneo (present-day Kalimantan) is the Tumbang Anoi Agreement held in 1874 in Damang Batu, Central Kalimantan (the seat of the Kahayan Dayaks). It is a formal meeting that gathered all the Dayak tribes in Kalimantan for a peace resolution. In the meeting that is reputed taken several months, the Dayak people throughout the Kalimantan agreed to end the headhunting tradition as it believed the tradition caused conflict and tension between various Dayak groups. The meeting ended with a peace resolution by the Dayak people.
After mass conversions to Christianity, and anti-headhunting legislation by the colonial powers was passed, the practice was banned and appeared to have disappeared. However, it should be noted that the Brooke-led Sarawak government, although banning unauthorized headhunting, actually allowed "ngayau" headhunting practices by the Brooke-supporting natives during state-sanctioned punitive expeditions against their own fellow people's rebellions throughout the state, thereby never really extinguished the spirit of headhunting especially among the Iban natives. The state-sanctioned troop was allowed to take heads, properties like jars and brassware, burn houses and farms, exempted from paying door taxes and in some cases, granted new territories to migrate into. This Brooke's practice was in remarkable contrast to the practice by the Dutch in the neighbouring West Kalimantan who prohibited any native participation in its punitive expeditions. Initially, James Brooke (the first Rajah of Sarawak) did engage the British Navy troop in the Battle of Beting Maru against the Iban and Malay of the Saribas region and the Iban of Skrang under Rentap's charge but this resulted in the Public Inquiry by the British government in Singapore. Thereafter, the Brooke government gathered a local troop who were its allies.
Subsequently, the headhunting began to surface again in the mid-1940s, when the Allied Powers encouraged the practice against the Japanese Occupation of Borneo. It also slightly surged in the late 1960s when the Indonesian government encouraged Dayaks to purge Chinese from interior Kalimantan who were suspected of supporting communism in mainland China and also in the late 1990s when the Dayak started to attack Madurese emigrants in an explosion of ethnic violence. After formation of Malaysia, some Iban became trackers during the Malayan Emergency against the Communist Insurgency and thereafter they continue to be soldiers in the armed forces.
Headhunting resurfaced in 1963 among Dayak soldiers during the Confrontation Campaign by President Sukarno of Indonesia against the newly created formation of Malaysia between the pre-existing Federation of Malaya, Singapore, Sabah and Sarawak on 16 September 1963. Subsequently, Dayak trackers recruited during the Malayan Emergency against the Communists' Insurgency wanted to behead enemies killed during their military operations but disallowed by their superiors.
It should be noted headhunting or human sacrifice was also practised by other tribes such as follows:
Toraja community in Sulawesi used adat Ma’ Barata (human sacrifice) in Rambu Solo’ ritual which is still held until the arrival of the Hindi Dutch which is a custom to honour someone with a symbol of a great warrior and bravery in a war.
In Gomo, Sumatra, there ware megalithic artefacts where one of them is "batu pancung" (beheading stone) on which to tie any captive or convicted criminals for beheading.
One distinction was their ritual practice of head hunting, once prevalent among tribal warriors in Nagaland and among the Naga tribes in Myanmar. They used to take the heads of enemies to take on their power.
AGRICULTURE, LAND TENURE AND ECONOMY
Traditionally, Dayak agriculture was based on actually Integrated Indigenous Farming System. Iban Dayaks tend to plant paddy on hill slopes while Maloh Dayaks prefer flat lands as discussed by King. Agricultural Land in this sense was used and defined primarily in terms of hill rice farming, ladang (garden), and hutan (forest). According to Prof Derek Freeman in his Report on Iban Agriculture, Iban Dayaks used to practice twenty seven stages of hill rice farming once a year and their shifting cultivation practices allow the forest to regenerate itself rather than to damage the forest, thereby to ensure the continuity and sustainability of forest use and/or survival of the Iban community itself. The Iban Dayaks love virgin forests for their dependency on forests but that is for migration, territorial expansion and/or fleeing enemies.
Dayaks organised their labour in terms of traditionally based land holding groups which determined who owned rights to land and how it was to be used. The Iban Dayaks practice a rotational and reciprocal labour exchange called "bedurok" to complete works on their farms own by all families within each longhouse. The "green revolution" in the 1950s, spurred on the planting of new varieties of wetland rice amongst Dayak tribes.
To get cash, Dayaks collect jungle produce for sales at markets. With the coming of cash crops, Dayaks start to plant rubber, pepper, cocoa, etc. Nowadays, some Dayaks plant oil palm on their lands while others seek employment or involve in trade.
The main dependence on subsistence and mid-scale agriculture by the Dayak has made this group active in this industry. The modern day rise in large-scale monocrop plantations such as palm oil and bananas, proposed for vast swathes of Dayak land held under customary rights, titles and claims in Indonesia, threaten the local political landscape in various regions in Borneo.
Further problems continue to arise in part due to the shaping of the modern Malaysian and Indonesian nation-states on post-colonial political systems and laws on land tenure. The conflict between the state and the Dayak natives on land laws and native customary rights will continue as long as the colonial model on land tenure is used against local customary law. The main precept of land use, in local customary law, is that cultivated land is owned and held in right by the native owners, and the concept of land ownership flows out of this central belief. This understanding of adat is based on the idea that land is used and held under native domain. Invariably, when colonial rule was first felt in the Kalimantan Kingdoms, conflict over the subjugation of territory erupted several times between the Dayaks and the respective authorities.
RELIGION AND FESTIVALS
The Dayak indigenous religion has been given the name Kaharingan, and may be said to be a form of animism. The name was coined by Tjilik Riwut in 1944 during his tenure as a Dutch colonial Resident in Sampit, Dutch East Indies. In 1945, during the Japanese Occupation, the Japanese referred Kaharingan as the religion of the Dayak people. During the New Order in the Suharto regime in 1980, the Kaharingan is registered as a form of Hinduism in Indonesia, as the Indonesian state only recognises 6 forms of religion i.e. Islam, Protestantism, Roman Catholicism, Hinduism, Buddhism and Confucianism respectively. The integration of Kaharingan with Hinduism is not due to the similarities in the theological system, but due to the fact that Kaharingan is the oldest belief in Kalimantan. Unlike the development in Indonesian Kalimantan, the Kaharingan is not recognised as a religion both in Malaysian Borneo and Brunei, thus the traditional Dayak belief system is known as a form of folk animism or pagan belief on the other side of the Indonesian border.
Underlying the world-view is an account of the creation and re-creation of this middle-earth where the Dayak dwell, arising out of a cosmic battle in the beginning of time between a primal couple, a male and female bird/dragon (serpent). Representations of this primal couple are amongst the most pervasive motifs of Dayak art. The primal mythic conflict ended in a mutual, procreative murder, from the body parts of which the present universe arose stage by stage. This primal sacrificial creation of the universe in all its levels is the paradigm for, and is re-experienced and ultimately harmoniously brought together (according to Dayak beliefs) in the seasons of the year, the interdependence of river (up-stream and down-stream) and land, the tilling of the earth and fall of the rain, the union of male and female, the distinctions between and co-operation of social classes, the wars and trade with foreigners, indeed in all aspects of life, even including tattoos on the body, the lay-out of dwellings and the annual cycle of renewal ceremonies, funeral rites, etc.
The best and still unsurpassed study of a traditional Dayak religion in Kalimantan is that of Hans Scharer, Ngaju Religion: The Conception of God among a South Borneo People; translated by Rodney Needham (The Hague: Martinus Nijhoff, 1963). The practice of Kaharingan differs from group to group, but shamans, specialists in ecstatic flight to other spheres, are central to Dayak religion, and serve to bring together the various realms of Heaven (Upper-world) and earth, and even Under-world, for example healing the sick by retrieving their souls which are journeying on their way to the Upper-world land of the dead, accompanying and protecting the soul of a dead person on the way to their proper place in the Upper-world, presiding over annual renewal and agricultural regeneration festivals, etc. Death rituals are most elaborate when a noble (kamang) dies. On particular religious occasions, the spirit is believed to descend to partake in celebration, a mark of honour and respect to past ancestors and blessings for a prosperous future.
Among Iban Dayaks, their belief and way of life can be simply called the Iban religion as per Jenson's book with the same title and has been written by Benedict Sandin and others extensively. It is characterised by a supreme being in the name of Bunsu (Kree) Petara who has no parents and creates everything in this world and other worlds. Under Bunsu Petara are the seven gods whose names are: Sengalang Burong as the god of war and healing, Biku Bunsu Petara as the high priest and second in command, Menjaya as the first shaman (manang) and god of medicine, Selampandai as the god of creation, Sempulang Gana as the god of agriculture and land along with Semarugah, Ini Inda/Inee/Andan as the naturally born doctor and god of justice and Anda Mara as the god of wealth.
The life actions and decision-making processes of Iban Dayaks depend on divination, augury and omens. They have several methods to receive omens where omens can be obtained by deliberate seeking or chance encounters. The first method is via dream to receive charms, amulets (pengaroh, empelias, engkerabun) or medicine (obat) and curse (sumpah) from any gods, people of Panggau Libau and Gelong and any spirits or ghosts. The second method is via animal omens (burong laba) which have long-lasting effects such as from deer barking which is quite random in nature. The third method is via bird omens (burong bisa) which have short term effects that are commonly limited to a certain farming year or a certain activity at hands. The forth method is via pig liver divination after festival celebration At the end of critical festivals, the divination of the pig liver will be interpreted to forecast the outcome of the future or the luck of the individual who holds the festival. The fifth but not the least method is via nampok or betapa (self-imposed isolation) to receive amulet, curse, medicine or healing.
There are seven omen birds under the charge of their chief Sengalang Burong at their longhouse named Tansang Kenyalang (Hornbill Abode), which are Ketupong (Jaloh or Kikeh or Entis) (Rufous Piculet) as the first in command, Beragai (Scarlet-rumped trogon), Pangkas (Maroon Woodpecker) on the righthand side of Sengalang Burong's family room while Bejampong (Crested Jay) as the second in command, Embuas (Banded Kingfisher), Kelabu Papau (Senabong) (Diard's Trogon) and Nendak (White-rumped shama) on the lefthand side. The calls and flights of the omen birds along with the circumstances and social status of the listeners are considered during the omen interpretations.
The praying and propitiation to certain gods to obtain good omens which indicate God's favour and blessings are held in a series of three-tiered classes of minor ceremonies (bedara), intermediate rites (gawa or nimang) and major festivals (gawai) in ascending order and complexity. Any Iban Dayak will undergo some forms of simple rituals and several elaborate festivals as necessary in their lifetime from a baby, adolescent to adulthood until death. The longhouse where the Iban Dayaks stay is constructed in a unique way to function as for both living or accommodation purposes and ritual or religious practices. Nearby the longhouse, there is normally a small and simple hut called langkau ampun/sukor (forgiveness/thanksgiving hut) built to place offerings to deities. Sometimes, when potentially bad omens are encountered, a small hut is quickly built and a fire is started before saying prayers to seek good outcomes.
Common among all these propitiations are that prayers to gods and/or other spirits are made by giving offerings ("piring"), certain poetic leka main and animal sacrifices ("genselan") either chickens or pigs. The number (leka or turun) of each piring offering item is based on ascending odd numbers which have meanings and purposes as below:
- piring 3 for piring ampun (mercy) or seluwak (wastefulness spirit)
- piring 5 for piring minta (request) or bejalai (journey)
- piring 7 for piring gawai (festival) or bujang berani (brave warrior)
- piring 9 for sangkong (including others) or turu (leftover included)
Piring contains offering of various traditional foods and drinks while genselan is made by sacrificing chickens for bird omens or pigs for animal omens.
Bedara is commonly held for any general purposes before holding any rites or festivals during which a simple "miring" ceremony is done to prepare and divide piring offerings into certain portions followed by a "sampi ngau bebiau" (prayer and cleansing) poetic speeches. This most simple ceremonies have categories such as bedara matak held at the longhouse family bilek room, bedara mansau performed at the family ruai gallery, berunsur (cleansing) carried out at the tanju and river, minta ujan tauka panas (request for rain or sunniness).
The intermediate and medium-sized propitiatory rites are known as "gawa" (ritually working) with its main highlight called "nimang" (poetic incantation) that is recited by lemambang bards besides miring ceremonies. This category is smaller than or sometimes relegated from the full-scaled and thus costly festivals for cost savings but still maintaining the effectiveness to achieve the same purpose. Included in this category are "sandau ari" (mid-day ritual) held at the tanju verandah, gawai matak (unripe feast), gawa nimang tuah (Luck feast), enchaboh arong (head feast) and gawa timang beintu-intu (life caring feasts.
The major festivals comprise at least seventh categories which are related to major aspects of Iban's traditional way of life i.e. agriculture, headhunting, fortune, health, death, procreation and weaving.
With paddy being the major sustenance of life among Dayaks, so the first major category comprises the agricultural-related festivals which are dedicated to paddy farming to honour Sempulang Gana who is the deity of agriculture. It is a series of festivals that include Gawai Batu (Whetstone Festival), Gawai Ngalihka Tanah (Soil Ploughing Festival), Gawai Benih (Seed Festival), Gawai Ngemali Umai (Farm Healing Festival), Gawai Matah (Harvest Initiation Festival) and Gawai Basimpan (Paddy Storing Festival). According to Derek Freeman, there are 27 steps of hill paddy farming. One common ritual activity is called "mudas" (making good) any omens found during any farming stages especially the early bush clearing stage.
The second category includes the headhunting-related festivals to honour the most powerful deity of war, Sengalang Burong that comprises Gawai Burong (Bird Festival) and Gawai Amat/Asal (Real/Original Festival) with their successive ascending stages with most famous one being Gawai Kenyalang (Hornbill Festivla). This is perhaps the most elaborate and complex festivals which can last into seven successive days of ritual inchantation by lemambang bards. It is held normally after instructed by spirits in dreams. It is performed by tuai kayau (raid leader) called bujang berani (leading warriors) and war leader (tuai serang) who are known as "raja berani" (bravery king). In the past, this festival is vital to seek divine intervention to defeat enemies such as Baketan, Ukit and Kayan during migrations into new territories.
With the suppression of headhunting, the next important and third category relates to the death-related rituals among which the biggest celebration is the Soul Festival (Gawai Antu) to honour the souls of the deads especially the famous and brave ones who are invited to visit the living for the Sebayan (Haedes) to feast and to bestow all sorts of helpful charms to the living relatives. The raja berani (brave king) can be honoured by his descendants up to three times via Gawai Antu. Other mortuary ceremonies are "beserara bungai" (flower separation) held 3 days after burial, ngetas ulit (mourning termination), berantu (Gawai Antu) or Gawai Ngelumbong (Entombing Festival).
The fourth category in term of complexity and importance is the fortune-related festivals which consist of Gawai Pangkong Tiang (Post Banging Festival) after transferring to a new longhouse, Gawai Tuah (Luck Festival) with three ascending stages to seek and to welcome lucks, and Gawai Tajau (Jar Festival) to welcome newly acquired jars.
The fifth category consists of the health-related festivals to request for curing from sickness by Menjaya or Ini Andan such as in Gawai Sakit (Sickness Festival) which is held after other smaller attempts have failed to cure the sicked persons such as begama (touching), belian (various manang rituals), Besugi Sakit (to ask Keling for curing via magical power) and Berenong Sakit (to ask for curing by Sengalang Burong) in the ascending order. Manang is consecrated via an official ceremony called "Gawai Babangun" (Manang Consecration Festival). The shaman (manang) of the Iban Dayaks have various types of pelian (ritual healing ceremony) to be held in accordance with the types of sickness determined by him through his glassy stone to see the whereabouts of the soul of the sick person. Besides, Gawai Burung can also be used for healing certain difficult-to-cure sickness via magical power by Sengalang Burong especially nowadays after headhunting has been stopped. Other self-caring ritual ceremonies that are related to wellness and longevity are Nimang Bulu (Hair Adding Ceremony), Nimang Sukat (Destiny Ceremony) and Nimang Buloh Ayu (Life-Bamboo Ceremony).
The sixth category of festivals pertains to procreation. Gawai Lelabi (River Turtle Festival) is held to pray to the deity of creation called Selampadani, toannounce the readiness of daughters for marriage and to solicit a suitable suitor. This is where those men with trophy head skulls become leading contenders. The wedding ceremony is called Melah Pinang (Areca nut Splitting). The god of creation Selampandai is invoked here for fertility of the daughters to bear many children. There is a series of ritual rites from birth to adolescence of children.
The last and seventh category is Gawai Ngar (Cotton-Dyeing Festival) which is held by women who are involved in weaving pua kumbu for conventional use and ritual purposes. Ritual textiles woven by Iban women are used in the Bird Festival and in the past used to receive trophy heads. The ritual textiles have specific "enkeramba" (anthropomorphic) motifs that represent igi balang (trophy head), tiang ranyai (shrine pole), cultural heroes of Panggau and Gelong, deities and antu gerasi (demon figure).
Over the last two centuries, some Dayaks converted to Christianity, abandoned certain cultural rites and practices. Christianity was introduced by European missionaries in Borneo. Religious differences between Muslim and Christian natives of Borneo has led, at various times, to communal tensions. Relations, however between all religious groups are generally good.
Muslim Dayaks have however retained their original identity and kept various customary practices consistent with their religion.[citation needed]However many Christian Dayak has changed their name to European name but some minority still maintain their ancestors traditional name.Since Iban has been converted to Christian , some of them abandoned their ancestors belief such as 'Miring' or celebrate 'Gawai Antu' and many celebrate only Christian festivals.
An example of common identity, over and above religious belief, is the Melanau group. Despite the small population, to the casual observer, the coastal dwelling Melanau of Sarawak, generally do not identify with one religion, as a number of them have Islamised and Christianised over a period of time. A few practise a distinct Dayak form of Kaharingan, known as Liko. Liko is the earliest surviving form of religious belief for the Melanau, predating the arrival of Islam and Christianity to Sarawak. The somewhat patchy religious divisions remain, however the common identity of the Melanau is held politically and socially. Social cohesion amongst the Melanau, despite religious differences, is markedly tight within their small community.[citation needed]
Despite the destruction of pagan religions in Europe by Christians, most of the people who try to conserve the Dayaks' religion are missionaries. For example, Reverend William Howell contributed numerous articles on the Iban language, lore and culture between 1909 and 1910 to the Sarawak Gazette. The articles were later compiled in a book in 1963 entitled, The Sea Dayaks and Other Races of Sarawak.
SOCIETY AND CUSTOMS
Kinship in Dayak society is traced in both lines of genealogy (tusut). Although, in Dayak Iban society, men and women possess equal rights in status and property ownership, political office has strictly been the occupation of the traditional Iban patriarch. There is a council of elders in each longhouse.
Overall, Dayak leadership in any given region, is marked by titles, a Penghulu for instance would have invested authority on behalf of a network of Tuai Rumah's and so on to a Pemancha, Pengarah to Temenggung in the ascending order while Panglima or Orang Kaya (Rekaya) are titles given by Malays to some Dayaks.
Individual Dayak groups have their social and hierarchy systems defined internally, and these differ widely from Ibans to Ngajus and Benuaqs to Kayans.
In Sarawak, Temenggong Koh Anak Jubang was the first paramount chief of Dayaks in Sarawak and followed by Tun Temenggong Jugah Anak Barieng who was one of the main signatories for the formation of Federation of Malaysia between Malaya, Singapore, Sabah and Sarawak with Singapore expelled later on. He was said to be the "bridge between Malaya and East Malaysia". The latter was fondly called "Apai" by others, which means father. Unfortunately, he had no western or formal education at all.
The most salient feature of Dayak social organisation is the practice of Longhouse domicile. This is a structure supported by hardwood posts that can be hundreds of metres long, usually located along a terraced river bank. At one side is a long communal platform, from which the individual households can be reached.
The Iban of the Kapuas and Sarawak have organised their Longhouse settlements in response to their migratory patterns. Iban longhouses vary in size, from those slightly over 100 metres in length to large settlements over 500 metres in length. Longhouses have a door and apartment for every family living in the longhouse. For example, a longhouse of 200 doors is equivalent to a settlement of 200 families.
The tuai rumah (long house chief) can be aided by a tuai burong (bird leader), tuai umai (farming leader) and a manang (shaman). Nowadays, each long house will have a Security and Development Committee and ad hoc committee will be formed as and when necessary for example during festivals such as Gawai Dayak.
The Dayaks are peace-loving people who live based on customary rules or adat asal which govern each of their main activities. The adat is administered by the tuai rumah aided by the Council of Elders in the longhouse so that any dispute can be settled amicably among the dwellers themselves via berandau (discussion). If no settlement can be reached at the longhouse chief level, then the dispute will escalate to a pengulu level and so on.
Among the main sections of customary adat of the Iban Dayaks are as follows:
Adat berumah (House building rule)
Adat melah pinang, butang ngau sarak (Marriage, adultery and divorce rule)
Adat beranak (Child bearing and raising rule)
Adat bumai and beguna tanah (Agricultural and land use rule)
Adat ngayau (Headhunting rule)
Adat ngasu, berikan, ngembuah and napang (Hunting, fishing, fruit and honey collection rule)
Adat tebalu, ngetas ulit ngau beserarak bungai (Widow/widower, mourning and soul separation rule)
Adat begawai (festival rule)
Adat idup di rumah panjai (Order of life in the longhouse rule)
Adat betenun, main lama, kajat ngau taboh (Weaving, past times, dance and music rule)
Adat beburong, bemimpi ngau becenaga ati babi (Bird and animal omen, dream and pig liver rule)
Adat belelang (Journey rule)
The Dayak life centres on the paddy planting activity every year. The Iban Dayak has their own year-long calendar with 12 consecutive months which are one month later than the Roman calendar. The months are named in accordance to the paddy farming activities and the activities in between. Other than paddy, also planted in the farm are vegetables like ensabi, pumpkin, round brinjal, cucumber, corn, lingkau and other food sources lik tapioca, sugarcane, sweet potatoes and finally after the paddy has been harvested, cotton is planted which takes about two months to complete its cycle. The cotton is used for weaving before commercial cotton is traded. Fresh lands cleared by each Dayak family will belong to that family and the longhouse community can also use the land with permission from the owning family. Usually, in one riverine system, a special tract of land is reserved for the use by the community itself to get natural supplies of wood, rattan and other wild plants which are necessary for building houses, boats, coffins and other living purposes, and also to leave living space for wild animals which is a source of meat. Beside farming, Dayaks plant fruit trees like rambutan, langsat, durian, isu and mangosteen near their longhouse or on their land plots to amrk their ownership of the land. They also grow plants which produce dyes for colouring their cotton treads if not taken from the wild forest. Major fishing using the tuba root is normally done by the whole longhouse as the river may take some time to recover. Any wild meat obtained will distribute according to a certain customary law.
Headhunting was an important part of Dayak culture, in particular to the Iban and Kenyah. The origin of headhunting in Iban Dayaks can be traced to the story of a chief name Serapoh who was asked by a spirit to obtain a fresh head to open a mourning jar but unfortunately he killed a Kantu boy which he got by exchanging with a jar for this purpose for which the Kantu retaliated and thus starting the headhunting practice. There used to be a tradition of retaliation for old headhunts, which kept the practice alive. External interference by the reign of the Brooke Rajahs in Sarawak via "bebanchak babi" (peacemaking) in Kapit and the Dutch in Kalimantan Borneo via peacemaking at Tumbang Anoi curtailed and limited this tradition.
Apart from massed raids, the practice of headhunting was then limited to individual retaliation attacks or the result of chance encounters. Early Brooke Government reports describe Dayak Iban and Kenyah War parties with captured enemy heads. At various times, there have been massive coordinated raids in the interior and throughout coastal Borneo before and after the arrival of the Raj during Brooke's reign in Sarawak.
The Ibans' journey along the coastal regions using a large boat called "bandong" with sail made of leaves or cloths may have given rise to the term, Sea Dayak, although, throughout the 19th Century, Sarawak Government raids and independent expeditions appeared to have been carried out as far as Brunei, Mindanao, East coast Malaya, Jawa and Celebes.
Tandem diplomatic relations between the Sarawak Government (Brooke Rajah) and Britain (East India Company and the Royal Navy) acted as a pivot and a deterrence to the former's territorial ambitions, against the Dutch administration in the Kalimantan regions and client sultanates.
In the Indonesian region, toplessness was the norm among the Dayak people, Javanese, and the Balinese people of Indonesia before the introduction of Islam and contact with Western cultures. In Javanese and Balinese societies, women worked or rested comfortably topless. Among the Dayak, only big breasted women or married women with sagging breasts cover their breasts because they interfered with their work. Once marik empang (top cover over the shoulders) and later shirts are available, toplessness has been abandoned.
Metal-working is elaborately developed in making mandaus (machetes - parang in Malay and Indonesian). The blade is made of a softer iron, to prevent breakage, with a narrow strip of a harder iron wedged into a slot in the cutting edge for sharpness in a process called ngamboh (iron-smithing).
In headhunting it was necessary to able to draw the parang quickly. For this purpose, the mandau is fairly short, which also better serves the purpose of trailcutting in dense forest. It is holstered with the cutting edge facing upwards and at that side there is an upward protrusion on the handle, so it can be drawn very quickly with the side of the hand without having to reach over and grasp the handle first. The hand can then grasp the handle while it is being drawn. The combination of these three factors (short, cutting edge up and protrusion) makes for an extremely fast drawing-action.
The ceremonial mandaus used for dances are as beautifully adorned with feathers, as are the costumes. There are various terms to describe different types of Dayak blades. The Nyabor is the traditional Iban Scimitar, Parang Ilang is common to Kayan and Kenyah Swordsmiths, pedang is a sword with a metallic handle and Duku is a multipurpose farm tool and machete of sorts.
Normally, the sword is accompanied by a wooden shield called terabai which is decorated with a demon face to scare off the enemy. Another weapons are sangkoh (spear) and sumpit (blowpipe) with lethal poison at the tip of its laja.
WIKIPEDIA
Jack's Hitler jigsaw and knowing when to turn a blind eye to a lynch mob being nine-tenths of the law... Simon Ecob's world is a truly horrific Daily Mail wonderland.
Jack Black and his dog Silver – a young amateur detective staying with his Aunt Meg on an eternal school holiday. Often gets well-meaning people, who have done nothing wrong, arrested (or worse) on a minor technicality or obscure law for his own benefit as they've offended his very right wing sensibilties .
The first strip was apparently "traced by Chris Donald", according to fellow Viz cartoonist Davey Jones, "out of an old copy of Whizzer and Chips". As the strip has progressed, Jack has been increasingly portrayed as a racist and a xenophobe among other major faults.
" A typical strip begins with Jack visiting Aunt Meg in a new location and assisting her with her latest business or project, usually involving something illegal or immoral such as prostitutes or drug dealing. Someone causes trouble for them or annoys Jack in some way, leading him to investigate. The "villains" whom Jack investigates are occasionally genuine criminals, but more often well-meaning, inoffensive people who happen to have outraged his far right sense of propriety. Jack usually ends up finding out that what the suspect has done is technically not illegal, but still succeeds in getting the miscreants involved arrested on trivial charges and severely punished, often at the savage hands of the community - his exploits making a mockery of British Justice. For instance, when someone tried to sell a tactical nuclear missile to the IRA the village policeman pointed out that the man was a licensed arms dealer. Jack then had the arms dealer arrested for having an expired tax disc on the car he was carrying the missile in. In most cases the whole village is utterly corrupt and the 'villain' represents some form of rationality and normality to the reader. "
Jack Black
[Viz] Jack Black is a character appearing in the adult Viz comic. The cartoons in which he appears are currently drawn by Simon Ecob. Jack is effectively a young amateur detective who along with his dog Silver seems to spend an eternal school holiday staying with his Aunt Meg in an ever changing idyllic middle England location. The time per
Found on en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Jack_Black_(Viz)
the story lines www.gutenberg.us/articles/jack_black_(viz)
Exploitant : Transdev TVO
Réseau : R'Bus (Argenteuil)
Ligne : 6
Lieu : Gare d'Argenteuil (Argenteuil, F-95)
Lien TC Infos : tc-infos.fr/id/27679
Exploitant : Transdev TVO
Réseau : Bus en Seine
Ligne : H
Lieu : Gare de Houilles – Carrières-sur-Seine (Houilles, F-78)
Lien TC Infos : tc-infos.fr/id/35122
WASHINGTON, DC: National Center for Missing & Exploited (NCMEC) 2022 Hope Gala, Oct. 20, 2022
The National Center for Missing & Exploited Children’s (NCMEC) Hope Gala held on Oct. 20, 2022 at the District Pier at The Wharf, Washington, D.C. The event is a celebration of the inspiring work being done globally to protect children. We recognized leaders in child safety, honor survivors, and remember the families and victims who are still seeking justice and safety. Sarah Baker/NCMEC