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I saw this succulent flower head back lit by the low winter sun this afternoon and decided to exploit it by adding additional light behind the flower.
I used camera settings that cause the background to go quite dark and then back lit the flowers by hand holding a Yongnuo flash in an 8.6 inch Lastolite soft box behind and above the flowers. The flash and my tripod mounted camera were triggered by a Yongnuo RF-603N.
Other pictures that I've taken of succulents can be seen in my Cactus and Succulents album, if you like this sort of thing.
www.flickr.com/photos/9422878@N08/albums/72157633383093236
I've photographed a lot of plants and flowers, because they're all around us, work cheap, and never complain. I have an album of these images with over 1000 pictures, and for each one, I have described how I lit them, in case you're interested in that kind of thing.
In the early days of my digital camera exploits I relied on a pocket camera which was something of a marvel. It was well worth the outlay - a cut above the rest you might say.
Here in a remote part of Scotland, while staying at a lodge, the wildlife was excellent entertainment value.
Ducks would rap their beaks on the glass of the lodge door to announce their arrival for some breakfast. Clearly an established routine with some of the visitors to the place.
The next stage of the entertainment was the bunnies coming out to graze. Usually this is a night time event but up here at the time of the year, night is something of misleading description. Hours of darkness are few and we had to draw the curtains to get some sleep!
So perhaps this chap had gone past the usual time span, but he was getting the grass nice and short.
There were plenty of other rabbits and all quite skittish, even bolting if we were seen through the windows. They did have some entertainment themselves by chasing off small birds who came down onto the grass. It was quite a spectacle but just a bit too far away to be photographed.
The Mistral (aka Vampire FB.53) exploited the more powerful Nene engine, also built under license in France. It delivered 61% more thrust than the DH Goblin 2.
564A3920
Inscription on postcard translates to something like "Solemnity [near] monument to Nevelskoy" written in pre-Revolution orthograthy. Gennady Ivanovich Nevelskoy was russian admiral and explorer of Far East. (This information was provided by flickr member Hans KC)
Unveiled in 1897, the monument to Nevelskoy became the first monument in Vladivostok. The cornerstone was laid in 1891 by Cesarevich Nikolai who was to be the last imperial ruler of Russia. The townspeople had been donating since 1889 when the idea of commemorating the memory of G. Nevelskoy was first put into words. Admiral Nevelskoy (1813-1876), Russian explorer of the Far East proved that Sakhalin was an island--not a peninsula as it had been thought of before--and that the Amur was navigable in all its parts--the mouth of the Amur had been believed to be lost in quick sands. Nevelskoy also founded Nikolayevsk-on-Amur in 1850.
Simple in form and modest in embellishment, the Nevelskoy Monument began to symbolize the collective exploration exploits and pioneering spirit of sailors, soldiers, cossacks and first explorers. Designed by the navy engineer A.Antipov, the monument consists of twelve gray granite slabs topped with the globe circled along the diameter and crowned with a two-headed eagle, a symbol of Russian csars' autocracy. In the niche facing the Golden Horn Inlet stands the Nevelskoy bust perfectly executed by a renouned Russian sculptor R.Bach (1859 - 1933). Inconspicuous presence of Nevelskoy highlights the expressiveness of the whole. In the rest three niches there are the bronze plaques bearing the names of Nevelskoy's collaborators who participated in 1849 - 1853 expeditions.
The story of the Nevelskoy Monument is typical of post-revolutionary Russia: in 1923 the five-pointed star came to replace the two-headed eagle, the remains of revolutionaries were reburied in front of the monument. Since then the small public garden surrounding it has been named the Victims of the Revolution Public Garden. In 1958 two years before the centenary of Vladivostok, N.Kukel'-Krayevsky, the grandson of Nevelskoy, addressed the local government to restore the monument. By 1960 the Nevelskoy Monument had been restored.
Vladivostok literally 'ruler of the east' is a city and the administrative centre of the Far Eastern Federal District and Primorsky Krai, Russia, located around the Golden Horn Bay, not far from Russia's borders with China and North Korea. The population of the city as of 2018 was 604,901, up from 592,034 recorded in the 2010 Russian census. Harbin in China is about 515 kilometres (320 mi) away, while Sapporo in Japan is about 775 kilometres (482 mi) east across the Sea of Japan. The city is the home port of the Russian Pacific Fleet and is the largest Russian port on the Pacific coast.
Exploitant : Cars Hourtoule
Réseau : SQY Terre d'Innovations
Ligne : 10
Lieu : Gare de Plaisir – Grignon (Plaisir, F-78)
Lien TC Infos : tc-infos.fr/id/41511
The USMF's elite pilots (those given the rank of Paladin) are a tough breed whose exploits are well known across the galaxy. Though qualified on a wide array of different craft (including ones not used by the USMF) most Paladins operate solo or in small groups; often great distances from allied bases or capital ships and thus have found great use in one-man fighter craft with FTL capability.
Miniaturizing FTL jump drives is a complex and costly process, but the benefits of a faster-than-light starfighter are numerous. For years, the USMF Paladins utilized the AX-20 "Katana" in this role. While a sturdy and fast ship, the Katana's production foundry was completely destroyed in the beginning stages of the Dimension Wars, and as such, it's service numbers dwindled further from the already small amount (in comparison to non-FTL fighters in the fleet).
Starcom Solution's answered the call for a "faster-than-light jack of all trades" by introducing the "Tekkan" (a name of Japanese origin inspired by its spiritual predecessor "Katana"). Starcom Solutions, living up to it's name, conquered the complex issue of small FTL jump drives with a unique solution; the drive systems were built at the capital ship shipyards on Saturn and then shipped to Neptune where quantum technology was used to shrink the units down to a smaller size.
Impressed by the originality of Starcom Solutions' engineering prowess, the USMF quickly requested a Tekkan for immediate trial runs. The first Tekkan produced (which was painted red with white markings as tribute to the Katana) passed its tests with flying colors (no pun intended) and was assigned to Paladin Kira Janus.
The Tekkan features twin heavy repeating lasers (much like those found on Hyperius Industries' "Scorpion"-class heavy fighter) and twin "Mjölnir"-type lightning cannons, which fire thunderous bolts of energy across great distances. These weapons pack quite the punch and require no ammunition, but require a great amount of charge time. If safety protocols are bypassed, the capacitor banks can overcharge and result in a devastating chain reaction.
(Pictured above is the AX-20 "Katana" which the "Tekkan" replaces. I paid tribute to the original craft by using a similar layout to it's wings and main thrusters, as a sort of easter egg.)
Le château de Pomponne
L’histoire du lieu débute officiellement vers 1107 avec Hugues de Pomponne qui s’oppose au roi de France Louis le Gros. Ce sont les premiers documents historiques dont nous avons trace.
Ancien point de passage obligé sur la Marne, d’abord à gué puis franchissement par pont, l’agglomération de Pomponne se développe autour de ce lieu de passage et donne naissance à une seigneurie qui se traduit par l’implantation d’une vaste propriété avec en son centre un château appelé Château de Pomponne en 1176 mais il s’agit d’une forteresse.
En 1489 L’officier des armées Martin Courtin reçoit, de Louis XII, en récompense de ses services, la seigneurie de Pomponne alors rattachée à la couronne. 3 générations de Courtin se succèdent sans interruption et donnent une des plus grande puissance et expansion à la terre de Pomponne.
Marie Courtin porta la seigneurie à Nicolas de Haqueville par mariage les Haqueville conservant le titre de seigneur de Pomponne jusqu’en 1619.
Grace à cette famille, le domaine sera de nouveau considérablement agrandi vers 1530. Ils achètent une foule de petites propriétés avoisinant le château, en particulier celle de MENYON qui était enclavée dans le parc et s’étendait de l’église jusqu’à l’allée de Bordeaux. Son annexion amena la destruction de beaucoup d’habitations, diminua singulièrement la population du village auquel elle supprima le chemin le plus direct pour se rendre à Bordeaux, Forest ou Monjay.
Le dernier Hacqueville décède sans enfant et c’est sa demi sœur Catherine de la Borderie qui en hérite et l’apporte en dote à son époux Robert Arnauld d’Antilly en 1613.
Le château fut alors reconstruit en 1663 par Robert à la place qu’il occupe aujourd’hui, l’ancien étant plus proche de la mairie, à l’extrémité du parterre actuel. Des fossés sont creusés et des ponts-levis construits. Robert fait également tracer les allées et les avenues du petit parc et des jardins d’après les dessins de Le Notre.
Il ordonne ensuite la clôture du grand parc et obtient par traité avec les habitants de Pomponne le passage sur leur terre des tuyaux de la grand fontaine et du miroir qui captent toutes les sources des environs et desservent en eau les bassins aménagés par son ordre.
Il complète toutes ces transformations en faisant construire en 1670 contre l’église une maison pour le maître d’école.
Son fils Simond Arnauld (1618-1699), diplomate, ministre et secrétaire d'état aux affaires étrangères, bien en cour au début du règne de Louis XIV, fut disgracié en 1662 à la chute de Fouquet dont il était l’ami. On dit qu’il avait contre lui Colbert et Louvois. Revenu en grâce, il obtint d’ériger la seigneurie de Pomponne en marquisat en 1682, à la grande joie de son amie Mme de Rabutin-Chantal, Marquise de Sévigné, dont on sait qu'elle visita à plusieurs reprise M. de Pomponne en son château.
En 1676, il obtient la modification du chemin de Paris à Lagny qui a pour but d’enclaver l’ancienne route dans le domaine, de démolir les maisons longeant le parc et de l’affranchir de toute servitude désagréable.
En 1679 il bâtit une arcade qui partant du parc allait rejoindre la rue Maquereau pour suivre ensuite l’allée d’ormes plantées par lui le long de la marne. En 1681 construction d’une chapelle particulière à côté du château et en 1682 le marquis de Pomponne achète la terre de Bordeaux.
A sa mort, son fils Nicolas Arnauld lui succède et fait bâtir l’école de pomponne en 1729 et dès lors, très en avance sur son temps, l’école est gratuite à Pomponne pour les filles et les garçons.
En 1756 les jardins sont modifiés.
En 1759 les terres et le marquisat sont vendus au marquis de Brou puis l’ensemble est cédé à M. Huvelin de Baviller qui commença la restauration du château, mort subitement, la propriété fut de nouveau vendue à M. Le Bas de Courmont qui entame des travaux et rachète à peu près toutes les terres alors concédées lors des successions difficiles. En 1794 il est guillotiné.
En 1821, sa veuve vend la propriété à M. Louis Dreux qui, à la demande de son fils Edouard Dreux (1803-1878), qui souhaitait s’installer à Pomponne, la remet en état. Il élargit la rue vieille (actuelle rue Louis Dreux, la plus ancienne de Pomponne) en 1830; Restaure l’église et la rend au culte en 1835.
En 1852, il rachète les jardins, les potagers et dépendances de l’ancienne ferme située à droite de l’avenue du Mail qui étaient devenues propriétés particulières. Il détruit la maison de maître et les bâtiments de la ferme et fait planter le jardin anglais.
En reconstruisant les murs, balustres et parapets du château on a trouvé une grande quantité de médailles portant millésimes 1663 qui indiquent la date à peu près certaine du château actuel.
Les allemands occupent le château en 1870, le pillent et dégradent le mobilier.
En 1871 Edouard Dreux répare les dégats et fait exhumer 30 soldats prussiens. Un mausolé leur a été élevé dans le cimetière communal.
A sa mort, son gendre M. Albert Dumez réalise les parterres et le château d’eau qui sont la reproduction en plus grand des cascades de Saint-Cloud dont l’architecte Hottot Saint-Ange s’inspira.
Les eaux vives ruissellent par les trop pleins, des jets d’eau jaillissent à chaque niveau par des faces de monstres allégoriques. A l’époque l’ensemble est ouvert au public lors de certaines festivités et tous les 2e dimanche de septembre.
L’esplanade circulaire qui fermait le parc vers l’Est, au-delà du miroir et à laquelle on parvenait par deux rampes douces en forme de fer à cheval est transformée. Les jardins sont reconstitués à l’aide de documents anciens dans un pastiche de style classique. Le parc est le seul de son espèce dans toute l’Ile-de-France.
Pendant la guerre de 14-18 Mme Dreux veuve Dumez fonde une ambulance de 35 lits à ses frais, hébergeant surtout des grands blessés convalescents, qui fonctionnera jusqu’en 1919.
En 1918 le château servi de lieu de réunion au grand quartier général de la 2 bataille de la Marne. Clémenceau, Foch, Pétain et Gouraud, des généraux anglais et américains y ont élaboré les plans qui devaient conduite à la victoire finale. Une plaque commémorant ces réunions historiques fut enlevée par les allemands pendant l’occupation du château de 1940 à 1944.
Au décès de Mme Dumez, en 1942, la propriété est vendue. Le nouveau propriétaire M. Doriol, un industriel, exploite le bois du parc tandis que le château et les jardins, acheté par l’état en 1945 sont affectés au ministère de l’intérieur qui abrite la caserne de la compagnie républicaine (CRS4).
Le 5 juillet 1943 l’ensemble du château et des jardins est inscrit à l’inventaire supplémentaire des monuments historiques.
Aujourd’hui, l’alimentation en eau des bassins est à reprendre, ainsi que les conduites et pompes élévatrices.
Le Bassin des enfants est à recréer, le bassin octogonal est à réhabiliter. Les jardins à arbres à replanter.
Malaysia, Borneo, Sarawak, Jungle
These Orang-utans were photographed in the jungle of Sarawak. In the Semenggoh Nature Reserve. A reserve to save the Orang Utan. On the island of Borneo, in 16 years, nearly 150,000 orangutans have disappeared, victims of deforestation and of the exploitation of natural resources. This finding, overwhelming, is also a consequence of the hunt. A dense forest in which they are given food. A wooden tray is used to lay food. They have a rope to access the wooden tray. That's why you see them doing gymnastic around this rope. We had to wait a long time ... after an hour arrived a mother and her cub and several males ...
Véhicule : IRISBUS Agora L GNV
Identification : 2278 (DD-352-KR)
Exploitant : Keolis Bordeaux Métropole
Réseau : TBM (Bordeaux Métropole)
Dépôt : Centre d'Exploitation du Lac (CEL)
Ligne : 14 NAVETTE RELAIS TRAM C
Voiture : 1411
Destination : LE BOUSCAT Place Ravezies
Véhicule : IRISBUS IVECO Citelis 18 GNV
Identification : 2601 (BC-416-WN)
Exploitant : Keolis Bordeaux Métropole
Véhicule : IRISBUS IVECO Citelis 18 GNV
Identification : 2667 (n.c.)
Exploitant : Keolis Bordeaux Métropole
Véhicule : IRISBUS IVECO Citelis 18 GNV
Identification : 2666 (n.c.)
Exploitant : Keolis Bordeaux Métropole
Du Lundi 15 au Jeudi 25 Avril 2019, 2 phases d'interruptions se sont succédé sur la ligne Tram C, pour que les équipes de maintenance effectuent des travaux sur les voies.
Durant la première phase, la ligne était coupée entre les stations "Grand Parc" et "Gare Saint-Jean". Lors de la seconde phase, l'interruption a été réduite à la section de "Quinconces" à "Gare Saint-Jean".
17/04/2019 15:56
Allée de Bristol ; Bordeaux
You gotta see this movie, it's completely insane. Filthy Satanik hippie sickos hopped up on LSD are infected with dead dog rabies by a vengeful little pudgy moppet via rabid-dog-blood-infused meat pies and all fuggin hell breaks loose. Homicidal hippies vs. angry construction workers! Self-induced miscarriages! Sharp implements used irresponsibly! Full-frontal male nudity circa 1970! Dead rats!
For the last year many wonderful people on flickr have been having their photos of their children taken and used without permission on www.orkut.com
Litterally thousands of images of children are being used to set up fake profiles on this google run website. The profiles may be fake but the children whose images they steal are not..
They believe that a little green symbol and the words "this photo is public" means its free for anyone to use how they want and have no consideration for the property and lives of the people whose images they steal.
Google is doing little to nothing about this blatant theft and the exploitation of these innocent children..its time to make a stand!
Setting up a profile on Orkut takes only a minute or 2....sign up and continue the fight...report this to google..speak to your local media..call the radio station..blog about it..tell your friends about it..let google know we wont stand for this any longer.
Visit the original post here: www.flickr.com/photos/sarahsmile1/1436257706/in/photostream/
fave these images..leave us notes and let us know your supporting this effort!!
Dont forget to fave...add a note or leave a comment to let us know you support this effort,
There is also a petition you can find on Sarah's stream to sign
This is the same flower that I exploited yesterday in a horizontal format. Today I decided to go with a vertical format to give it a different look
Lighting stuff: This was a 3 light setup with 24 inch soft boxes on either side of the flower with the back edge of the softboxes lined up with the flower, and one hand held flash behind the flower at camera left. The three Yongnuo strobes were triggered with a Yongnuo RF=603N.
Other pictures that I've taken of Birds of Paradise flowers can be seen in my cleverly titled Birds of Paradise album.
www.flickr.com/photos/9422878@N08/albums/72157631967781801
I've photographed a lot of plants and flowers, because they're all around us, work cheap, and never complain. I have an album of these images with over 1000 pictures, and for each one, I have described how I lit them, in case you're interested in that kind of thing.
The term circus freak is a tough one to discern. Deemed barbaric and exploitive by modern terms, it was actually the preferred expression…by the “freaks” themselves during the long 100 year heyday of the American traveling circuses and sideshows. These were individuals who made a living (in most cases) the only way they could…by exhibiting their unusual attributes…even playing up their abnormalities to fearful crowds. By most accounts I’ve read, many of the intelligent ones were treated well. In fact some were revered in the highest regard; they were well paid, lived as extravagantly as Hollywood celebrities of their day, traveled the world and made acquaintances with royalty and the social elite. They found love, often with other freaks from the traveling shows, but it wasn’t uncommon to marry normal patrons who frequented the shows. Freaks with limited mental capabilities, however, didn’t fare as well as their smarter counterparts. Some had compassionate handlers but most were deemed less than human and were subject to physical, sexual, and psychological abuse.
In the heyday of the traveling circus there were several kinds of freaks and most of which I tried to portray in this painting…your biological freaks…were born with (or later acquired) physical abnormalities they couldn’t do anything about. These were your giants, dwarfs, fully or partially conjoined twins, your lobster boys and bearded ladies.
Another category are your self made freaks…often with an unwavering desire to be a part of the circus life, folks would cover themselves in tattoos or piercing and play up an exotic or monstrous persona. Often ticket sales dictated something more compelling than a clever name and tattooed flesh so frequently these folks also gained “acquired” skills like sword swallowing, acrobatics or fire juggling.
Another category are your exotic freaks. An individual would qualify into this theme simply by being of a faraway land or culture different from what was deemed as modern or civilized. Tribesmen from Africa, South America, Haiti, Papua New Guinea, The Philippines and the Polynesian islands were often exhibited as head hunters, cannibals, witch doctors, voodoo priests, and savages whether or not they actually engaged in these practices in their homelands. The most extreme and controversial case of this was an African Pygmy tribesman named Ota Benga who was exhibited in a cage in the monkey house at the Bronx Zoo from 1903-1906. He was dressed in animal print loincloths, had apes as companions and was encouraged to act wild whenever patrons drew near. He was played up as “The Missing Link”, bridging the gap between apes and man.
A type of freak I chose not to portray in this painting but are still important to note were the carnival geeks. The term geek nowadays describes a nerdy type or someone extremely interested in a particular brainy subject but in the original meaning, these were considered the lowest of the low; they were not permitted to socialize with other carnival folk. These were vagrant drunks or drug addicts, often picked up when the carnival came to town and left there as the show departed. Its known that addicts of the worst order will usually do anything for their next fix…even act like a maniac in a cage, sling their own urine and excrement around, fight each other and most notably…bite the heads off chickens. This was undoubtedly the most exploitive facet of the traveling freak show but it was well proven that people would pay good money to see people in such a depraved state.
Not really freaks but an equally important part of the traveling show was the pickled punks and other curios. These were often malformed fetuses and animals preserved in jars. Usually they were fakes created to instill awe…most notably the fearsome Fiji Mermaid.
I did this painting with no intent to exploit but only to learn more about our strange world and history. Purposefully I wanted an eerie, yet whimsical representation of the traveling freak show but with a respectful, uplifting, celebratory message. Here we have a freak show owned and operated by Dr. Z…a freak himself (see if you can spot him in the detail pics). In spite of my good intentions, I did meet with what I figured to be weird karma as I was doing the research for this piece. I approached a lady at the town library with an extensive list of books…all of them with “freak show” and “circus freaks” in their titles. As I handed her the list, she looked up from her computer and I saw that she had a severely disfigured face and malformed hands. My gut instinct was to retract the list and maybe approach someone else (or leave and nix this project altogether!) but she seemed unfazed with my list of questionable reading material. She called her associate on another floor, read off the list of books (much to my embarrassment), smiled happily and told me her co-worker was gathering the books now and I should take the stairs or the elevator to find him. I thanked her, then followed her instructions to retrieve my books. It turns out her associate was a severe hunchback, nearly bent in half with his affliction but he happily located and gathered my books for me. Both did an excellent job at their work but had me leaving there with an uneasy feeling of guilt.
In 1984 an “uppity Madison Avenue woman with lofty connections and who has never been to a freak show”…(every book I read made it a point to mention that)…lobbied her connections in congress to pass a law that would deem it illegal to exploit, exhibit or make money off of any type of physical abnormality. Already waning out of popularity, the freak show was deemed illegal with both freaks and patrons alike subject to arrest. Freaks were suddenly at a loss. Even “self-made” heavily tattooed or pierced individuals were at a loss for work. Some had lost considerable incomes, large homes, all of their possessions and the sense of belonging, love and community that the circus life once provided. In some cases, without the means to purchase the expensive medications they required, some have even died or endured the loss of spouses or children. Currently some folks with severe abnormalities are institutionalized, living a solitary life or at best eking a living on welfare or disability.
Whether deemed exploitive or a place for the different among us to find fame, love and a sense of community and belonging, the traveling freak show was an undeniable part of American…and world history. Incidentally, I’ve logged more hours on this painting (about 66) than any other. I hope you enjoy it and if you’ve made it this far…thanks for reading.
Hi everyone todays painting is (The Exploited Worker) there is so much that can be said about this evil practice that I will just say this way of living for many must come to a end,or will people continue to turn a blind eye all in the name of many times for profit? take care steve.
Bolam Lake Country Park is a country park in Northumberland, England, near the village of Bolam and about 9 miles (14 km) west of Morpeth. It is signposted off the A696 road from Belsay.
History
The lake and woodlands were laid out by John Dobson for Reverend John Beresford, Baron Decies, the owner of the Bolam estate, who wanted to provide work for local people during a period of economic decline. The project, started in 1816, took three years to complete. The site was landscaped, and designed to provide picturesque views of nearby features in the countryside. The lake was created from a swampy area known as Bolam Bog.
By 1945 the grounds had grown wild; in 1972 the estate was purchased by Northumberland County Council in order to create a country park. In 2016 the lake and landscaped surroundings celebrated their 200th anniversary.
Description
The park, area 26.48 hectares (65.4 acres); has a lake, woodlands and open grassland. There are walks throughout the park, including a fully accessible path around the lake.
Wildlife in the park includes roe deer and red squirrels; there are swans and other waterfowl on the lake. Woodland birds to be seen include great spotted woodpecker, bullfinch, nuthatch and treecreeper.
There is a visitor centre and café next to the Boathouse Wood Car Park, to the north of the lake.
Bolam is a village and former civil parish, now in the parish of Belsay in the county of Northumberland, England. The village is about 20 miles (32 km) north-west of Newcastle upon Tyne, near Bolam West Houses. In 1951 the civil parish had a population of 60. On 1 April 1955 the parish was abolished and merged with Belsay.
History
The Church of England parish church of St Andrew has a late Saxon west tower and is a Grade I listed building.[3]
Shortflatt Tower, about 1.5 miles (2.4 km) south-west of the village, is a late 15th or early 16th century pele tower, with a 17th-century house attached, and is also Grade I listed.
Bolam is the burial place of Robert de Reymes, a wealthy Suffolk merchant, who in 1296 began the building of Aydon Castle, near Corbridge.
Landmarks
Bolam Lake Country Park is next to the village.
Three archaeological sites are nearby: Huckhoe Settlement, an iron Age and Romano-British defended settlement; Slate Hill Settlement, an Iron Age defended settlement; and The Poind and his Man, a Neolithic site.
Northumberland is a ceremonial county in North East England, bordering Scotland. It is bordered by the Scottish Borders to the north, the North Sea to the east, Tyne and Wear and County Durham to the south, and Cumbria to the west. The town of Blyth is the largest settlement.
The county has an area of 5,013 km2 (1,936 sq mi) and a population of 320,274, making it the least-densely populated county in England. The south-east contains the largest towns: Blyth (37,339), Cramlington (27,683), Ashington (27,670), and Morpeth (14,304), which is the administrative centre. The remainder of the county is rural, and the largest towns are Berwick-upon-Tweed (12,043) in the far north and Hexham (13,097) in the west. For local government purposes the county is a unitary authority area. The county historically included the parts of Tyne and Wear north of the River Tyne.
The west of Northumberland contains part of the Cheviot Hills and North Pennines, while to the east the land becomes flatter before reaching the coast. The Cheviot (815 m (2,674 ft)), after which the range of hills is named, is the county's highest point. The county contains the source of the River North Tyne and much of the South Tyne; near Hexham they combine to form the Tyne, which exits into Tyne and Wear shortly downstream. The other major rivers in Northumberland are, from south to north, the Blyth, Coquet, Aln, Wansbeck and Tweed, the last of which forms part of the Scottish border. The county contains Northumberland National Park and two national landscapes: the Northumberland Coast and part of the North Pennines.
Much of the county's history has been defined by its position on a border. In the Roman era most of the county lay north of Hadrian's Wall, and the region was contested between England and Scotland into the Early Modern era, leading to the construction of many castles, peel towers and bastle houses, and the early modern fortifications at Berwick-upon-Tweed. Northumberland is also associated with Celtic Christianity, particularly the tidal island of Lindisfarne. During the Industrial Revolution the area had significant coal mining, shipbuilding, and armaments industries.
Northumberland, England's northernmost county, is a land where Roman occupiers once guarded a walled frontier, Anglian invaders fought with Celtic natives, and Norman lords built castles to suppress rebellion and defend a contested border with Scotland. The present-day county is a vestige of an independent kingdom that once stretched from Edinburgh to the Humber, hence its name, meaning literally 'north of the Humber'.[1] Reflecting its tumultuous past, Northumberland has more castles than any other county in England, and the greatest number of recognised battle sites. Once an economically important region that supplied much of the coal that powered the industrial revolution, Northumberland is now a primarily rural county with a small and gradually shrinking population.
Prehistory
As attested by many instances of rock art, the Northumberland region has a rich prehistory. Archeologists have studied a Mesolithic structure at Howick, which dates to 7500 BC and was identified as Britain's oldest house until it lost this title in 2010 when the discovery of the even older Star Carr house in North Yorkshire was announced, which dates to 8770 BC. They have also found tools, ornaments, building structures and cairns dating to the bronze and iron ages, when the area was occupied by Brythonic Celtic peoples who had migrated from continental Europe, most likely the Votadini whose territory stretched from Edinburgh and the Firth of Forth to Northumberland. It is not clear where the boundary between the Votadini and the other large tribe, the Brigantes, was, although it probably frequently shifted as a result of wars and as smaller tribes and communities changed allegiances. Unlike neighbouring tribes, Votadini farms were surrounded by large walls, banks and ditches and the people made offerings of fine metal objects, but never wore massive armlets. There are also at least three very large hillforts in their territory (Yeavering Bell, Eildon Hill and Traprain Law, the latter two now in Scotland), each was located on the top of a prominent hill or mountain. The hillforts may have been used for over a thousand years by this time as places of refuge and as places for meetings for political and religious ceremonies. Duddo Five Stones in North Northumberland and the Goatstones near Hadrian's Wall are stone circles dating from the Bronze Age.
Roman occupation
When Gnaeus Julius Agricola was appointed Roman governor of Britain in 78 AD, most of northern Britain was still controlled by native British tribes. During his governorship Agricola extended Roman control north of Eboracum (York) and into what is now Scotland. Roman settlements, garrisons and roads were established throughout the Northumberland region.
The northern frontier of the Roman occupation fluctuated between Pons Aelius (now Newcastle) and the Forth. Hadrian's Wall was completed by about 130 AD, to define and defend the northern boundary of Roman Britain. By 142, the Romans had completed the Antonine Wall, a more northerly defensive border lying between the Forth and Clyde. However, by 164 they abandoned the Antonine Wall to consolidate defences at Hadrian's Wall.
Two important Roman roads in the region were the Stanegate and Dere Street, the latter extending through the Cheviot Hills to locations well north of the Tweed. Located at the intersection of these two roads, Coria (Corbridge), a Roman supply-base, was the most northerly large town in the Roman Empire. The Roman forts of Vercovicium (Housesteads) on Hadrian's Wall, and Vindolanda (Chesterholm) built to guard the Stanegate, had extensive civil settlements surrounding them.
The Celtic peoples living in the region between the Tyne and the Forth were known to the Romans as the Votadini. When not under direct Roman rule, they functioned as a friendly client kingdom, a somewhat porous buffer against the more warlike Picts to the north.
The gradual Roman withdrawal from Britain in the 5th century led to a poorly documented age of conflict and chaos as different peoples contested territories in northern Britain.
Archaeology
Nearly 2000-year-old Roman boxing gloves were uncovered at Vindolanda in 2017 by the Vidolanda Trust experts led by Dr Andrew Birley. According to the Guardian, being similar in style and function to the full-hand modern boxing gloves, these two gloves found at Vindolanda look like leather bands date back to 120 AD. It is suggested that based on their difference from gladiator gloves warriors using this type of gloves had no purpose to kill each other. These gloves were probably used in a sport for promoting fighting skills. The gloves are currently displayed at Vindolanda's museum.
Anglian Kingdoms of Deira, Bernicia and Northumbria
Conquests by Anglian invaders led to the establishment of the kingdoms of Deira and Bernicia. The first Anglian settlement was effected in 547 by Ida, who, accompanied by his six sons, pushed through the narrow strip of territory between the Cheviots and the sea, and set up a fortress at Bamburgh, which became the royal seat of the Bernician kings. About the end of the 6th century Bernicia was first united with the rival kingdom of Deira under the rule of Æthelfrith of Northumbria, and the district between the Humber and the Forth became known as the kingdom of Northumbria.
After Æthelfrith was killed in battle around 616, Edwin of Deira became king of Northumbria. Æthelfrith's son Oswald fled northwest to the Gaelic kingdom of Dál Riata where he was converted to Christianity by the monks of Iona. Meanwhile, Paulinus, the first bishop of York, converted King Edwin to Roman Christianity and began an extensive program of conversion and baptism. By his time the kingdom must have reached the west coast, as Edwin is said to have conquered the islands of Anglesey and Man. Under Edwin the Northumbrian kingdom became the chief power in Britain. However, when Cadwallon ap Cadfan defeated Edwin at Hatfield Chase in 633, Northumbria was divided into the former kingdoms of Bernicia and Deira and Christianity suffered a temporary decline.
In 634, Oswald defeated Cadwallon ap Cadfan at the Battle of Heavenfield, resulting in the re-unification of Northumbria. Oswald re-established Christianity in the kingdom and assigned a bishopric at Hexham, where Wilfrid erected a famous early English church. Reunification was followed by a period of Northumbrian expansion into Pictish territory and growing dominance over the Celtic kingdoms of Dál Riata and Strathclyde to the west. Northumbrian encroachments were abruptly curtailed in 685, when Ecgfrith suffered complete defeat by a Pictish force at the Battle of Nechtansmere.
Monastic culture
When Saint Aidan came at the request of Oswald to preach to the Northumbrians he chose the island of Lindisfarne as the site of his church and monastery, and made it the head of the diocese which he founded in 635. For some years the see continued in peace, numbering among its bishops Saint Cuthbert, but in 793 Vikings landed on the island and burnt the settlement, killing many of the monks. The survivors, however, rebuilt the church and continued to live there until 883, when, through fear of a second invasion of the Danes, they fled inland, taking with them the body of Cuthbert and other holy relics.
Against this background, the monasteries of Northumbria developed some remarkably influential cultural products. Cædmon, a monk at Whitby Abbey, authored one of the earliest surviving examples of Old English poetry some time before 680. The Lindisfarne Gospels, an early example of insular art, is attributed to Eadfrith, the bishop of Lindisfarne from 698 to 721. Stenton (1971, p. 191) describes the book as follows.
In mere script it is no more than an admirable example of a noble style, and the figure drawing of its illustrations, though probably based on classical models, has more than a touch of naïveté. Its unique importance is due to the beauty and astonishing intricacy of its decoration. The nature of its ornament connects it very closely with a group of Irish manuscripts of which the Book of Kells is the most famous.
Bede's writing, at the Northumbrian monasteries at Wearmouth and Jarrow, gained him a reputation as the most learned scholar of his age. His work is notable for both its breadth (encompassing history, theology, science and literature) and quality, exemplified by the rigorous use of citation. Bede's most famous work is Ecclesiastical History of the English People, which is regarded as a highly influential early model of historical scholarship.
Earldom of Northumbria
Main article: Earl of Northumbria
The kingdom of Northumbria ceased to exist in 927, when it was incorporated into England as an earldom by Athelstan, the first king of a united England[citation needed].. In 937, Athelstan's victory over a combined Norse-Celtic force in the battle of Brunanburh secured England's control of its northern territory.
The Scottish king Indulf captured Edinburgh in 954, which thenceforth remained in possession of the Scots. His successors made repeated attempts to extend their territory southwards. Malcolm II was finally successful, when, in 1018, he annihilated the Northumbrian army at Carham on the Tweed, and Eadulf the earl of Northumbria ceded all his territory to the north of that river as the price of peace. Henceforth Lothian, consisting of the former region of Northumbria between the Forth and the Tweed, remained in possession of the Scottish kings.
The term Northumberland was first recorded in its contracted modern sense in 1065 in an entry in the Anglo-Saxon Chronicle relating to a rebellion against Tostig Godwinson.
Norman Conquest
The vigorous resistance of Northumbria to William the Conqueror was punished by ruthless harrying, mostly south of the River Tees. As recounted by the Anglo-Saxon Chronicle:
A.D. 1068. This year King William gave Earl Robert the earldom over Northumberland; but the landsmen attacked him in the town of Durham, and slew him, and nine hundred men with him. Soon afterwards Edgar Etheling came with all the Northumbrians to York; and the townsmen made a treaty with him: but King William came from the South unawares on them with a large army, and put them to flight, and slew on the spot those who could not escape; which were many hundred men; and plundered the town. St. Peter's minster he made a profanation, and all other places also he despoiled and trampled upon; and the ethelling went back again to Scotland.
The Normans rebuilt the Anglian monasteries of Lindisfarne, Hexham and Tynemouth, and founded Norman abbeys at Newminster (1139), Alnwick (1147), Brinkburn (1180), Hulne, and Blanchland. Castles were built at Newcastle (1080), Alnwick (1096), Bamburgh (1131), Harbottle (1157), Prudhoe (1172), Warkworth (1205), Chillingham, Ford (1287), Dunstanburgh (1313), Morpeth, Langley (1350), Wark on Tweed and Norham (1121), the latter an enclave of the palatine bishops of Durham.
Northumberland county is not mentioned in the Domesday Survey, but the account of the issues of the county, as rendered by Odard the sheriff, is entered in the Great Roll of the Exchequer for 1131.
In 1237, Scotland renounced claims to Northumberland county in the Treaty of York.
During the reign of Edward I (1272–1307), the county of Northumberland was the district between the Tees and the Tweed, and had within it several scattered liberties subject to other powers: Durham, Sadberge, Bedlingtonshire, and Norhamshire belonging to the bishop of Durham; Hexhamshire to the archbishop of York; Tynedale to the king of Scotland; Emildon to the earl of Lancaster; and Redesdale to Gilbert de Umfraville, Earl of Angus. These franchises were exempt from the ordinary jurisdiction of the shire. Over time, some were incorporated within the county: Tynedale in 1495; Hexhamshire in 1572; and Norhamshire, Islandshire and Bedlingtonshire by the Counties (Detached Parts) Act 1844.
Council of the North
The county court for Northumberland was held at different times at Newcastle, Alnwick and Morpeth, until by statute of 1549 it was ordered that the court should thenceforth be held in the town and castle of Alnwick. Under the same statute the sheriffs of Northumberland, who had been in the habit of appropriating the issues of the county to their private use, were required thereafter to deliver in their accounts to the Exchequer in the same manner as the sheriffs of other counties.
Border wars, reivers and rebels
From the Norman Conquest until the union of England and Scotland under James I and VI, Northumberland was the scene of perpetual inroads and devastations by the Scots. Norham, Alnwick and Wark were captured by David I of Scotland in the wars of Stephen's reign. In 1174, during his invasion of Northumbria, William I of Scotland, also known as William the Lion, was captured by a party of about four hundred mounted knights, led by Ranulf de Glanvill.[citation needed] This incident became known as the Battle of Alnwick. In 1295, Robert de Ros and the earls of Athol and Menteith ravaged Redesdale, Coquetdale and Tynedale. In 1314 the county was ravaged by king Robert Bruce. And so dire was the Scottish threat in 1382, that by special enactment the earl of Northumberland was ordered to remain on his estates to protect the border. In 1388, Henry Percy was taken prisoner and 1500 of his men slain at the battle of Otterburn, immortalised in the ballad of Chevy Chase.
Alnwick, Bamburgh and Dunstanburgh were garrisoned for the Lancastrian cause in 1462, but after the Yorkist victories of Hexham and Hedgley Moor in 1464, Alnwick and Dunstanburgh surrendered, and Bamburgh was taken by storm.
In September 1513, King James IV of Scotland was killed at the Battle of Flodden on Branxton Moor.
Roman Catholic support in Northumberland for Mary, Queen of Scots, led to the Rising of the North in 1569.
Harbottle
Border Reivers
Peel tower
Union and Civil War
After uniting the English and Scottish thrones, James VI and I sharply curbed the lawlessness of the border reivers and brought relative peace to the region. There were Church of Scotland congregations in Northumberland in the 17th and 18th centuries.
During the Civil War of the 17th century, Newcastle was garrisoned for the king by the earl of Newcastle, but in 1644 it was captured by the Scots under the earl of Leven, and in 1646 Charles I was led there a captive under the charge of David Leslie.
Many of the chief Northumberland families were ruined in the Jacobite rebellion of 1715.
Industrialisation
The mineral resources of the area appear to have been exploited to some extent from remote times. It is certain that coal was used by the Romans in Northumberland, and some coal ornaments found at Angerton have been attributed to the 7th century. In a 13th-century grant to Newminster Abbey a road for the conveyance of sea coal from the shore about Blyth is mentioned, and the Blyth coal field was worked throughout the 14th and 15th centuries. The coal trade on the Tyne did not exist to any extent before the 13th century, but from that period it developed rapidly, and Newcastle acquired the monopoly of the river shipping and coal trade. Lead was exported from Newcastle in the 12th century, probably from Hexhamshire, the lead mines of which were very prosperous throughout the 16th and 17th centuries. In a charter from Richard I to Hugh de Puiset creating him earl of Northumberland, mines of silver and iron are mentioned. A salt pan is mentioned at Warkworth in the 12th century; in the 13th century the salt industry flourished at the mouth of the river Blyth, and in the 15th century formed the principal occupation of the inhabitants of North and South Shields. In the reign of Elizabeth I, glass factories were set up at Newcastle by foreign refugees, and the industry spread rapidly along the Tyne. Tanning, both of leather and of nets, was largely practised in the 13th century, and the salmon fisheries in the Tyne were famous in the reign of Henry I.
John Smeaton designed the Coldstream Bridge and a bridge at Hexham.
Stephenson's Rocket
Invention of the steam turbine by Charles Algernon Parsons
Russ Meyer Box Set
Fullmedia, Japan, 2004
Russ Meyer's Mondo Box (Full Screen) -- REGION 2
- The Immoral Mr. Teas (1959)
- Cherry, Harry & Raquel! (1970)
- Lorna (1964)
- Common Law Cabin (Conjugal Cabin) (1967)
- Mondo Topless (1966)
+ Bonus Disc
Véhicule : HEULIEZ BUS GX 427 EEV
Identification : 1052 (BH-433-GD)
Exploitant : Keolis Bordeaux Métropole
Dépôt : Dépôt de Lescure
Réseau : TBM (Bordeaux Métropole)
Ligne : Lianes 10
Voiture : 1012
Destination : GRADIGNAN Beausoleil - par Gare Saint-Jean
Durant les mois de Juillet et Août 2019, la Rue Peyronnet a été fermée à la circulation pour des travaux de voirie. Sur l'itinéraire de la Lianes 10 en direction de "GRADIGNAN Beausoleil", la ligne a donc été déviée dans le secteur Gare Saint-Jean.
29/08/2019 17:18
Rue Charles Domercq ; Bordeaux
Exploitant : CAB Solution
Réseau : Navette Substitution SNCF Île-de-France
Ligne : Navette Transilien J
Lieu : Gare d'Argenteuil (Argenteuil, F-95)
Lien TC Infos : tc-infos.fr/id/43819
A depleted and fully exploited Colorado river, now threatened by another diversion and storage scheme.
Le miellat des pucerons est prélevé par les fourmis dites éleveuses. Ces dernières caressent avec leurs antennes les pucerons qui libèrent le miellat récolté alors par les fourmis.
Les fourmis profitent donc d'une ressource de nourriture sucrée et abondante et le puceron d'une protection contre les prédateurs et contre les champignons qui se développeraient (fumagine) si le miellat tombait simplement sur les feuilles.
[Wikipédia]
Véhicule : IRISBUS IVECO Citelis 18 GNV
Identification : 2671 (BL-445-JA)
Exploitant : Keolis Bordeaux Métropole
Dépôt : Centre d'Exploitation du Lac (CEL)
Véhicule parmis les premiers Citelis à passer en livrée TBM pour le changement d'identité du réseau.
Réseau : TBM (Bordeaux Métropole)
Ligne : 18 NAVETTE STADE EURO 2016
Voiture : 1811
Destination : Mise en Ligne
À l'occasion de l'UEFA EURO 2016 (coupe d'Europe de football), une ligne spéciale a été créée pour délester le Tram C de l'afflux de supporters, malgré les renforts mis en place. Cette "Navette Stade" porte le numéro 18, et fait la liaison entre le Parc des Expositions (et Nouveau Stade) et la station Tram B "La Cité du Vin" (anciennement "Bassins à Flot"), pour une correspondance depuis/vers le Centre-Ville. Cette Navette est mise en place avant et après le match, pour répartir les mouvements sur 2 axes. Pour l'occasion, un large périmètre avait été bloqué à la circulation autour du Stade Matmut Atlantique pour faciliter la circulation des supporters et des bus, et un arrêt spécial a été aménagé parallèlement à la station de Tram. Une zone de stationnement était mise en place pendant le match pour les bus assurant la Navette sur les "Rue du Vergne" et "Avenue de la Jallère". Cette Navette a été pérennisée au sein de l'offre TBM pour les événements au Stade Matmut Atlantique.
02/07/2016 21:28
Rue du Vergne ; F-33 BORDEAUX
Exploiting our natural tendency to interpret bilateral symmetry as a life form. Image by reflection, inversion, and texturing of Durian peel, taking advantage of the extreme texture of this the skin of this much maligned tropical fruit. I find the smell of ripe Durian on the bus to be offensive, but the same smell from my fridge is wonderful. The difference is one of ownership. The Durian in the fridge is my Durian. That's different.
Exploitant : STIVO
Réseau : STIVO
Ligne : 48C
Lieu : Gabriel Faure (Jouy-le-Moutier, F-95)
Lien TC Infos : tc-infos.fr/id/8380
The Greatest
Mumbaikar of All..
Huge and Tall
Hears you Cry
Hears Your Call
Saves you each Time
before You Fall
whatever your religiosity
he removes obstacles
he sees there are no pitfalls
no terrorists can breach
our city's walls
Mutual Coexistence
Be Proud Indians
on our Souls he scrawls
our greatest enemy
our bigotry
our narrow mindedness
our hate for each other
that hits the nation
first of all
before being
a hindu muslim christian
be an Indian
says it all
miljul ke rehne
main hi bhaliee hai
our mantra
of peace
the greatest cure all
dont sell your country
for american dollars
or saudi riyal
from wikipedia
Ganesha (Sanskrit: गणेश; Gaṇeśa; listen (help·info), also spelled Ganesa or Ganesh) is one of the best-known and most worshipped deities in Hinduism[8]. Although he is known by many other attributes, Ganesha's elephant head makes him easy to identify.[9] Several texts relate mythological anecdotes associated with his birth and exploits, and explain his distinct iconography. Ganesha is worshipped as the lord of beginnings and as the lord of obstacles (Vighnesha),[10] patron of arts and sciences, and the god of intellect and wisdom.[11] He is honoured with affection at the start of any ritual or ceremony and invoked as the "Patron of Letters" at the beginning of any writing.[12]
Ganesha appears as a distinct deity in clearly-recognizable form beginning in the fourth to fifth centuries, during the Gupta Period. His popularity rose quickly, and he was formally included as one of the five primary deities of Smartism (a Hindu denomination) in the ninth century. During this period, a sect of devotees (called Ganapatya; Sanskrit: गाणपत्य; gāṇapatya) who identify Ganesha as the supreme deity was formed.[13] The principal scriptures dedicated to his worship are the Ganesha Purana, the Mudgala Purana, and the Ganapati Atharvashirsa.
Ganesha is one of the most-worshipped divinities in India.[14][15] Worship of Ganesha is considered complementary with the worship of other forms of the divine, and various Hindu sects worship him regardless of other affiliations.[16][17][18] Devotion to Ganesha is widely diffused and extends to Jains, Buddhists, and beyond India.
Ganesha has many other titles and epithets, including Ganapati and Vighneśvara. The Hindu title of respect Shri (Sanskrit: श्री; śrī, also spelled Sri or Shree) is often added before his name. One popular form of Ganesha worship is by chanting one of the Ganesha Sahasranamas, which literally means "a thousand names of Ganesha". Each name in the sahasranama conveys a different meaning and symbolises a different aspect of Ganesha. There are at least two different versions of the Ganesha Sahasranama. One of these is drawn from the Ganesha Purana, a Hindu scripture that venerates Ganesha.[24]
The name Ganesha is a Sanskrit compound, joining the words gana (Sanskrit: गण; gaṇa), meaning a group, multitude, or categorical system and isha (Sanskrit: ईश; īśa), meaning lord or master.[25][26] The word gaņa in association with Ganesha is often taken to refer to the gaņas, a troop of semi-divine beings that form part of the retinue of Shiva (also spelled "Śiva").[27] The term more generally means a category, class, community, association, or corporation.[28] Some commentators interpret the name "Lord of the Gaņas" to mean "Lord of created categories," such as the elements, etc.[29] The translation "Lord of Hosts" may convey a familiar sense to Western readers. Ganapati (Sanskrit: गणपति; gaṇapati) is a synonym for Ganesha, being a compound composed of gaṇa, meaning "group", and pati, meaning "ruler" or "lord").[30]
Vināyaka is a common name for Ganesha both in the Purāṇas and in Buddhist Tantras.[31] This name is reflected in the naming of the eight famous Ganesha (aṣṭavināyaka) temples in Maharashtra.[32] The name Vignesha, meaning "Lord of Obstacles", refers to his primary function in Hindu mythology as being able to both create and remove obstacles (vighna).
One of the main names for Ganesha in the Tamil language is Pille or Pillaiyar, which means "Little Child".[33] A. K. Narain differentiates these terms by saying that pille means a "child" and pillaiyar a "noble child", and adds that the words pallu, pella, and pell in the Dravidian family of languages signify "tooth or tusk of an elephant" but more generally "elephant".[34] In discussing the name Pillaiyar, Anita Raina Thapan notes that since the Pali word pillaka has the significance of "a young elephant" it is possible that pille originally meant "the young of the elephant".[35]
Ganesha is a popular figure in Indian art.[36] Unlike some deities, representations of Ganesha show wide variation with distinct patterns changing over time.[37][38][39] He may be portrayed standing, dancing, taking heroic action against demons, playing with his family as a boy, sitting down, or engaging in a remarkable range of contemporary situations.
Ganesha images were prevalent in many parts of India by the sixth century.[40] The figure shown to the right is typical of Ganesha statuary from 900-1200, after Ganesha had been well-established as an independent deity with his own cult. This example features some of Ganesha's common iconographic elements. A virtually identical statue has been dated between 973-1200 by Martin-Dubost[41] and another similar statue is dated circa twelfth century by Pal.[42] He has the head of an elephant and a big belly. This statue has four arms, which is common in depictions of Ganesha . He holds his own broken tusk in his lower-right hand and holds some form of delicacy, which he samples with his trunk in his lower-left hand. The motif of Ganesha turning his trunk sharply to his left to taste a sweet which he holds in his lower-left hand is a particularly archaic feature.[43] A more primitive statue in one of the Ellora Caves with this general form has been dated to the 7th century.[44] Details of the other hands are difficult to make out on the statue shown; in this standard configuration, Ganesha typically holds either an axe or a goad in one upper arm and a noose in the other upper arm as symbols of his ability to cut through obstacles or to create them as needed.
The influence of this old constellation of iconographic elements can still be seen in contemporary representations of Ganesha. In one modern form, the only variation from these old elements is that the lower-right hand does not hold the broken tusk but rather is turned toward the viewer in the gesture of protection or "no fear" (abhaya mudra).[45][46] The same combination of four arms and attributes occurs in statues of Ganesha dancing,[47] which is a very popular theme.[48]
Ganesha has been represented with the head of an elephant since the early stages of his appearance in Indian art.[50] Puranic myths provide many explanations for how he got this form.[51] One of his popular forms (called Heramba-Ganapati) has five elephant heads, and other less-common variations in the number of heads are known.[52]
While some texts say that Ganesha was born with an elephant head, in most stories he acquires the head later, with several accounts given.[53] The most common motif in these stories is that Ganesha was born with a human head and body and that Shiva beheaded him when Ganesha came between Shiva and Parvati. Shiva then replaced Ganesha's original head with that of an elephant.[54] Details of the battle and where the replacement head came from vary according to different sources.[55] In another story, when Ganesha was born his mother Parvati showed off her new baby to the other gods. Unfortunately, the god Shani (Saturn) – who is said to have the "evil eye" – looked at him, causing the baby's head to be burned to ashes. The god Vishnu came to the rescue and replaced the missing head with that of an elephant.[56] Another story tells that Ganesha is created directly by Shiva's laughter. Shiva became concerned that Ganesha was too alluring, so he cursed Ganesha to have the head of an elephant and a protruding belly.[57]
The earliest name referring to Ganesha is Ekadanta ("One Tusk"), noting his single tusk; the other is broken off. [58] Some of the earliest images of Ganesha show him holding his broken tusk.[59] The importance of this distinctive feature is reflected in the Mudgala Purana, which states that the name of Ganesha's second incarnation is Ekadanta.[60]
Ganesha's protruding belly appears as a distinctive attribute in his earliest statuary, which dates to the Gupta period (4th to 6th centuries).[61] This feature is so important that according to the Mudgala Purana two different incarnations of Ganesha use names based on it, Lambodara ("Pot Belly", or literally "Hanging Belly") and Mahodara ("Great Belly").[62] Both names are Sanskrit compounds describing his belly (Sanskrit: udara).[63] The Brahmanda Purana says that he has the name Lambodara because all the universes (i.e., cosmic eggs; Sanskrit brahmāṇḍas) of the past, present, and future are present in Ganesha.[64][65]
The number of Ganesha's arms varies; his best-known forms have between two and sixteen arms.[66] Many depictions of Ganesha feature four arms, which is mentioned in Puranic sources and codified as a standard form in some iconographic texts.[67] His earliest images had two arms.[68][69] Forms with fourteen and twenty arms appeared in Central India during the 9th and 10th century.[70]
The serpent is a common element in Ganesha iconography, where it appears in many forms.[71][72] According to the Ganesha Purana, Ganesha wrapped the serpent Vāsuki around his neck.[73][74] Other common depictions of snakes include use as a sacred thread (Sanskrit: yajñyopavīta),[75][76] wrapped around the stomach as a belt, held in a hand, coiled at the ankles, and as a throne. Upon Ganesha's forehead there may be either a third eye or a sectarian mark (Sanskrit: tilaka) of Shiva showing three horizontal lines.[77][78] The Ganesha Purana prescribes both a tilaka mark as well as a crescent moon for the forehead.[79][80][81] A distinct form called Bhālacandra ("Moon on the Forehead") includes that iconographic element.[82][83]
The colors most often associated with Ganesha are red [84] and yellow, but specific other colors are prescribed in certain forms.[85] Many examples of color associations with specific meditation forms are prescribed in the Sritattvanidhi, a treatise on iconography that includes a section on variant forms of Ganesha. For example, white is associated with his representations as Heramba-Ganapati and Rina-Mochana-Ganapati.("Ganapati Who Releases From Bondage").[86] Ekadanta-Ganapati is visualized as blue during meditation on that form.[
The earliest Ganesha images are without a Vahana (mount).[88] Of the eight incarnations of Ganesha described in the Mudgala Purana, Ganesha has a mouse in five of them, but uses a lion in his incarnation as Vakratunda, a peacock in his incarnation of Vikata, and Shesha, the divine serpent, in his incarnation as Vighnaraja.[89] Of the four incarnations of Ganesha listed in the Ganesha Purana, Mohotkata has a lion, Mayūreśvara has a peacock, Dhumraketu has a horse, and Gajanana has a rat.[90][91] Jain depictions of Ganesha show his vahana variously as a mouse,[92] an elephant,[93] a tortoise, a ram, or a peacock.[94]
Mouse as vahana
Ganesha riding on his mouse. A sculpture at the Vaidyeshwara temple in Talakkadu, Karnataka, India. Note the red flowers offered by the devotees.Ganesha is often shown riding on, or attended by a mouse.[95][96] Martin-Dubost says that in central and western India the rat began to appear as the principal vehicle in sculptures of Gaṇeśa in the 7th century A.D., where the rat was always placed close to his feet.[97] The mouse as a mount first appears in written sources in the Matsya Purana, and later in the Brahmananda Purana and Ganesha Purana where Ganesha uses it as his vehicle only in his last incarnation.[98] The Ganapati Atharvashirsa includes a meditation verse on Ganesha that describes the mouse appearing on his flag.[99] The names Mūṣakavāhana ("Mouse-mount") and Ākhuketana ("Rat-banner") appear in the Ganesha Sahasranama.[100]
Devotee literature provides a variety of interpretations regarding what the mouse means. Michael Wilcockson says it symbolizes those who wish to overcome desires and be less selfish.[101] Martin-Dubost thinks it is a symbol of the fact that Ganesha, like the rat, penetrates even the most secret places.[102] Krishan gives a completely different interpretation, noting that the rat is a destructive creature and a menace to crops. The Sanskrit word mūṣaka (mouse) is derived from the root mūṣ which means "stealing, robbing". It was essential to subdue the rat as a destructive pest, a type of vighna (impediment) that needed to be overcome. In this theory, showing Ganesha as master of the rat proclaims his function as Vigneshvara and gives evidence of his possible role as a folk grāmata-devatā (village deity) who later rose to greater prominence.[103]
Buddhi
Ganesha is considered to be the Lord of Intelligence.[108] In Sanskrit, the word buddhi is a feminine noun that is variously translated as intelligence, wisdom, or intellect.[109] The concept of buddhi is closely associated with the personality of Ganesha, especially in the Puranic period, where many stories showcase his cleverness and love of intelligence. One of Ganesha's names in the Ganesha Purana and the Ganesha Sahasranama is Buddhipriya.[110] This name also appears in a special list of twenty-one names that Gaṇeśa says are of special importance at the end of the Ganesha Sahasranama.[111] The word priya can mean "fond of", but in a marital context, it can mean "lover" or "husband". Buddhipriya probably refers to Ganesha's well-known association with intelligence.
This association with wisdom also appears in the name Buddha, which appears as a name of Ganesha in the second verse of the Ganesha Purana version of the Ganesha Sahasranama.[112] The positioning of this name at the beginning of the Ganesha Sahasranama reveals the name's importance. Bhaskararaya's commentary on the Ganesha Sahasranama says that this name means that the Buddha was an avatar of Ganesha.[113] This interpretation is not widely known even among Ganapatya. Buddha is not mentioned in the lists of Ganesha's incarnations given in the main sections of the Ganesha Purana and Mudgala Purana. Bhaskararaya also provides a more general interpretation of this name as simply meaning that Ganesha's very form is "eternal elightenment" (nityabuddaḥ), so he is named Buddha.
[edit] Aum
Ganesha (Devanagari) Aum jewelGanesha is identified with the Hindu mantra Aum (ॐ, also called Om, Omkara, oṃkāra, or Aumkara). The term oṃkārasvarūpa ("Aum is his form") in connection with Ganesha refers to this belief that he is the personification of the primal sound.[114] This association is attested in the Ganapati Atharvashirsa. The relevant passage is translated by Paul Courtright as follows:
You are Brahmā, Vişņu, and Rudra [Śiva]. You are Agni, Vāyu, and Sūrya. You are Candrama. You are earth, space, and heaven. You are the manifestation of the mantra "Oṃ".[115]
A variant version of this passage is translated by Chinmayananda as follows:
(O Lord Ganapati!) You are (the Trinity) Brahma, Vishnu, and Mahesa. You are Indra. You are fire and air. You are the sun and the moon. You are Brahman. You are (the three worlds) Bhuloka, Antariksha-loka, and Swargaloka. You are Om. (that is to say, You are all this).[116]
Some devotees see similarities between the shape of his body and the shape of Om in the Devanāgarī and Tamil scripts.[117]
[edit] First chakra
Ganesha is associated with the first or "root" chakra (mūlādhāra). This association is attested in the Ganapati Atharvashirsa. As translated by Courtright this passage reads:
You continually dwell in the sacral plexus at the base of the spine [mūlādhāra cakra].[118]
A variant version of this passage is translated by Chinmayananda:
You have a permanent abode (in every being) at the place called "Muladhara".[119]
[edit] Family and consorts
Shiva and Pārvatī giving a bath to Gaṇeśa. Kangra miniature, 18th century. Allahbad Museum, New Delhi.[120]For more details on this topic, see Consorts of Ganesha.
While Ganesha is popularly considered to be the son of Shiva and Parvati, the Puranic myths relate several different versions of his birth.[121][122] These include versions in which he is created by Shiva,[123] by Parvati,[124] by Shiva and Parvati,[125] or in a mysterious manner that is discovered by Shiva and Parvati.[126]
The family includes his brother Skanda, who is also called Karttikeya, Murugan, and other names.[127][128] Regional differences dictate the order of their births. In North India, Skanda is generally said to be the elder brother while in the South, Ganesha is considered the first born.[129] Prior to the emergence of Ganesha, Skanda had a long and glorious history as an important martial deity from about 500 BCE to about 600 CE, when his worship declined significantly in North India. The period of this decline is concurrent with the rise of Ganesha. Several stories relate episodes of sibling rivalry between Ganesha and Skanda[130] and may reflect historical tensions between the respective sects.[131]
Ganesha's marital status varies widely in mythological stories and the issue has been the subject of considerable scholarly review.[132] One pattern of myths identifies Ganesha as a brahmacharin (brahmacārin; celibate).[133] Another pattern associates him with the concepts of Buddhi (intellect), Siddhi (spiritual power), and Riddhi (prosperity); these qualities are sometimes personified by goddesses who are considered to be Ganesha's wives. A third pattern couples Ganesha with the goddess of culture and the arts, Sarasvati, and the goddess of luck and prosperity, Lakshmi, symbolically indicating that these qualities always accompany one other. A fourth pattern mainly prevalent in the Bengal region links Ganesha with the banana tree, Kala Bo.
[edit] Buddhi, Siddhi, and Riddhi
Shri Mayureshwar, MorgaonThe Ganesha Purana and the Mudgala Purana contain descriptions of Ganesha flanked by Buddhi and Siddhi.[134] In Chapter I.18.24-39 of the Ganesha Purana, Brahmā performs worship in honour of Ganesha. During the puja, Ganesha himself causes Buddhi and Siddhi to appear so that Brahmā can offer them back to Ganesha. Ganesha accepts them as offerings.[135] In a variant, the two are born from Brahmā's mind and are given by Brahmā to Ganesha.[135] Buddhi and Siddhi are best identified as his consorts in the Shiva Purana, where Ganesha cleverly wins the two desirable daugters of Prajāpati over Skanda.[136] The Shiva Purana version says that Ganesha had two sons: Kshema (Kşema, prosperity) and Labha (profit). The 1975 Hindi film Jai Santoshi Maa shows Ganesha married to Riddhi and Siddhi and having a daughter named Santoshi Ma, the goddess of satisfaction. However, this story has no Puranic basis. Anita Raina Thapan and Lawrence Cohen cite Santoshi Ma's cult as evidence of Ganesha's continuing evolution as a popular deity.[137][138]
Representations of Ganesha's consorts can be found aside from Puranic texts. In the Ganesha Temple at Morgaon (the central shrine for the regional aṣṭavināyaka complex), Buddhi and Siddhi stand to the right and left sides of the Ganesha image.[139] In northern India, the two female figures are said to be Siddhi and Riddhi; Riddhi substitutes for Buddhi with no Puranic basis.[140] The Ajitāgama describes a Tantric form of Ganesha called Haridra Ganapati as turmeric-colored and flanked by two unnamed wives distinct from shaktis.[141] The word "wives" (Sanskrit: दारा; dārā) is specifically used (Sanskrit: दारायुगलम्; dārāyugalam).[142]
[edit] Interpretations of relationships
Ganesha with the Ashta (meaning eight) Siddhi. The Ashtasiddhi are associated with Ganesha. Painted by Raja Ravi Varma (1848-1906).In discussing the Shiva Purana version, Courtright comments that while Ganesha is sometimes depicted as sitting between these two feminine deities, "these women are more like feminine emanations of his androgynous nature, Shaktis rather than spouses having their own characters and spouses."[143] Ludo Rocher says that "descriptions of Gaṇeśa as siddhi-buddhi-samanvita 'accompanied by, followed by siddhi and buddhi.' often seem to mean no more than that, when Gaṇeśa is present, siddhi 'success' and buddhi 'wisdom' are not far behind. Such may well have been the original conception, of which the marriage was a later development."[144] In verse 49a of the Ganesha Purana version of the Ganesha Sahasranama, one of Ganesha's names is Ŗddhisiddhipravardhana ("Enhancer of material and spiritual success"). The Matsya Purana identifies Gaṇesha as the "owner" of Riddhi (prosperity) and Buddhi (wisdom).[145] In discussing the northern Indian sources, Cohen remarks:
They are depersonalized figures, interchangeable, and given their frequent depiction fanning Gaṇeśa are often referred to as dasīs — servants. Their names represent the benefits accrued by the worshipper of Gaṇeśa, and thus Gaṇeśa is said to be the owner of Ṛddhi and Siddhi; he similarly functions as the father of Śubha (auspiciousness) and Lābha (profit), a pair similar to the Śiva Purāṇa's Kṣema (prosperity) and Lābha. Though in Varanasi the paired figures were usually called Ṛddhi and Siddhi, Gaṇeśa's relationship to them was often vague. He was their mālik, their owner; they were more often dasīs than patnīs (wives).[146]
His relationship with the Ashtasiddhi — the eight spiritual attaintments obtained by the practice of yoga — is also of this depersonalized type. In later iconography, these eight marvellous powers are represented by a group of young women who surround Ganesha.[147] Raja Ravi Varma's painting (shown in this section) illustrates a recent example of this iconographic form. The painting includes fans, which establish the feminine figures as attendants.
[edit] Motif of shaktis
Ganesha in his form as Mahāganapati with a shakti. From the Sritattvanidhi (19th century).A distinct type of iconographic image of Ganesha shows him with a single human-looking shakti (śakti).[148] According to Ananda Coomaraswamy, the oldest known depiction of Ganesha with a shakti of this type dates from the sixth century.[149] The consort lacks a distinctive personality or iconographic repertoire. According to Cohen and Alice Getty, the appearance of this shakti motif parallels the emergence of tantric branches of the Ganapatya cult. Six distinct forms of "Shakti Ganapati" can be linked to the Ganapatyas.[150] Of the thirty-two standard meditation forms for Ganesha that appear in the Sritattvanidhi (Śrītattvanidhi), several include a shakti.[151][152] A common form of this motif shows Ganesha seated with the shakti upon his left hip, holding a bowl of flat cakes or round sweets, with him turning his trunk to his left to touch the tasty food. In some tantric forms of this image, the gesture is modified to take on erotic overtones.[153] Some tantric variants of this form are described in the Śāradātilaka Tantram.[154]
Prithvi Kumar Agrawala has traced at least six different lists of fifty or more aspects or forms of Ganesha each with their specific female consorts or shaktis.[155][156] In these lists, goddess names such as Hrī, Śrī, and Puṣṭī are found. However, Buddhi, Siddhi, and Riddhi do not appear on any of these lists, which also do not provide any details about the personalities or distinguishing iconographic forms for these shaktis. Agrawala concludes that all of the lists were derived from one original set of names. The earliest of the lists appears in the Nārada Purāṇa (I.66.124-38), and a similar list with minor variations appears in the Ucchiṣṭagaṇapati Upāsanā. These lists are of two types. In the first type the names of various forms of Ganesha are given with a clear-cut pairing of a named shakti for that form. The second type, as found in the Brahmāṇḍa Purāṇa (II.IV.44.63-76) and the commentary of Rāghavabhaṭṭa on the Śāradātilaka (I.115), gives fifty or more names of Ganesha collectively in one group, with the names of the shaktis provided collectively in a second group. The second type of list poses problems in separating and properly connecting the names into pairs due to ambiguities in the formation of Sanskrit compound words.
[edit] Worship and festivals
Celebrations of Ganesh by the Indian and Sri Lankan Tamil community in Paris, FranceWhether the reason has to do with a religious ceremony, a new vehicle, students taking exams, sessions of devotional chanting, or beginning a business, Ganesha is worshipped. Throughout India and the Hindu culture, Ganesha is the first icon placed into any new home or abode. Devotees widely believe that wherever there is Ganesha, there is success and prosperity. By calling on him people believe that he will come to their aid and grant them success in their endeavours.
The worship of Ganesha is considered complementary with the worship of other deities.[157] Hindus of all sects begin prayers, important undertakings, and religious ceremonies with an invocation to Ganesha. Ganesha is also adored by dancers and musicians, who begin their performances of arts such as Bharatnatyam dance with a prayer to him, particularly in South India.[158] Mantras such as Om Shri Gaṇeshāya Namah ("Om, salutation to the Illustrious Ganesha"), and others, are often used. One of the most famous mantras associated with Ganesha is Om Gaṃ Ganapataye Namah (literally, "Om, Gaṃ, Salutation to the Lord of Hosts").
Devotees offer Ganesha various sweets, such as modaka, small sweet balls (laddus) and others.[159]. He is often shown carrying a bowl of sweets, called a modakapātra, which is one of his iconographic elements.[160] Because of his identification with the color red, he is often worshipped with things such as red sandalwood paste (raktacandana),[161] or red flowers. Dūrvā grass (Cynodon dactylon) and various other materials are used in his worship.[162]
[edit] Ganesh Chaturthi
A large Ganesha statue at a Chaturthi festival in Mumbai, 2004There is an important festival honouring Ganesha that is celebrated for ten days starting from Ganesh Chaturthi.[163] This festival culminates on the day of Ananta Chaturdashi when images (murtis) of Ganesha are immersed into the most convenient body of water.
The Ganapati festival is celebrated by Hindus with great devotional fervour. While it is most popular in the state of Maharashtra,[164] it is performed all over India.[165] In Mumbai, the festival assumes huge proportions. On the last day of the festival, millions of people of all ages descend onto the streets leading up to the sea, dancing and singing, to the rhythmic accompaniment of drums and cymbals.
In 1893, Lokmanya Tilak reshaped the annual Ganesh festival from private family celebrations into a grand public event. [166] He did so "to bridge the gap between the Brahmins and the non-Brahmins and find an appropiate context in which to build a new grassroots unity between them" in his nationalistic strivings against the British in Maharashtra.[167][168] Thus, Tilak chose Ganesha as a rallying point for Indian protest against British rule because of his wide appeal as "the god for Everyman".[169][170] Tilak was the first to install large public images of Ganesha in pavillions, and he established the practice of submerging all the public images on the tenth day.[171]
[edit] Rise to prominence
[edit] First appearance
Ganesha appears in his classic form as a clearly-recognizable deity with well-defined iconographic attributes from the early fourth to fifth centuries.[172] Shanti Lal Nagar says that the earliest known cult image of Ganesha is in the niche of the Shiva temple at Bhumra, which has been dated to the Gupta period.[173]. By about the tenth century his independent cult had come into existence.[174] Narain sums up controversy between devotees and academics regarding the development of Ganesha as follows:
[W]hat is inscrutable is the somewhat dramatic appearance of Gaņeśa on the historical scene. His antecedents are not clear. His wide acceptance and popularity, which transcend sectarian and territorial limits, are indeed amazing. On the one hand there is the pious belief of the orthodox devotees in Gaņeśa's Vedic origins and in the Purāṇic explanations contained in the confusing, but nonetheless interesting, mythology. On the other hand there are doubts about the existence of the idea and the icon of this deity" before the fourth to fifth century A.D. ... [I]n my opinion, indeed there is no convincing evidence or the existence of this divinity prior to the fifth century.[175]
[edit] Possible influences
Courtright reviews various speculative theories about the early history of Ganesha, including supposed tribal traditions and animal cults, and dismisses all of them in this way:
In this search for a historical origin for Gaņeśa, some have suggested precise locations outside the Brāhmaṇic tradition.... These historical locations are intriguing to be sure, but the fact remains that they are all speculations, variations on the Dravidian hypothesis, which argues that anything not attested to in the Vedic and Indo-European sources must have come into Brāhmaṇic religion from the Dravidian or aboriginal populations of India as part of the process that produced Hinduism out of the interactions of the Aryan and non-Aryan populations. There is no independent evidence for an elephant cult or a totem; nor is there any archaeological data pointing to a tradition prior to what we can already see in place in the Purāṇic literature and the iconography of Gaņeśsa.[176]
Thapan's book on the development of Ganesha devotes a chapter to speculations about the role elephants had in early India, but concludes that:
Although by the second century AD the elephant-headed yakṣa form exists it cannot be presumed to represent Gaṇapati-Vināyaka. There is no evidence of a deity by this name having an elephant or elephant-headed form at this early stage. Gaṇapati-Vināyaka had yet to make his debut.[177]
One theory of the origin of Ganesha is that he gradually came to prominence in connection with the four Vināyakas.[178][179] In Hindu mythology the Vināyakas were a group of four troublesome demons who created obstacles and difficulties,[180] but who were easily propitiated.[181] The name Vināyaka is a common name for Ganesha both in the Purāṇas and in Buddhist Tantras.[182] Krishan is one of the academics who accepts this view, stating flatly of Ganesha that "He is a non-vedic god. His origin is to be traced to the four Vināyakas, evil spirits, of the Mānavagŗhyasūtra (7th-4th century B.C.) who cause various types of evil and suffering."[183]
[edit] Vedic and epic literature
5th C Ganesh by Shahi King Khingala, found at Gardez, Afghanistan now at Dargah Pir Rattan NathGanesha as we know him today does not appear in the Vedas. The title "Leader of the group" (Sanskrit: gaṇapati) occurs twice in the Rig Veda but in neither case does it refer to the modern Ganesha. The term appears in RV 2.23.1 as a title for Brahmanaspati, the teacher of the gods. H. H. Wilson translates the Sanskrit verse "gaṇānāṃ tvā gaṇapatiṃ havāmahe kaviṃ kavīnāmupamaśravastamam" (RV 2.23.1 [2222]) as "We invoke the Brahmaṇaspati, chief leader of the (heavenly) bands; a sage of sages".[184] While there is no doubt that this verse refers to Brahmanaspati, the verse was later adopted for worship of Ganesha even to this day.[185][186] In rejecting any claim that this passage is evidence of Ganesha in the Rig Veda, Ludo Rocher says that it "clearly refers to Bṛhaspati - who is the deity of the hymn - and Bṛhaspati only."[187] The second passage (RV 10.112.9) equally clearly refers to Indra.[188] Wilson translates the Sanskrit verse "ni ṣu sīda gaṇapate gaṇeṣu tvāmāhurvipratamaṃ kavīnām" as "Lord of the companies (of the Maruts), sit down among the companies (of the worshippers), they call you the most sage of sages".[189]
Ganesha does not appear in epic literature. There is a late interpolation to the epic poem Mahabharata, saying that the sage Vyāsa asked Ganesha to serve as his scribe to transcribe the poem as he dictated it to him. Ganesha agreed, but only on the condition that Vyasa recite the poem uninterrupted, without pausing. The sage agreed to this, but found that to get any rest he needed to recite very complex passages in order to get Ganesha to ask for clarifications. This is the single passage in which Ganesha appears in that epic. The story is not accepted as part of the original text by the editors of the critical edition of the Mahabharata,[190] where the twenty-line story is relegated to a footnote to an appendix.[191] Ganesha's association with mental agility and learning is one reason he is shown as scribe for Vyāsa's dictation of the Mahabharata in this interpolation to the text.[192] Richard L. Brown dates the story as 8th century, and Winternitz concludes that it was known as early as c. 900 but he maintains that it had not yet been added to the Mahabharata some 150 years later. Moriz Winternitz also notes that a distinctive feature of Southern manuscripts of the Mahabharata is their omission of this Ganesha legend.[193]
[edit] Puranic period
Stories about Ganesha often occur in the Puranic corpus. Brown notes while the Puranas "defy precise chronological ordering", the more detailed narratives of Ganesha's life are in the late texts, circa 600- 1300.[194] Yuvraj Krishan says that the Puranic myths about the birth of Ganesha and how he came to acquire an elephant's head are in the later Puranas composed from about 600 onwards, and that references to Ganesha in the earlier Puranas such as the Vayu and Brahmanda Puranas, are later interpolations made during the 7th to 10th centuries.[195]
In his survey of Ganesha's rise to prominence in Sanskrit literature Ludo Rocher notes that:
Above all, one cannot help being struck by the fact that the numerous stories surrounding Gaṇeśa concentrate on an unexpectedly limited number of incidents. These incidents are mainly three: his birth and parenthood, his elephant head, and his single tusk. Other incidents are touched on in the texts, but to a far lesser extent.[196]
Ganesha's rise to prominence was codified in the 9th century when he was formally included as one of the five primary deities of Smartism. The ninth-century philosopher Śaṅkarācārya popularized the "worship of the five forms" (pañcāyatana pūjā) system among orthodox Brahmins of the Smārta tradition.[197][198] This worship practice invokes the five deities Ganesha, Vishnu, Shiva, Devī, and Sūrya.[199][200] Śaṅkarācārya instituted the tradition primarily to unite the principal deities of these five major sects on an equal status. This formalized the role of Ganesha as a complementary deity. The monistic philosophy preached by Śaṅkarācārya made it possible to choose one of these as a preferred principal deity and at the same time worship the other four deities as different forms of the same all-pervading Brahman.
[edit] Ganesha Scriptures
Statue of Ganesha with a flowerFor more detail see: Ganesha Purana and Mudgala Purana
Once Ganesha was accepted as one of the five principal deities of Brahmanism, some brāhmaṇas chose to worship Ganesha as their principal deity. They developed the Ganapatya tradition as seen in the Ganesha Purana and the Mudgala Purana.[201]
The date of composition for the Ganesha Purana and the Mudgala Purana, and their dating relative to one another, has sparked academic debate. Both works developed over periods of time and contain age-layered strata. Anita Thapan reviews different views on dating and provides her own judgement. She states that it appears likely that the core of the Ganesha Purana came into existence around the 12th and 13th centuries but was subject to interpolations during the succeeding ages.[202] Lawrence W. Preston considers that the period 1100-1400 is the most reasonable date for the Ganesha Purana because that period agrees with the apparent age of the sacred sites mentioned by it.[203]
R. C. Hazra suggested that the Mudgala Purana is older than the Ganesha Purana which he dates between 1100 and 1400 A.D.[204] However Phillis Granoff finds problems with this relative dating and concludes that the Mudgala Purana was the last of the philosophical texts concerned with Ganesha because, among other internal evidence, the Mudgala Purana specifically mentions the Ganesha Purana as one of the four Puranas that deal at length with Ganesha (these are the Brahma, the Brahmanda, the Ganesha, and the Mudgala puranas).[205] The Mudgala Purana, like many other Puranas, contains multiple age strata. While the kernel of the text must be old it continued to receive interpolations until the 17th and 18th centuries as the worship of Ganapati became more important in certain regions.[206] Another highly regarded scripture, the Ganapati Atharvashirsa, was probably composed during the sixteenth or seventeenth centuries A.D.[207]
[edit] Beyond India and Hinduism
For more on this topic, see Ganesha outside Hinduism.
Tibetan depiction of Dancing Ganesha[208] This form is also known as Maharakta ("The Great Red One")[209]India had an impact on the regions of West and Southeast Asia as a result of commercial and cultural contacts. Ganesha is one of many Hindu deities who reached foreign lands as a result.[210] The worship of Ganesha by Hindus outside of India shows regional variation.
Ganesha was particularly worshipped by traders and merchants, who went out of India for commercial ventures.[211] The period from approximately the tenth century onwards was marked by the development of new networks of exchange, the formation of trade guilds, and a resurgence of money circulation. It was during this time that Ganesha became the principal deity associated with traders.[212] The earliest inscription where Ganesha is invoked before any other deity is by the merchant community.[213]
Hindus spread out to the Malay Archipelago and took their culture with them, including Ganesha.[214] Statues of Ganesa are found throughout the Malay Archipelago in great numbers, often beside Shiva sanctuaries. The forms of Ganesha found in Hindu art of Java, Bali, and Borneo show specific regional influences.[215] The gradual emigration of Hindus to Indochina established Ganesha in modified forms in Burma, Cambodia, and Thailand. In Indochina, Hinduism and Buddhism were practiced side-by-side and mutual influences can be seen in the iconography of Ganesha in the region.[216] In Thailand, Cambodia, and Vietnam, Ganesha was mainly thought of as a remover of obstacles.[217] Even today, in Buddhist Thailand Ganesha is regarded as remover of obstacles and thus god of success.[218]
Before the arrival of Islam, Afganistan had close cultural ties with India, and the adoration of both Hindu and Buddhist deities was practiced. A few examples of sculptures from the period 5th-7th century have survived, suggesting that the worship of Ganesha was in vogue in the region at that time.[219][220]
Ganesha appears in Buddhism, not only in the form of the Buddhist god Vināyaka, but also portrayed as a Hindu demon form with the same name (Vināyaka).[221] His image appears in Buddhist sculptures during the late Gupta period.[222] As the Buddhist god Vināyaka, he is often shown dancing, a form called Nṛtta Ganapati that was popular in North India, later adopted in Nepal and then in Tibet.[223] In Nepal, the Hindu form of Ganesha known as Heramba is very popular, where he appears with five heads and rides on a lion.[224] Tibetan representations of Ganesha show ambivalent views of him.[225] In one Tibetan form, he is shown being trodden under foot by Mahākala, a popular Tibetan deity.[226][227] Other depictions show him as the Destroyer of Obstacles, sometimes dancing.[228] Ganesha appears in both China and Japan in forms that show distinct regional character. In North China, the earliest known stone statue of Ganesha carries an inscription dated 531 CE.[229] In Japan the Ganesha cult was first mentioned in 806 CE.[230]
The canonical literature of Jainism does not mention the cult of Ganesha.[231] However Ganesha is worshipped by most Jains, for whom he appears to have taken over certain functions of Kubera.[232] Jain connections with the trading community support the idea that Jainism took up the worship of Ganesha as a result of commercial connections.[233] The earliest known Jain Ganesha statue dates to about the 9th century.[234] A 15th century Jain text provides procedures for the installation of Ganapati images.[235] Images of Ganesha appear in the Jain temples of Rajasthan and Gujarat.[236]
The Wee MacGregor tram and rail complex and the former towns of Ballara and Hightville’ is located in the Argylla Ranges between Cloncurry and Mount Isa in North West Queensland, in the traditional country of the Kalkadoon people. Constructed during an early 20th century boom in copper prices, the place includes the sites of two abandoned mining towns, Hightville and Ballara (surveyed in 1913 and 1914 respectively); the former western terminus (near Ballara) of a private 3ft 6in (1.1m) narrow gauge railway line, constructed 1913 - 1914; and the route of an associated private 2ft (0.6m) gauge tramway, constructed 1914 - 1915, between Ballara and the Wee MacGregor mine. The complex includes a 48m long ore transfer stage (1914), and a 77m long tunnel (1914 - 1915).
The town of Cloncurry was surveyed in the 1870s to support the local mining and pastoral industries. Pastoralist Ernest Henry had discovered copper nearby in 1867 and established the ‘Great Australia’ (or Great Australian) mine. Part of the area was proclaimed a goldfield in 1874, and the Cloncurry Mining District (later the Cloncurry Gold and Mineral Field) was proclaimed in 1883. Copper was discovered south of Cloncurry in 1884, and a town was formed in 1898 called Hampden (later called Kuridala). At Mount Elliot, south of Hampden, copper was discovered in 1899 and mining commenced in 1906.
The absence of a railway initially hampered the effective exploitation of Cloncurry’s mineral resources. The closure of the Great Australia Mine in 1887 meant a proposed railway from Normanton was diverted to Croydon (1888 - 1891), but when copper prices rose in 1905 the Queensland Government decided to extend the Great Northern Railway west from Richmond, and the first construction train reached Cloncurry in December 1907.
Mining activity was increasing on the Cloncurry field even before the railway arrived. By March 1906, copper had been discovered as an outcrop at the Wee MacGregor lease, west-southwest of Cloncurry. The Leichhardt Development Syndicate was formed in October 1906 to develop the Wee MacGregor ‘group’ of mines, which included the Wee MacGregor, Grand Central, Wattle, and Wallaroo leases, and two months later MacGregor Cloncurry Copper Mines (the MacGregor Company) was floated in London. Hampden Cloncurry Copper Mines Ltd, and Mount Elliot Limited, two companies which later dominated the Cloncurry field during World War I (WWI), were also floated in 1906.
By October 1907 there were three prospecting shafts on the Wee MacGregor lease. That year, with a population of 650 miners (almost double that of 1906), the Cloncurry field produced 5.6% of Queensland’s copper. By July 1908 the MacGregor Company was employing 70 men, not including mine officials, and during 1908 a telephone link with Cloncurry was established and tenders were called for a mail service.
By 1909 a settlement, including company offices and a store, was developing near the Wallaroo mine, located about 1km southeast of the Wee MacGregor mine. That year John Frost constructed the MacGregor Hotel on the site of Hightville. The hotel was listed under ‘Hightville’ in Wise’s Post Office Directory of 1911, although the town of Hightville was not surveyed until November 1913.
Isolation threatened the economic viability of the Wee MacGregor group of mines. Ore was first drayed to Cloncurry along a rough road in May 1909, but this form of transport was uneconomic. One option for the MacGregor Company was to build a private mining railway, as had been done elsewhere in Queensland. Such railways were part of a wider pattern in Queensland during the late 19th-early 20th century: the construction of private and local government railways and tramways to transport the products of primary industry. However, the MacGregor Company could not afford a private railway to the closest point on the Mount Elliott Railway, 39km away.
Another option was for the company to contribute towards a state-owned railway, as had occurred with the railway from Cloncurry to Mount Elliott, via Hampden. The cost of this railway, which opened in 1910, was split 50/50 between the Kidston Government and the Mount Elliott Company. In September 1910 the MacGregor Company proposed a branch line from Malbon, on the Mount Elliott railway, under similar terms, and the government agreed to split the cost of a line survey and plans.
In June 1911 the MacGregor Company sought government support for a shorter branch line, this time linking to the state railway being built southwest from Malbon towards Sulieman Creek. Government officials were sceptical about the profitability and lifespan of the Wee MacGregor group of mines, despite the company estimating reserves of 100,000 tons of ore (most from the Wee MacGregor mine). Instead of a 50-50 funding arrangement for a state owned branch line, the government agreed to rent the MacGregor Company the rails they needed to construct a private line.
Queensland’s Railways Commissioner, Charles Evans, inspected the proposed route to the Wee MacGregor mine in July 1912, and the Railway Department’s Engineer, Percy Ainscow, proposed a ‘no-frills’ railway, with a 10ft (3m) wide formation, reduced earthworks, less side drainage, cheap concrete culverts and the minimum of bridges.
The company’s branch line was proposed at an opportune time. In 1912, the Cloncurry field produced 45% of Queensland’s annual production of copper, with annual copper earnings now exceeding gold’s earnings. There were 1485 copper miners on the field, which was the ‘foremost producer of copper in the State’.
The Wee MacGregor Tramway Agreement Bill was introduced to Parliament in November 1912. It proposed that the MacGregor Company pay for the construction and maintenance of a private 3ft 6in ‘tramway’ (actually a narrow gauge railway), 24 miles and 40 chains (39.4km) long, from the Malbon to Sulieman Creek Railway to a terminus at or near the Wee MacGregor mine. The Commissioner for Railways would provide steel rails, fish plates, fastenings, sleepers, and other permanent way materials. The company would pay 5% per year ‘rent’ on the cost of the materials supplied by the government, which had the power to acquire the line. By the 2nd of December 1912, the company involved in the proposal had become the Hampden Company, which purchased the Wee MacGregor group of mines from the Macgregor Company for £108,750.
Despite the Labor Party’s concern about a company gaining a competitive advantage from a private railway line, The Wee MacGregor Tramway Agreement Act 1912 was passed on the 4th of December 1912. Walter Paget, Minister for Railways, noted the difference from previous private sector-government railway agreements, with less government exposure to risk.
Work started on the 3ft 6in railway in early 1913, supervised by Ainscow. MacGregor Junction (Devoncourt), on the Malbon to Sulieman Creek railway, was the location of the main construction camp. The steepest grade for the railway was 1 in 40, with a minimum curve radius of 5 chains (100m). By April 1913 about 200 men were employed on the project.
The railway was planned as far as the Wallaroo mine, located east of the town of Hightville, but in late 1913 the Hampden Company decided that, due to the steep, difficult terrain near Hightville, the railway would be shortened, with the terminus now 22 miles, 49 chains (35.9km) from MacGregor Junction. The remainder of the route to Hightville, and beyond to the Wee MacGregor mine, would now be traversed by a 2ft gauge tramway, which could accommodate tighter curves and steeper grades than the railway.
A railway station and goods shed were constructed on the northern side of the town of Ballara, where a triangular junction was located. Ballara, situated at ‘Lady Lease Flats’, was surveyed in June 1914. A sale of town lots was scheduled for the 14th of August 1914, with upset prices for the quarter acre (0.1ha) lots ranging from £10 to £30. The outbreak of WWI led to the sale’s cancellation, and by the time a sale of 36 lots was held on the 24th of February 1915, prices had trebled. Facilities at Ballara included a Post Office, established in late 1914, and a police reserve was gazetted at the west end of the town in 1915. A district hospital was established by August 1918, on 5 acres north of the turning triangle. The Ballara Hotel existed by 1918, although it burnt down on the 27th of April that year, and again in April 1919. A state school was approved in May 1919, and opened in July 1919. A cemetery reserve was also gazetted, northeast of the hospital reserve, replacing the previous cemetery south of Hightville.
Hightville slowly declined after the 1913 decision to shorten the railway and relocate its terminus to Ballara, although a sale of 45 town lots still occurred in May 1914, with prices for a quarter acre (0.1ha) ranging from £5 to £25. As well as the Macgregor Hotel, Hightville had a butcher by 1913; a storekeeper and postmaster by 1914; and a boarding house by 1915. A state school was also approved in May 1917, and sites were reserved for the school and police in 1918. By 1917, however, Hightville listings were included under ‘Ballara’ in Wise’s Post Office Directory. When the MacGregor Hotel burnt down in 1914, its replacement, the former Cosmopolitan Hotel from Ravenswood, was moved to Hightville, and later to Ballara. The school and its pupils moved to Ballara in 1919.
The 2ft tramway ran west from the triangular junction at Ballara, over a raised concrete ore transfer stage, past the terminus of the railway, and then curved north. It passed between Hightville and the Wallaroo mine, and proceeded to the Wee MacGregor mine – a total route of about 3.8 miles (6.1km). A short branch tramway ran to the Wallaroo mine. Ore was transported via the tramway from the mines to the ore transfer stage, where it would be tipped from trucks on the tramway down into trucks on the railway. The railway would then convey the ore to the Hampden smelters (operational 1911). As the tramway was not part of the 1912 agreement, the company funded construction and purchased its 28 pound rails and steel sleepers.
By the 5th of May 1914 all earthworks, bridges, drains, and rails for the railway were completed to the terminal yard at Ballara, although the station building and earthworks beyond the station weren’t finished. The railway was operational during May 1914 and was officially opened to the public in July 1914, yet it was of little use for moving ore until the tramway was completed.
The tramway was under construction in early 1914, with earthworks extending for two miles (3.2km), and the ‘first five bridges and drains’ nearing completion, by the 5th of May 1914. Between Hightville and the Wee MacGregor mine a 77m long unlined tunnel, with concrete portals, and a 1 in 22 grade towards the mine, was constructed through MacGregor Hill. The tunnel was nearly completed by January 1915, with rails laid 5 chains (101m) through it by the 11th of March 1915.
The tramway was transporting ore by the 31st of May 1915. It had cost £11,005, and had curves as tight as 2 chains (40m) radius. The tunnel remains the most westerly railway tunnel in Queensland, and the 47.9m long, 2.65m high ore transfer stage is unique as the only recorded tramway-to-railway ore transhipment platform in Queensland.
The Annual Report of the Under Secretary of Mines for 1915 stated that ‘a 2-ft gauge tramway, four miles [6.4km] in length, from Ballara, connects the MacGregor and Wallaroo Mines with the main line, and carries 50 tons of ore per day in three train loads to Ballara, conveying firewood, mine timber, and general stores as return loading’.
Three trains a week had run along the railway from the 25th of May to 15 June 1914. However, the start of WWI on the 4th of August 1914 led to a temporary halt to mining, as German buyers held the contracts for the sale of copper. Only one supply train a week was run to Ballara until early 1915, when the Allied demand for copper revived mining and railway activity. Around 300 tons of ore was railed from Ballara each week during the war, and annual passenger numbers peaked at 4533 in 1916.
Wartime copper prices boosted the fortunes of the whole Cloncurry Gold and Mineral Field. The London market price for copper rose from under £60 a ton to £84 10s during 1915, and the Cloncurry district produced 53% of Queensland’s copper that year. During 1916, copper prices rose from £85 to £150 a ton, and in September 1917 British Munitions authorities fixed the price at £110 5s. The Cloncurry field produced 63.2% of Queensland’s copper in 1918, when the total population of the field reached 7795.
Copper prices dropped after the end of WWI, falling from £112 per ton in December 1918 to £75 per ton in April 1919. By March 1919 it was reported that the price slump and a scarcity of workers had ‘dealt a knockout blow to all’, although a new shaft was still being sunk on the Wee MacGregor mine. Copper production on the Cloncurry field fell in 1919, and only one train a week ran to Ballara, with 2170 tons of freight carried during the year – a 90% reduction from 1918.
Copper prices were £72 a ton at the end of 1920. This, along with high overheads, caused the closure of the Wee MacGregor mine in November 1920. Tenders were invited in December 1920 for purchase of the ‘MacGregor Mines tramway’, including ‘about 4 miles of 2 foot gauge tramway, built of 28lb. steel rails, iron sleepers, locomotive, and ten bogie trucks’. The tramway’s rails were removed during 1921 and stacked at Ballara. The train service to Ballara dropped to once a month from February 1921, when there were still 17 families in the town, plus ‘copper gougers’ (small mine operators) in the area. During 1921 the railway only carried 199 tons of freight.
Train services to Ballara were maintained by the government throughout most of the 1920s. In October 1922 a service from Cloncurry to Ballara ran on alternate Wednesdays. The discovery of a large silver-lead deposit at Mount Isa in 1923 raised hopes that the railway could be extended from Ballara to Mount Isa, but the line was constructed from Duchess instead. Services to Ballara alternated between a weekly and a fortnightly schedule until early 1927, when regular services ended.
The MacGregor Junction to Ballara railway survived for a short while longer, as 38 tons of minerals and 10 tons of other goods were carried in the 1928 - 1929 financial year, from Pindora siding. The rails between MacGregor Junction and Ballara were removed in 1929, and were stacked at Malbon. There were complaints that a final train was not even sent out to evacuate 30 copper gougers and their families.
After the mine’s closure in 1920, Ballara’s decline was inevitable. In 1920 Wise’s Post Office Directory listed a district and a maternity hospital at Ballara; plus a school teacher; butchers; refreshment rooms; stores; a boarding house; a station and post master; and the MacGregor and Ballara Hotels. By 1927 no names or institutions were listed under Ballara.
Although the tramway and railway had closed, and Hightville and Ballara were abandoned, copper gougers retained an interest in the Wee MacGregor area over the following decades. In 1954, prospectors also discovered uranium deposits at Ballara. Several concrete slabs at the site of Hightville date from the early 1970s, during a period of renewed mining activity at the Wee MacGregor mine, and in 2018, exploratory drilling work was underway at the mine.
Source: Queensland Heritage Register.
Exploitant : Transdev TVO
Réseau : R'Bus (Argenteuil)
Ligne : 8
Lieu : Gare du Val d'Argenteuil (Argenteuil, F-95)
Lien TC Infos : tc-infos.fr/id/37466
Exploitant : Transdev Val d'Europe Autocars
Réseau : Magical Shuttle
Lieu : Centre Opérationnel Bus de Bailly-Romainvilliers (Bailly-Romainvilliers, F-77)
Lien TC Infos : tc-infos.fr/id/27300
The London School of Exploitation Under Occupation: London School of Economics and Political Science (LSE) Students Stand Against Exploitation and Corporate Education: Vera Anstey Suite: Old Building, London School of Economics, London, March 25, 2015.
The Demands of The LSE Occupation, 23/03/2015
March 23, 2015 at 5:44am
Below is a list of the finalised demands we have formulated and will be taking to negotiations with management.
Free Education
We believe that education should be universally accessible. Education is not only a service for those that can afford it. With the aim of universally accessible education, we demand that the university:
1. Publicise the fact that they are lobbying for financial and administrative independence and fee-hikes.
2. Publicly commit to not raising tuition fees.
3. Publicly lobby for education as a public good to be funded by a progressive taxation system and to be free from tuition fees for both domestic and international students.
4. Enforce public access to timetables and lectures by removing the password restriction, taking the turnstiles or any other form of barrier down in the university and commit to never build them again.
Workers’ Rights
We stand in solidarity with unions representing LSE staff (Unison, UCU and Unite) and we demand:
1. Commitment to a date in April when staff (catering, cleaning, security and Resource staff) and union representatives can open negotiations with university management. This is specifically related to Unison’s demand for negotiations which have been consistently sidelined by management.
2. Real job security and an end to the culture of fear. We demand the acknowledgement of the use of exploitative casual, variable and zero-hour contracts and replace them with fixed-term contracts which explicitly state the expected annual employment for all in-house staff.
3. Fair remuneration of time and a half to all employees for overtime regardless of whether they are security, porters, receptionists or catering staff and an end to the aggregated and unequal distribution of overtime pay.
4. Clear and transparent accounting of all overtime work for Professional Services, support and GTA staff. We demand a commitment to a cross-departmental forum facilitating the remiss of employment grievances.
In response to the concerns raised by academic staff we demand:
1. An end to the culture of fear and conformity created by the hierarchical structure of academic employment. This involves but is not limited to the introduction of a uniform teaching fellow position for all academic staff, with automatic incremental salary increases based on length of employment.
2. An end to the audit culture which makes academic output an object of assessment and measurement, which stifles free thinking and impoverishes innovation and student-staff relations.
Genuine University Democracy
The Occupy LSE group have held democratic consultations with a diverse group of students and staff, both academic and non-academic. Accordingly we have the following demands:
1. An open discussion with the directors and pro-directors of LSE, within the first week of summer term, on university democracy to clarify to students and staff how the current system works. This will be the starting point for a wider and more inclusive public discussion on the issue of accountability and failing democratic institutions, leading to concrete proposals for improvement to the current system.
2. We demand the formation of an Independent Review Committee comprising of academic staff (1/3), non-academic staff (1/3) and students (1/3). The role of this committee will be to investigate the current system and propose reforms.
3. All Committee meetings should be minuted and these minutes should be published in less than 7 working days so as to be publicly available to LSE students and staff.
Divestment
We demand that the school cuts its ties to exploitative and destructive organisations, such as those involved in wars, military occupations, the illegal blacklisting of workers and the destruction of the planet.
We demand that the school provide a conclusive list of investments, incoming funds, and ties to the aforementioned organisations.
Specifically, we demand that the school divest from fossil fuels, commencing with the following actions:
1. Freeze any new investments in fossil fuel companies.
2. Start an independent review on the financial impacts of divestment on the school, as was promised during the last investment committee meeting on 29th January 2015.
3. Set up a working group with representatives from the Finance Committee, the Ethics Policy Committee, the Divestment Campaign, the student body, and with anyone else appropriate, to compile all the information on divestment and come to a democratically informed proposal.
4. Present the working group’s decision on the 4th June 2015 to the Investment (or Finance) Committee which must then vote on and make a final, binding decision, without extension or delay.
We demand divestment from all companies which make a profit from the Israeli state’s occupation of Palestine, commencing with the following actions:
1. Freeze any new investments in such companies.
2. Start an independent review on the impact of divestment from companies that make a profit from the Israeli state’s occupation of Palestine.
3. Set up a working group with representatives from the Finance Committee, the Ethics Policy Committee, the Divestment Campaign, the student body, and with anyone else appropriate, to compile all the information on divestment and come to a democratically informed proposal.
4. Present the working group’s decision to the Investment (or Finance) Committee in the new academic year, which must then vote on and make a final, binding decision,without extension or delay.
Liberation
1. We demand that LSE becomes a liberated space that puts an end to all forms of institutional racism, sexism, ableism, class bias, homophobia, transphobia and religious discrimination.
2. For as long as LSE remains a non-liberated institution, we demand that a room or rooms on campus be officially given over to the sole use of the Free University of London for the purpose of continuing to pursue this aim.
This space is to be:
· Run autonomously in line with the principles of the Free University of London.
· Subject to the Free University’s pre-determined rules regarding access and safe space policy.
The Free University of London engages to fully collaborate with security and administration for the purposes of ensuring that the security, health and safety requirements regarding the space are met.
3. LSE as an institution should use its pre-existing powers to create and protect a safe educational and working environment for all. To that aim, we demand;
A) That LSE give out campus bans whilst investigations are ongoing in cases of harassment, sexual assault or rape, on a case-by-case basis. Policy is already in place to enforce this, and we demand that it be used.
In that respect, we demand that LSE utilise its powers to take a greater institutional defence of the victims of sexual assault on campus. We demand that the university issues campus bans in ongoing investigations into harassment, sexual assault and rape, on a case-by-case basis. This decision should not be made only at the discretion of the dean, and should involve either the Women’s, Men’s, LGBT+ and/or the Diversity Adviser and a representative from the Student’s Union.
We acknowledge that LSE already has policy in place to enforce campus bans in ongoing complaints (Point 19 of the Disciplinary Procedure for Students),and we believe that in such cases failing to give out a ban could jeopardise the safety, mental well-being, and educational progress of the complainant and other students.
B) That students launching a complaint against someone for harassment, sexual assault or rape not be bound by confidentiality.
At present, the policy of implementing a confidentiality order to prevent a complainant from sharing or confiding in others about an incident of harassment, sexual assault and/or rape may not assist the complainant, who is dealing with the trauma of the incident. We demand that the investigation is carried out without imposing on the complainant a confidentiality clause.
C) The creation of three new roles; ‘Diversity / LGBT+ / Disabled Student and Staff Adviser’ similar to the Women’s & Men's Advisers
At present, there are Women’s and Men’s advisers on campus. We demand that three paid, full-time roles created for a ‘Diversity/LGBT+/Disabled Students& Staff Adviser’. Those filling these positions must be adequately trained and provided with resources to assist and deal with issues which arise for BME/LGBT+/Disabled students and staff, and must identify as BME/LGBT+/Disabled respective to their position.
D) The implementation of a Zero Tolerance policy to sexual harassment.
It is necessary as a University institution to protect the interests of all students and staff. We demand that a Zero Tolerance policy to sexual harassment should be implemented. We note that the Students Union, the University of Cardiff and the University of Leeds already have in place a Zero Tolerance Policy. We demand that one is created at LSE, with the consultation of students and staff.
E) The publication of the guidance document on procedure with regards tos tudent-student harassment, and be open to suggestions of change, including but not limited to:
· Information on how punishments in cases of sexual harassment, sexual assault, & rape are decided, and the different factors influencing decisions, and be open to change.
· Information about the 'informal resolution' process and procedure, and be open to change.
F) The development of multiple channels for reporting incidents of sexual harassment.
The current procedure of reporting exclusively and directly to the Dean of Undergraduate Studies, Dean of Graduate Studies, and the Dean of the General Course, is insufficient and alienating to those suffering from trauma due to incidents of sexual harassment, assault, and rape.
We demand, amongst other measures, the creation of a team within thec ounselling service specialising in trauma relating to sexual harassment, assault, and rape. We note Cardiff University’s policy on this, specifically regarding the Zero Tolerance to sexual harassment procedure, and demand the implementation of similar policy at LSE.
G) Ensure that academic advisers, heads of societies and clubs, and all those in a position of responsibility for ensuring the welfare of students and staff are trained in how to respond to those with mental health problems and undergo mandatory sensitivity training.
H) We demand that counsellors have greater autonomy when deciding the number of counselling sessions offered to those in need. This involves but is not limited to the removal of the standard six session cap of offered sessions.
4. We stand with the Student Union and other campaigners in opposing the Counter-Terrorism and Security Bill (CTSB) which severely infringes on our civil liberties by monitoring students and staff at risk of “radicalism” and “extremism”. We note that this bill particularly targets Muslims and people with mental health issues. We demand that the LSE:
· Issues publications of how the policy is operating within the College and Students’Union, including access to materials used to train staff and students.
· Holds consultations with the student body regarding how this affects students.
· Publically lobbies the government to revoke the bill.
5. We note with dismay the violence that the Metropolitan Police inflicted on student protesters in London during the 2010-11 demonstrations and others at Senate House, Birmingham, Warwick and Sussex. We note the documented evidence of students being strip-searched, fingerprinted and wrongfully charged with offences that damage their futures. Furthermore, police have physically assaulted students without probable cause. Given this context, we demand:
· A clear guideline will be publicly issued to clarify cases where the university will allow police presence on campus.
· Transparency and consultations of students and staff with respect to police presence on campus outside of those guidelines on a case by case basis.
· A commitment from the University to use in-house security for any kind of dissent from the student body, especially political dissent.
6. We note that LSE100 has the lowest attendance rate and the lowest student satisfaction of any course. The school uses LSE100 to claim that it produces ‘all-rounded’students with an ‘interdisciplinary’ perspective, but we perceive its true function as to keep LSE at the top of the league tables and secure finance.
We note that most modules offer a narrow,watered-down and even vulgar overview of specific issues, for example:
· The gender module de-politicises feminism, neglects the roots of women’s oppression, the historical and ongoing women’s struggle and the political solutions that have been proposed from it.
· The module on climate change ignores the recent movement in academia and the world that attributes environmental issues to the economic system of capitalism.
· A general lack of queer studies, post colonialism, feminism and general critical theory across the modules.
We demand that the University management commit to organising a student and staff committee to review the LSE100 curriculum and reform it to be more pluralistic and critical, in line with the original principles on which the course was set up. We demand a similar review to be applied across curriculums in all other departments.
7. We demand that the school immediately reinstates the old ethics code and makes it legally binding, in line with the recently passed SU motion.
8. We demand that the University engage to lobby actively on behalf of international students for:
· The extension of the legal time restriction on Tier 4 visas to twelve months following graduation.
· The extension of legal rights concerning the recourse to legal aid to include non-EU students,
· We further demand that the University lobby to stop professors from being forced to register their non-EU international students.
Just discovered from the archive.
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© Margarita Komine | All Rights Reserved
All of my images are copyright protected. You may not use, copy, reproduce, distribute, publish, display, alter or in any way exploit any of my images without my expressed, written permission.
Exploitant : Transdev TVO
Réseau : R'Bus (Argenteuil)
Ligne : 8
Lieu : Gare d'Argenteuil (Argenteuil, F-95)
Lien TC Infos : tc-infos.fr/id/37468
Flota/Fleet: Guaguas Municipales (BT1)
Carrocería/Bodywork: Wagon Union VOV
Chassis: MAN SD200
Lote/Batch info: 1/1 - 4 total (BT1-BT4)
Matricula/Plate: GC-6441-CL
Longitud/Length: 2m
Servicio/Service: 2000 - 2010
Info (SP): Cuando el concepto de guagua turística llego a Las Palmas, lo hizo de la mano de Guaguas Municipales. Concretamente se adquirieron 4 unidades de dos pisos del mercado aleman, y se trato de unidades MAN Wagon SD200 que comenzaron su vida util en Alemania en 1984 (concretamente en la empresa BVG donde tenian la numeración 3308, 3319, 3367 & 3382). Sin embargo tras perder el contrato de explotación de las rutas turísticas a la empresa City Sightseeing en 2010, se procedió a retirar estas unidades de circulación. Se desconoce que ocurrió con ellas.
Info (EN): When the concept of a tourist bus arrived in Las Palmas it was brought by Guaguas Municipales. Specifically they purchased 4 MAN WagonSD200 double-decker buses from the German market. These units had beed serving in the Berlin-based BVG, where they served as 3308, 3319, 3367 and 3382 since 1984. Nevertheless after losing the contract to exploit these routes to the City Sightseeing company in 2010 it was decided for these to be withdrawn from service. It is unknown what occurred to them after that.
They said if I add some cute animals to my pictures I'd get more likes. Lets put this to the test! :D
Dutch postcard by JosPe, Arnhem, no. 319. Photo: MGM.
Lupe Velez (1908-1944), was one of the first Mexican actresses to succeed in Hollywood. Her nicknames were 'The Mexican Spitfire' and 'Hot Pepper'. She was the leading lady in such silent films as The Gaucho (1927), Lady of the Pavements (1928), and Wolf Song (1929). During the 1930s, her well-known explosive screen persona was exploited in a series of successful films like Hot Pepper (1933), Strictly Dynamite (1934), and Hollywood Party (1934). In the 1940s, Vélez's popularity peaked after appearing in the Mexican Spitfire films, a series created to capitalise on Vélez's well-documented fiery personality. She had several highly publicised romances and a stormy marriage. In 1944, Vélez died of an intentional overdose of the barbiturate drug Seconal. Her death and the circumstances surrounding it have been the subject of speculation and controversy.
Lupe Vélez was born María Guadalupe Villalobos Vélez in 1908 in the city of San Luis Potosí in Mexico. She was the daughter of Jacobo Villalobos Reyes, a colonel in the army of the dictator Porfirio Diaz, and his wife Josefina Vélez, an opera singer according to some sources, or vaudeville singer according to others. She had three sisters: Mercedes, Reina and Josefina and a brother, Emigdio. The family was financially comfortable and lived in a large home. At the age of 13, her parents sent her to study at Our Lady of the Lake (now Our Lady of the Lake University) in San Antonio, Texas. It was at Our Lady of the Lake that Vélez learned to speak English and began to dance. She later admitted that she liked dance class, but was otherwise a poor student. Denny Jackson at IMDb: "Life was hard for her family, and Lupe returned to Mexico to help them out financially. She worked as a salesgirl for a department store for the princely sum of $4 a week. Every week she would turn most of her salary over to her mother, but kept a little for herself so she could take dancing lessons. By now, she figured, with her mature shape and grand personality, she thought she could make a try at show business." She began her career as a performer in Mexican vaudeville in 1924. She initially performed under her paternal surname, but after her father returned home from the war, he was outraged that his daughter had decided to become a stage performer. She chose her maternal surname, "Vélez", as her stage name and her mother introduced Vélez and her sister Josefina to the popular Spanish Mexican vedette María Conesa, "La Gatita Blanca". Vélez debuted in a show led by Conesa, where she sang 'Oh Charley, My Boy' and danced the shimmy. Aurelio Campos, a young pianist, and friend of the Vélez sisters, recommended Lupe to stage producers Carlos Ortega and Manuel Castro. Ortega and Castro were preparing a season revue at the Regis Theatre and hired Vélez to join the company in March 1925. Later that year, Vélez starred in the revues 'Mexican Rataplan' and '¡No lo tapes!', both parodies of the Bataclan's shows in Paris. Her suggestive singing and provocative dancing was a hit with audiences, and she soon established herself as one of the main stars of vaudeville in Mexico. After a year and a half, Vélez left the revue after the manager refused to give her a raise. She then joined the Teatro Principal, but was fired after three months due to her "feisty attitude". Vélez was quickly hired by the Teatro Lirico, where her salary rose to 100 pesos a day. In 1926, Frank A. Woodyard, an American who had seen Vélez perform, recommended her to stage director Richard Bennett, the father of actresses Joan and Constance Bennett. Bennett was looking for an actress to portray a Mexican cantina singer in his upcoming play 'The Dove'. He sent Vélez a telegram inviting her to Los Angeles to appear in the play. Vélez had been planning to go to Cuba to perform, but quickly changed her plans and traveled to Los Angeles. However, upon arrival, she discovered that she had been replaced by another actress.
While in Los Angeles, Lupe Vélez met the comedian Fanny Brice. Brice recommended her to Flo Ziegfeld, who hired her to perform in New York City. While Vélez was preparing to leave Los Angeles, she received a call from MGM producer Harry Rapf, who offered her a screen test. Producer and director Hal Roach saw Vélez's screen test and hired her for a small role in the comic Laurel and Hardy short Sailors, Beware! (Fred Guiol, Hal Yates, 1927). After her debut, Vélez appeared in another Hal Roach short, What Women Did for Me (James Parrott, 1927), opposite Charley Chase. Later that year, she did a screen test for the upcoming Douglas Fairbanks feature The Gaucho (F. Richard Jones, 1927). Fairbanks was impressed by Vélez and hired her to appear in the film with him. The Gaucho was a hit and critics were duly impressed with Vélez's ability to hold her own alongside Fairbanks, who was well known for his spirited acting and impressive stunts. Her second major film was Stand and Deliver (Donald Crisp, 1928), produced by Cecil B. DeMille. That same year, she was named one of the WAMPAS Baby Stars. Then she appeared in Lady of the Pavements (1929), directed by D. W. Griffith, and Where East Is East (Tod Browning, 1929), starring Lon Chaney as an animal trapper in Laos. In the Western The Wolf Song (Victor Fleming, 1929), she appeared alongside Gary Cooper. As she was regularly cast as 'exotic' or 'ethnic' women that were volatile and hot-tempered, gossip columnists took to referring to Vélez as "Mexican Hurricane", "The Mexican Wildcat", "The Mexican Madcap", "Whoopee Lupe" and "The Hot Tamale". Lupe Vélez made the transition to sound films without difficulty. Studio executives had predicted that her accent would likely hamper her ability to make the transition. That idea was dispelled after she appeared in the all-talking Rin Tin Tin vehicle, Tiger Rose (George Fitzmaurice, 1929). The film was a hit and Vélez's sound career was established. Vélez appeared in a series of Pre-Code films like Hell Harbor (Henry King, 1930), The Storm (William Wyler, 1930), and the crime drama East Is West (Monta Bell, 1930) opposite Edward G. Robinson. The next year, she appeared in her second film for Cecil B. DeMille, Squaw Man (Cecil B. DeMille, 1931), opposite Warner Baxter, in Resurrection (Edwin Carewe, 1931), and The Cuban Love Song (W.S. Van Dyke, 1931), with the popular singer Lawrence Tibbett. She had a supporting role in Kongo (William J. Cowen, 1932) with Walter Huston, a sound remake of West of Zanzibar (Tod Browning, 1928) which tries to outdo the Lon Chaney original in morbidity. She also starred in Spanish-language versions of Universal films like Resurrección (Eduardo Arozamena, David Selman, 1931), the Spanish version of Resurrection (1931), and Hombres en mi vida (Eduardo Arozamena, David Selman, 1932), the Spanish version of Men in Her Life (William Beaudine, 1931) in which Lois Moran had starred.
In 1932, Lupe Vélez took a break from her film career and traveled to New York City where she was signed by Broadway impresario Florenz Ziegfeld, Jr. to take over the role of "Conchita" in the musical revue 'Hot-Cha!'. The show also starred Bert Lahr, Eleanor Powell, and Buddy Rogers. Back in Hollywood, Lupe switched to comedy after playing dramatic roles for five years. Denny Jackson at IMDb: "In 1933 she played the lead role of Pepper in Hot Pepper (1933). This film showcased her comedic talents and helped her to show the world her vital personality. She was delightful." After Hot Pepper (John G. Blystone, 1933) with Edmund Lowe and Victor McLaglen, Lupe played beautiful but volatile, characters in a series of successful films like Strictly Dynamite (Elliott Nugent, 1934), Palooka (Benjamin Stoloff, 1934) both opposite Jimmy Durante, and Hollywood Party (Allan Dwan, a.o., 1934) with Laurel and Hardy. Although Vélez was a popular actress, RKO Pictures did not renew her contract in 1934. Over the next few years, Vélez worked for various studios as a freelance actress; she also spent two years in England where she filmed The Morals of Marcus (Miles Mander, 1935) and Gypsy Melody (Edmond T. Gréville, 1936). She returned to Los Angeles the following year where she appeared in the final part of the Wheeler & Woolsey comedy High Flyers (Edward F. Cline, 1937). In 1938, Vélez made her final appearance on Broadway in the musical You Never Know, by Cole Porter. The show received poor reviews from critics but received a large amount of publicity due to the feud between Vélez and fellow cast member Libby Holman. Holman was irritated by the attention Vélez garnered from the show with her impersonations of several actresses including Gloria Swanson, Katharine Hepburn, and Shirley Temple. The feud came to a head during a performance in New Haven, Connecticut after Vélez punched Holman in between curtain calls and gave her a black eye. The feud effectively ended the show. Upon her return to Mexico City in 1938 to star in her first Mexican film, Vélez was greeted by ten thousand fans. The film La Zandunga (Fernando de Fuentes, 1938) co-starring Arturo de Córdova, was a critical and financial success. Vélez was slated to appear in four more Mexican films, but instead, she returned to Los Angeles and went back to work for RKO Pictures. In 1939, Lupe Vélez was cast opposite Leon Errol and Donald Woods in the B-comedy, The Girl from Mexico (Leslie Goodwins, 1939). Despite being a B film, it was a hit with audiences and RKO re-teamed her with Errol and Wood for a sequel, Mexican Spitfire (Leslie Goodwins, 1940). That film was also a success and led to a series of eight Spitfire films. Wikipedia: "In the series, Vélez portrays Carmelita Lindsay, a temperamental yet friendly Mexican singer married to Dennis 'Denny' Lindsay (Woods), an elegant American gentleman. The Spitfire films rejuvenated Vélez's career. Moreover, they were films in which a Latina headlined for eight films straight –a true rarity." In addition to the Spitfire series, she was cast in such films as Six Lessons from Madame La Zonga (John Rawlins, 1941), Playmates (David Butler, 1941) opposite John Barrymore, and Redhead from Manhattan (Lew Landers, 1943). In 1943, the final film in the Spitfire series, Mexican Spitfire's Blessed Event (Leslie Goodwins, 1943), was released. By that time, the novelty of the series had begun to wane. Velez co-starred with Eddie Albert in the romantic comedy, Ladies' Day (Leslie Goodwins, 1943), about an actress and a baseball player. In 1944, Vélez returned to Mexico to star in an adaptation of Émile Zola's novel Nana (Roberto Gavaldón, Celestino Gorostiza, 1944), which was well-received. It would be her final film. After filming wrapped, Vélez returned to Los Angeles and began preparing for another stage role in New York.
Lupe Vélez's temper and jealousy in her often tempestuous romantic relationships were well documented and became tabloid fodder, often overshadowing her career. Vélez was straightforward with the press and was regularly contacted by gossip columnists for stories about her romantic exploits. Her first long-term relationship was with actor Gary Cooper. Vélez met Cooper while filming The Wolf Song in 1929 and began a two-year affair with him. The relationship was passionate but often stormy. Reportedly Vélez chased Cooper around with a knife during an argument and cut him severely enough to require stitches. By that time, the rocky relationship had taken its toll on Cooper who had lost 45 pounds and was suffering from nervous exhaustion. Paramount Pictures ordered him to take a vacation to recuperate. While he was boarding the train, Vélez showed up at the train station and fired a pistol at him. During her marriage to actor Johnny Weissmuller, stories of their frequent physical fights were regularly reported in the press. Vélez reportedly inflicted scratches, bruises, and love-bites on Weissmuller during their fights and "passionate love-making". In July 1934, after ten months of marriage, Vélez filed for divorce citing cruelty. She withdrew the petition a week later after reconciling with Weissmuller. In January 1935, she filed for divorce a second time and was granted an interlocutory decree that was dismissed when the couple reconciled a month later. In August 1938, Vélez filed for divorce for a third time, again charging Weissmuller with cruelty. Their divorce was finalised in August 1939. After the divorce became final, Vélez began dating actor Guinn "Big Boy" Williams in late 1940. They were reportedly engaged but never married. Vélez was also linked to author Erich Maria Remarque and the boxers Jack Johnson and Jack Dempsey. In 1943, Vélez began an affair with her La Zandunga co-star Arturo de Córdova. De Córdova had recently moved to Hollywood after signing with Paramount Pictures. Despite the fact that de Córdova was married to Mexican actress Enna Arana with whom he had four children, Vélez granted an interview to gossip columnist Louella Parsons in September 1943 and announced that the two were engaged. Vélez ended the engagement in early 1944, reportedly after de Córdova's wife refused to give him a divorce. Vélez then met and began dating a struggling young Austrian actor named Harald Maresch (who went by the stage name Harald Ramond). In September 1944, she discovered she was pregnant with Ramond's child. She announced their engagement in late November 1944. On 10 December, four days before her death, Vélez announced she had ended the engagement and kicked Ramond out of her home. On the evening of 13 December 1944, Vélez dined with her two friends, the silent film star Estelle Taylor and Venita Oakie. In the early morning hours of 14 December, Vélez retired to her bedroom, where she consumed 75 Seconal pills and a glass of brandy. Her secretary, Beulah Kinder, found the actress's body on her bed later that morning. A suicide note addressed to Harald Ramond was found nearby. Lupe Vélez was only 36 years old. More than four-thousand people filed past her casket during her funeral. Her body was interred in Mexico City, at Panteón Civil de Dolores Cemetery. Velez' estate, valued at $125,000 and consisting mostly of her Rodeo House home, two cars, jewelry, and personal effects were left to her secretary Beulah Kinder with the remainder in trust for her mother, Mrs. Josephine Velez. Together with Dolores del Rio, Ramon Novarro, and José Mojica, she was one of the few Mexican people who had made history in the early years of Hollywood.
Sources: Denny Jackson (IMDb), Wikipedia and IMDb.
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Photograph taken at an altitude of Forty three metres at 11:09am on Wednesday December 26th 2018 off Woolwich Road and Treetops Close in the grounds of Abbey Wood open space in Bexleyheath, Kent, England.
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Nikon D850 Focal length 14mm Shutter speed 1/60s Aperture f/13.0 iso80 RAW (14 bit uncompressed) Image size L 8256 x 5504 FX). Colour space Adobe RGB. Handheld. AF-C focus 51 point with 3-D tracking. Area mode single. Manual exposure. Matrix metering. Auto 0 white balance. Nikon Distortion control on. Vignette control Normal.
Nikkor AF-S 14-24mm F/2.8G ED IF. Nikon EN-EL15a battery. Matin quick release neckstrap. My Memory 128GB Class 10 SDXC 80MB/s. Lowepro Flipside 400 AW camera bag. Nikon GP-1 GPS module.
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LATITUDE: N 51d 29m 15.50s
LONGITUDE: E 0d 7m 51.50s
ALTITUDE: 43.0m
RAW (TIFF) FILE: 130.00MB (NEF 94.5MB)
PROCESSED (JPeg) FILE: 32.00MB
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Kenmore is a small village in Perthshire, in the Highlands of Scotland, located where Loch Tay drains into the River Tay.
The village dates from the 16th century. It and the neighbouring Castle were originally known as Balloch (from Gaelic bealach, 'pass'). The original village was sited on the north side of river approximately two miles (three kilometres) from its present site and was known as Inchadney. In 1540 Sir Colin Campbell of Glenorchy started the construction of Balloch castle on the opposite bank of the river and the entire village was moved to a prominent headland by the shores of Loch Tay, hence the name Kenmore, which translates from Scots Gaelic to "big (or large) head". The village as it is seen today is a model village laid out by 3rd Earl of Breadalbane in 1760.
The Kenmore Hotel, commissioned in 1572 by the then laird Colin Campbell, has its origins in a tavern built around 70 years earlier offering accommodation and refreshments. It is reputed to be Scotland's oldest hotel. Well known travel writer Rick Steves defined the community as "little more than the fancy domain of its castle, a church set in a bouquet of tombstones, and a line of humble houses, Kenmore offers a fine dose of small-town Scottish flavour".
Taymouth Castle, another Campbell creation, was built by John Campbell, 2nd Marquess of Breadalbane (d. 1862) on the site of its late medieval predecessor, Balloch Castle (built 1550 by the Campbells of Glenorchy, ancestors of the Marquesses of Breadalbane, demolished 1805). This enormous mansion, in neo-Gothic style, was completed in time for the visit of Queen Victoria in 1842. No expense was spared on the interior, which was decorated with the utmost sumptuousness. Taymouth Castle is now privately owned and has a golf course in its grounds.
Kenmore Bridge dates from 1774 and the village as it is today was laid out in the 18th Century by the third Earl of Breadalbane. It retains many of its original buildings and historic appearance.
Around two miles (three kilometres) northeast of the village by the side of the A827 road is a complex multi-phase stone circle known as Croft Moraig Stone Circle.
To the southwest, between Kenmore and Acharn, the waterside settlement of Croft-na-Caber has been redeveloped into a number of tourist attractions. The Scottish Crannog Centre (formerly the Crannog Reconstruction Project) is an open-air museum on the south of Loch Tay Road. It features an accurate full-size reconstruction of a crannog, an Iron Age artificial island, of which more than 20 (most now submerged) have been found in Loch Tay. The crannog mockup is based on the real Oakbank Crannog archaeological site off the north shore of the loch.[citation needed] The Crannog mock-up was destroyed by fire on the evening of 11 June 2021. The visitor centre also displays artefacts from nearby excavations, which are funded in part by the proceeds from this attraction. The Croft-na-Caber Watersports & Activity Centre, originally planned as a £20 million sailing resort in 2009, now offers additional activities, including hydraboarding and canyoning. The original Croft-na-Caber Hotel closed in the 2000s, though the successor resort is served by other area hotels, the largest of which is the Kenmore Hotel.
The biggest island in the loch, known as the Isle of Loch Tay, or in Gaelic Eilean nam Ban-naomh, 'Isle of Holy Women', is just north of Kenmore. It was the site of a nunnery in the 12th century and was the burial place of Queen Sibylla (d. 1122), wife of Alexander I of Scotland (1107–24). A castle was built on the island in the later Middle Ages. Signs of 18 crannogs, "circular houses on stilts", have been found Loch Tay. Only one was rebuilt and became the museum known as the Scottish Crannog Centre.
The Highlands is a historical region of Scotland. Culturally, the Highlands and the Lowlands diverged from the Late Middle Ages into the modern period, when Lowland Scots language replaced Scottish Gaelic throughout most of the Lowlands. The term is also used for the area north and west of the Highland Boundary Fault, although the exact boundaries are not clearly defined, particularly to the east. The Great Glen divides the Grampian Mountains to the southeast from the Northwest Highlands. The Scottish Gaelic name of A' Ghàidhealtachd literally means "the place of the Gaels" and traditionally, from a Gaelic-speaking point of view, includes both the Western Isles and the Highlands.
The area is very sparsely populated, with many mountain ranges dominating the region, and includes the highest mountain in the British Isles, Ben Nevis. During the 18th and early 19th centuries the population of the Highlands rose to around 300,000, but from c. 1841 and for the next 160 years, the natural increase in population was exceeded by emigration (mostly to Canada, the United States, Australia and New Zealand, and migration to the industrial cities of Scotland and England.) and passim The area is now one of the most sparsely populated in Europe. At 9.1/km2 (24/sq mi) in 2012, the population density in the Highlands and Islands is less than one seventh of Scotland's as a whole.
The Highland Council is the administrative body for much of the Highlands, with its administrative centre at Inverness. However, the Highlands also includes parts of the council areas of Aberdeenshire, Angus, Argyll and Bute, Moray, North Ayrshire, Perth and Kinross, Stirling and West Dunbartonshire.
The Scottish Highlands is the only area in the British Isles to have the taiga biome as it features concentrated populations of Scots pine forest: see Caledonian Forest. It is the most mountainous part of the United Kingdom.
Between the 15th century and the mid-20th century, the area differed from most of the Lowlands in terms of language. In Scottish Gaelic, the region is known as the Gàidhealtachd, because it was traditionally the Gaelic-speaking part of Scotland, although the language is now largely confined to The Hebrides. The terms are sometimes used interchangeably but have different meanings in their respective languages. Scottish English (in its Highland form) is the predominant language of the area today, though Highland English has been influenced by Gaelic speech to a significant extent. Historically, the "Highland line" distinguished the two Scottish cultures. While the Highland line broadly followed the geography of the Grampians in the south, it continued in the north, cutting off the north-eastern areas, that is Eastern Caithness, Orkney and Shetland, from the more Gaelic Highlands and Hebrides.
Historically, the major social unit of the Highlands was the clan. Scottish kings, particularly James VI, saw clans as a challenge to their authority; the Highlands was seen by many as a lawless region. The Scots of the Lowlands viewed the Highlanders as backward and more "Irish". The Highlands were seen as the overspill of Gaelic Ireland. They made this distinction by separating Germanic "Scots" English and the Gaelic by renaming it "Erse" a play on Eire. Following the Union of the Crowns, James VI had the military strength to back up any attempts to impose some control. The result was, in 1609, the Statutes of Iona which started the process of integrating clan leaders into Scottish society. The gradual changes continued into the 19th century, as clan chiefs thought of themselves less as patriarchal leaders of their people and more as commercial landlords. The first effect on the clansmen who were their tenants was the change to rents being payable in money rather than in kind. Later, rents were increased as Highland landowners sought to increase their income. This was followed, mostly in the period 1760–1850, by agricultural improvement that often (particularly in the Western Highlands) involved clearance of the population to make way for large scale sheep farms. Displaced tenants were set up in crofting communities in the process. The crofts were intended not to provide all the needs of their occupiers; they were expected to work in other industries such as kelping and fishing. Crofters came to rely substantially on seasonal migrant work, particularly in the Lowlands. This gave impetus to the learning of English, which was seen by many rural Gaelic speakers to be the essential "language of work".
Older historiography attributes the collapse of the clan system to the aftermath of the Jacobite risings. This is now thought less influential by historians. Following the Jacobite rising of 1745 the British government enacted a series of laws to try to suppress the clan system, including bans on the bearing of arms and the wearing of tartan, and limitations on the activities of the Scottish Episcopal Church. Most of this legislation was repealed by the end of the 18th century as the Jacobite threat subsided. There was soon a rehabilitation of Highland culture. Tartan was adopted for Highland regiments in the British Army, which poor Highlanders joined in large numbers in the era of the Revolutionary and Napoleonic Wars (1790–1815). Tartan had largely been abandoned by the ordinary people of the region, but in the 1820s, tartan and the kilt were adopted by members of the social elite, not just in Scotland, but across Europe. The international craze for tartan, and for idealising a romanticised Highlands, was set off by the Ossian cycle, and further popularised by the works of Walter Scott. His "staging" of the visit of King George IV to Scotland in 1822 and the king's wearing of tartan resulted in a massive upsurge in demand for kilts and tartans that could not be met by the Scottish woollen industry. Individual clan tartans were largely designated in this period and they became a major symbol of Scottish identity. This "Highlandism", by which all of Scotland was identified with the culture of the Highlands, was cemented by Queen Victoria's interest in the country, her adoption of Balmoral as a major royal retreat, and her interest in "tartenry".
Recurrent famine affected the Highlands for much of its history, with significant instances as late as 1817 in the Eastern Highlands and the early 1850s in the West. Over the 18th century, the region had developed a trade of black cattle into Lowland markets, and this was balanced by imports of meal into the area. There was a critical reliance on this trade to provide sufficient food, and it is seen as an essential prerequisite for the population growth that started in the 18th century. Most of the Highlands, particularly in the North and West was short of the arable land that was essential for the mixed, run rig based, communal farming that existed before agricultural improvement was introduced into the region.[a] Between the 1760s and the 1830s there was a substantial trade in unlicensed whisky that had been distilled in the Highlands. Lowland distillers (who were not able to avoid the heavy taxation of this product) complained that Highland whisky made up more than half the market. The development of the cattle trade is taken as evidence that the pre-improvement Highlands was not an immutable system, but did exploit the economic opportunities that came its way. The illicit whisky trade demonstrates the entrepreneurial ability of the peasant classes.
Agricultural improvement reached the Highlands mostly over the period 1760 to 1850. Agricultural advisors, factors, land surveyors and others educated in the thinking of Adam Smith were keen to put into practice the new ideas taught in Scottish universities. Highland landowners, many of whom were burdened with chronic debts, were generally receptive to the advice they offered and keen to increase the income from their land. In the East and South the resulting change was similar to that in the Lowlands, with the creation of larger farms with single tenants, enclosure of the old run rig fields, introduction of new crops (such as turnips), land drainage and, as a consequence of all this, eviction, as part of the Highland clearances, of many tenants and cottars. Some of those cleared found employment on the new, larger farms, others moved to the accessible towns of the Lowlands.
In the West and North, evicted tenants were usually given tenancies in newly created crofting communities, while their former holdings were converted into large sheep farms. Sheep farmers could pay substantially higher rents than the run rig farmers and were much less prone to falling into arrears. Each croft was limited in size so that the tenants would have to find work elsewhere. The major alternatives were fishing and the kelp industry. Landlords took control of the kelp shores, deducting the wages earned by their tenants from the rent due and retaining the large profits that could be earned at the high prices paid for the processed product during the Napoleonic wars.
When the Napoleonic wars finished in 1815, the Highland industries were affected by the return to a peacetime economy. The price of black cattle fell, nearly halving between 1810 and the 1830s. Kelp prices had peaked in 1810, but reduced from £9 a ton in 1823 to £3 13s 4d a ton in 1828. Wool prices were also badly affected. This worsened the financial problems of debt-encumbered landlords. Then, in 1846, potato blight arrived in the Highlands, wiping out the essential subsistence crop for the overcrowded crofting communities. As the famine struck, the government made clear to landlords that it was their responsibility to provide famine relief for their tenants. The result of the economic downturn had been that a large proportion of Highland estates were sold in the first half of the 19th century. T M Devine points out that in the region most affected by the potato famine, by 1846, 70 per cent of the landowners were new purchasers who had not owned Highland property before 1800. More landlords were obliged to sell due to the cost of famine relief. Those who were protected from the worst of the crisis were those with extensive rental income from sheep farms. Government loans were made available for drainage works, road building and other improvements and many crofters became temporary migrants – taking work in the Lowlands. When the potato famine ceased in 1856, this established a pattern of more extensive working away from the Highlands.
The unequal concentration of land ownership remained an emotional and controversial subject, of enormous importance to the Highland economy, and eventually became a cornerstone of liberal radicalism. The poor crofters were politically powerless, and many of them turned to religion. They embraced the popularly oriented, fervently evangelical Presbyterian revival after 1800. Most joined the breakaway "Free Church" after 1843. This evangelical movement was led by lay preachers who themselves came from the lower strata, and whose preaching was implicitly critical of the established order. The religious change energised the crofters and separated them from the landlords; it helped prepare them for their successful and violent challenge to the landlords in the 1880s through the Highland Land League. Violence erupted, starting on the Isle of Skye, when Highland landlords cleared their lands for sheep and deer parks. It was quietened when the government stepped in, passing the Crofters' Holdings (Scotland) Act, 1886 to reduce rents, guarantee fixity of tenure, and break up large estates to provide crofts for the homeless. This contrasted with the Irish Land War underway at the same time, where the Irish were intensely politicised through roots in Irish nationalism, while political dimensions were limited. In 1885 three Independent Crofter candidates were elected to Parliament, which listened to their pleas. The results included explicit security for the Scottish smallholders in the "crofting counties"; the legal right to bequeath tenancies to descendants; and the creation of a Crofting Commission. The Crofters as a political movement faded away by 1892, and the Liberal Party gained their votes.
Today, the Highlands are the largest of Scotland's whisky producing regions; the relevant area runs from Orkney to the Isle of Arran in the south and includes the northern isles and much of Inner and Outer Hebrides, Argyll, Stirlingshire, Arran, as well as sections of Perthshire and Aberdeenshire. (Other sources treat The Islands, except Islay, as a separate whisky producing region.) This massive area has over 30 distilleries, or 47 when the Islands sub-region is included in the count. According to one source, the top five are The Macallan, Glenfiddich, Aberlour, Glenfarclas and Balvenie. While Speyside is geographically within the Highlands, that region is specified as distinct in terms of whisky productions. Speyside single malt whiskies are produced by about 50 distilleries.
According to Visit Scotland, Highlands whisky is "fruity, sweet, spicy, malty". Another review states that Northern Highlands single malt is "sweet and full-bodied", the Eastern Highlands and Southern Highlands whiskies tend to be "lighter in texture" while the distilleries in the Western Highlands produce single malts with a "much peatier influence".
The Scottish Reformation achieved partial success in the Highlands. Roman Catholicism remained strong in some areas, owing to remote locations and the efforts of Franciscan missionaries from Ireland, who regularly came to celebrate Mass. There remain significant Catholic strongholds within the Highlands and Islands such as Moidart and Morar on the mainland and South Uist and Barra in the southern Outer Hebrides. The remoteness of the region and the lack of a Gaelic-speaking clergy undermined the missionary efforts of the established church. The later 18th century saw somewhat greater success, owing to the efforts of the SSPCK missionaries and to the disruption of traditional society after the Battle of Culloden in 1746. In the 19th century, the evangelical Free Churches, which were more accepting of Gaelic language and culture, grew rapidly, appealing much more strongly than did the established church.
For the most part, however, the Highlands are considered predominantly Protestant, belonging to the Church of Scotland. In contrast to the Catholic southern islands, the northern Outer Hebrides islands (Lewis, Harris and North Uist) have an exceptionally high proportion of their population belonging to the Protestant Free Church of Scotland or the Free Presbyterian Church of Scotland. The Outer Hebrides have been described as the last bastion of Calvinism in Britain and the Sabbath remains widely observed. Inverness and the surrounding area has a majority Protestant population, with most locals belonging to either The Kirk or the Free Church of Scotland. The church maintains a noticeable presence within the area, with church attendance notably higher than in other parts of Scotland. Religion continues to play an important role in Highland culture, with Sabbath observance still widely practised, particularly in the Hebrides.
In traditional Scottish geography, the Highlands refers to that part of Scotland north-west of the Highland Boundary Fault, which crosses mainland Scotland in a near-straight line from Helensburgh to Stonehaven. However the flat coastal lands that occupy parts of the counties of Nairnshire, Morayshire, Banffshire and Aberdeenshire are often excluded as they do not share the distinctive geographical and cultural features of the rest of the Highlands. The north-east of Caithness, as well as Orkney and Shetland, are also often excluded from the Highlands, although the Hebrides are usually included. The Highland area, as so defined, differed from the Lowlands in language and tradition, having preserved Gaelic speech and customs centuries after the anglicisation of the latter; this led to a growing perception of a divide, with the cultural distinction between Highlander and Lowlander first noted towards the end of the 14th century. In Aberdeenshire, the boundary between the Highlands and the Lowlands is not well defined. There is a stone beside the A93 road near the village of Dinnet on Royal Deeside which states 'You are now in the Highlands', although there are areas of Highland character to the east of this point.
A much wider definition of the Highlands is that used by the Scotch whisky industry. Highland single malts are produced at distilleries north of an imaginary line between Dundee and Greenock, thus including all of Aberdeenshire and Angus.
Inverness is regarded as the Capital of the Highlands, although less so in the Highland parts of Aberdeenshire, Angus, Perthshire and Stirlingshire which look more to Aberdeen, Dundee, Perth, and Stirling as their commercial centres.
The Highland Council area, created as one of the local government regions of Scotland, has been a unitary council area since 1996. The council area excludes a large area of the southern and eastern Highlands, and the Western Isles, but includes Caithness. Highlands is sometimes used, however, as a name for the council area, as in the former Highlands and Islands Fire and Rescue Service. Northern is also used to refer to the area, as in the former Northern Constabulary. These former bodies both covered the Highland council area and the island council areas of Orkney, Shetland and the Western Isles.
Much of the Highlands area overlaps the Highlands and Islands area. An electoral region called Highlands and Islands is used in elections to the Scottish Parliament: this area includes Orkney and Shetland, as well as the Highland Council local government area, the Western Isles and most of the Argyll and Bute and Moray local government areas. Highlands and Islands has, however, different meanings in different contexts. It means Highland (the local government area), Orkney, Shetland, and the Western Isles in Highlands and Islands Fire and Rescue Service. Northern, as in Northern Constabulary, refers to the same area as that covered by the fire and rescue service.
There have been trackways from the Lowlands to the Highlands since prehistoric times. Many traverse the Mounth, a spur of mountainous land that extends from the higher inland range to the North Sea slightly north of Stonehaven. The most well-known and historically important trackways are the Causey Mounth, Elsick Mounth, Cryne Corse Mounth and Cairnamounth.
Although most of the Highlands is geographically on the British mainland, it is somewhat less accessible than the rest of Britain; thus most UK couriers categorise it separately, alongside Northern Ireland, the Isle of Man, and other offshore islands. They thus charge additional fees for delivery to the Highlands, or exclude the area entirely. While the physical remoteness from the largest population centres inevitably leads to higher transit cost, there is confusion and consternation over the scale of the fees charged and the effectiveness of their communication, and the use of the word Mainland in their justification. Since the charges are often based on postcode areas, many far less remote areas, including some which are traditionally considered part of the lowlands, are also subject to these charges. Royal Mail is the only delivery network bound by a Universal Service Obligation to charge a uniform tariff across the UK. This, however, applies only to mail items and not larger packages which are dealt with by its Parcelforce division.
The Highlands lie to the north and west of the Highland Boundary Fault, which runs from Arran to Stonehaven. This part of Scotland is largely composed of ancient rocks from the Cambrian and Precambrian periods which were uplifted during the later Caledonian Orogeny. Smaller formations of Lewisian gneiss in the northwest are up to 3 billion years old. The overlying rocks of the Torridon Sandstone form mountains in the Torridon Hills such as Liathach and Beinn Eighe in Wester Ross.
These foundations are interspersed with many igneous intrusions of a more recent age, the remnants of which have formed mountain massifs such as the Cairngorms and the Cuillin of Skye. A significant exception to the above are the fossil-bearing beds of Old Red Sandstone found principally along the Moray Firth coast and partially down the Highland Boundary Fault. The Jurassic beds found in isolated locations on Skye and Applecross reflect the complex underlying geology. They are the original source of much North Sea oil. The Great Glen is formed along a transform fault which divides the Grampian Mountains to the southeast from the Northwest Highlands.
The entire region was covered by ice sheets during the Pleistocene ice ages, save perhaps for a few nunataks. The complex geomorphology includes incised valleys and lochs carved by the action of mountain streams and ice, and a topography of irregularly distributed mountains whose summits have similar heights above sea-level, but whose bases depend upon the amount of denudation to which the plateau has been subjected in various places.
Climate
The region is much warmer than other areas at similar latitudes (such as Kamchatka in Russia, or Labrador in Canada) because of the Gulf Stream making it cool, damp and temperate. The Köppen climate classification is "Cfb" at low altitudes, then becoming "Cfc", "Dfc" and "ET" at higher altitudes.
Places of interest
An Teallach
Aonach Mòr (Nevis Range ski centre)
Arrochar Alps
Balmoral Castle
Balquhidder
Battlefield of Culloden
Beinn Alligin
Beinn Eighe
Ben Cruachan hydro-electric power station
Ben Lomond
Ben Macdui (second highest mountain in Scotland and UK)
Ben Nevis (highest mountain in Scotland and UK)
Cairngorms National Park
Cairngorm Ski centre near Aviemore
Cairngorm Mountains
Caledonian Canal
Cape Wrath
Carrick Castle
Castle Stalker
Castle Tioram
Chanonry Point
Conic Hill
Culloden Moor
Dunadd
Duart Castle
Durness
Eilean Donan
Fingal's Cave (Staffa)
Fort George
Glen Coe
Glen Etive
Glen Kinglas
Glen Lyon
Glen Orchy
Glenshee Ski Centre
Glen Shiel
Glen Spean
Glenfinnan (and its railway station and viaduct)
Grampian Mountains
Hebrides
Highland Folk Museum – The first open-air museum in the UK.
Highland Wildlife Park
Inveraray Castle
Inveraray Jail
Inverness Castle
Inverewe Garden
Iona Abbey
Isle of Staffa
Kilchurn Castle
Kilmartin Glen
Liathach
Lecht Ski Centre
Loch Alsh
Loch Ard
Loch Awe
Loch Assynt
Loch Earn
Loch Etive
Loch Fyne
Loch Goil
Loch Katrine
Loch Leven
Loch Linnhe
Loch Lochy
Loch Lomond
Loch Lomond and the Trossachs National Park
Loch Lubnaig
Loch Maree
Loch Morar
Loch Morlich
Loch Ness
Loch Nevis
Loch Rannoch
Loch Tay
Lochranza
Luss
Meall a' Bhuiridh (Glencoe Ski Centre)
Scottish Sea Life Sanctuary at Loch Creran
Rannoch Moor
Red Cuillin
Rest and Be Thankful stretch of A83
River Carron, Wester Ross
River Spey
River Tay
Ross and Cromarty
Smoo Cave
Stob Coire a' Chàirn
Stac Polly
Strathspey Railway
Sutherland
Tor Castle
Torridon Hills
Urquhart Castle
West Highland Line (scenic railway)
West Highland Way (Long-distance footpath)
Wester Ross
The alpaca (Lama pacos) is a species of South American camelid mammal. It is similar to, and often confused with, the llama. However, alpacas are often noticeably smaller than llamas. The two animals are closely related and can successfully crossbreed. Both species are believed to have been domesticated from their wild relatives, the vicuña and guanaco. There are two breeds of alpaca: the Suri alpaca and the Huacaya alpaca.
Alpacas are kept in herds that graze on the level heights of the Andes of Southern Peru, Western Bolivia, Ecuador, and Northern Chile at an altitude of 3,500 to 5,000 metres (11,000 to 16,000 feet) above sea level. Alpacas are considerably smaller than llamas, and unlike llamas, they were not bred to be working animals, but were bred specifically for their fiber. Alpaca fiber is used for making knitted and woven items, similar to sheep's wool. These items include blankets, sweaters, hats, gloves, scarves, a wide variety of textiles, and ponchos, in South America, as well as sweaters, socks, coats, and bedding in other parts of the world. The fiber comes in more than 52 natural colors as classified in Peru, 12 as classified in Australia, and 16 as classified in the United States.
Alpacas communicate through body language. The most common is spitting to show dominance when they are in distress, fearful, or feel agitated. Male alpacas are more aggressive than females, and tend to establish dominance within their herd group. In some cases, alpha males will immobilize the head and neck of a weaker or challenging male in order to show their strength and dominance.
In the textile industry, "alpaca" primarily refers to the hair of Peruvian alpacas, but more broadly it refers to a style of fabric originally made from alpaca hair, such as mohair, Icelandic sheep wool, or even high-quality wool from other breeds of sheep. In trade, distinctions are made between alpacas and the several styles of mohair and luster.
An adult alpaca generally is between 81 and 99 centimetres (32 and 39 inches) in height at the shoulders (withers). They usually weigh between 48 and 90 kilograms (106 and 198 pounds). Raised in the same conditions, the difference in weight can be small with males weighting around 22.3 kilograms (49 lb 3 oz) and females 21.3 kilograms (46 lb 15 oz).
Background
The relationship between alpacas and vicuñas was disputed for many years. In the 18th and 19th centuries, the four South American lamoid species were assigned scientific names. At that time, the alpaca was assumed to be descended from the llama, ignoring similarities in size, fleece and dentition between the alpaca and the vicuña. Classification was complicated by the fact that all four species of South American camelid can interbreed and produce fertile offspring. The advent of DNA technology made a more accurate classification possible.
In 2001, the alpaca genus classification changed from Lama pacos to Vicugna pacos, following the presentation of a paper on work by Miranda Kadwell et al. on alpaca DNA to the Royal Society showing the alpaca is descended from the vicuña, not the guanaco.
Origin and domestication
Alpacas were domesticated thousands of years ago. The Moche people of Northern Peru often used alpaca images in their art. There are no known wild alpacas, and its closest living relative, the vicuña (also native to South America), is the wild ancestor of the alpaca.
The family Camelidae first appeared in Americas 40–45 million years ago, during the Eocene period, from the common ancestor, Protylopus. The descendants divided into Camelini and Lamini tribes, taking different migratory patterns to Asia and South America, respectively. Although the camelids became extinct in North America around 3 million years ago, it flourished in the South with the species we see today. It was not until 2–5 million years ago, during the Pliocene, that the genus Hemiauchenia of the tribe Lamini split into Palaeolama and Lama; the latter would then split again into Lama and Vicugna upon migrating down to South America.
Remains of vicuña and guanaco dating around 12,000 years have been found throughout Peru. Their domesticated counterparts, the llama and alpaca, have been found mummified in the Moquegua valley, in the south of Peru, dating back 900 to 1000 years. Mummies found in this region show two breeds of alpacas. More precise analysis of bone and teeth of these mummies has demonstrated that alpacas were domesticated from the Vicugna vicugna. Other research, considering the behavioral and morphological characteristics of alpacas and their wild counterparts, seems to indicate that alpacas could find their origins in Lama guanicoe as well as Vicugna vicugna, or even a hybrid of both.
Genetic analysis shows a different picture of the origins of the alpaca. Analysis of mitochondrial DNA shows that most alpacas have guanaco mtDNA, and many also have vicuña mtDNA. But microsatellite data shows that alpaca DNA is much more similar to vicuña DNA than to guanaco DNA. This suggests that alpacas are descendants of the Vicugna vicugna, not of the Lama guanicoe. The discrepancy with mtDNA seems to be a result of the fact that mtDNA is only transmitted by the mother, and recent husbandry practices have caused hybridization between llamas (which primarily carry guanaco DNA) and alpacas. To the extent that many of today's domestic alpacas are the result of male alpacas bred to female llamas, this would explain the mtDNA consistent with guanacos. This situation has led to attempts to reclassify the alpaca as Vicugna pacos.
Breeds
The alpaca comes in two breeds, Suri and Huacaya, based on their fibers rather than scientific or European classifications.
(Museum of Osteology)
Huacaya alpacas are the most commonly found, constituting about 90% of the population. The Huacaya alpaca is thought to have originated in post-colonial Peru. This is due to their thicker fleece which makes them more suited to survive in the higher altitudes of the Andes after being pushed into the highlands of Peru with the arrival of the Spanish.
Suri alpacas represent a smaller portion of the total alpaca population, around 10%. They are thought to have been more prevalent in pre-Columbian Peru since they could be kept at a lower altitude where a thicker fleece was not needed for harsh weather conditions.
Behavior
Alpacas are social herd animals that live in family groups, consisting of a territorial alpha male, females, and their young ones. Alpacas warn the herd about intruders by making sharp, noisy inhalations that sound like a high-pitched bray. The herd may attack smaller predators with their front feet and can spit and kick. Their aggression towards members of the canid family (coyotes, foxes, dogs etc.) is exploited when alpacas are used as guard llamas for guarding sheep.
Alpacas can sometimes be aggressive, but they can also be very gentle, intelligent, and extremely observant. For the most part, alpacas are very quiet, but male alpacas are more energetic when they get involved in fighting with other alpacas. When they prey, they are cautious but also nervous when they feel any type of threat. They can feel threatened when a person or another alpaca comes up from behind them.
Alpacas set their own boundaries of "personal space" within their families and groups.They make a hierarchy in some sense, and each alpaca is aware of the dominant animals in each group. Body language is the key to their communication. It helps to maintain their order. One example of their body communication includes a pose named broadside, where their ears are pulled back and they stand sideways. This pose is used when male alpacas are defending their territory.
When they are young, they tend to follow larger objects and to sit near or under them. An example of this is a baby alpaca with its mother. This can also apply when an alpaca passes by an older alpaca.
Training
Alpacas are generally very trainable and usually respond to reward, most commonly in the form of food. They can usually be petted without getting agitated, especially if one avoids petting the head or neck. Alpacas are usually quite easy to herd, even in large groups. However, during herding, it is recommended for the handler to approach the animals slowly and quietly, as failing to do so can result in danger for both the animals and the handler.
Alpacas and llamas have started showing up in U.S. nursing homes and hospitals as trained, certified therapy animals. The Mayo Clinic says animal-assisted therapy can reduce pain, depression, anxiety, and fatigue. This type of animal therapy is growing in popularity, and there are several organizations throughout the United States that participate.
Spitting
Not all alpacas spit, but all are capable of doing so. "Spit" is somewhat euphemistic; occasionally the projectile contains only air and a little saliva, although alpacas commonly bring up acidic stomach contents (generally a green, grassy mix) and project it onto their chosen targets. Spitting is mostly reserved for other alpacas, but an alpaca will also occasionally spit at a human.
Spitting can result in what is called "sour mouth". Sour mouth is characterized by "a loose-hanging lower lip and a gaping mouth."
Alpacas can spit for several reasons. A female alpaca spits when she is not interested in a male alpaca, typically when she thinks that she is already impregnated. Both sexes of alpaca keep others away from their food, or anything they have their eyes on. Most give a slight warning before spitting by blowing air out and raising their heads, giving their ears a "pinned" appearance.
Alpacas can spit up to ten feet if they need to. For example, if another animal does not back off, the alpaca will throw up its stomach contents, resulting in a lot of spit.
Some signs of stress which can lead to their spitting habits include: humming, a wrinkle under their eye, drooling, rapid breathing, and stomping their feet. When alpacas show any sign of interest or alertness, they tend to sniff their surroundings, watch closely, or stand quietly in place and stare.
When it comes to reproduction, they spit because it is a response triggered by the progesterone levels being increased, which is associated with ovulation.
Hygiene
Alpacas use a communal dung pile, where they do not graze. This behaviour tends to limit the spread of internal parasites. Generally, males have much tidier, and fewer dung piles than females, which tend to stand in a line and all go at once. One female approaches the dung pile and begins to urinate and/or defecate, and the rest of the herd often follows. Alpaca waste is collected and used as garden fertilizer or even natural fertilizer.
Because of their preference for using a dung pile for excreting bodily waste, some alpacas have been successfully house-trained.
Alpacas develop dental hygiene problems which affect their eating and behavior. Warning signs include protracted chewing while eating, or food spilling out of their mouths. Poor body condition and sunken cheeks are also telltales of dental problems.
Alpacas make a variety of sounds:
Humming: When alpacas are born, the mother and baby hum constantly. They also hum as a sign of distress, especially when they are separated from their herd. Alpacas may also hum when curious, happy, worried or cautious.
Snorting: Alpacas snort when another alpaca is invading its space.
Grumbling: Alpacas grumble to warn each other. For example, when one is invading another's personal space, it sounds like gurgling.
Clucking: Similar to a hen's cluck, alpacas cluck when a mother is concerned for her cria. Male alpacas cluck to signal friendly behavior.
Screaming: Their screams are extremely deafening and loud. They will scream when they are not handled correctly or when they are being attacked by a potential enemy.
Screeching: A bird-like cry, presumably intended to terrify the opponent. This sound is typically used by male alpacas when they are in a fight over dominance. When a female screeches, it is more of a growl when she is angry.
Reproduction
Females are induced ovulators; meaning the act of mating and the presence of semen causes them to ovulate. Females usually conceive after just one breeding, but occasionally do have trouble conceiving. Artificial insemination is technically difficult, expensive and not common, but it can be accomplished. Embryo transfer is more widespread.
A male is usually ready to mate for the first time between two and three years of age. It is not advisable to allow a young female to be bred until she is mature and has reached two-thirds of her mature weight. Over-breeding a young female before conception is possibly a common cause of uterine infections. As the age of maturation varies greatly between individuals, it is usually recommended that novice breeders wait until females are 18 months of age or older before initiating breeding.
Alpacas can breed at any time throughout the year but it is more difficult to breed in the winter. Most breed during autumn or late spring. The most popular way to have alpacas mate is pen mating. Pen mating is when they move both the female and the desired male into a pen. Another way is paddock mating where one male alpaca is let loose in the paddock with several female alpacas.
The gestation period is, on average, 11.5 months, and usually results in a single offspring, or cria. Twins are rare, occurring about once per 1000 deliveries. Cria are generally between 15 and 19 pounds, and are standing 30 to 90 minutes after birth. After a female gives birth, she is generally receptive to breeding again after about two weeks. Crias may be weaned through human intervention at about six months old and 60 pounds, but many breeders prefer to allow the female to decide when to wean her offspring; they can be weaned earlier or later depending on their size and emotional maturity.
The average lifespan of an alpaca is between 15 and 20 years, and the longest-lived alpaca on record is 27 years.
Pests and diseases
Cattle tuberculosis can also infect alpacas: Mycobacterium bovis also causes TB in this species worldwide. Krajewska‐Wędzina et al., 2020 detect M. bovis in individuals traded from the United Kingdom to Poland. To accomplish this they develop a seroassay which correctly identifies positive subjects which are false negative for a common skin test. Krajewska‐Wędzina et al. also find that alpacas are unusual in mounting a competent early-infection immune response. Bernitz et al., 2021 believe this to generalise to all camelids.
Habitat and lifestyle
Alpacas can be found throughout most of South America. They typically live in temperate conditions in the mountains with high altitudes.
They are easy to care for since they are not limited to a specific type of environment. Animals such as flamingos, condors, spectacled bears, mountain lions, coyotes, llamas, and sheep live near alpacas when they are in their natural habitat.
Population
Alpacas are native to Peru, but can be found throughout the globe in captivity. Peru currently has the largest alpaca population, with over half the world's animals. The population declined drastically after the Spanish Conquistadors invaded the Andes mountains in 1532, after which 98% of the animals were destroyed. The Spanish also brought with them diseases that were fatal to alpacas.
European conquest forced the animals to move higher into the mountains, which remained there permanently. Although alpacas had almost been wiped out completely, they were rediscovered sometime during the 19th century by Europeans. After finding uses for them, the animals became important to societies during the industrial revolution.
In popular culture
Nuzzle and Scratch was a British children's television programme featuring two fictional alpacas that was first broadcast between 2008 and 2011.
Interest in alpacas grew as a result of Depp v. Heard, the 2022 trial in which Johnny Depp sued Amber Heard for defamation in Virginia after Heard wrote an op-ed saying she was a public victim of domestic violence. Depp testified, under oath, that he would not make another Pirates of the Caribbean film for "300 million dollars and a million alpacas".
Diet
Alpacas chew their food which ends up being mixed with their cud and saliva and then they swallow it. Alpacas usually eat 1.5% of their body weight daily for normal growth. They mainly need pasture grass, hay, or silage but some may also need supplemental energy and protein foods and they will also normally try to chew on almost anything (e.g. empty bottle). Most alpaca ranchers rotate their feeding grounds so the grass can regrow and fecal parasites may die before reusing the area. Pasture grass is a great source of protein. When seasons change, the grass loses or gains more protein. For example, in the spring, the pasture grass has about 20% protein while in the summer, it only has 6%. They need more energy supplements in the winter to produce body heat and warmth. They get their fiber from hay or from long stems which provides them with vitamin E. Green grass contains vitamin A and E.
Alpacas can eat natural unfertilized grass; however, ranchers can also supplement grass with low-protein grass hay. To provide selenium and other necessary vitamins, ranchers will feed their domestic alpacas a daily dose of grain to provide additional nutrients that are not fully obtained from their primary diet. Alpacas may obtain the necessary vitamins in their native grazing ranges.
Digestion
Alpacas, like other camelids, have a three-chambered stomach; combined with chewing cud, this three-chambered system allows maximum extraction of nutrients from low-quality forages. Alpacas are not ruminants, pseudo-ruminants, or modified ruminants, as there are many differences between the anatomy and physiology of a camelid and a ruminant stomach.
Alpacas will chew their food in a figure eight motion, swallow the food, and then pass it into one of the stomach's chambers. The first and second chambers (called C1 and C2) are anaerobic fermentation chambers where the fermentation process begins. The alpaca will further absorb nutrients and water in the first part of the third chamber. The end of the third chamber (called C3) is where the stomach secretes acids to digest food and is the likely place where an alpaca will have ulcers if stressed.
Poisonous plants
Many plants are poisonous to the alpaca, including the bracken fern, Madagascar ragwort, oleander, and some azaleas. In common with similar livestock, others include acorns, African rue, agave, amaryllis, autumn crocus, bear grass, broom snakeweed, buckwheat, ragweed, buttercups, calla lily, orange tree foliage, carnations, castor beans, and many others.
Fiber
Main article: Alpaca fiber
Alpacas are typically sheared once per year in the spring. Each shearing produces approximately 2.3 to 4.5 kilograms (5 to 10 pounds) of fiber per alpaca. An adult alpaca might produce 1.4 to 2.6 kilograms (50 to 90 ounces) of first-quality fiber as well as 1.4 to 2.8 kilograms (50 to 100 ounces) of second- and third-quality fiber. The quality of alpaca fiber is determined by how crimpy it is. Typically, the greater the number of small folds in the fiber, the greater the quality.
Prices
Alpacas were the subject of a speculative bubble between their introduction to North America in 1984 and the early 21st century. The price for American alpacas ranged from US$50 for a castrated male (gelding) to US$675,000 for the highest in the world, depending on breeding history, sex, and color. In 2006, researchers warned that the higher prices sought for alpaca breeding stock were largely speculative and not supported by market fundamentals, given the low inherent returns per head from the main end product, alpaca fiber, and prices into the $100s per head rather than $10,000s would be required for a commercially viable fiber production herd.
Marketed as "the investment you can hug" in television commercials by the Alpaca Owners and Breeders Association, the market for alpacas was almost entirely dependent on breeding and selling animals to new buyers, a classic sign of speculative bubbles in livestock. The bubble burst in 2007, with the price of alpaca breeding stock dropping by thousands of dollars each year thereafter. Many farmers found themselves unable to sell animals for any price, or even give them away.
It is possible to raise up to 25 alpacas per hectare (10/acre), as they have a designated area for waste products and keep their eating area away from their waste area. However, this ratio differs from country to country and is highly dependent on the quality of pasture available (in many desert locations it is generally only possible to run one to three animals per acre due to lack of suitable vegetation). Fiber quality is the primary variant in the price achieved for alpaca wool; in Australia, it is common to classify the fiber by the thickness of the individual hairs and by the amount of vegetable matter contained in the supplied shearings.
Livestock
Alpacas need to eat 1–2% of their body weight per day, so about two 27 kg (60 lb) bales of grass hay per month per animal. When formulating a proper diet for alpacas, water and hay analysis should be performed to determine the proper vitamin and mineral supplementation program. Two options are to provide free choice salt/mineral powder or feed a specially formulated ration. Indigenous to the highest regions of the Andes, this harsh environment has created an extremely hardy animal, so only minimal housing and predator fencing are needed. The alpacas' three-chambered stomachs allow for extremely efficient digestion. There are no viable seeds in the manure, because alpacas prefer to only eat tender plant leaves, and will not consume thick plant stems; therefore, alpaca manure does not need composting to enrich pastures or ornamental landscaping. Nail and teeth trimming are needed every six to twelve months, along with annual shearing.
Similar to ruminants, such as cattle and sheep, alpacas have only lower teeth at the front of their mouths; therefore, they do not pull the grass up by the roots. Rotating pastures is still important, though, as alpacas have a tendency to regraze an area repeatedly. Alpacas are fiber-producing animals; they do not need to be slaughtered to reap their product, and their fiber is a renewable resource that grows yearly.
Cultural presence
Alpacas are closely tied to cultural practices for Andeans people. Prior to colonization, the image of the alpaca was used in rituals and in their religious practices. Since the people in the region depended heavily on these animals for their sustenance, the alpaca was seen as a gift from Pachamama. Alpacas were used for their meat, fibers for clothing, and art, and their images in the form of conopas.
Conopas take their appearance from the Suri alpacas, with long locks flanking their sides and bangs covering the eyes, and a depression on the back. This depression is used in ritual practices, usually filled with coca leaves and fat from alpacas and lamas, to bring fertility and luck. While their use was prevalent before colonization, the attempts to convert the Andean people to Catholicism led to the acquisition of more than 3,400 conopas in Lima alone.
The origin of alpacas is depicted in legend; the legend states they came to be in the world after a goddess fell in love with a man. The goddess' father only allowed her to be with her lover if he cared for her herd of alpacas. On top of caring for the herd, he was to always carry a small animal for his entire life. As the goddess came into our world, the alpacas followed her. Everything was fine until the man set the small animal down, and the goddess fled back to her home. On her way back home, the man attempted to stop her and her herd from fleeing. While he was not able to stop her from returning, he was able to stop a few alpacas from returning. These alpacas who did not make it back are said to be seen today in the swampy lands in the Andes waiting for the end of the world, so they may return to their goddess.
www.twitter.com/Memoire2cite le Logement Collectif* 50,60,70's dans tous ses états..Histoire & Mémoire de l'Habitat / Rétro-Villes / HLM / Banlieue / Renouvellement Urbain / Urbanisme URBANISME S’imaginer Paris et le Grand Paris @ URBANISME S’imaginer Paris et le Grand Paris @ Les 50ans d'Apur 50ans.apur.org/#intro @ Les films du MRU @ les AUTOROUTES - Les liaisons moins dangereuses 1972 la construction des autoroutes en France - Le réseau autoroutier 1960 Histoire de France Transports et Communications - dailymotion.com/video/xxi0ae?playlist=x34ije … @ Où en est l'histoire urbaine des sociétés contemporaines ? Cet ouvrage, inspiré par Annie Fourcaut, qui contribua de manière décisive à son développement, propose un état des lieux de ce champ et explore des pistes de recherche ouvrant l'histoire urbaine à une variété de " genres ".où en est l'histoire urbaine des sociétés contemporaines ? Cet ouvrage, inspiré par Annie Fourcaut, qui contribua de manière décisive à son développement, propose un état des lieux de ce champ. De Femmes à l'usine (1981), Bobigny, banlieue rouge (1986), à La banlieue en morceaux (2000), en passant par les publications collectives qu'elle a coordonnées et les travaux qu'elle a encadrés, la trajectoire de cette historienne a conduit l'histoire sociale et politique – telle qu'on la pratiquait dans les années 1970 – vers une histoire urbaine renouvelée. Le livre revient sur cette évolution et explore des pistes de recherche ouvrant l'histoire urbaine à une variété de " genres ". Les auteurs, historiennes et historiens, sociologues, politistes, géographes, architectes, urbanistes et décideurs politiques proposent une histoire urbaine à la fois interdisciplinaire et ancrée dans la fabrique de la ville et ses représentations, portant la marque de sa dédicataire. Les quatre sections de l'ouvrage dessinent les chantiers qu'Annie Fourcaut a investis : " Du social à l'urbain " met en avant la conviction qu'étudier l'histoire des villes, c'est toujours faire de l'histoire sociale ; " Qu'elle était belle la banlieue " est centré sur les banlieues, son territoire d'étude de prédilection ; " Les habits neufs des politiques de la ville " interroge les politiques urbaines successives et leur transformation ; enfin, " Banc d'essai des modernités " propose une analyse historique de l'urbanisme, comme discipline et comme pratique.
www.twitter.com/Memoire2cite LES GRANDS ENSEMBLES @ L EXEMPLE DE DIJON «LE BILLARDON, HISTOIRE D’UN GRAND ENSEMBLE»Sylvain TABOURY, sociologue, enseignant à l’école d’architecture de Versailles.
Co-auteur avec Karine Gougerot, photographe, de Billardon, histoire d’un grand ensemble, paru aux éditions Créaphis en 2004. Texte communiqué à partir de la rencontre-débat du 20 mai 2005 Organisée par le Centre de Ressources Politique de la Ville en Essonne en partenariat avec Maison de Banlieue et de l’Architecture, le CAUE 91 et CINEAM
dans le cadre de l’exposition «Des ensembles assez grands: mémoire et projets en Essonne».
Cet ouvrage retrace l’histoire de la cité Jean-Billardon, barre de 14 étages et de 250 logements, à Dijon, premier grand ensemble de la ville, construit entre 1953 et 1955, démoli en 2003. Sélectionné parmi les immeubles significatifs de l’architecture du XXe siècle par la direction de l’Architecture et du Patrimoine (DAPA) du ministère de la Culture, Billardon était un symbole incontournable de l’histoire du quartier des Grésilles et de l’agglomération dijonnaise, ainsi qu’un formidable témoin de l’architecture novatrice de l’après-guerre. Sollicités par le service Inventaire de la Direction régionale des affaires culturelles de Bourgogne (Drac) et par l’Office public d’aménagement et de construction de Dijon (Opac), dans le cadre de l’opération de renouvellement urbain (ORU) du quartier des Grésilles, nous avons collecté et rassemblé, de janvier à juillet 2003, les traces de cette histoire, les archives, mais aussi les témoignages, recomposant des trajectoires familiales, professionnelles, des documents iconographiques et sonores. La restitution auprès des habitants et des partenaires du projet en octobre 2004, accompagnée d’une table ronde avec différents intervenants et acteurs du quartier, a été un moment fort, inscrit dans le processus de transformation engagé sur le quartier des Grésilles. Une exposition, intitulée «Mémoires de Billardon, fragments de vies», a également été présentée dans les locaux prestigieux du musée de la Vie bourguignonne de Dijon, du 14 octobre 2004 au 31 janvier 2005.Garder une trac De fait, la démolition de la Cité Billardon, le 4 juillet 2003, restera sans aucun doute un événement sensible dans la mémoire de nombre d’habitants de l’agglomération dijonnaise. Cette barre fut la première construction d’un tout nouveau quartier – le quartier des Grésilles –, à Dijon, où près de 4000 logements ont été construits Centre de Ressources Politique de la Ville en Essonne entre 1953 et 1966 – 14970 habitants en 1968, 8263 en 2003 – sur un terrain agricole demeuré nu, à l’est du territoire communal. Les 14 étages et 250 logements de l’immeuble, élevés au milieu des champs et des jardins familiaux, où un écriteau «Chasse interdite» était encore visible quelques années auparavant, faisaient alors l’admiration des très nombreux badauds venus visiter cette toute nouvelle Cité radieuse, construite tel un
Meccano de béton et d’acier.
« Immeuble révolutionnaire», «Meccano géant à l’échelle du monde moderne», les titres de la presse de l’époque donnent un aperçu de l’impact national et international de l’événement. «Des visiteurs étaient venus de toute la France et même de l’étranger, jeter un coup d’œil au chantier», rappelait un article de la presse locale le jour de la démolition.
Cette « barre » de 14 étages et de 250 logements, desservis par des coursives placées tous les trois niveaux, était une déclinaison appauvrie du modèle de la Cité radieuse du Corbusier, inaugurée le 14 octobre 1952. Les appartements étaient de deux types: les uns de deux et trois pièces,
situés dans les ailes, de disposition traditionnelle, orientés au sud et pourvus de loggias; les autres, de cinq pièces, situés au centre du bâtiment, du type
« duplex ». Huit espaces commerciaux avaient été aménagés en rez-dechaussée. Cependant, en dépit des ressemblances et de la qualité architecturale de l’édifice, l’immeuble n’était pas une unité d’habitation au sens où Le Corbusier l’entendait. L’originalité de la Cité Billardon tient en réalité au procédé constructif qui fut utilisé lors de son édification. Elle fut la toute première à expérimenter en France le procédé de préfabrication Estiot, réutilisé par la suite pour la construction de plusieurs grands ensembles, comme le Noyer-Renard à AthisMons, la Cité des 4000 à la Courneuve, la Grâce-de-Dieu à Caen, la Croixdes-Oiseaux et Champ-Fleury à Avignon, le Gros Buisson à Épinay, SainteBarbe à Metz, le Haut-du-Lièvre à Nancy, les tours du Lancy à Genève ou encore des bâtiments d’habitation à Alger. Le mode constructif, repris sur celui des gratte-ciel américains, associait l’acier en ossature et le béton en pré-enrobage avec une majeure partie réalisée en atelier. Le procédé donnait des résultats évidents: précision remarquable, rapidité d’exécution, peu ou pas d’installations de chantier – suppression des coffrages, des étayages, des échafaudages – et surtout économie considérable de main-d’œuvre. Il s’agissait des prémices d’industrialisation dite lourde du bâtiment. Forte de cette première expérience, la commune avait ensuite réalisé deux autres cités de même type, Épirey, puis Lochères. Mais le modèle de Billardon fut perverti: dans une logique de réduction des coûts de production et de rapidité d’exécution, tous les espaces peu productifs comme les logements en duplex, les cellules commerciales, ou les très grands halls, ont été supprimés. Les deux cités comprennent 348 logements, relativement mal desservis et sans attrait, des petits logements sur un seul niveau La démolition de Billardon n’a donc évidemment pas la même signification, Centre de Ressources Politique de la Ville en Essonne « BILLARDON, HISTOIRE D’UN GRAND ENSEMBLE » Centre de Ressources Politique de la Ville en Essonne ni les mêmes conséquences que celles d’Épirey ou des Lochères, déjà démolies en 1992 et 2000. Cet immeuble possédait une fonction symbolique incontestable, une place à part dans la vie des résidents qui s’y sont succédé, comme dans la mémoire des habitants du quartier. Les récits que nous avons pu recueillir auprès d’une trentaine d’anciens résidents de l’immeuble nous offrent différentes représentations de l’histoire de
Billardon, et des personnes qui y ont vécu ou travaillé d’avril 1955 à décembre 2002.
Les témoignages des plus anciens, arrivés parmi les premiers, en 1955, répondent aux histoires des plus jeunes, derniers occupants du rafiot, aujourd’hui démoli. Ils sont venus d’horizons divers, de Côte-d’Or, de Bretagne, d’Alsace, de la région parisienne, du Maroc, d’Algérie, du Portugal, du Cambodge ou d’ailleurs et leurs paroles traduisent l’enracinement profond de leurs souvenirs de Billardon, que certains n’auraient jamais voulu quitter. Bien sûr, la mémoire n’est pas «objective». Le discours s’élabore toujours à partir d’un présent et la disparition engendre certainement une nostalgie conduisant à magnifier les bons moments et à tempérer les plus pénibles. Mais en faisant imploser Billardon, c’est bien tout un pan de leur vie que l’on a réduit en poussière. Chaque témoin traduit avec ses mots ces petits faits de la vie quotidienne, souvent jugés sans importance, petits riens ou traumatismes, anecdotes ou événements tragiques, qui ont marqué leur sensibilité.« Une verrue dans le quartier»C’est pour ces différentes raisons esthétiques, historico-culturelles – témoignage de l’histoire des villes – et socio-symboliques – mémoire des hommes – que la Direction de l’Architecture et du Patrimoine (DAPA) du ministère de la
Culture avait décidé de répertorier la Cité Billardon parmi les immeubles représentatifs de l’architecture du XXe siècle. L’immeuble avait reçu le label
«Patrimoine du XXe siècle» à la fin des années 1990.
Or, ce processus de «patrimonialisation» était inconcevable pour de nombreuses personnalités locales, voire de nombreux habitants du quartier.
Stigmatisé comme une «verrue» dans le quartier, l’immeuble était devenu un véritable cauchemar: dégradations, violence, difficultés et «mal-vivre» constituaient le quotidien de locataires excédés, souvent «assignés à résidence».
Bagarres, agressions, cambriolages, drogue, vitres brisées, ascenseurs en panne, alimentaient manchettes de journaux et témoignages, décrivant le naufrage d’un immeuble à la dérive, devenu symbole de tous les maux. La démolition paraissait donc inéluctable, comme une délivrance, la promesse d’un avenir meilleur. Les partenaires institutionnels se devaient de mettre en scène leur capacité à changer la vie des habitants du quartier, réparer les erreurs d’une période de l’urbanisation contemporaine, dont Billardon était l’un des symboles les plus représentatifs.
L’idée d’une enquête ethnographique sur l’édifice et ses locataires avait donc « BILLARDON, HISTOIRE D’UN GRAND ENSEMBLE » Centre de Ressources Politique de la Ville en Essonne du mal à passer dans la réflexion de certains décideurs. La mise en œuvre du projet, initié par le service Inventaire de la Direction régionale des affaires culturelles (Drac) de Bourgogne, sur les budgets de l’opération de renouvellement urbain du quartier, fut bloquée administrativement pendant plusieurs mois. Entre-temps, tous les locataires de l’immeuble avaient été relogés… (la dernière famille quitte son logement le 23 décembre 2002).
Une histoire des grands ensembles?
Le travail de recherche historique sur les grands ensembles est rendu aujourd’hui d’autant plus difficile à faire comprendre que la ville issue des Trente Glorieuses est souvent considérée, avec la politique publique qui l’a programmée, comme une vaste erreur collective (A. Fourcaut). L’architecture des «tours» et des «barres», du «chem« BILLARDON, HISTOIRE D’UN GRAND ENSEMBLE »
Centre de Ressources Politique de la Ville en Essonne
phie, histoire et sociologie, de monographies locales – Saint-Étienne, Villeurbanne, etc. – publiés ces dernières années sur ce thème en témoigne clairement.Cependant, on est encore loin du compte. Si plusieurs urbanistes, historiens,
géographes ou sociologues1 ont récemment contribué à une meilleure connaissance du sujet au niveau national et international, l’histoire de ces quartiers d’habitat collectif reste un terrain largement méconnu, à peine exploré par les historiens locaux. En Essonne, à quelques exceptions près – Draveil, Viry-Châtillon, les Ulis, Athis-Mons ou Grigny –, rares sont les monographies ou les études locales à accorder une place de choix à l’analyse et à la présentation de ces bouleversements. Les mauvaises volontés, auxquelles nous avons parfois été confrontés dans le cadre de nos recherches dans le département témoignent des réticences que continue de susciter toute démarche d’enquête et d’analyse sur la mémoire et le devenir des grands ensembles.
La transformation en cours ou à venir d’une vingtaine de sites en Essonne dans le cadre du Programme national de rénovation urbaine, institué par la loi Borloo du 1er août 2003, et la priorité donnée à la démolition-reconstruction,
sur fond de crise du logement social, devraient pourtant poser avec plus d’acuité la question de l’appréciation de ce patrimoine départemental. De nombreuses communes mobilisées dans des programmes d’intervention n’ont qu’une vision très partielle de l’histoire de ces quartiers, de leurs évolutions, dont les conséquences ne sont envisagées le plus souvent qu’à travers le prisme d’une crise sociale impossible à juguler. Or, n’est-il pas singulier, voire dangereux, d’entreprendre des opérations de transformation urbaine aussi radicales, sans même commencer par chercher à comprendre comment, par qui et pour quelles raisons ces espaces ont été construits ou transformés, sans évaluer dans certains cas l’impact des politiques précédemment engagées?Richesse patrimoniale ou héritage encombrant, définir une nouvelle vision de la ville exige un travail d’enquête, d’expertise, une capitalisation des expériences, rarement mis en œuvre.Et c’est sans doute là le talon d’Achille d’une politique de transformation
urbaine menée dans l’urgence, qui ne peut se nourrir de capitalisation critique, et occulte le rôle crucial de l’accompagnement qualitatif et de la sensibilisation et/ou de la formation des élus, des services de l’État et des collectivités, des opérateurs et des aménageurs, des bailleurs.Ces images devenues presque ordinaires de parpaings, pans de bétons fracassés, vitres brisées laissent songeur: quel regard les résidents – et notamment
les plus jeunes – pourront-ils bien porter à l’avenir sur un environnement si violemment rejeté? Pourquoi respecter ce qui n’est bon qu’à être démoli?
Pour n’en citer que quelques-uns : FORTIN J-P., Grands ensembles. L’espace et ses raisons, Plan Urbanisme Construction Architecture (PUCA), 1997 ; PEILLON P., Utopie et désordre urbains. Essai sur les grands ensembles d’habitation, La Tour d’Aigues, Editions de l’Aube, 2001 ; DUFAUX F., FOURCAUT A., SKOUTELSKY R., Faire l’histoire des grands ensembles. Bibliographie 1950-1980, ENS éditions, 2003 ; TOMAS F., BLANC J-N., BONILLA M., Les grands ensembles, une histoire qui continue…, Publications de l’université de Saint-Etienne, 2003 ; DUFAUX F., FOURCAUT A. (dir.), Le monde des grands
ensembles, Créaphis, 2004.« Pour une histoire des grands ensembles en Essonne », Les Cahiers de la Maison de Banlieue et de l’Architecture, n° 11, mai 2005« BILLARDON, HISTOIRE D’UN GRAND ENSEMBLE »
Centre de Ressources Politique de la Ville en Essonne
Les enjeux du projet
À Dijon, le projet a mis de long mois à se concrétiser. L’enjeu de ce travail était double:
■ Un enjeu de connaissance et d’analyse de l’histoire et des différentes étapes de l’évolution urbaine et sociale de l’immeuble et du quartier, des vécus, trajectoires résidentielles et familiales des habitants de la cité. Il a été réalisé à travers:
– une recherche historique dans les archives du bailleur, de la commune, des journaux locaux, de l’agence d’urbanisme, etc., replaçant l’étude dans le contexte général de l’histoire de la France de la Reconstruction et des quarante dernières années;– une écoute, dévoilant les différentes représentations de ce quartier, non plus
à partir de critères ou de théories de spécialistes, mais en suivant pas à pas(mot à mot) les trajets, les images qu’y déposent les habitants et les acteursdu quartier. Le travail artistique – photographies, textes – ayant alors pour fonction de réintroduire ces regards croisés dans la circulation de la ville,d’en faire des éléments de partage, de réflexio« BILLARDON, HISTOIRE D’UN GRAND ENSEMBLE »Centre de Ressources Politique de la Ville en EssonneCes recherches ont permis de retracer les différentes étapes de construction et de transformation de cet immeuble dans son territoire, ainsi que l’évolution d sa composition socio-démographique. Une iconographie importante a pu être collectée et répertoriée sur CD-Rom. Une présence longue – deux à trois jours par semaine pendant cinq mois – a été assurée sur le terrain, favorisant notre immersion et l’observation du quotidien des habitants du quartier, le recueil d’une parole informelle, permettant d’expliciter notre démarche, ses objectifs, son intérêt, l’instauration d’une quotidienneté, de relations de confiance. Pour cela, une présence régulière aux différentes manifestations, aux réunions et aux événements publics liés au quartier et une fréquentation de lieux de rencontre et d’échanges préalablement identifiés ont été nécessaires.Des rencontres collectives et individuelles ont été organisées avec les partenaires – associations, structures et personnes-relais sur le quartier – nous permettant d’être rapidement identifiés et de baliser précisément notre rôle – le rôle de chacun – dans le projet, de recueillir leur connaissance du terrain, leurs représentations et leurs réflexions sur le projet. Les ateliers avec les techniciens, les élus et les associations concernées devaient définir précisément: ● les objectifs à court, moyen et, le cas échéant, long terme;
● les actions à court, moyen et long terme;
● les modalités de leur déroulement.
Ces rencontres avaient également pour objectif de faire fonctionner le«bouche-à-oreille», qui demeure bien souvent le principal vecteur d’information pour ce type de démarche. Elles nous permettaient également de nouer des premiers contacts avec les habitants et les personnes-relais impliqués dans la vie du quartier. Ont été mis en œuvre:
● un moment de rencontre-discussion avec les habitants sous la forme d’une soirée projection-débat: présentation du travail de recueil de mémoire, personnes et structures porteuses, méthodes, finalités; définition en commundes modalités de leur participation au projet.
● sollicitation et information de la presse locale (journaux, radio, télévision), des bulletins associatifs, de la communication institutionnelle (ville, communauté
d’agglomération, bailleur, etc.) pour relayer et présenter le plus précisément possible la démarche entreprise et les personnes en charge de ce travail;
● des entretiens compréhensifs, individuels, en couple ou en petits groupes sous la forme d’entretiens semi-directifs de type «récits de vie(s)», recueillisauprès d’habitants ou d’anciens habitants du quartier, de professionnels travaillant ou ayant exercé leur activité dans le quartier, d’élus ou de responsables associatifs.
« BILLARDON, HISTOIRE D’UN GRAND ENSEMBLE »
Centre de Ressources Politique de la Ville en Essonne
Les entretiens ont été enregistrés et traités sur support numérique – mini-disc –, et les documents et les objets soigneusement inventoriés et/ou scannés.Ces entretiens avaient pour objectifs d’enregistrer non pas l’histoire de ce quartier, mais la manière qu’avaient nos interlocuteurs de dire leur propre histoire, cequi faisait mémoire pour ces personnes en contact étroit avec le quartier, natifs ou de passage, enracinés ou nouveaux venus. Il s’agissait de souvenirs, d’impressions d’enfance, de petits faits de la vie quotidienne parfois jugés sans importance, d’événements heureux ou tragiques, qui ont marqué leur sensibilité. Cela supposait donc que l’on prenne le temps, précisément de parler et d’écouter. Les entretiens se sont déroulés de préférence au domicile des personnes, pas dans la rue ou une salle impersonnelle, mais dans la sphère privée plus à même de laisser subvenir ces épopées de l’intime. L’objectif n’était pas de faire une archéologie du quartier, ni même d’enfermer nos interlocuteurs dans la norme de la personne-type qui habite un grand ensemble, mais bien de montrer que cet immeuble était composé de fragmentsde vies, de destins d’hommes et de femmes singuliers. Il s’agissait de montrer
comment, à un moment donné, ces personnes, venues parfois d’horizons lointains, se sont arrêtées là et ont enrichi ce lieu de leurs histoires et de leurs trajectoires particulières.
Nous avons donc insisté sur les trajectoires familiales et professionnelles de chacun: origines, parcours résidentiels, étapes et ruptures de vies – mariage, naissances, emplois successifs, divorces, décès, etc. –, points de repères autour desquels chacun construit «son temps», étapes qui organisent la durée, le vécu familial, domestique, les faits d’une vie et les événements de l’histoire. Le souvenir trouve également un support concret dans l’espace et les multiplesbouleversements du bâti et du cadre de vie. Démolitions, reconstructions,aménagements, suscitent une perte de repères, et invitent d’autant plus à faireun travail de mémoire. Dans cette perspective, ont été évoqués les souvenirs attachés plus précisément au quartier des Grésilles et à l’immeuble Billardon.Les personnes interrogées ont été invitées à s’appuyer le plus largement possible sur des descriptions détaillées (déménagement, logements successifs, accessibilité au travail ou aux équipements et services, nombre et identité des commerces, relations de voisinage, espaces collectifs), leurs pratiques (loisirs, vie scolaire, pratiques commerciales, etc.), les événements (fêtes, accidents, etc.) ou personnes marquantes; leurs perceptions du quartier et de son évolution – qu’ils y habitent toujours ou pas –, leurs projections éventuelles dans l’avenir (liste de thèmes non exhaustive).De février à juin 2003, une quinzaine d’entretiens ont pu être réalisés auprès d’une trentaine d’anciens locataires de l’immeuble, des premiers résidents de
Billardon dans les années 1950 aux derniers occupants, récemment relogés. « BILLARDON, HISTOIRE D’UN GRAND ENSEMBLE » Centre de Ressources Politique de la Ville en Essonne Des outils pour l’action: la restitution Tout au long de l’étude, nous avons rencontré et consulté régulièrement l’ensemble des institutions et des partenaires concernés par la démarche, afin de leur soumettre les premiers éléments de notre travail, recueillir leurs commentaires, leurs suggestions et critiques. Ces rencontres ont été l’occasion de partager une réflexion, d’élaborer des propositions de restitution aux différents publics.Malgré nos craintes initiales, une restitution de qualité a pu être proposée aux habitants, grâce à l’implication très forte de l’Opac de Dijon, véritable porteur du projet, et dans une moindre mesure du service Inventaire de la Direction régionale des affaires culturelles de Bourgogne. Leur implication a permis de trouver différents partenaires financiers, comme la Caisse des Dépôts et Consignations ou la communauté d’agglomération.
De notre côté, sur la base du rapport et du reportage photographique que nous avions remis à nos commanditaires, nous avons pu convaincre les éditions
Créaphis, reconnues pour la qualité de leurs publications de documents d’histoire, de sciences sociales et de photographie, de formuler une proposition éditoriale de qualité. Sur la base de nos recommandations, deux pistes de restitution ont été privilégiées:
● une exposition, événement fort et fédérateur, pouvant susciter des échanges,des moments de rencontre entre habitants du quartier et résidents extérieurs,
dans une optique d’ouverture du quartier au reste de la ville, les productions de certains groupes d’habitants pouvant être également valorisées, ainsi que les objets ou films recueillis dans le cadre du projet;
● une publication, associant textes et documents d’archives sur l’histoire du quartier, une sélection de témoignages et de photographies professionnelles
et amateurs, et accompagnant cette exposition, pour une diffusion plus large des résultats de l’opération, et une appropriation durable du projet par les habitants du quartier et les autres résidents de l’agglomération.Cette restitution avait également pour objectif de mettre en lumière les différentes préoccupations des habitants, permettant aux acteurs de terrain de disposer d’une base de connaissances pour définir et programmer leurs interventions, à court, moyen et long terme. Un tel travail fait émerger des représentations collectives, des divergences, des tensions qu’il faut savoir analyser et traiter pour améliorer les rapports sociaux et les conditions de vie des habitants.Encore faut-il que ces paroles soient prises en compte pour permettre aux institutions de redéfinir leurs modes d’intervention sur la ville: vaste chantier… Sylvain TABOURY,sociologue, enseignant à l’école d’architecture de Versailles Les 30 Glorieuses . com et la carte postale.. Il existe de nos jours, de nombreux photographes qui privilégient la qualité artistique de leurs travaux cartophiles. A vous de découvrir ces artistes inconnus aujourd’hui, mais qui seront peut-être les grands noms de demain. Jérôme (Mémoire2Ville) #chercheur #archiviste #maquettiste dans l #histoire des #logementssociaux #logement #HLM #logementsocial #Patrimoine @ Les films du MRU -Industrialiser la construction, par le biais de la préfabrication.Cette industrialisation a abouti, dans les années 1950, à un choix politique de l'Etat, la construction massive de G.E. pour résoudre la très forte crise du logement dont souffrait la France www.youtube.com/watch?v=zR_jxCANYac&fbclid=IwAR2IzWlM... … Le temps de l'urbanisme, 1962, Réalisation : Philippe Brunet www.dailymotion.com/video/xgj2zz?playlist=x34ije … … … … -Les grands ensembles en images Les ministères en charge du logement et leur production audiovisuelle (1944-1966) MASSY - Les films du MRU - La Cité des hommes, 1966, Réalisation : Fréderic Rossif, Albert Knobler www.dailymotion.com/video/xgiqzr?playlist=x34i - Les films du MRU @ les AUTOROUTES - Les liaisons moins dangereuses 1972 la construction des autoroutes en France - Le réseau autoroutier 1960 Histoire de France Transports et Communications - www.dailymotion.com/video/xxi0ae?playlist=x34ije … - A quoi servaient les films produits par le MRU ministère de la Reconstruction et de l'Urbanisme ? la réponse de Danielle Voldman historienne spécialiste de la reconstruction www.dailymotion.com/video/x148qu4?playlist=x34ije … -les films du MRU - Bâtir mieux plus vite et moins cher 1975 l'industrialisation du bâtiment et ses innovations : la préfabrication en usine, le coffrage glissant... www.dailymotion.com/video/xyjudq?playlist=x34ije … - TOUT SUR LA CONSTRUCTION DE NOTRE DAME LA CATHEDRALE DE PARIS Içi www.notredamedeparis.fr/la-cathedrale/histoire/historique... -MRU Les films - Le Bonheur est dans le béton - 2015 Documentaire réalisé par Lorenz Findeisen produit par Les Films du Tambour de Soie içi www.dailymotion.com/video/x413amo?playlist=x34ije Noisy-le-Sec le laboratoire de la reconstruction, 1948 L'album cinématographique de la reconstruction maison préfabriquée production ministère de la Reconstruction et de l'Urbanisme, 1948 L'album cinématographique içi www.dailymotion.com/video/xwytke archipostcard.blogspot.com/search?updated-max=2009-02-13T... - - PRESQU'ILE DE GENNEVILLIERS...AUJOURD'HUI...DEMAIN... (LA video içi parcours.cinearchives.org/Les-films-PRESQU-ILE-DE-GENNEVI... … ) Ce film de la municipalité de Gennevilliers explique la démarche et les objectifs de l’exposition communale consacrée à la presqu’île, exposition qui se tint en déc 1972 et janvier 1973 - le mythe de Pruitt-Igoe en video içi nextcity.org/daily/entry/watch-the-trailer-for-the-pruitt... … - 1964, quand les loisirs n’avaient (deja) pas le droit de cité poke @Memoire2cite youtu.be/Oj64jFKIcAE - Devenir de la ZUP de La Paillade youtu.be/1qxAhsqsV8M v - Regard sur les barres Zum' youtu.be/Eow6sODGct8 v - MONTCHOVET EN CONSTRUCTION Saint Etienne, ses travaux - Vidéo Ina.fr www.ina.fr/video/LXF99004401 … via - La construction de la Grande Borne à Grigny en 1969 Archive INA www.youtube.com/watch?time_continue=12&v=t843Ny2p7Ww (discours excellent en seconde partie) -David Liaudet : l'image absolue, c'est la carte postale" phothistory.wordpress.com/2016/04/27/david-liaudet-limage... … l'architecture sanatoriale Histoire des sanatoriums en France (1915-1945). Une architecture en quête de rendement thérapeutique..
passy-culture.com/wp-content/uploads/2009/10/Les-15-Glori... … … & hal.archives-ouvertes.fr/tel-01935993/document Gwenaëlle Le Goullon (LAHRA), auteur du livre "la genèse des grands ensembles",& Danièle Voldman (CHS, Centre d'Histoire Sociale), expliquent le processus qui a conduit l'Etat, et le ministère de l'urbanisme &de la reconstruction à mener des chantiers exp www.youtube.com/watch?v=zR_jxCANYac&fbclid=IwAR2IzWlM... mémoire2cité & l'A.U.A. - Jacques Simon (1929 - 26 septembre 2015) est un architecte paysagiste formé à l'École des beaux-arts de Montréal et à l'École nationale supérieure du paysage de Versailles. Fasciné par la campagne qui témoigne d'une histoire de labeur, celle des agriculteurs "ses amis", "les génies de la terre", Jacques SIMON, paysagiste dplg, Premier Grand Prix du Paysage en 1990*, réalise avec eux des installations paysagères éphémères principalement dans des champs et visibles du ciel. Avec sa palette d'artiste, Jacques SIMON réinvente des paysages comme les agriculteurs eux-aussi à leur façon les créent et les entretiennent. Le CAUE du Rhône vous invite à venir découvrir ses travaux au travers d'un kaléidoscope de photographies empreintes de spontanéité, de fraîcheur et d'humour. Cette exposition nous interpelle sur le caractère essentiel d'une nature changeante, fragile, sur l'importance d'une activité agricole diversifiée et sur la nécessaire évolution du métier de paysan. Elle nous amène aussi à voir et à interpréter ce que l'on voit, elle éveille en nous le sens de la beauté du paysage en conjuguant les différentes échelles de perception et de lecture; à pied et à vol d'oiseau, à la fois l'échelle humaine, terrestre, géologique, forestière, hydrologique, biologique mais aussi esthétique et symbolique. Jacques Simon, paysagiste cosmopolite est l'un des principaux acteurs du renouveau de la pensée paysagère en France dans les années 60 et 70 conjuguant avec cohérence sa pratique de paysagiste, de voyageur, d'éditeur, d'enseignant avec son approche plus artistique du paysage, subtile, sensible et humaine de la nature avec la réalisation de "performances". Ses projets paysagers comme ses interventions paysagères éphémères sont marqués par la mobilité, la fragilité, une empathie avec le lieu, par la dualité même du voyage : découverte / évanouissement, création / disparition. Jacques Simon dessine, écrit sur le paysage, "une surface", un peu à la manière du land'art avec les techniques et les outils du jardinier, du cultivateur. Il ne s'agit plus de représenter la nature mais de l'utiliser en créant avec et dans le paysage. L'intention de Jacques Simon n'est pas d'apposer sa marque sur le paysage mais de travailler instinctivement avec lui afin que ses travaux-installations manifestent même brièvement un contact en harmonie avec le monde naturel. "On dit qu'il a bouleversé l'esprit du paysage, il a remis les choses essentielles à leur place. Il rit de l'importance qu'on veut bien lui donner, fils de l'air, il ne veut rien de plus que passer dans les cerveaux pour les ventiler, les rafraîchir et non pour les modeler; son "importance", il l'a ailleurs et autrement; il est historique parce que dans son temps, dans celui qui s'écoule et non dans celui qui passe". Extrait de "Jacques Simon, tous azimuts", Jeanne-Marie Sens et Hubert Tonka, Pandora Editions, 1991. Il a introduit une nouvelle conception de l'art du paysage proche du Land art, Jacques Simon est l'auteur d'une série d'ouvrages sur différents aspects du paysage et abordés d'un point de vue technique. Il a travaillé de 1964 à 1966 en collaboration avec Michel Corajoud. Il a conçu le Parc de la Deûle (qui lui a valu le Grand Prix national du Paysage en 2006, après l'avoir reçu une première fois en 19901).
Il est mort le 29 septembre 20151 et a été incinéré à Auxerre Le paysagiste Jacques Simon s'est éteint le 26 septembre dernier à l'âge de 86 ans. Diplômé de Versailles en 1959, il fut sans doute l'une des figures les plus emblématiques, les plus géniales et les plus originales du paysagisme contemporain. Premier grand prix du paysage et prix du Conseil de l'Europe pour le parc de la Deule, on lui doit des principes de compositions très forts, autour du nivellement, du traitement du végétal ou de la place laissée au vide. Ses intuitions comme ses travaux ont inspiré tous les paysagistes avec lesquels il a travaillé, à commencer par Michel Corajoud ou Gilles Vexlard. On lui doit un profond renouvellement dans la composition des grands ensembles, ses réalisations -comme le parc Saint-John Perse à Reims- restant des modèles pour tous les professionnels. Jacques Simon développa également une production d'œuvres plus éphémères, attentif aux mouvements et aux transformations. Pédagogue talentueux et généreux, il le fut autant par les documents techniques et la revue qu'il publia, que par ses interventions en atelier devant plusieurs générations d'étudiants de l'école. Les paysagistes perdent un de leurs plus féconds inspirateurs. L'ENSP s'associe au deuil de sa famille et de ses proches. Témoignages à la mémoire de Jacques Simon
Dans les années 1990 à l'école du Paysage de Versailles, lorsque nous entrions en première année, la première satisfaction était d'acquérir du nouveau matériel d'expression plastique. Encre, feutres, supports en grand format et sur papier calque...mais aussi découvrir des livres de notre professeur Jacques Simon : des carnets de dessins et de croquis, des photomontages découpés aux ciseaux.
En amphithéâtre lors de conférences et séances de projections de diapositives, Jacques Simon évoquait surtout sa capacité à piloter un hélicoptère. Je viens de retrouver un extrait d'un article à ce sujet..« (...) Car depuis une dizaine d'années, le Bourguignon a trouvé une solution à son imagination en bourgeonnement permanent. Jacques Simon crée ‘pour lui tout seul'. Ni commande ni concours. Mais des messages géants écrits dans les champs et seulement visibles d'avion ou d'hélicoptère. Un art éphémère et privé dont il s'amuse, les veilles de moissons, tout autour de sa ferme de Turny, dans l'Yonne.Et là, plus rien ne l'arrête. Les agriculteurs du coin ont pris l'habitude de le voir faucher des allées entières de luzerne. De l'apercevoir écraser d'interminables chemins de phacelia, un graminé californien qui existe en trois couleurs (blanc, bleu, rouge). De l'observer dans son hélicoptère photographiant le résultat. Ses messages sont des hommages ou des avertissements. L'un prévient : ‘Hé, si tu n'as plus de forêt t'es foutu.' Un autre : 'Sans les paysans, je m'emmerde. Signé : la Terre.' Même l'hiver, Jacques Simon s'adonne à cette calligraphie paysagère. (...) ».Extrait paru dans La Croix l'événement du dimanche 11 et lundi 12 juin 1995, par Frédéric Potet, rubrique Culture. son site simonpaysage.free.fr/
file:///C:/Users/user/Downloads/B_Blanchon_AUA.pdf Interview to Jacques Simon incleded on the dvd that accompanies book "Metropoles en Europe", from the exhibition "Lille - Metropoles en Europe". The French landscape architect Jacques Simon's love for nature first developed on his father's tree farm and then deepened when he traveled as a young man to Sweden and then Canada, where he attended art school in Montreal while working as a lumberjack. Between 1957 and 1959, Simon studied at the École Nationale de Horticulture. He has since become an important link in the renewal of French landscape architecture, combining the Anglo-Saxon and Scandinavian garden cultures he absorbed in his travels with classic Latin structures. He works as often as possible in situ, and does not shy away from driving the tractor himself.
www.youtube.com/watch?v=OyBnqrUlK9U turny.chez.com/A0archives/jSIMMON.htm Jacques Simon, Il crée la revue Espaces verts en 1968, l’anime jusqu’en 1982, publie des cahiers spéciaux dédiés à « l’Aménagement des espaces libres ». Même l'hiver, il s'adonne à cette calligraphie paysagère».La Croix dimanche 11 et lundi 12 juin 1995, simonpaysage.free.fr/ Jacques Simon écrit ses premiers articles dès la fin des années 1950 pour des revues comme Maison et Jardin et Urbanisme. En 1965, il signe l’un de ses premiers livres, L’Art de connaître les arbres. strabic.fr/Jacques-Simon-Gilles-Vexlard … jacques simon & Le parc des Coudrays - Élancourt-Maurepas, 1970 strabic.fr/Jacques-Simon-Gilles-Vexlard … simonpaysage.free.fr/ Jacques Simon - Espaces verts n° 27, avril-mai-juin 1971, p. 44-45 Fasciné par la campagne qui témoigne d'une histoire de labeur, celle des agriculteurs "ses amis", "les génies de la terre" paysagiste dplg, Premier Grand Prix du Paysage en 1990*, www.youtube.com/watch?v=OyBnqrUlK9U …ici es EDITIONS DU CABRI PRESENTE PARIS LA BANLIEUE 1960-1980 -La video Içi www.youtube.com/watch?v=lDEQOsdGjsg ,
A partir des années 1950, le trafic de la banlieue parisienne suit l’urbanisation galopante et les dessertes ferroviaires doivent s’adapter et se moderniser.Quelques amateurs ont su immortaliser un monde ferroviaire qui était alors en voie de disparition. Dans ce film, nous retrouvons les dessertes 750 volts par troisième rail en rames « Standard » sur les lignes de Versailles-RD, sur la ligne d’Auteuil et entre Puteaux et Issy-Plaine mais aussi les derniers trains à vapeur à St Lazare, à La Bastille et sur le Nord et quelques ultimes voyages sur les lignes de Ceinture --------------De la révolution industrielle à aujourd’hui, un décryptage minutieux de la course au développement qui a marqué le point de départ de l’ère de l'anthropocène (ou l'ère de l'Homme) et de la déterioration continue de la planète. www.arte.tv/fr/videos/073938-000-A/l-homme-a-mange-la-terre/ Quelque 1 400 milliards de tonnes de CO2 sont aujourd’hui prisonnières de la basse atmosphère. Réchauffement climatique, déforestation, inondations, épuisement des ressources, pollutions, déchets radioactifs... : en deux siècles, la course au progrès et à la croissance a durablement altéré la planète, la crise environnementale se doublant d’une rupture géologique, avec l’avènement de l’ère anthropocène. Portée par l’exploitation des énergies fossiles – du charbon de la révolution industrielle en Angleterre au tout-pétrole de la domination économique des États-Unis –, l’industrialisation et ses corollaires, taylorisme et colonialisme, entraînent une exponentielle production de masse. Un processus qu’accélère la Première Guerre mondiale, les firmes chimiques mobilisées pour tuer l’ennemi se reconvertissant dans la destruction du vivant avec les herbicides, insecticides et fertilisants de l’agriculture intensive. Alors que l’urbanisation s’étend, la voiture, qui sonne le glas du tramway, se généralise, et l’Amérique s’inspire du modèle autoroutier nazi. La Seconde Guerre mondiale engendre une nouvelle organisation du travail, laquelle devient la norme, et annonce l’ère nucléaire de la guerre froide. Dans sa démesure, l’homme rêve déjà d’usages civils de l’atome (y compris pour l’abattement de montagnes et la dissolution des calottes glaciaires !). Le plastique et le béton deviennent les piliers de la consommation de masse, dévoreuse de matières premières et antidote à la contestation sociale, jusqu’à la révolution numérique. Liaisons dangereuses
En balayant, avec de formidables archives issues du monde entier, deux siècles de progrès jusqu’à l’ère du big data, le film remonte aux sources de la crise écologique, en interrogeant avec précision les enjeux scientifiques, économiques et politiques qui y ont conduit. Fourmillant d’informations, il éclaire l’histoire de cette marche folle, et les liaisons dangereuses entre industries militaire et civile. Entre capitalisme et mondialisation imposés par les grandes puissances, un décryptage passionnant du basculement dans l’anthropocène, funeste asservissement de la nature par l’homme. le Logement Collectif* 50,60,70's dans tous ses états..Histoire & Mémoire de l'Habitat / Rétro-Villes / HLM / Banlieue / Renouvellement Urbain / Urbanisme URBANISME S’imaginer Paris et le Grand Paris @ Les 50ans d'Apur (link: 50ans.apur.org/#intro) 50ans.apur.org/#intro @ Où en est l'histoire urbaine des sociétés contemporaines ? Cet ouvrage, inspiré par Annie Fourcaut, qui contribua de manière décisive à son développement, propose un état des lieux de ce champ et explore des pistes de recherche ouvrant l'histoire urbaine à une variété de " genres ". Où en est l'histoire urbaine des sociétés contemporaines ? Cet ouvrage, inspiré par Annie Fourcaut, qui contribua de manière décisive à son développement, propose un état des lieux de ce champ. De Femmes à l'usine (1981), Bobigny, banlieue rouge (1986), à La banlieue en morceaux (2000), en passant par les publications collectives qu'elle a coordonnées et les travaux qu'elle a encadrés, la trajectoire de cette historienne a conduit l'histoire sociale et politique – telle qu'on la pratiquait dans les années 1970 – vers une histoire urbaine renouvelée. Le livre revient sur cette évolution et explore des pistes de recherche ouvrant l'histoire urbaine à une variété de " genres ". Les auteurs, historiennes et historiens, sociologues, politistes, géographes, architectes, urbanistes et décideurs politiques proposent une histoire urbaine à la fois interdisciplinaire et ancrée dans la fabrique de la ville et ses représentations, portant la marque de sa dédicataire.Les quatre sections de l'ouvrage dessinent les chantiers qu'Annie Fourcaut a investis : " Du social à l'urbain " met en avant la conviction qu'étudier l'histoire des villes, c'est toujours faire de l'histoire sociale ; " Qu'elle était belle la banlieue " est centré sur les banlieues, son territoire d'étude de prédilection ; " Les habits neufs des politiques de la ville " interroge les politiques urbaines successives et leur transformation ; enfin, " Banc d'essai des modernités " propose une analyse historique de l'urbanisme, comme discipline et comme pratique.