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Greenpeace activists hang anti-Shell banner across National Gallery : London. 21.02.2012
A team of eight expert Greenpeace activists and riggers managed to get onto the roof of the National Gallery off Trafalgar Square in the early evening of 21st Feb 2012 and spent the next two hours rigging a large banner across the famous collonaded front elevation of the building, which bore the slogan "It's no oil painting. #SaveTheArctic", referring to Royal Dutch Shell's exploration for oil in the pristine Arctic environment which, say campaigners, will inevitably destroy or seriously degrade it, killing wildlife and causing large-scale pollution which would have global consequences for this and future generations.
Of special ire to the activists was the National Gallery's hosting of a Shell-sponsored event which, they believe, is disingenuosly giving the oil giant a wholy undeserved veneer of respectability, especially in light of serial-polluter Shell's environmental crimes in Turkey, Barbados and Nigeria (to name but a few), and they also stand accused of human rights abuses in the Niger Delta, and it is this deception which was the irritant that inspired this very public guerilla action.
Watched by many police officers, ambulance crews and very annoyed National Gallery staff and officials - all of them powerless to intervene - the unfolding event drew a large curious crowd below as the Greenpeace campaigners hung their rope rigging across the front of the building, prompting the police to initially cordon off most of the upper terrace. Later on the cordon was greatly reduced when it finally dawned on the police that Greenpeace's publicity stunt wasn't going to make the entire National Gallery fall over, with massive loss of life!
The activists were joined later on by special guest, Paula Bear, who shambled along on the Upper Terrace accompanied by a large crowd of people who, despite understanding that the bear wasn't real, couldn't resist stroking and patting it (just like you would a real polar bear, about five seconds before you had your face ripped off).
There were no arrests made after the banner was hung, which is probably the result of a deal which I reckon the National Gallery made with Greenpeace, who were obviously the most qualified people to take down the banner later on in the evening.
All photos © 2012 Pete Riches
Do not reproduce, alter or reblog my images without my permission.
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Tramways mis en service le 4 décembre 1881
Trolleybus mise en service courant 1940
Compléments des services assurés par des autobus
La ville de Saint-Etienne est bâtie sur un long axe nord-sud sur lequel s'étendent d'interminables communes étirées tout au long d'étroites vallées. La vocation de la région a très tôt été tournée vers l'industrie. La topographie de la vile a déterminé la structure des réseaux de transports. Ainsi, les premiers tramways ont-ils été construits au fond des vallées sur des itinéraires à gros trafic. En complément de ces lignes, d'autres itinéraires ont été desservis vers les collines à partir de cet axe central.En 1883, la Compagnie des Chemins de Fer à Voie Etroite de Saint-Etienne, Firminy, Rive-de-Gier et Extensions (CFVE) fut constituée. Deux lignes de tramways furent mises en chantier, d'une part entre Saint-Etienne et Firminy et, d'autre part, entre Saint-Etienne et Rive-de-Gier. Le 4 décembre 1881, le premier tronçon urbain entre Bellevue et Terrasse, fut mis en service, suivi le 20 mars 1882 par un court prolongement à La Digonnière.Le réseau suburbain fut ensuite achevé et ouvert à l'exploitation le 23 février 1882 vers Firminy, le 1er juillet 1882 entre Saint-Etienne et Saint-Chamond et le 16 novembre suivant entre Saint-Chamond et Rive-de-Gier. Toutes les lignes étaient construites à voie métrique, unique avec des évitements.L'exploitation était assurée par des train à vapeur comportant trois ou quatre voitures. Le parc comportait en 1884, 34 locomotives Winterthur, Brown ou Tubize, 97 voitures et 12 fourgons.
En 1907, les CFVE procédèrent à des extensions de leur réseau :la ligne de Rive-de-Gier est prolongée de 2 km vers La Madeleine, le 14 septembre 1907 ;
un embranchement de la ligne est mis en service vers Saint-Jean-Bonnefond, le 4 décembre 1907 ;
la ligne de Firminy est envoyée vers Pertuiset, sur 4 km supplémentaires, le 18 juin 1907.
Toujours en 1907, deux nouvelles lignes furent construites, l'une vers La Fouillouse, sur 7 km ; l'autre vers Saint-Genest-Lerpt (12 avril et 4 décembre 1907). Enfin, un embranchement de cette dernière ligne vers Riche-la-Molière fut mis en service le 15 avril 1908.Mais à la fin du XIX° siècle, une nouvelle compagnie stéphanoise était apparue : la Compagnie des Tramways Eletriques de Saint-Etienne (TE). Le 7 avril 1897, elle mit en service deux lignes à voie métrique reliant Bellevue et La Rivière à la Gare de Châteaucreux et le Rond-Point au Marais. Les deux lignes, parallèles à celles des CFVE, les concurrençaient directement. En 1906, les TE mirent en service une nouvelle ligne entre Châteaucreux et l'Hôtel de Ville. L'exploitation était assurée par des motrices électriques à deux essieux, de construction assez sommaire, avec un accès frontal par les plates-formes. Leur gabarit en largeur était limité à 1,87 m. En plus des CFVE et des TE, la Société des Tramways Electriques de Saint-Chamond (TSC) mit en service, le 1er juillet 1906, une petite ligne de 2 km, entre Izieux et saint-Chamond, en correspondance avec la ligne CFVE de Rive-de-Gier. L'exploitation était assurée par de petites motrices à deux essieux.Devant la concurrence de ces deux nouvelles compagnies, les CFVE modernisèrent leur propre réseau. La totalité des services furent électrifiés entre août 1907 et juin 1914. Une série de lourdes motrices à essieux radiants, de type H assurèrent dès lors l'exploitation. Elles tractaient les anciennes remorques des trains vapeur. Les motrices étaient équipées du frein à air mais ne possédaient pas de compresseur : les réservoirs étaient remplis à chaque terminus à l'aide de prise d'air comprimé. Ce système restera une particularité stéphanoise jusqu'à l'arrivée des PCC, en 1959. Après la première guerre, les CFVE complétèrent leur parc par du matériel d'occasion provenant de Nancy (type R). A partir de 1920, les TE rencontrèrent de graves difficultés financières et tombèrent en faillite en 1930. Leurs lignes furent alors reprises par les CFVE. Mais la concurrence des autocars qui commencaient à apparaître, provoqua des difficultés importantes aux CFVE. Ces derniers abandonnèrent alors les lignes interurbaines vers Rive-de-Gier, Saint-Jean-Bonnefonds, La Fouillouse et Saint-Genest-Lerpt. En contrepartie, les CFVE obtinrent le monopole sur les lignes de Firminy et de Terrenoire. En 1935-38, une nouvelle série de 8 motrice de type J furent construites neuves et mises en service. Parallèlement quelques morices H furent modernisées. Enfin, en 1941, une petite série de 10 nouvelles motrices de type K fut mise en service. Mais le tracé défecteux des lignes des anciens TE provoqua une première mise sur route en 1938. Dès lors, il fut envisagé de convertir une partie du réseau pour l'exploitation par trolleybus. Dès 1940, les CFVE avaient entamé la transformation de tout l'ancien réseau des TE. A la fin de 1940, la ligne Tardy - Le Soleil vit appraître 6 trolleybus Vétra CS35 prévus à l'origine pour le réseau de Poitiers. A la fin de 1942, 7 Vétra CS45 de 45 places remplacent les CS35 qui furent envoyé à Poitiers.
En 1947, 22 trolleybus de type CS60 remplacèrent les tramways sur la ligne de Bellevue à Firminy. De décembre 1947 à 1954, 6 trolleybus VBD, 40 VCR et 50 ELR furent mis en service sur les anciennes lignes de TE dont les derniers tramways disparurent en 1949.
En 1954, seule la ligne de Bellevue à Terrasse restait exploitée par tramways. Bien qu'envisagée, sa conversion en trolleybus ou autobus paraissait impossible ; son important trafic (70 à 80.000 voyageurs par jour) et son tracé dans des rues étroites, rendait quasi impossible une exploitation par véhicule routier.
Après quelques années d'hésitation, la Ville de Saint-Etienne accepta le maintien des traways dans le centre - cas unique en France - et les CFVE passèrent commande de 30 motrices PCC de conception belge et construites à Strasbourg. Ces remarquables motrices étaient calquées pour la voie métrique sur celles circulant depuis 1951 à Bruxelles. Montées sur deux ogies à roues élastiques, elles comportaient quatre moteurs de 50 CV. Le confort intérieur était particulièrement soigné. Chaque motrice présente une caisse de 13,95 m de long.
En complément, les voies de la ligne furent réaménagée afin de permettre aux tramways de circuler sans être gênés par la circulation automobile.
La première motrice PCC fut livrée le 4 août 1958 et mise en service le 11 décembre suivant. Le 1er septembre 1959, le dernier tramway ancien fut retiré du service. Le succès fut complet : les critiques à l'encontre des anciens tramways s'évaporèrent et les Stéphanois pouvaient s'ennorgueillir de posséder la ligne urbaine la plus moderne de France.
En 1967, les CFVE commandèrent une nouvelle série de 5 motrices PCC articulées afin de renforcer la capacité de la ligne dont le tafic augmentait.
Parallèlement, le parc de trolleybus s'étoffa entre 1960 et 1970, de plusieurs séries de voitures Berliet ELR provenant de Nice et de quelques VA3B2 de Marseille. En 1972, le parc comprenait 35 motrices de tramways, 105 trolleybus et 80 autobus.
Contrairement à ce qui se rencontrait alors en France, le réseau de Saint-Etienne avait su conserver un grande qualité de service et une attractivité qui en faisait un des réseaux les plus efficaces. Cas rare, les CFVE réussissaient à maintenir l'équilibre de leurs comptes ...
Voir aussi :
les tramways de Saint-Etienne dans les années cinquante
le renouveau des tramways de Saint-Etienne
les trolleybus de Saint-Etienne
140 ans de tramway à Saint-Etienne – un record de longévité inégalé en France www.youtube.com/watch?v=Gv6hWmCaLq8&feature=emb_imp_woyt - 1881 – 2021. Cela fait 140 ans que le tramway circule à Saint-Étienne sans discontinuité. À travers ce record de longévité inégalé en France pour un tramway intramuros, c’est aussi des milliers d’hommes et de femmes qui se sont succédés pour assurer au quotidien le déplacement de plusieurs milliards de voyageurs.
140 ans jour pour jour après le lancement de son premier tramway, la Société de Transport de l’Agglomération Stéphanoise et Saint-Étienne Métropole ont décidé de célébrer l’événement comme il se doit.
La journée à débuté par la sortie de la motrice J74 du dépôt de la STAS qui a repris du service pour 200 heureux voyageurs, qui, tirés au sort parmi près de 1000 inscrits, pourront circuler à bord de cette motrice emblématique toute la journée entre les stations. Terrasse et Bellevue, tronçon historique du réseau exploité dès 1881 ! Les locomotives à vapeur du réseau CFVE (Chemin de Fer à Voie Etroite) 1881 – 1914
Rue Gambetta sur la ligne Terrasse-Bellevue: En décembre 1881 pour l’ouverture de la ligne; le service est limité à un tram toutes les 1/2 heures pour que les stéphanois s’habituent à la présence des tramways.
C’est en 1981 que le nom STAS apparait pour la première fois, remplaçant la CFVE.
Quatre murs et un toit 1953 - Le Corbusier, l'architecte du bonheur 1957 conceptions architecturales le modulor, l'architecture de la ville radieuse, Chandigarh, Marseille, Nantes www.dailymotion.com/video/xw8prl Un documentaire consacré aux conceptions architecturales et urbanistiques de Le Corbusier.
Exposées par l'architecte lui-même et étayées par des plans, dessins et images de ses réalisations en France et à l'étranger, ces théories témoignent d'une réflexion approfondie et originale sur la ville et sa nécessaire adaptation à la vie moderne, notamment Paris dont l'aménagement révolutionnaire rêvé par Le Corbusier est ici exposé. Un classique du documentaire.
Les premiers projets de Le Corbusier resteront à l'état de maquette : le plan de modernisation de la ville d'Alger. Certains seront réalisés par d'autres architectes : ministère de l'éducation à Rio de Janeiro, Palais de l'ONU à New York. Dès l'après-guerre en moins de 10 ans, Le Corbusier réalise de grandes unités d'habitation à Marseille, Nantes une chapelle à Ronchamps, une usine à Saint-Dié, une ville Chandigarh en Inde. Par des schémas, l'architecte présente sa théorie de la "ville radieuse", le modulor clef mathématique de son œuvre ainsi que son projet de réorganisation de la campagne, des cités industrielles et urbaine en un regroupement autour d'un système coopératif. Le film expose les conceptions architecturales de Le Corbusier, dans la ligne des précurseurs de l'architecture moderne comme Claude-Nicolas Ledoux. Paris et le désert français 1957 réalisation : Roger Leenhardt et Sydney Jezequel, résoudre le déséquilibre démographique ville campagne www.dailymotion.com/video/x177lrp Film réalisé par Roger Leenhardt et Sydney Jezequel en 1957, d'après le livre de Jean-François Gravier. Document d'information général proposant les solutions de l'époque pour éviter la désertification des campagnes et la folie concentrationnaire des villes. Dès 1957, la désertification des campagnes prend des proportions tragiques. L'exemple est donné pour le village de Gourdon dans le Quercy.
Quelles évolutions proposer pour éviter l'exode rural et le développement anarchique, qui s'amorce, des villes champignons, construites en plein champ sans urbanisme et sans âme ? Le commentaire propose les solutions de l'époque : modernisation de l'agriculture, adaptation de l'artisanat, implantations d'industries dans les provinces. Gazoducs dans le sud-ouest, barrage en Haute-Savoie, polder en Bretagne semblaient à l'époque pouvoir résoudre le déséquilibre ville campagne. Visages de la France 1957 Production - réalisation Atlantic-Film Marcel de Hubsch www.dailymotion.com/video/x19g59p Le film commence avec des vues de villages et d'architecture traditionnelle du Pays Basque, des Landes, de la Touraine, de la Normandie, de la Bretagne, d'Alsace. La voix off s'interroge : faut il transformer la France en un musée de ses vieilles demeures ? et poursuit : pourquoi des maisons de 10 à 15 mètres de hauteur à Honfleur n'ont elles que 3 à 5 mètres de large ? Le commentaire se pose la question du nombre de maisons individuelles dans les villes qui entrainent l'étalement urbain. Lorsque les villes ont bâtit des immeubles, le commentaire se demande que cachent ces façades ? Des coures étroites que le soleil ne visite jamais, un enchevêtrement inouï de constructions hétéroclites. L'époque de grande prospérité de la troisième république n'a rien su construire de grand poursuit la voix off. Ce document nous propose ensuite une animation de maquette pour l'aménagement d'une friche. Dans un premier temps à la façon d'avant avec la maison individuelle. La voix off s'exclame : ce n'est pas autrement que d'affreuses banlieues naquirent que tant de villes furent à jamais enlaidies, essayons autre chose. L'animation se met à empiler les maisons individuelles et propose des bâtiments collectifs dans des jardins. Le commentaire poursuit : maintenant c'est l'heure de l'urbaniste à lui de répartir les constructions dans la cité. Plusieurs organisation de logements collectifs sont proposées en maquettes. La voix off pointe les défauts d'un urbanisme des grands ensemble trop ennuyeux. Puis une solution émerge de l'animation : pour que la cité vive il faut mettre au place d'honneur école, dispensaire, bibliothèque, salle de réunion, puis viennent les deux pièces maîtresse deux grands immeubles puis les rues se glissent dans la composition et enfin les pelouse et les jardins apparaissent et voila conclue le commentaire. Le film montre ensuite de réalisation de grands ensemble et on entre dans un immeuble au sein d'une famille : air et lumière sont au rendes-vous. On voit des enfants faire du patin à roulette dans le parc de l'immeuble la voix off annonce : finit l'individualisme renfrogné de l'échoppe d'antan : la cité tout entière est un jardin, les jeux d'enfants se mêlent aux fleurs. Le film se termine sur des vues de réalisation de grands ensemble sur toute la France (vue entre autre de la cité radieuse de Le Corbusier à Marseille). Production Films Caravelle MRU (ministère de la reconstruction et de l'urbanisme) Scenario et réalisation : Pierre JaLLAUD
Exploitant : Keolis CIF
Réseau : Busval d'Oise
Ligne : 95-02
Lieu : Aéroport Roissy Charles de Gaulle – Terminal 3 – Roissypôle (Tremblay-en-France, F-93)
Lien TC Infos : tc-infos.fr/id/23084
Le Château de Josselin est situé à Josselin, commune française du département du Morbihan en Bretagne.
Guéthénoc, vicomte de Porhoët, de Rohan et de Guéméné, membre de la famille des comtes de Rennes, aurait construit un premier château vers l'an 1008. Il exploitait un site de haute valeur militaire et commerciale comprenant un surplomb rocheux dominant en à-pic la rivière Oust. L'existence depuis le IXe siècle d'un pèlerinage à la Basilique Notre-Dame du Roncier (tous les huit septembre) ajoute beaucoup à la richesse des habitants et de leurs seigneurs. Ce pélerinage est d'ailleurs le plus important du Morbihan, après celui de Sainte-Anne-d'Auray.
En 1154, Eudon de Porhoët, beau-père, régent et tuteur du jeune duc de Bretagne, Conan IV, rassemble des seigneurs bretons pour priver son beau-fils de ses droits. Il sera défait par Henri II Plantagenêt, roi d'Angleterre et nouveau duc d'Anjou, auprès duquel s'était réfugié Conan IV. Henri II viendra en personne diriger la démolition du château et faire semer du sel dans les ruines.
Détail de la statue équestre d'Olivier de Clisson
Olivier V de Clisson, qui acquiert la seigneurie en 1370, reconstruit une imposante citadelle munie de huit tours et d'un donjon de 90 mètres. Il marie sa fille, Béatrix, à Alain VIII de Rohan, héritier des vicomtes de Rohan, dont le château était à une vingtaine de kilomètres.
En 1488, le duc de Bretagne François II prend le château et le démolit partiellement. Sa fille, Anne de Bretagne, le restitue à Jean II de Rohan, arrière-petit-fils d'Olivier de Clisson.
Celui-ci le transforme et construit dans l'enceinte un logis de plaisance avec une très belle façade de granit sculpté qui est un des premiers exemples de la Renaissance en France, car il avait fait venir des artistes et ouvriers italiens. Par reconnaissance, il fait sculpter de nombreux A surmontés d'une cordelière, emblème de la Duchesse-Reine.
Bannis de Josselin du fait de leur adhésion au protestantisme, les Rohan doivent laisser le gouverneur de Bretagne, le duc de Mercœur, faire de leur château une base pour la Ligue opposée au nouveau roi Henri IV.
En 1603, lors de l'érection de la vicomté de Rohan en duché-pairie par le roi Henri IV, Henri II de Rohan transfère le siège de son pouvoir au château de Pontivy. Le cardinal de Richelieu fait démanteler en 1629 le donjon et quatre et tours et annonce au duc Henri II, chef des insurgés protestants: « Monseigneur, je viens de jeter une bonne boule dans votre jeu de quilles ! »
Au XVIIIe siècle, le château n'est plus occupé et il devient prison et entrepôt pendant la Révolution et l'Empire. En 1822, la duchesse de Berry, lors de sa tournée aventureuse, convainc le duc de Rohan de le restaurer.
Il est actuellement toujours habité par le quatorzième duc de Rohan, Josselin de Rohan, sénateur, ancien président de la région Bretagne de 1992 à 2004, membre de l'UMP et fidèle de Jacques Chirac .
On peut visiter la cour et quelques pièces du rez-de-chaussée où sont exposés des meubles anciens (dont la table ayant servi à la signature de l'édit de Nantes), des portraits familiaux, des cadeaux royaux et une statue équestre d'Olivier V de Clisson par Emmanuel Frémiet. Dans les anciennes écuries a été installé le Musée de poupées.
L'imposante citadelle munie de huit tours et d'un donjon de 90 mètres date du XVe siècle a été partiellement détruite et un logis de plaisance avec une très belle façade de granit sculpté, un des premiers exemples de la Renaissance en France le remplace et a été restauré au XIXe siècle.
Le jardin à la française créé au début du XXe siècle par le paysagiste Achille Duchêne s’étend devant la façade Renaissance du château. Les buis et des ifs taillés encadrent les pelouses.
Une roseraie a été aménagée en 2001 sous le direction du paysagiste Louis Benech. Elle comporte 160 rosiers appartenant à 40 variétés différentes
Un parc à l'anglaise lui aussi créé par le paysagiste Achille Duchêne et revu par Louis Benech s'étend au pied des remparts, le long d’un cours d’eau. Ce parc présente des espèces rares d’azalées, de camélias et de nombreux rhododendrons et des arbres centenaires. Il est ouvert au public pour les Journées du Patrimoine et Rendez-vous au jardin .
le chateau de Josselin est très lié à l'alchimie notamment ses cheminées et sa cour extérieure sur le parc.Il s'inscrit dans le patrimoine de Brocéliande qui n'appartient pas qu'aux druides .En effet , il est tout à fait possible de lire de maniere alchimique la vita merlini de G. de Monmouth ainsi que le mythe de Brocéliande lui même.. et si on suit le parcours des salles du chateau on s'aperçoit que ce dernier met en évidence une progression alchimique qui peut se retrouver dans la chevalerie et dans les degrés d'élévation maçonnique , car le corrélat est précisément dans ce savoir acquis par le premier des Josselin .
Source wikipedia
Exploitant : Keolis Seine Essonne
Réseau : Navette Substitution SNCF Île-de-France
Ligne : Navette Transilien J
Lieu : Gare d'Ermont – Eaubonne (Ermont, F-95)
Lien TC Infos : tc-infos.fr/id/41576
July 20, 2016--New York City-- Governor Andrew M. Cuomo announced that the Task Force to Combat Worker Exploitation has directed 1,547 businesses to pay nearly $4 million in back wages and damages to more than 7,500 workers since its inception in July 2015. The Governor also announced several initiatives to improve worker health and safety, including a multi-agency investigation into the exploitation of dry cleaning workers and a coordinated effort to ban harmful chemicals, such as perchlorethylene (PERC), that are commonly used in the industry. Additionally, the state will launch a new $5 million grant program and RFP for non-profit organizations to expand services to help exploited workers. (Don Pollard/Office of the Governor)
Go Jin ge!
Jin Ge has estimated there are at least half million goldfarmers working throughout China in organized game sweatshops, where they work to produce gold/points for market consumption--pimarily for gamers in America.
The development of virtual economies may appear to be an accelerated growth of the entertainment and online services industry, but it is not that simple. It also appears to be a new economy - new relations - new virtual hopes. But - nope!
Virtual economies are subject to the same abstract structural domination of capitalism that is seen in material economies because value still have the same function.
We are witnessing a new transition in capitalism, a transition to a virtual economy that transforms the way capital is exchanged, labor is sold, production is organized, and value is created. Although, this new economy is not as new or different as it may seem. It reproduces the basic structures of market capitalism. The accelerated growth has rendered virtual economies to become incredibly complex, in that the actual economy of virtual worlds embodies and reproduces the very capitalistic structures of production and organized labor that Jin Ge explores in his documentary.
What's also interesting is to think about how a thing becomes "valuable" in traditional Marxian analysis versus more Structural Marxian analysis - I think the latter can give us a more holistic understaning. Moishe Postone has written about value in a capitalistic society that is completely dominated by its very own structures of the capitalistic culture. For Postone, surplus is not just about the laborers overproducing for owners to reinvest, surplus is the actual measurement of wealth. So when we peg the model to the goldfarming industry, we can think of value of the gold not only as valuable for its worth in the gaming economy, but as an actual measure of wealth that structurally dictates the actual set up of even producing gold in the first place! So this global gold farming process is not just about the Chinese laborer's being controlled by a big bad gaming factory owner, its about this abstract notion of value that we have in a capitalistic society that determines what is valuable - which is equated with wealth. So in this schema, to be able to purchase gold points from Chinese goldfarmers, is a measure of wealth for the purchaser and it shows the extent of capitalism's domination in that anything can be commodified!
So the alienation is structural, in that every individual is alienated not only from the products they consume and produce, but an individual is alienated in the endless climb to reach the end goal of wealth, yet the end goal is one without a finish line, a ever moving mirage. For a virtual gaming economy, the structural domination of capitalism is revealed in the changing value of intangible gold, which was originally meant for in-game points, has now climbed its way out to have value in out-of-game contexts. Even intangible in-game gold points could not evade capitalism.
So I am sure Marx would have been surprised to see how much capitalism dominates and can capitalize on, and avoids self-destruction by constantly finding new "things" to attribute "value" to-- for the goal of increasing overall wealth. I am definitely sure he would not have been surprised to see how this process creates extreme prosperity in the face of extreme poverty.
So however virtual this seems to be - it is still an economy that takes place with real people. There is a lot of out-of-game processes happening - I argue it is the virtual transaction of labor and assignment of value to entertainment goods that truly exaggerated the alienation, mystification, inequitable relations that render the entire market exchange process invisible to a high degree we have yet to see even in complex material capitalist economies.
For info on his documentary about Chinese Goldfarmers, go to their Chinese Gold Farmer's website.
To read more about virtual economies, check out Terra Nova, a collaborative blog. Edward Castronova, one of the bloggers, has just written Synthetic Worlds: The Business and Culture of Online Games.
www.youmeiti.com/youth/china/jin_ges_documentary_on_chine...
Exploitant : Transdev TVO
Réseau : R'Bus (Argenteuil)
Ligne : 2
Lieu : Gare d'Argenteuil (Argenteuil, F-95)
Lien TC Infos : tc-infos.fr/id/21907
The London School of Exploitation Under Occupation: London School of Economics and Political Science (LSE) Students Stand Against Exploitation and Corporate Education: Vera Anstey Suite: Old Building, London School of Economics, London, March 20, 2015.
Statement from the Occupation:
Why we are occupying
We have have occupied the Vera Anstey Suite, the central meeting room of the university administration, to demand a change to the current university system.
LSE is the epitome of the neoliberal university. Universities are increasingly implementing the privatised, profit-driven, and bureaucratic ‘business model’ of higher education, which locks students into huge debts and turns the university into a degree-factory and students into consumers. LSE has become the model for the transformation of the other university systems in Britain and beyond. Massive indebtedness, market-driven benchmarks, and subordination to corporate interests have deeply perverted what we think university and education should be about.
We demand an education that is liberating – which does not have a price tag. We want a university run by students, lecturers and workers.
When a University becomes a business the whole of student life is transformed. When a university is more concerned with its image, its marketability and the ‘added value’ of its degrees, the student is no longer a student - they become a commodity and education becomes a service. Institutional sexism and racism, as well as conditions of work for staff and lecturers, becomes a distraction for an institution geared to profit.
We join the ongoing struggles in the UK, Europe and the world to reject this system that has changed not only our education but our entire society. From the occupations in Sheffield, Warwick, Birmingham and Oxford, to the ongoing collective takeover of the University of Amsterdam– students have made clear that the current system simply cannot continue.
We are not alone in this struggle.
Why Occupy?
In this occupation we aim to create an open, creative and liberated space, where all are free to participate in the building of a new directly democratic, non-hierarchical and universally accessible education: The Free University of London.
The space will be organized around the creation of workshops, discussions and meetings to share ideas freely. Knowledge is not a commodity but something precious and valuable in its own right. And we hope to prove, if only within a limited time and space, that education can be free.This liberated space should also be a space for an open discussion on the direction this university and our educational system as a whole is heading. We want to emphasise that this process is not only for students, and we encourage the participation of all LSE staff, non-academic and academic.
We base our struggle on principles of equality, direct democracy, solidarity, mutual care and support. These are our current demands which we invite all to openly discuss, debate and add to.
1 - Free and universally accessible education not geared to making profit
We demand that the management of LSE lobby the government to scrap tuition fees for both domestic and international students.
2 - Workers Rights
In solidarity with the LSE workers, we demand real job security, an end to zero-hour contracts, fair remuneration and a drastic reduction in the gap between the highest and lowest paid employees.
3 - Genuine University Democracy
We demand a student-staff council, directly elected by students and academic and non-academic staff, responsible for making all managerial decisions of the institution.
4 - Divestment
We demand that the school cuts its ties to exploitative and destructive organisations, such as those involved in wars, military occupations and the destruction of the planet. This includes but is not limited to immediate divestment from the fossil fuel industry and from all companies which make a profit from the Israeli state’s occupation of Palestine.
5 - Liberation
We demand that LSE changes its harassment policy, and to have zero tolerance to harassment.
We demand that LSE does not implement the Counter Terrorism Bill that criminalises dissent, particularly targeting Muslim students and staff.
We demand that the police are not allowed on campus.
We demand that LSE becomes a liberated space free of racism, sexism, ableism, homophobia, transphobia and religious discrimination.
We demand that the school immediately reinstates the old ethics code and makes it legally binding, in line with the recently passed SU motion.
We demand that the school ensures the security and equality of international students, particularly with regards to their precarious visa status, and fully include them in our project for a free university.
The London School of Exploitation Under Occupation: London School of Economics and Political Science (LSE) Students Stand Against Exploitation and Corporate Education: Vera Anstey Suite: Old Building, London School of Economics, London, March 20, 2015.
Statement from the Occupation:
Why we are occupying
We have have occupied the Vera Anstey Suite, the central meeting room of the university administration, to demand a change to the current university system.
LSE is the epitome of the neoliberal university. Universities are increasingly implementing the privatised, profit-driven, and bureaucratic ‘business model’ of higher education, which locks students into huge debts and turns the university into a degree-factory and students into consumers. LSE has become the model for the transformation of the other university systems in Britain and beyond. Massive indebtedness, market-driven benchmarks, and subordination to corporate interests have deeply perverted what we think university and education should be about.
We demand an education that is liberating – which does not have a price tag. We want a university run by students, lecturers and workers.
When a University becomes a business the whole of student life is transformed. When a university is more concerned with its image, its marketability and the ‘added value’ of its degrees, the student is no longer a student - they become a commodity and education becomes a service. Institutional sexism and racism, as well as conditions of work for staff and lecturers, becomes a distraction for an institution geared to profit.
We join the ongoing struggles in the UK, Europe and the world to reject this system that has changed not only our education but our entire society. From the occupations in Sheffield, Warwick, Birmingham and Oxford, to the ongoing collective takeover of the University of Amsterdam– students have made clear that the current system simply cannot continue.
We are not alone in this struggle.
Why Occupy?
In this occupation we aim to create an open, creative and liberated space, where all are free to participate in the building of a new directly democratic, non-hierarchical and universally accessible education: The Free University of London.
The space will be organized around the creation of workshops, discussions and meetings to share ideas freely. Knowledge is not a commodity but something precious and valuable in its own right. And we hope to prove, if only within a limited time and space, that education can be free.This liberated space should also be a space for an open discussion on the direction this university and our educational system as a whole is heading. We want to emphasise that this process is not only for students, and we encourage the participation of all LSE staff, non-academic and academic.
We base our struggle on principles of equality, direct democracy, solidarity, mutual care and support. These are our current demands which we invite all to openly discuss, debate and add to.
1 - Free and universally accessible education not geared to making profit
We demand that the management of LSE lobby the government to scrap tuition fees for both domestic and international students.
2 - Workers Rights
In solidarity with the LSE workers, we demand real job security, an end to zero-hour contracts, fair remuneration and a drastic reduction in the gap between the highest and lowest paid employees.
3 - Genuine University Democracy
We demand a student-staff council, directly elected by students and academic and non-academic staff, responsible for making all managerial decisions of the institution.
4 - Divestment
We demand that the school cuts its ties to exploitative and destructive organisations, such as those involved in wars, military occupations and the destruction of the planet. This includes but is not limited to immediate divestment from the fossil fuel industry and from all companies which make a profit from the Israeli state’s occupation of Palestine.
5 - Liberation
We demand that LSE changes its harassment policy, and to have zero tolerance to harassment.
We demand that LSE does not implement the Counter Terrorism Bill that criminalises dissent, particularly targeting Muslim students and staff.
We demand that the police are not allowed on campus.
We demand that LSE becomes a liberated space free of racism, sexism, ableism, homophobia, transphobia and religious discrimination.
We demand that the school immediately reinstates the old ethics code and makes it legally binding, in line with the recently passed SU motion.
We demand that the school ensures the security and equality of international students, particularly with regards to their precarious visa status, and fully include them in our project for a free university.
Tana Toraja Regency (Indonesian for Torajaland or Land of the Toraja, abbreviated Tator) is a regency (kabupaten) of South Sulawesi Province of Indonesia, and home to the Toraja ethnic group. The local government seat is in Makale, while the center of Toraja culture is in Rantepao. But now, Tana Toraja has been divided to two regencies that consist of Tana Toraja with its capital at Makale and North toraja with its capital at Rantepao.
The Tana Toraja boundary was determined by the Dutch East Indies government in 1909. In 1926, Tana Toraja was under the administration of Bugis state, Luwu. The regentschap (or regency) status was given on 8 October 1946, the last regency given by the Dutch. Since 1984, Tana Toraja has been named as the second tourist destination after Bali by the Ministry of Tourism, Indonesia. Since then, hundreds of thousands of foreign visitors have visited this regency. In addition, numerous Western anthropologists have come to Tana Toraja to study the indigenous culture and people of Toraja.
GEOGRAPHY
Tana Toraja is centrally placed in the island of Sulawesi, 300 km north of Makassar, the provincial capital of South Sulawesi. It lies between latitude of 2°-3° South and longitude 119°-120° East (center: 3°S 120°ECoordinates: 3°S 120°E). The total area (since the separation of the new regency of North Toraja) is 2,054.30 km², about 4.4% of the total area of South Sulawesi province. The topography of Tana Toraja is mountainous; its minimum elevation is 150 m, while the maximum is 3,083 above the sea level.
ADMINISTRATION
Tana Toraja Regency in 2010 comprised nineteen administrative Districts (Kecamatan), tabulated below with their 2010 Census population.
The Torajans are an ethnic group indigenous to a mountainous region of South Sulawesi, Indonesia. Their population is approximately 1,100,000, of whom 450,000 live in the regency of Tana Toraja ("Land of Toraja").[1] Most of the population is Christian, and others are Muslim or have local animist beliefs known as aluk ("the way"). The Indonesian government has recognised this animistic belief as Aluk To Dolo ("Way of the Ancestors").
The word Toraja comes from the Buginese language term to riaja, meaning "people of the uplands". The Dutch colonial government named the people Toraja in 1909. Torajans are renowned for their elaborate funeral rites, burial sites carved into rocky cliffs, massive peaked-roof traditional houses known as tongkonan, and colourful wood carvings. Toraja funeral rites are important social events, usually attended by hundreds of people and lasting for several days.
Before the 20th century, Torajans lived in autonomous villages, where they practised animism and were relatively untouched by the outside world. In the early 1900s, Dutch missionaries first worked to convert Torajan highlanders to Christianity. When the Tana Toraja regency was further opened to the outside world in the 1970s, it became an icon of tourism in Indonesia: it was exploited by tourism development and studied by anthropologists. By the 1990s, when tourism peaked, Toraja society had changed significantly, from an agrarian model—in which social life and customs were outgrowths of the Aluk To Dolo—to a largely Christian society. Today, tourism and remittances from migrant Torajans have made for major changes in the Toraja highland, giving the Toraja a celebrity status within Indonesia and enhancing Toraja ethnic group pride.
ETHNIC IDENTITY
The Torajan people had little notion of themselves as a distinct ethnic group before the 20th century. Before Dutch colonisation and Christianisation, Torajans, who lived in highland areas, identified with their villages and did not share a broad sense of identity. Although complexes of rituals created linkages between highland villages, there were variations in dialects, differences in social hierarchies, and an array of ritual practices in the Sulawesi highland region. "Toraja" (from the coastal languages' to, meaning people; and riaja, uplands) was first used as a lowlander expression for highlanders. As a result, "Toraja" initially had more currency with outsiders—such as the Bugis and Makassarese, who constitute a majority of the lowland of Sulawesi—than with insiders. The Dutch missionaries' presence in the highlands gave rise to the Toraja ethnic consciousness in the Sa'dan Toraja region, and this shared identity grew with the rise of tourism in the Tana Toraja Regency. Since then, South Sulawesi has four main ethnic groups—the Bugis (the majority, including shipbuilders and seafarers), the Makassarese (lowland traders and seafarers), the Mandarese (traders and fishermen), and the Toraja (highland rice cultivators).
HISTORY
From the 17th century, the Dutch established trade and political control on Sulawesi through the Dutch East Indies Company. Over two centuries, they ignored the mountainous area in the central Sulawesi, where Torajans lived, because access was difficult and it had little productive agricultural land. In the late 19th century, the Dutch became increasingly concerned about the spread of Islam in the south of Sulawesi, especially among the Makassarese and Bugis peoples. The Dutch saw the animist highlanders as potential Christians. In the 1920s, the Reformed Missionary Alliance of the Dutch Reformed Church began missionary work aided by the Dutch colonial government. In addition to introducing Christianity, the Dutch abolished slavery and imposed local taxes. A line was drawn around the Sa'dan area and called Tana Toraja ("the land of Toraja"). Tana Toraja was first a subdivision of the Luwu kingdom that had claimed the area. In 1946, the Dutch granted Tana Toraja a regentschap, and it was recognised in 1957 as one of the regencies of Indonesia.
Early Dutch missionaries faced strong opposition among Torajans, especially among the elite, because the abolition of their profitable slave trade had angered them. Some Torajans were forcibly relocated to the lowlands by the Dutch, where they could be more easily controlled. Taxes were kept high, undermining the wealth of the elites. Ultimately, the Dutch influence did not subdue Torajan culture, and only a few Torajans were converted. In 1950, only 10% of the population had converted to Christianity.
In the 1930s, Muslim lowlanders attacked the Torajans, resulting in widespread Christian conversion among those who sought to align themselves with the Dutch for political protection and to form a movement against the Bugis and Makassarese Muslims. Between 1951 and 1965 (following Indonesian independence), southern Sulawesi faced a turbulent period as the Darul Islam separatist movement fought for an Islamic state in Sulawesi. The 15 years of guerrilla warfare led to massive conversions to Christianity.
Alignment with the Indonesian government, however, did not guarantee safety for the Torajans. In 1965, a presidential decree required every Indonesian citizen to belong to one of five officially recognised religions: Islam, Christianity (Protestantism and Catholicism), Hinduism, or Buddhism. The Torajan religious belief (aluk) was not legally recognised, and the Torajans raised their voices against the law. To make aluk accord with the law, it had to be accepted as part of one of the official religions. In 1969, Aluk To Dolo ("the way of ancestors") was legalised as a sect of Agama Hindu Dharma, the official name of Hinduism in Indonesia.
SOCIETY
There are three main types of affiliation in Toraja society: family, class and religion.
FAMILY AFFILIATION
Family is the primary social and political grouping in Torajan society. Each village is one extended family, the seat of which is the tongkonan, a traditional Torajan house. Each tongkonan has a name, which becomes the name of the village. The familial dons maintain village unity. Marriage between distant cousins (fourth cousins and beyond) is a common practice that strengthens kinship. Toraja society prohibits marriage between close cousins (up to and including the third cousin)—except for nobles, to prevent the dispersal of property. Kinship is actively reciprocal, meaning that the extended family helps each other farm, share buffalo rituals, and pay off debts.
Each person belongs to both the mother's and the father's families, the only bilateral family line in Indonesia. Children, therefore, inherit household affiliation from both mother and father, including land and even family debts. Children's names are given on the basis of kinship, and are usually chosen after dead relatives. Names of aunts, uncles and cousins are commonly referred to in the names of mothers, fathers and siblings.
Before the start of the formal administration of Toraja villages by the Tana Toraja Regency, each Toraja village was autonomous. In a more complex situation, in which one Toraja family could not handle their problems alone, several villages formed a group; sometimes, villages would unite against other villages. Relationship between families was expressed through blood, marriage, and shared ancestral houses (tongkonan), practically signed by the exchange of water buffalo and pigs on ritual occasions. Such exchanges not only built political and cultural ties between families but defined each person's place in a social hierarchy: who poured palm wine, who wrapped a corpse and prepared offerings, where each person could or could not sit, what dishes should be used or avoided, and even what piece of meat constituted one's share.
CLASS AFFILIATION
In early Toraja society, family relationships were tied closely to social class. There were three strata: nobles, commoners, and slaves (slavery was abolished in 1909 by the Dutch East Indies government). Class was inherited through the mother. It was taboo, therefore, to marry "down" with a woman of lower class. On the other hand, marrying a woman of higher class could improve the status of the next generation. The nobility's condescending attitude toward the commoners is still maintained today for reasons of family prestige.
Nobles, who were believed to be direct descendants of the descended person from heaven, lived in tongkonans, while commoners lived in less lavish houses (bamboo shacks called banua). Slaves lived in small huts, which had to be built around their owner's tongkonan. Commoners might marry anyone, but nobles preferred to marry in-family to maintain their status. Sometimes nobles married Bugis or Makassarese nobles. Commoners and slaves were prohibited from having death feasts. Despite close kinship and status inheritance, there was some social mobility, as marriage or change in wealth could affect an individuals status. Wealth was counted by the ownership of water buffaloes.
Slaves in Toraja society were family property. Sometimes Torajans decided to become slaves when they incurred a debt, pledging to work as payment. Slaves could be taken during wars, and slave trading was common. Slaves could buy their freedom, but their children still inherited slave status. Slaves were prohibited from wearing bronze or gold, carving their houses, eating from the same dishes as their owners, or having sex with free women—a crime punishable by death.
RELIGIOUS AFFILATION
Toraja's indigenous belief system is polytheistic animism, called aluk, or "the way" (sometimes translated as "the law"). In the Toraja myth, the ancestors of Torajan people came down from heaven using stairs, which were then used by the Torajans as a communication medium with Puang Matua, the Creator. The cosmos, according to aluk, is divided into the upper world (heaven), the world of man (earth), and the underworld. At first, heaven and earth were married, then there was a darkness, a separation, and finally the light. Animals live in the underworld, which is represented by rectangular space enclosed by pillars, the earth is for mankind, and the heaven world is located above, covered with a saddle-shaped roof. Other Toraja gods include Pong Banggai di Rante (god of Earth), Indo' Ongon-Ongon (a goddess who can cause earthquakes), Pong Lalondong (god of death), and Indo' Belo Tumbang (goddess of medicine); there are many more.
The earthly authority, whose words and actions should be cleaved to both in life (agriculture) and death (funerals), is called to minaa (an aluk priest). Aluk is not just a belief system; it is a combination of law, religion, and habit. Aluk governs social life, agricultural practices, and ancestral rituals. The details of aluk may vary from one village to another. One common law is the requirement that death and life rituals be separated. Torajans believe that performing death rituals might ruin their corpses if combined with life rituals. The two rituals are equally important. During the time of the Dutch missionaries, Christian Torajans were prohibited from attending or performing life rituals, but were allowed to perform death rituals. Consequently, Toraja's death rituals are still practised today, while life rituals have diminished.
CULTURE
TONGKONAN
Tongkonan are the traditional Torajan ancestral houses. They stand high on wooden piles, topped with a layered split-bamboo roof shaped in a sweeping curved arc, and they are incised with red, black, and yellow detailed wood carvings on the exterior walls. The word "tongkonan" comes from the Torajan tongkon ("to sit").
Tongkonan are the center of Torajan social life. The rituals associated with the tongkonan are important expressions of Torajan spiritual life, and therefore all family members are impelled to participate, because symbolically the tongkonan represents links to their ancestors and to living and future kin. According to Torajan myth, the first tongkonan was built in heaven on four poles, with a roof made of Indian cloth. When the first Torajan ancestor descended to earth, he imitated the house and held a large ceremony.
The construction of a tongkonan is laborious work and is usually done with the help of the extended family. There are three types of tongkonan. The tongkonan layuk is the house of the highest authority, used as the "center of government". The tongkonan pekamberan belongs to the family members who have some authority in local traditions. Ordinary family members reside in the tongkonan batu. The exclusivity to the nobility of the tongkonan is diminishing as many Torajan commoners find lucrative employment in other parts of Indonesia. As they send back money to their families, they enable the construction of larger tongkonan.
Architecture in the style of a tongkonan is still very common. Various administration buildings were built in this style in recent years, e.g. the Kecamatan building in Rantepao.
WOOD CARVINGS
To express social and religious concepts, Torajans carve wood, calling it Pa'ssura (or "the writing"). Wood carvings are therefore Toraja's cultural manifestation.
Each carving receives a special name, and common motifs are animals and plants that symbolise some virtue. For example, water plants and animals, such as crabs, tadpoles and water weeds, are commonly found to symbolise fertility. In some areas noble elders claim these symbols refer to strength of noble family, but not everyone agrees. The overall meaning of groups of carved motifs on houses remains debated and tourism has further complicated these debates because some feel a uniform explanation must be presented to tourists. Torajan wood carvings are composed of numerous square panels, each of which can represent various things, for example buffaloes as a wish of wealth for the family; a knot and a box, symbolizing the hope that all of the family's offspring will be happy and live in harmony; aquatic animals, indicating the need for fast and hard work, just like moving on the surface of water.
Regularity and order are common features in Toraja wood carving (see table below), as well as abstracts and geometrical designs. Nature is frequently used as the basis of Toraja's ornaments, because nature is full of abstractions and geometries with regularities and ordering. Toraja's ornaments have been studied in ethnomathematics to reveal their mathematical structure, but Torajans base this art only on approximations. To create an ornament, bamboo sticks are used as a geometrical tool.
FUNERAL RITES
In Toraja society, the funeral ritual is the most elaborate and expensive event. The richer and more powerful the individual, the more expensive is the funeral. In the aluk religion, only nobles have the right to have an extensive death feast. The death feast of a nobleman is usually attended by thousands and lasts for several days. A ceremonial site, called rante, is usually prepared in a large, grassy field where shelters for audiences, rice barns, and other ceremonial funeral structures are specially made by the deceased's family. Flute music, funeral chants, songs and poems, and crying and wailing are traditional Toraja expressions of grief with the exceptions of funerals for young children, and poor, low-status adults.
The ceremony is often held weeks, months, or years after the death so that the deceased's family can raise the significant funds needed to cover funeral expenses. Torajans traditionally believe that death is not a sudden, abrupt event, but a gradual process toward Puya (the land of souls, or afterlife). During the waiting period, the body of the deceased is wrapped in several layers of cloth and kept under the tongkonan. The soul of the deceased is thought to linger around the village until the funeral ceremony is completed, after which it begins its journey to Puya.
Another component of the ritual is the slaughter of water buffalo. The more powerful the person who died, the more buffalo are slaughtered at the death feast. Buffalo carcasses, including their heads, are usually lined up on a field waiting for their owner, who is in the "sleeping stage". Torajans believe that the deceased will need the buffalo to make the journey and that they will be quicker to arrive at Puya if they have many buffalo. Slaughtering tens of water buffalo and hundreds of pigs using a machete is the climax of the elaborate death feast, with dancing and music and young boys who catch spurting blood in long bamboo tubes. Some of the slaughtered animals are given by guests as "gifts", which are carefully noted because they will be considered debts of the deceased's family. However, a cockfight, known as bulangan londong, is an integral part of the ceremony. As with the sacrifice of the buffalo and the pigs, the cockfight is considered sacred because it involves the spilling of blood on the earth. In particular, the tradition requires the sacrifice of at least three chickens. However, it is common for at least 25 pairs of chickens to be set against each other in the context of the ceremony.
There are three methods of burial: the coffin may be laid in a cave or in a carved stone grave, or hung on a cliff. It contains any possessions that the deceased will need in the afterlife. The wealthy are often buried in a stone grave carved out of a rocky cliff. The grave is usually expensive and takes a few months to complete. In some areas, a stone cave may be found that is large enough to accommodate a whole family. A wood-carved effigy, called Tau tau, is usually placed in the cave looking out over the land. The coffin of a baby or child may be hung from ropes on a cliff face or from a tree. This hanging grave usually lasts for years, until the ropes rot and the coffin falls to the ground.
In the ritual called Ma'Nene, that takes place each year in August, the bodies of the deceased are exhumed to be washed, groomed and dressed in new clothes. The mummies are then walked around the village.
DANNCE AND MUSIC
Torajans perform dances on several occasions, most often during their elaborate funeral ceremonies. They dance to express their grief, and to honour and even cheer the deceased person because he is going to have a long journey in the afterlife. First, a group of men form a circle and sing a monotonous chant throughout the night to honour the deceased (a ritual called Ma'badong). This is considered by many Torajans to be the most important component of the funeral ceremony. On the second funeral day, the Ma'randing warrior dance is performed to praise the courage of the deceased during life. Several men perform the dance with a sword, a large shield made from buffalo skin, a helmet with a buffalo horn, and other ornamentation. The Ma'randing dance precedes a procession in which the deceased is carried from a rice barn to the rante, the site of the funeral ceremony. During the funeral, elder women perform the Ma'katia dance while singing a poetic song and wearing a long feathered costume. The Ma'akatia dance is performed to remind the audience of the generosity and loyalty of the deceased person. After the bloody ceremony of buffalo and pig slaughter, a group of boys and girls clap their hands while performing a cheerful dance called Ma'dondan.
As in other agricultural societies, Torajans dance and sing during harvest time. The Ma'bugi dance celebrates the thanksgiving event, and the Ma'gandangi dance is performed while Torajans are pounding rice. There are several war dances, such as the Manimbong dance performed by men, followed by the Ma'dandan dance performed by women. The aluk religion governs when and how Torajans dance. A dance called Ma'bua can be performed only once every 12 years. Ma'bua is a major Toraja ceremony in which priests wear a buffalo head and dance around a sacred tree.
A traditional musical instrument of the Toraja is a bamboo flute called a Pa'suling (suling is an Indonesian word for flute). This six-holed flute (not unique to the Toraja) is played at many dances, such as the thanksgiving dance Ma'bondensan, where the flute accompanies a group of shirtless, dancing men with long fingernails. The Toraja have indigenous musical instruments, such as the Pa'pelle (made from palm leaves) and the Pa'karombi (the Torajan version of a jaw harp). The Pa'pelle is played during harvest time and at house inauguration ceremonies.
COGENDER VIEWS
Among the Saʼadan (eastern Toraja) in the island of Sulawesi (Celebes), Indonesia, there are homosexual male toburake tambolang shamans; although among their neighbors the Mamasa (western Toraja) there are instead only heterosexual female toburake shamanesses.
LANGUAGE
The ethnic Toraja language is dominant in Tana Toraja with the main language as the Sa'dan Toraja. Although the national Indonesian language is the official language and is spoken in the community, all elementary schools in Tana Toraja teach Toraja language.
Language varieties of Toraja, including Kalumpang, Mamasa, Tae, Talondo, Toala, and Toraja-Sa'dan, belong to the Malayo-Polynesian language from the Austronesian family. At the outset, the isolated geographical nature of Tana Toraja formed many dialects between the Toraja languages themselves. After the formal administration of Tana Toraja, some Toraja dialects have been influenced by other languages through the transmigration program, introduced since the colonialism period, and it has been a major factor in the linguistic variety of Toraja languages.
A prominent attribute of Toraja language is the notion of grief. The importance of death ceremony in Toraja culture has characterised their languages to express intricate degrees of grief and mourning. The Toraja language contains many terms referring to sadness, longing, depression, and mental pain. Giving a clear expression of the psychological and physical effect of loss is a catharsis and sometimes lessens the pain of grief itself.
ECONOMY
Prior to Suharto's "New Order" administration, the Torajan economy was based on agriculture, with cultivated wet rice in terraced fields on mountain slopes, and supplemental cassava and maize crops. Much time and energy were devoted to raising water buffalo, pigs, and chickens, primarily for ceremonial sacrifices and consumption. Coffee was the first significant cash crop produced in Toraja, and was introduced in the mid 19th century, changing the local economy towards commodity production for external markets and gaining an excellent reputation for quality in the international market.
With the commencement of the New Order in 1965, Indonesia's economy developed and opened to foreign investment. In Toraja, a coffee plantation and factory was established by Key Coffee of Japan, and Torajan coffee regained a reputation for quality within the growing international specialty coffee sector Multinational oil and mining companies opened new operations in Indonesia during the 1970s and 1980s. Torajans, particularly younger ones, relocated to work for the foreign companies—to Kalimantan for timber and oil, to Papua for mining, to the cities of Sulawesi and Java, and many went to Malaysia. The out-migration of Torajans was steady until 1985. and has continued since, with remittances sent back by emigre Torajans performing an important role within the contemporary economy.
Tourism commenced in Toraja in the 1970s, and accelerated in the 1980s and 1990s. Between 1984 and 1997, a significant number of Torajans obtained their incomes from tourism, working in and owning hotels, as tour guides, drivers, or selling souvenirs. With the rise of political and economic instability in Indonesia in the late 1990s—including religious conflicts elsewhere on Sulawesi—tourism in Tana Toraja has declined dramatically. Toraja continues to be a well known origin for Indonesian coffee, grown by both smallholders and plantation estates, although migration, remittances and off-farm income is considered far more important to most households, even those in rural areas.
TOURISM AND CULTURAL CHANGE
Before the 1970s, Toraja was almost unknown to Western tourism. In 1971, about 50 Europeans visited Tana Toraja. In 1972, at least 400 visitors attended the funeral ritual of Puang of Sangalla, the highest-ranking nobleman in Tana Toraja and the so-called "last pure-blooded Toraja noble." The event was documented by National Geographic and broadcast in several European countries. In 1976, about 12,000 tourists visited the regency and in 1981, Torajan sculpture was exhibited in major North American museums. "The land of the heavenly kings of Tana Toraja", as written in the exhibition brochure, embraced the outside world.
In 1984, the Indonesian Ministry of Tourism declared Tana Toraja Regency the prima donna of South Sulawesi. Tana Toraja was heralded as "the second stop after Bali". Tourism was increasing dramatically: by 1985, a total number of 150,000 foreigners had visited the Regency (in addition to 80,000 domestic tourists), and the annual number of foreign visitors was recorded at 40,000 in 1989. Souvenir stands appeared in Rantepao, the cultural center of Toraja, roads were sealed at the most-visited tourist sites, new hotels and tourist-oriented restaurants were opened, and an airstrip was opened in the Regency in 1981.
Tourism developers have marketed Tana Toraja as an exotic adventure—an area rich in culture and off the beaten track. Western tourists expected to see stone-age villages and pagan funerals. Toraja is for tourists who have gone as far as Bali and are willing to see more of the wild, "untouched" islands. However, they were more likely to see a Torajan wearing a hat and denim, living in a Christian society. Tourists felt that the tongkonan and other Torajan rituals had been preconceived to make profits, and complained that the destination was too commercialised. This has resulted in several clashes between Torajans and tourism developers, whom Torajans see as outsiders.
A clash between local Torajan leaders and the South Sulawesi provincial government (as a tourist developer) broke out in 1985. The government designated 18 Toraja villages and burial sites as traditional tourist attractions. Consequently, zoning restrictions were applied to these areas, such that Torajans themselves were barred from changing their tongkonans and burial sites. The plan was opposed by some Torajan leaders, as they felt that their rituals and traditions were being determined by outsiders. As a result, in 1987, the Torajan village of Kété Kesú and several other designated tourist attractions closed their doors to tourists. This closure lasted only a few days, as the villagers found it too difficult to survive without the income from selling souvenirs.
Tourism has also transformed Toraja society. Originally, there was a ritual which allowed commoners to marry nobles (puang) and thereby gain nobility for their children. However, the image of Torajan society created for the tourists, often by "lower-ranking" guides, has eroded its traditional strict hierarchy. High status is not as esteemed in Tana Toraja as it once was. Many low-ranking men can declare themselves and their children nobles by gaining enough wealth through work outside the region and then marrying a noble woman.
WIKIPEDIA
ALEXANDRIA, VA: National Center for Missing & Exploited Children: December 2022 Board Meeting ( NCMEC 2022 Claire Edkins)
Exploitant : Transdev Montesson Les Rabaux
Réseau : Résalys
Ligne : R5
Lieu : Gare de Saint-Germain-en-Laye (Saint-Germain-en-Laye, F-78)
Grypania spiralis Walter et al., 1976 - fossil eucaryote ribbons from the Negaunee Iron-Formation (Paleoproterozoic, 2.11 Ga or 1.874 Ga) at the Empire Mine southeast of Ishpeming in Marquette County, Upper Peninsula of Michigan, USA. (public display, Seaman Mineral Museum, Houghton, Michigan, USA)
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The oldest known fossils on Earth are 3.7 billion year old stromatolites from Greenland. The oldest currently known macroscopic body fossils are Grypania spiralis - distinctive spirally coiled “algae” - from the Negaunee Iron-Formation of Michigan’s Upper Peninsula (UP). They come from the “fossiliferous zone” of the lower “magnetite-carbonate-silicate-chert iron formation” interval of the lower Negaunee Iron-Formation (= unit 2 of Han in Gair, 1975, USGS Professional Paper 769: 77), upper Menominee Group, Marquette Range Supergroup. The Negaunee Fe-Fm. dates to the mid-Paleoproterozoic, at 2.11 billion years, although a 1.874 billion year date for this unit was published in the 2000s.
Fossil material from this area has been documented in Han & Runnegar (1992) (Science 257: 232-235). The sample shown here is from the same locality cited in the Han & Runnegar (1992) paper. It comes from the Empire Mine, an open-pit iron mine exploiting the Negaunee Fe-Fm.
Locality: Empire Mine, just northwest of the town of Palmer & southeast of the town of Ishpeming, Marquette County, western Upper Peninsula of Michigan USA (46° 27’ 18” North, 87° 36’ 32” West).
What does Grypania represent? The safest identification is that they are eucaryotes (Domain Eucaryota). In a generalized way, they are often simply referred to as fossil algae.
More photos from the Leap for Lucy table at VegFest
Leap for Lucy
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Taken at VegFest
Edmonton, AB
Exploitant : Transdev TVO
Réseau : R'Bus (Argenteuil)
Ligne : 6
Lieu : Gare d'Argenteuil (Argenteuil, F-95)
Lien TC Infos : tc-infos.fr/id/8586
Geirangerfjord (Geirangerfjorden)
Le Geirangerfjord (Geirangerfjorden) ou fjord de Geiranger est un fjord dépendant de la municipalité de Stranda au sud du comté de Møre og Romsdal en Norvège. C'est une branche d'une quinzaine de kilomètres du Storfjord. Au fond du fjord se trouve le village de Geiranger.
Le fjord est l'une des principales attractions touristiques du pays, et il est accessible par les bateaux de haute mer, y compris de gros paquebots de croisière.
L'express côtier (Hurtigruten) y fait un détour quotidiennement lors de ses voyages sud-nord entre les escales d'Ålesund et de Molde lors du service d'été.
Il est inscrit avec le Nærøyfjord sur la liste du patrimoine mondial de l'UNESCO depuis 2005 sous l'appellation de fjords de l'Ouest de la Norvège.
Geirangerfjorden er en fjord på Sunnmøre i Møre og Romsdal. Den er 15 kilometer lang og utgjør en arm av Storfjorden. Innerst i fjorden ligger Geiranger. Geirangerfjorden er 600 til 1.500 meter bred.
Langs fjorden finner en Skageflå, Blomberg og Knivsflå, som er høyt beliggende, fraflyttede fotogene gårder tilgjengelig via sti og båt. Fjorden er et av Norges mest besøkte turistmål. 14. juli 2005 ble Geirangerfjordområde sammen med Nærøyfjordområde innskrevet som Vestnorsk fjordlandskap på UNESCOs liste over verdens kultur- og naturarvsteder. Området som ble utnevnt til verdensarv var 498 km² i kommunene Norddal og Stranda. Reinheimen nasjonalpark, som er vernet for å beskytte villreinsstammen i Ottadalen, ligger også innenfor Norddal kommunes grenser. I 2006 ble Vestnorsk fjordlandskap kåret til det best bevarte UNESCO-sted av magasinet National Geographic.
Selskapet Fjord1 driver en bilferge som går langs hele fjorden mellom Geiranger og Hellesylt.
Den ytre delen i overgangen til Sunnylvsfjorden kalles også Korsfjorden.
Den geologiske utviklingen i området skjedde i siste istid. Isbreene gravde ut dype fjorder og forma høye fjell. På det djupeste er fjordene rundt 6-700 meter. Man finner også fjell som er opp mot 2.000 meter høye.
Storfjorden er det fjordsystemet som Geirangerfjorden og Sunnylvsfjorden er del av. Her er det kartlagt skred 12.500 år tilbake i tid Disse har etterlatt avleiringer på fjordbunnen, og i 2015 var det funnet skredavleiringer etter 108 hendelser, de fleste fra slutten av siste istid og tiden like etterpå. Siden er det forekommet 5-8 skred hvert årtusen. Størst aktivitet er det i Geirangerfjorden, der det forekommer ras hvert 350 år.
Området rundt fjorden er mildt, noe som gjør frukt- og bærproduksjon mulig. Vintrene er ikke særlig kalde i lavlandet, likevel kan det bli mye snø, gjerne med gode skiforhold, i fjellene.
Fosser[rediger | rediger kilde]
De to mest kjente fossene i Geirangerfjorden er Knivsflåfossene, bedre kjent som De syv søstrene og Friaren. De to fossene ligger på hver sin side av fjorden, og det blir sagt at Friaren gjør kur til De syv søstrene på den andre siden.
En annen foss i fjorden er Brudesløret.
Det skal ha vært bosetning i områdene rundt fjorden siden like etter den siste istiden for 10 000 år siden. I denne tiden skal området primært ha vært bosatt av reinjegere. Det har også blitt funnet tegn på bosetninger i den yngre bronsealder for 4 000 år siden.
Området er i dag delt mellom kommunene Norddal og Stranda. Innbyggertallet i Norddal kommune er på cirka 1760 innbyggere fordelt på fem små bygder, Eidsdal, Fjørå, Norddal, Tafjord og administrasjonssenteret Valldal. Stranda kommune har 4.540 innbyggere i bygdene Geiranger, Hellesylt, Liabygda og administrasjonssenteret Stranda.
På grunn av all turisme knyttet opp mot fjorden, øker folketallet i disse kommunene betraktelig i turistsesongen, da spesielt om sommeren. Disse består for det meste av sesongarbeidere og folk som har hytter og campingvogner stående fast.
Geirangerfjorden er ein fjord i Stranda kommune på Sunnmøre i Møre og Romsdal. Han er 15 kilometer lang og er ein arm av Sunnylvsfjorden og Storfjorden. Geirangerfjorden er den armen av Storfjorden som strekkjer seg lengst inn i fjordlandskapet. Største djupna i Geirangerfjorden er 233 m, tett vest for den fråflytta garden Syltavik. Ved fjordbotnen ligg bygda Geiranger.
Fjorden er eit av Noreg sine mest vitja turistmål, og vert halde for å vere særs vakker. 14. juli 2005 kom han med på UNESCO si verdsarvliste i lag med Nærøyfjorden i Sogn.
Det er venta at busetnaden ved Geirangerfjorden vil verte mykje skadd når bergsida over Åkerneset i Sunnylvsfjorden, ein gong i ei ukjent framtid, rasar ut i Sunnylvsfjorden. Raset vil føre til ein tsunami som vil treffe fleire bygder langs fjorden, som Geiranger og Hellesylt, på mindre enn ti minutt.
Langs fjordsidene ligg fleire fråflytta gardar. Stiftinga «Storfjordens venner» har, over ei periode på vel tretti år, sørgd for at mange av desse har vorte (dels eller heilt) restaurerte. Dei oftast vitja av desse er Skageflå og Blomberg på sørsida av fjorden, og Knivsflå på nordsida. Skageflå kan ein nå til fots frå Geiranger, medan ein til dei to andre nyttar båt. Andre fråflytta gardar er Horvadrag, Megardsplassen og Matvika. Det er òg fleire flotte fossefall i fjorden, dei mest kjende er Dei sju systrene og Brudesløret.
Ei bilferje driven av Fjord går langs heile fjorden mellom Geiranger og Hellesylt.
Les Sju Søstre, aussi appelées en bokmål Syv Søstrene, en nynorsk Sju Systrene, toponymes norvégiens signifiant littéralement en français « Sept Sœurs », sont un ensemble de chutes d'eau de Norvège dévalant les parois du Geirangerfjord pour se jeter directement dans le fjord ; cette caractéristique en fait des chutes d'eau côtières. Elles constituent une importante attraction touristique de Norvège, notamment pour les passagers des navires empruntant le Geirangerfjord.
Les fjords de l'Ouest de la Norvège sont le nom commun donné à deux fjords de Norvège inscrits au patrimoine mondial de l'UNESCO : le Geirangerfjord et le Nærøyfjord.
Le bien inscrit au patrimoine mondial se compose de deux aires distantes de 120 km l'une de l'autre, situées dans le sud-ouest de la Norvège, au nord-est de la ville de Bergen, et faisant partie du paysage de fjords de Norvège occidentale s'étend sur plus de 500 km entre Stavanger au sud et Andalsnes au nord : l'aire du Geirangerfjord et l'aire du Nærøyfjord, pour une superficie totale de 122 712 hectares (111 966 ha terrestres et 10 746 ha maritimes).
Le Geirangerfjord se situe à 60 km à l'intérieur des terres et constitue l'extrémité supérieure du StorfjordC 1. Il s'étend dans le comté de Møre og Romsdal, plus précisément sur les communes de Norddal et de StrandaB 1. Elle couvre ainsi 51 802 ha : 46 151 ha terrestres et 5 651 ha maritimes.
Le Nærøyfjord se situe à 100 km à l'intérieur des terres et constitue l'extrémité supérieure du SognefjordC 1. Il s'étend dans les comtés de Sogn og Fjordane (sur les communes de Aurland, Vik et Lærdal) et de Hordaland (sur la commune de Voss)B 1. Elle couvre ainsi 70 910 ha : 65 815 ha terrestres et 5 095 ha maritimesB 1. Elle est traversée par la route européenne 161.
Le Geirangerfjord est l’un des plus beaux fjords de la Norvège. À votre arrivée, une descente vertigineuse de 1000 mètres sur seulement 10 kilomètres vous attend pour accéder au site. Un spectacle merveilleux qui vous permettra d’approcher au plus près des merveilles de la région.
Les sites incontournables de Geirangerfjord
Le Geirangerfjord est un véritable paradis terrestre et aquatique. Classé au patrimoine mondial de l’humanité par l’Unesco, il dévoile des montagnes majestueuses aux parois abruptes, de fabuleuses cascades et une route connue et appréciée par les passionnés de nature. Parmi les sites incontournables du Geirangerfjord, on ne manquera pas d’approcher la cascade des 7 sœurs, aussi appelée Sju Søstre. Cette succession de sept chutes d’eau est pour le moins impressionnante, se jetant au cœur du fjord à plus de 250 mètres de hauteur. À la fin du printemps, alors que les neiges fondent, son débit est particulièrement impressionnant. L’autre site à ne pas manquer à Geirangerfjord, c’est bien sûr son incroyable route panoramique, la Trollstigen, ou « route des trolls ». Cette route monte ou descend une pente à 9 % et compte une bonne dizaine de virages en épingle. De là-haut, un promontoire permet d’accéder à une vue panoramique sur toute la région.
L’activité principale pour découvrir la région, c’est bien sûr la randonnée. La promenade de la cascade est l’un des sentiers les plus réputés. Celui-ci longe une jolie cascade traversant le fjord et dispose d’un escalier grimpant jusqu’à son sommet, où un point de vue sur la chute d’eau attend les marcheurs. Plus physique mais tout de même accessible, la randonnée panoramique du Geirangerfjord jusqu’au point de vue de Versterasfjellet. Le sentier prend de la hauteur en pleine nature, longe de jolies fermes en bois, puis arrive jusqu’à un promontoire rocheux plongeant directement dans le fjord. Vous vous sentirez seul au monde et tout petit face à ce spectacle magnifique. Et puis, il existe une autre façon de visiter Geirangerfjord : la croisière. Le point de vue change alors du tout au tout puisque c’est directement depuis le fjord au fil de l’eau que vous vous approcherez des montagnes et des beautés du paysage.
La meilleure période pour visiter Geirangerfjord s’étend de la fin du printemps à la fin de l’été, du mois de mai au mois de septembre. Les températures sont alors agréables pour faire de la randonnée et approcher les cascades. Pour vous loger, vous aurez le choix entre les petits hôtels du village – à réserver longtemps à l’avance. Attention, si vous prévoyez de faire de la randonnée, vérifiez qu’il ne pleuvra pas de la journée. La pluie peut en effet rendre les parois rocheuses glissantes et vous mettre en danger.
Le fjord de Geiranger est situé en Norvège, au Nord-Ouest de Oslo (450 kilomètres) et au Sud du Comté de Møre og Romsdal. Le Geirangerfjord fait partie prenante de la région des fjords de la Norvège de l’Ouest et est inscrit au patrimoine mondial de l’UNESCO depuis 2005.
Avec le Nærøyfjord et le Sognefjord, le Geirangerfjord est l’un des plus longs et profonds au monde. Cette spectaculaire vallée en U, formée par l’érosion glaciaire, mesure 15 kilomètres de long et est profond de 600 mètres. Son origine remonte à près de trois millions d’années.
Ses parois s’élèvent jusqu’à 1.400 mètres d’altitude et sont très souvent ornées de splendides arcs-en-ciel, du fait du comptent un nombre important de cascades et de chutes d’eau. Les plus connues sont : le Brudesløret (le Voile de la Mariée), le Friaren (le Prétendant) et le De syv søstrene (les Sept Sœurs). Il est aussi possible d’accéder à une vue panoramique sur le Geirangerfjord. Pour cela, deux s’options s’ouvrent à vous : la Gorge Flydalsjuve et la Route des Aigles (Ørnevegen). Appelée ainsi en raison du nombre important d’aigles que comptait jadis la zone, cette route culmine à 620 mètres d’altitude. Elle vous permettra également de contempler depuis un autre point de vue la Cascade des Sept Sœurs.
Vous trouverez enfin aux alentours du fjord de Geiranger, le Gudbrandsjuvet. Il s’agit d’un ravin, mesurant 5 mètres de profondeur et environ 25 mètres de large, au fond duquel court le Valldola. Avec le temps, sous l’action de l’érosion, ce torrent a formé des sortes de cuvettes. On peut y pratiquer kayak et rafting, ou tout simplement se baigner aux endroits où l’eau est plus calme.
Avant de vous aventurer dans cette région haute en couleurs, pensez à vous équiper de vêtements chauds et de bonnes chaussures de marche.
Fjords de l’Ouest de la Norvège – Geirangerfjord et Nærøyfjord
Situés au sud-ouest de la Norvège, au nord-est de Bergen, Geirangerfjord et Nærøyfjord, à 120 km l’un de l’autre, font partie des fjords de l’ouest de la Norvège qui s’étendent de Stavanger au sud jusqu’à Andalsnes, 500 km au nord-est. Les deux fjords, qui sont parmi les plus longs et des plus profonds du monde, sont considérés comme caractéristiques de la géographie des fjords et comme l’un des paysages les plus spectaculaires de la planète. Leur exceptionnelle beauté naturelle provient des parois cristallines, étroites et abruptes, qui s’élèvent jusqu’à 1 400 m au-dessus de la mer et plongent 500 m en dessous. Les parois à pic des fjords abritent de nombreuses cascades tandis que des rivières sauvages coulent à travers des forêts caduques et de conifères vers des lacs glaciaires, des glaciers et les montagnes escarpées. Le paysage contient une variété de phénomènes naturels, tant terrestres que marins, découlant de cet environnement, comme des moraines sous-marines et des mammifères marins. Des vestiges de vieilles fermes de transhumance désormais abandonnées ajoutent un aspect culturel au caractère spectaculaire du lieu et donne une ultime touche humaine au site.
Les paysages absolument spectaculaires de Geirangerfjord et Nærøyfjord sont exceptionnels de par leur échelle et leur grandeur dans un pays de fjords impressionnants. Situés au sud-ouest de la Norvège, ces fjords figurent parmi les plus longs et les plus profonds du monde, et vont de 250 m à 2,5 km de large. Le mot fjord, d’origine norvégienne, désigne une longue et profonde indentation de la mer entre de hautes falaises formée par la submersion d’une vallée glaciaire. Ces deux fjords de l’ouest de la Norvège passent pour des exemples classiques et complémentaires de ce phénomène, une sorte de localité type pour ces fjords qui présentent encore des processus géologiques actifs.
De nombreuses cascades et rivières sauvages, des forêts et des zones boisées composées de feuillus et de conifères, des lacs glaciaires, des glaciers, des montagnes escarpées et divers autres attributs naturels se combinent pour faire de Geirangerfjord et Nærøyfjord l’un des paysages esthétiquement les plus exceptionnels de la planète. Le bien sériel de 122 712 ha, dont 10 746 ha marins, est constitué de ces deux fjords qui se trouvent à 120 km l’un de l’autre. Ils forment une partie du paysage occidental des fjords norvégiens qui s’étend sur 500 km, de Stavanger au sud jusqu’à Åndalsnes au nord-est. On trouve plusieurs vallées et villages habités le long des fjords comme dans le périmètre du site, et l’importance du paysage est renforcée (mais non dominée) par les traces de son passé anthropique historique, ce qui ajoute de l’intérêt et de la valeur au bien.
Critère (vii): Geirangerfjord et Nærøyfjord figurent parmi les régions de fjords esthétiquement les plus exceptionnelles de la planète. Leur beauté naturelle remarquable provient de leurs murailles de roches cristallines étroites et abruptes qui s’élèvent jusqu’à 1 400 m au-dessus du niveau de la mer de Norvège et s’enfoncent à 500 m sous le niveau de la mer. Les parois à pic des fjords abritent de nombreuses cascades, tandis que des rivières sauvages coulent à travers des forêts d’essences décidues et de conifères vers des lacs glaciaires, des glaciers et des montagnes escarpées. Toutes sortes de phénomènes naturels, tant terrestres que marins, viennent s’y ajouter, comme des moraines sous-marines et des mammifères marins. Les vestiges d’anciennes exploitations pratiquant la transhumance aujourd’hui essentiellement abandonnées ajoutent une dimension culturelle à ce paysage naturel remarquable et un intérêt humain à la région.
Critère (viii): Les Fjords de l’ouest de la Norvège sont des fjords classiques, superbement développés, considérés comme la localité type des paysages de fjords dans le monde. Ils sont comparables dans leur échelle et leur qualité aux autres fjords inscrits sur la Liste du patrimoine mondial et se distinguent par le climat et le contexte géologique. Le bien présente la gamme complète des secteurs internes de deux des fjords les plus longs et les plus profonds de la planète, et offre des exemples bien développés de glaciation active récente durant la période glaciaire du Pléistocène. Les surfaces polies par la glace et les vagues des parois abruptes des fjords laissent des secteurs en trois dimensions continus et superbement exposés à travers la roche mère. L’histoire du relèvement isostatique postglaciaire de la croûte et son expression géomorphologique dans le paysage de fjords sont remarquables et représentent des domaines clés pour l’étude scientifique de l’instabilité des pentes et les risques géologiques qui en résultent.
Les deux zones de fjords possèdent toutes les caractéristiques qui distinguent en général un paysage de fjords et son évolution géologique : de profonds bassins de roches à de grandes profondeurs sous-marines, des seuils rocheux en surplomb, des falaises vertigineuses, des niches de décollement et des dépôts d’avalanche, des moraines, des dépôts de till, des vallées suspendues, des vallées en méandres ou en U (formées par capture du cours d’eau), des glaciers, des rivières, des cascades entourées de montagnes et de bassins versants. Chaque fjord a une morphologie et une géologie différentes et présente toutes sortes de caractéristiques géomorphologiques. Ensemble, Nærøyfjord et Geirangerfjord offrent dans leur relation naturelle presque toutes les singularités que l’on peut s’attendre à découvrir dans un paysage de fjords et son évolution géologique. Les limites du bien en série sont correctement définies pour protéger les zones et les aspects géologiques nécessaires au maintien des qualités esthétiques du site. La législation, le personnel, le budget et les structures institutionnelles mis en place sont suffisants pour en assurer l’intégrité.
Parmi les 200 fjords qui longent la côte occidentale de la Norvège, Nærøyfjord et Geirangerfjord sont les moins touchés par l’activité humaine, comme la construction de barrages hydroélectriques et d’infrastructures. Une carrière de péridotite est exploitée à l’extérieur, mais à proximité du Geirangerfjord, autre composante du bien, il est prévu d’installer une autre carrière. Ces impacts sont localisés et les travaux de restauration seront entrepris dès que l’extraction de minerai aura cessé. L’extraction souterraine d’anorthosite se poursuit dans la zone du Nærøyfjord et pourrait s’étendre à l’avenir. Bien qu’elle ne touche pas directement le fjord, la carrière a un impact visuel depuis la route qui traverse la vallée de Nærøydalen.
La majeure partie du bien est protégée en tant que « Paysage protégé » de catégorie V de l’UICN avec, à l’intérieur, plusieurs petites aires de catégorie I « Réserve naturelle intégrale ». Les règles législatives qu’énonce la Loi norvégienne sur la diversité de la nature assurent la protection à long terme de l’ensemble des valeurs naturelles. Alors que les terres privées représentent 85 % du bien, les zones habitées sont soigneusement réglementées en application de la Loi sur l’aménagement du territoire et la construction, et de mécanismes tels que les plans de développement au niveau local, municipal ou du comté.
Un mode de gestion efficace comprend des comités consultatifs et un conseil de gestion qui se réunit régulièrement pour faciliter la coopération et la coordination nécessaires en termes de gestion. Une « Déclaration d’intention » signée par toutes les agences nationales compétentes, ainsi que les conseils municipaux, les conseils et les gouverneurs de comté concernés, souligne les mesures de coopération et « garantit que les valeurs perdureront dans la région ».
Un plan de gestion complet traite des objectifs de gestion et propose des lignes directrices pour que les activités préservent la valeur universelle exceptionnelle dans une perspective à long terme. Le mode de suivi mis en place a besoin d’être approfondi.
Les pressions du tourisme sont intenses dans les deux fjords, mais les impacts sont limités car la plupart des visiteurs accèdent au site sur des bateaux de croisière durant une saison touristique de courte durée. Des plans de gestion touristique adéquats sont un instrument important pour la conservation à long terme de la valeur universelle exceptionnelle du bien.
L’exploitation de mines et de carrières souterraines pose problème et toute expansion de ces activités ne sera pas autorisée sans une évaluation d’impact environnemental. Cela garantirait qu’aucun impact potentiel, y compris l’exportation de produit minier et la nécessité d’une infrastructure connexe, n’affecte la valeur universelle exceptionnelle du bien.
Les risques géologiques sont inquiétants pour les zones habitées et l’infrastructure du site. Pour pouvoir appliquer de nouvelles mesures qui protègent la vie des habitants, des évaluations approfondies de l’impact environnemental devront être réalisées afin d’obtenir des solutions et des mesures qui soient compatibles avec la valeur universelle exceptionnelle du bien. Des plans de prévention des risques intégrés dans le plan de gestion global sont indispensables pour ce bien.
. . . 2. 3. 2007 - this is the first day of a funeral ceremony in Bori for a High Class Woman. She died on 18. 1. 2007 at the age of 85 years. The ceremony will last for one week. Today we will see the showing of the water buffalos, pigs, cow, horse, deer and chicken. All these animals are offered to be the servants of the died woman in her new life after death in Puya. We will see buffalo fighting. Men bet for the winner of those fightings. Two buffalos fight each other - the one running away lost the fight!
If you wonder why the quality of the pictures is a little less: these are no photographs - it all are snapshots of my videos! So sorry for the less resolution, but I think, they are worth to be shown.
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The Toraja are an ethnic group indigenous to a mountainous region of South Sulawesi, Indonesia. Their population is approximately 1,100,000, of whom 450,000 live in the regency of Tana Toraja ("Land of Toraja"). Most of the population is Christian, and others are Muslim or have local animist beliefs known as aluk ("the way"). The Indonesian government has recognized this animist belief as Aluk To Dolo ("Way of the Ancestors").
The word toraja comes from the Bugis Buginese language term to riaja, meaning "people of the uplands". The Dutch colonial government named the people Toraja in 1909. Torajans are renowned for their elaborate funeral rites, burial sites carved into rocky cliffs, massive peaked-roof traditional houses known as tongkonan, and colorful wood carvings. Toraja funeral rites are important social events, usually attended by hundreds of people and lasting for several days.
Before the 20th century, Torajans lived in autonomous villages, where they practised animism and were relatively untouched by the outside world. In the early 1900s, Dutch missionaries first worked to convert Torajan highlanders to Christianity. When the Tana Toraja regency was further opened to the outside world in the 1970s, it became an icon of tourism in Indonesia: it was exploited by tourism developers and studied by anthropologists. By the 1990s, when tourism peaked, Toraja society had changed significantly, from an agrarian model - in which social life and customs were outgrowths of the Aluk To Dolo - to a largely Christian society. Today, tourism and remittances from migrant Torajans have made for major changes in the Toraja highland, giving the Toraja a celebrity status within Indonesia and enhancing Toraja ethnic group pride.
ETHNIC IDENTITY
The Torajan people had little notion of themselves as a distinct ethnic group before the 20th century. Before Dutch colonization and Christianization, Torajans, who lived in highland areas, identified with their villages and did not share a broad sense of identity. Although complexes of rituals created linkages between highland villages, there were variations in dialects, differences in social hierarchies, and an array of ritual practices in the Sulawesi highland region. "Toraja" (from the coastal languages' to, meaning people; and riaja, uplands) was first used as a lowlander expression for highlanders. As a result, "Toraja" initially had more currency with outsiders - such as the Bugis and Makassarese, who constitute a majority of the lowland of Sulawesi - than with insiders. The Dutch missionaries' presence in the highlands gave rise to the Toraja ethnic consciousness in the Sa'dan Toraja region, and this shared identity grew with the rise of tourism in the Tana Toraja Regency. Since then, South Sulawesi has four main ethnic groups - the Bugis (the majority, including shipbuilders and seafarers), the Makassarese (lowland traders and seafarers), the Mandarese (traders and fishermen), and the Toraja (highland rice cultivators).
HISTORY
From the 17th century, the Dutch established trade and political control on Sulawesi through the Dutch East Indies Company. Over two centuries, they ignored the mountainous area in the central Sulawesi, where Torajans lived, because access was difficult and it had little productive agricultural land. In the late 19th century, the Dutch became increasingly concerned about the spread of Islam in the south of Sulawesi, especially among the Makassarese and Bugis peoples. The Dutch saw the animist highlanders as potential Christians. In the 1920s, the Reformed Missionary Alliance of the Dutch Reformed Church began missionary work aided by the Dutch colonial government. In addition to introducing Christianity, the Dutch abolished slavery and imposed local taxes. A line was drawn around the Sa'dan area and called Tana Toraja ("the land of Toraja"). Tana Toraja was first a subdivision of the Luwu kingdom that had claimed the area. In 1946, the Dutch granted Tana Toraja a regentschap, and it was recognized in 1957 as one of the regencies of Indonesia.
Early Dutch missionaries faced strong opposition among Torajans, especially among the elite, because the abolition of their profitable slave trade had angered them. Some Torajans were forcibly relocated to the lowlands by the Dutch, where they could be more easily controlled. Taxes were kept high, undermining the wealth of the elites. Ultimately, the Dutch influence did not subdue Torajan culture, and only a few Torajans were converted. In 1950, only 10% of the population had converted to Christianity.
In the 1930s, Muslim lowlanders attacked the Torajans, resulting in widespread Christian conversion among those who sought to align themselves with the Dutch for political protection and to form a movement against the Bugis and Makassarese Muslims. Between 1951 and 1965 (following Indonesian independence), southern Sulawesi faced a turbulent period as the Darul Islam separatist movement fought for an Islamic state in Sulawesi. The 15 years of guerrilla warfare led to massive conversions to
CHRISTIANITY
Alignment with the Indonesian government, however, did not guarantee safety for the Torajans. In 1965, a presidential decree required every Indonesian citizen to belong to one of five officially recognized religions: Islam, Christianity (Protestantism and Catholicism), Hinduism, or Buddhism. The Torajan religious belief (aluk) was not legally recognized, and the Torajans raised their voices against the law. To make aluk accord with the law, it had to be accepted as part of one of the official religions. In 1969, Aluk To Dolo ("the way of ancestors") was legalized as a sect of Agama Hindu Dharma, the official name of Hinduism in Indonesia.
SOCIETY
There are three main types of affiliation in Toraja society: family, class and religion.
FAMILY AFFILIATION
Family is the primary social and political grouping in Torajan society. Each village is one extended family, the seat of which is the tongkonan, a traditional Torajan house. Each tongkonan has a name, which becomes the name of the village. The familial dons maintain village unity. Marriage between distant cousins (fourth cousins and beyond) is a common practice that strengthens kinship. Toraja society prohibits marriage between close cousins (up to and including the third cousin) - except for nobles, to prevent the dispersal of property. Kinship is actively reciprocal, meaning that the extended family helps each other farm, share buffalo rituals, and pay off debts.
Each person belongs to both the mother's and the father's families, the only bilateral family line in Indonesia. Children, therefore, inherit household affiliation from both mother and father, including land and even family debts. Children's names are given on the basis of kinship, and are usually chosen after dead relatives. Names of aunts, uncles and cousins are commonly referred to in the names of mothers, fathers and siblings.
Before the start of the formal administration of Toraja villages by the Tana Toraja Regency, each Toraja village was autonomous. In a more complex situation, in which one Toraja family could not handle their problems alone, several villages formed a group; sometimes, villages would unite against other villages. Relationship between families was expressed through blood, marriage, and shared ancestral houses (tongkonan), practically signed by the exchange of water buffalo and pigs on ritual occasions. Such exchanges not only built political and cultural ties between families but defined each person's place in a social hierarchy: who poured palm wine, who wrapped a corpse and prepared offerings, where each person could or could not sit, what dishes should be used or avoided, and even what piece of meat constituted one's share.
CLASS AFFILIATION
In early Toraja society, family relationships were tied closely to social class. There were three strata: nobles, commoners, and slaves (slavery was abolished in 1909 by the Dutch East Indies government). Class was inherited through the mother. It was taboo, therefore, to marry "down" with a woman of lower class. On the other hand, marrying a woman of higher class could improve the status of the next generation. The nobility's condescending attitude toward the commoners is still maintained today for reasons of family prestige.
Nobles, who were believed to be direct descendants of the descended person from heaven, lived in tongkonans, while commoners lived in less lavish houses (bamboo shacks called banua). Slaves lived in small huts, which had to be built around their owner's tongkonan. Commoners might marry anyone, but nobles preferred to marry in-family to maintain their status. Sometimes nobles married Bugis or Makassarese nobles. Commoners and slaves were prohibited from having death feasts. Despite close kinship and status inheritance, there was some social mobility, as marriage or change in wealth could affect an individuals status. Wealth was counted by the ownership of water buffaloes.
Slaves in Toraja society were family property. Sometimes Torajans decided to become slaves when they incurred a debt, pledging to work as payment. Slaves could be taken during wars, and slave trading was common. Slaves could buy their freedom, but their children still inherited slave status. Slaves were prohibited from wearing bronze or gold, carving their houses, eating from the same dishes as their owners, or having sex with free women - a crime punishable by death.
RELIGIOUS AFFILIATION
Toraja's indigenous belief system is polytheistic animism, called aluk, or "the way" (sometimes translated as "the law"). In the Toraja myth, the ancestors of Torajan people came down from heaven using stairs, which were then used by the Torajans as a communication medium with Puang Matua, the Creator. The cosmos, according to aluk, is divided into the upper world (heaven), the world of man (earth), and the underworld. At first, heaven and earth were married, then there was a darkness, a separation, and finally the light. Animals live in the underworld, which is represented by rectangular space enclosed by pillars, the earth is for mankind, and the heaven world is located above, covered with a saddle-shaped roof. Other Toraja gods include Pong Banggai di Rante (god of Earth), Indo' Ongon-Ongon (a goddess who can cause earthquakes), Pong Lalondong (god of death), and Indo' Belo Tumbang (goddess of medicine); there are many more.
The earthly authority, whose words and actions should be cleaved to both in life (agriculture) and death (funerals), is called to minaa (an aluk priest). Aluk is not just a belief system; it is a combination of law, religion, and habit. Aluk governs social life, agricultural practices, and ancestral rituals. The details of aluk may vary from one village to another. One common law is the requirement that death and life rituals be separated. Torajans believe that performing death rituals might ruin their corpses if combined with life rituals. The two rituals are equally important. During the time of the Dutch missionaries, Christian Torajans were prohibited from attending or performing life rituals, but were allowed to perform death rituals. Consequently, Toraja's death rituals are still practised today, while life rituals have diminished.
CULTURE
TONGKONAN
Tongkonan are the traditional Torajan ancestral houses. They stand high on wooden piles, topped with a layered split-bamboo roof shaped in a sweeping curved arc, and they are incised with red, black, and yellow detailed wood carvings on the exterior walls. The word "tongkonan" comes from the Torajan tongkon ("to sit").
Tongkonan are the center of Torajan social life. The rituals associated with the tongkonan are important expressions of Torajan spiritual life, and therefore all family members are impelled to participate, because symbolically the tongkonan represents links to their ancestors and to living and future kin. According to Torajan myth, the first tongkonan was built in heaven on four poles, with a roof made of Indian cloth. When the first Torajan ancestor descended to earth, he imitated the house and held a large ceremony.
The construction of a tongkonan is laborious work and is usually done with the help of the extended family. There are three types of tongkonan. The tongkonan layuk is the house of the highest authority, used as the "center of government". The tongkonan pekamberan belongs to the family members who have some authority in local traditions. Ordinary family members reside in the tongkonan batu. The exclusivity to the nobility of the tongkonan is diminishing as many Torajan commoners find lucrative employment in other parts of Indonesia. As they send back money to their families, they enable the construction of larger tongkonan.
WOOD CARVINGS
To express social and religious concepts, Torajans carve wood, calling it Pa'ssura (or "the writing"). Wood carvings are therefore Toraja's cultural manifestation.
Each carving receives a special name, and common motifs are animals and plants that symbolize some virtue. For example, water plants and animals, such as crabs, tadpoles and water weeds, are commonly found to symbolize fertility. In some areas noble elders claim these symbols refer to strength of noble family, but not everyone agrees. The overall meaning of groups of carved motifs on houses remains debated and tourism has further complicated these debates because some feel a uniform explanation must be presented to tourists. The image to the left shows an example of Torajan wood carving, consisting of 15 square panels. The center bottom panel represents buffalo or wealth, a wish for many buffaloes for the family. The center panel represents a knot and a box, a hope that all of the family's offspring will be happy and live in harmony, like goods kept safe in a box. The top left and top right squares represent an aquatic animal, indicating the need for fast and hard work, just like moving on the surface of water. It also represents the need for a certain skill to produce good results.
Regularity and order are common features in Toraja wood carving (see table below), as well as abstracts and geometrical designs. Nature is frequently used as the basis of Toraja's ornaments, because nature is full of abstractions and geometries with regularities and ordering. Toraja's ornaments have been studied in ethnomathematics to reveal their mathematical structure, but Torajans base this art only on approximations. To create an ornament, bamboo sticks are used as a geometrical tool.
FUNERAL RITES
In Toraja society, the funeral ritual is the most elaborate and expensive event. The richer and more powerful the individual, the more expensive is the funeral. In the aluk religion, only nobles have the right to have an extensive death feast. The death feast of a nobleman is usually attended by thousands and lasts for several days. A ceremonial site, called rante, is usually prepared in a large, grassy field where shelters for audiences, rice barns, and other ceremonial funeral structures are specially made by the deceased family. Flute music, funeral chants, songs and poems, and crying and wailing are traditional Toraja expressions of grief with the exceptions of funerals for young children, and poor, low-status adults.
The ceremony is often held weeks, months, or years after the death so that the deceased's family can raise the significant funds needed to cover funeral expenses. Torajans traditionally believe that death is not a sudden, abrupt event, but a gradual process toward Puya (the land of souls, or afterlife). During the waiting period, the body of the deceased is wrapped in several layers of cloth and kept under the tongkonan. The soul of the deceased is thought to linger around the village until the funeral ceremony is completed, after which it begins its journey to Puya.
Another component of the ritual is the slaughter of water buffalo. The more powerful the person who died, the more buffalo are slaughtered at the death feast. Buffalo carcasses, including their heads, are usually lined up on a field waiting for their owner, who is in the "sleeping stage". Torajans believe that the deceased will need the buffalo to make the journey and that they will be quicker to arrive at Puya if they have many buffalo. Slaughtering tens of water buffalo and hundreds of pigs using a machete is the climax of the elaborate death feast, with dancing and music and young boys who catch spurting blood in long bamboo tubes. Some of the slaughtered animals are given by guests as "gifts", which are carefully noted because they will be considered debts of the deceased's family. However, a cockfight, known as bulangan londong, is an integral part of the ceremony. As with the sacrifice of the buffalo and the pigs, the cockfight is considered sacred because it involves the spilling of blood on the earth. In particular, the tradition requires the sacrifice of at least three chickens. However, it is common for at least 25 pairs of chickens to be set against each other in the context of the ceremony.
There are three methods of burial: the coffin may be laid in a cave or in a carved stone grave, or hung on a cliff. It contains any possessions that the deceased will need in the afterlife. The wealthy are often buried in a stone grave carved out of a rocky cliff. The grave is usually expensive and takes a few months to complete. In some areas, a stone cave may be found that is large enough to accommodate a whole family. A wood-carved effigy, called Tau tau, is usually placed in the cave looking out over the land. The coffin of a baby or child may be hung from ropes on a cliff face or from a tree. This hanging grave usually lasts for years, until the ropes rot and the coffin falls to the ground.
In the ritual called Ma'Nene, that takes place each year in August, the bodies of the deceased are exhumed to be washed, groomed and dressed in new clothes. The mummies are then walked around the village.
DANCE AND MUSIC
Torajans perform dances on several occasions, most often during their elaborate funeral ceremonies. They dance to express their grief, and to honour and even cheer the deceased person because he is going to have a long journey in the afterlife. First, a group of men form a circle and sing a monotonous chant throughout the night to honour the deceased (a ritual called Ma'badong). This is considered by many Torajans to be the most important component of the funeral ceremony. On the second funeral day, the Ma'randing warrior dance is performed to praise the courage of the deceased during life. Several men perform the dance with a sword, a large shield made from buffalo skin, a helmet with a buffalo horn, and other ornamentation. The Ma'randing dance precedes a procession in which the deceased is carried from a rice barn to the rante, the site of the funeral ceremony. During the funeral, elder women perform the Ma'katia dance while singing a poetic song and wearing a long feathered costume. The Ma'akatia dance is performed to remind the audience of the generosity and loyalty of the deceased person. After the bloody ceremony of buffalo and pig slaughter, a group of boys and girls clap their hands while performing a cheerful dance called Ma'dondan.
As in other agricultural societies, Torajans dance and sing during harvest time. The Ma'bugi dance celebrates the thanksgiving event, and the Ma'gandangi dance is performed while Torajans are pounding rice. There are several war dances, such as the Manimbong dance performed by men, followed by the Ma'dandan dance performed by women. The aluk religion governs when and how Torajans dance. A dance called Ma'bua can be performed only once every 12 years. Ma'bua is a major Toraja ceremony in which priests wear a buffalo head and dance around a sacred tree.
A traditional musical instrument of the Toraja is a bamboo flute called a Pa'suling (suling is an Indonesian word for flute). This six-holed flute (not unique to the Toraja) is played at many dances, such as the thanksgiving dance Ma'bondensan, where the flute accompanies a group of shirtless, dancing men with long fingernails. The Toraja have indigenous musical instruments, such as the Pa'pelle (made from palm leaves) and the Pa'karombi (the Torajan version of a jaw harp). The Pa'pelle is played during harvest time and at house inauguration ceremonies.
LANGUAGE
The ethnic Toraja language is dominant in Tana Toraja with the main language as the Sa'dan Toraja. Although the national Indonesian language is the official language and is spoken in the community, all elementary schools in Tana Toraja teach Toraja language.Language varieties of Toraja, including Kalumpang, Mamasa, Tae' , Talondo' , Toala' , and Toraja-Sa'dan, belong to the Malayo-Polynesian language from the Austronesian family. At the outset, the isolated geographical nature of Tana Toraja formed many dialects between the Toraja languages themselves. After the formal administration of Tana Toraja, some Toraja dialects have been influenced by other languages through the transmigration program, introduced since the colonialism period, and it has been a major factor in the linguistic variety of Toraja languages. A prominent attribute of Toraja language is the notion of grief. The importance of death ceremony in Toraja culture has characterized their languages to express intricate degrees of grief and mourning. The Toraja language contains many terms referring to sadness, longing, depression, and mental pain. Giving a clear expression of the psychological and physical effect of loss is a catharsis and sometimes lessens the pain of grief itself.
ECONOMY
Prior to Suharto's "New Order" administration, the Torajan economy was based on agriculture, with cultivated wet rice in terraced fields on mountain slopes, and supplemental cassava and maize crops. Much time and energy were devoted to raising water buffalo, pigs, and chickens, primarily for ceremonial sacrifices and consumption. Coffee was the first significant cash crop produced in Toraja, and was introduced in the mid 19th century, changing the local economy towards commodity production for external markets and gaining an excellent reputation for quality in the international market .
With the commencement of the New Order in 1965, Indonesia's economy developed and opened to foreign investment. In Toraja, a coffee plantation and factory was established by Key Coffee of Japan, and Torajan coffee regained a reputation for quality within the growing international specialty coffee sector Multinational oil and mining companies opened new operations in Indonesia during the 1970s and 1980s. Torajans, particularly younger ones, relocated to work for the foreign companies - to Kalimantan for timber and oil, to Papua for mining, to the cities of Sulawesi and Java, and many went to Malaysia. The out-migration of Torajans was steady until 1985. and has continued since, with remittances sent back by emigre Torajans performing an important role within the contemporary economy.
Tourism commenced in Toraja in the 1970s, and accelerated in the 1980s and 1990s. Between 1984 and 1997, a significant number of Torajans obtained their incomes from tourism, working in and owning hotels, as tour guides, drivers, or selling souvenirs. With the rise of political and economic instability in Indonesia in the late 1990s - including religious conflicts elsewhere on Sulawesi - tourism in Tana Toraja has declined dramatically. Toraja continues to be a well known origin for Indonesian coffee, grown by both smallholders and plantation estates, although migration, remittances and off-farm income is considered far more important to most households, even those in rural areas.
TOURISM AND CULTURAL CHANGE
Before the 1970s, Toraja was almost unknown to Western tourism. In 1971, about 50 Europeans visited Tana Toraja. In 1972, at least 400 visitors attended the funeral ritual of Puang of Sangalla, the highest-ranking nobleman in Tana Toraja and the so-called "last pure-blooded Toraja noble." The event was documented by National Geographic and broadcast in several European countries. In 1976, about 12,000 tourists visited the regency and in 1981, Torajan sculpture was exhibited in major North American museums. "The land of the heavenly kings of Tana Toraja", as written in the exhibition brochure, embraced the outside world.
In 1984, the Indonesian Ministry of Tourism declared Tana Toraja Regency the prima donna of South Sulawesi. Tana Toraja was heralded as "the second stop after Bali". Tourism was increasing dramatically: by 1985, a total number of 150,000 foreigners had visited the Regency (in addition to 80,000 domestic tourists), and the annual number of foreign visitors was recorded at 40,000 in 1989. Souvenir stands appeared in Rantepao, the cultural center of Toraja, roads were sealed at the most-visited tourist sites, new hotels and tourist-oriented restaurants were opened, and an airstrip was opened in the Regency in 1981.
Tourism developers have marketed Tana Toraja as an exotic adventure - an area rich in culture and off the beaten track. Western tourists expected to see stone-age villages and pagan funerals. Toraja is for tourists who have gone as far as Bali and are willing to see more of the wild, "untouched" islands. However, they were more likely to see a Torajan wearing a hat and denim, living in a Christian society. Tourists felt that the tongkonan and other Torajan rituals had been preconceived to make profits, and complained that the destination was too commercialized. This has resulted in several clashes between Torajans and tourism developers, whom Torajans see as outsiders.
A clash between local Torajan leaders and the South Sulawesi provincial government (as a tourist developer) broke out in 1985. The government designated 18 Toraja villages and burial sites as traditional tourist attractions. Consequently, zoning restrictions were applied to these areas, such that Torajans themselves were barred from changing their tongkonans and burial sites. The plan was opposed by some Torajan leaders, as they felt that their rituals and traditions were being determined by outsiders. As a result, in 1987, the Torajan village of Kété Kesú and several other designated tourist attractions closed their doors to tourists. This closure lasted only a few days, as the villagers found it too difficult to survive without the income from selling souvenirs.
Tourism has also transformed Toraja society. Originally, there was a ritual which allowed commoners to marry nobles (puang) and thereby gain nobility for their children. However, the image of Torajan society created for the tourists, often by "lower-ranking" guides, has eroded its traditional strict hierarchy. High status is not as esteemed in Tana Toraja as it once was. Many low-ranking men can declare themselves and their children nobles by gaining enough wealth through work outside the region and then marrying a noble woman.
WIKIPEDIA
Not that it did a lot of good, I guess. There's not a lot of cotton left but there's still lots of oppression
WASHINGTON, DC: National Center for Missing & Exploited (NCMEC) 2022 Hope Gala, Oct. 20, 2022
The National Center for Missing & Exploited Children’s (NCMEC) Hope Gala held on Oct. 20, 2022 at the District Pier at The Wharf, Washington, D.C. The event is a celebration of the inspiring work being done globally to protect children. We recognized leaders in child safety, honor survivors, and remember the families and victims who are still seeking justice and safety. Claire Edkins /NCMEC
22-09-2019
[order] Charadriiformes | [family] Laridae | [latin] Larus ridibundus | [UK] Black-Headed Gull | [FR] Mouette rieuse | [DE] Lachmöwe | [ES] Gaviota Reidora | [IT] Gabbiano comune | [NL] Kokmeeuw
Measurements
spanwidth min.: 86 cm
spanwidth max.: 99 cm
size min.: 35 cm
size max.: 39 cm
Breeding
incubation min.: 23 days
incubation max.: 26 days
fledging min.: 33 days
fledging max.: 37 days
broods 1
eggs min.: 1
eggs max.: 3
Larus ridibundus
Sléibhín
Status: Resident along all Irish coasts, with significant numbers arriving from the Continent in winter. Breeds in small numbers on islands in larger lakes in western Ireland.
Conservation Concern: Red-listed due to its rapidly declining and localised breeding population. The European population is regarded as Secure, despite declines in several countries.
Identification: A small gull, slightly smaller than Common Gull. Adults are pale grey above and white below. Adults are easily told apart from other common gull species by the thick white leading edge to outer wing, which can be seen at some distance. A blackish area bordering the white leading edge of the underwing is also evident. Pointed wings, and a small tail and head in proportion to the body, along with a long neck give a distinctive profile compared to other gulls. Adults have red legs, and in summer plumage, a dark brown hood on the head; in the winter, the hood in absent and is replaced by a dark spot behind the eye. Black-headed Gulls have two age groups, and attains adult plumage after one year when it moults into adult winter plumage. Young birds just out of the nest are called juveniles and are finely patterned on the upperparts in ginger and brown and show a black tail band. First winter and first summer birds retain the wing and tail markings of the juvenile bird, but show grey on the mantle and in the first summer, a hood with a variable amount of white mixed in with the brown. Just after the bird is one year old it moults into adult winter plumage.
Similar Species: Mediterranean and Common Gulls, Kittiwake.
Call: Strident, down slurred call. Can be very noisy at colonies.
Diet: Feeds on insects especially in arable fields. Will also exploit domestic and fisheries waste.
Breeding: Breeds both on the coast and inland where they will often nest in colonies. Usually, nests on the ground in wetland areas, such as bogs and marshes and will also use man made lakes. Numbers breeding inland have declined dramatically, probably due to predation by the American Mink, which is an able swimmer and is able to access previously inaccessible nesting areas. The largest colonies in Ireland are in Northern Ireland on Lough Neagh. Colonies in the republic are not widespread, the largest are found inland in Counties Galway, Monaghan and Mayo. and at coastal sites in Counties Wexford and Donegal.
Wintering: Irish birds are augmented by wintering birds from northern and eastern Europe and can are widespread on both on the coast and inland.
Where to See: An easy species to see, especially in the winter. Can be seen on ploughed fields and in towns and cities.
The London School of Exploitation Under Occupation: London School of Economics and Political Science (LSE) Students Stand Against Exploitation and Corporate Education: Vera Anstey Suite: Old Building, London School of Economics, London, March 20, 2015.
Statement from the Occupation:
Why we are occupying
We have have occupied the Vera Anstey Suite, the central meeting room of the university administration, to demand a change to the current university system.
LSE is the epitome of the neoliberal university. Universities are increasingly implementing the privatised, profit-driven, and bureaucratic ‘business model’ of higher education, which locks students into huge debts and turns the university into a degree-factory and students into consumers. LSE has become the model for the transformation of the other university systems in Britain and beyond. Massive indebtedness, market-driven benchmarks, and subordination to corporate interests have deeply perverted what we think university and education should be about.
We demand an education that is liberating – which does not have a price tag. We want a university run by students, lecturers and workers.
When a University becomes a business the whole of student life is transformed. When a university is more concerned with its image, its marketability and the ‘added value’ of its degrees, the student is no longer a student - they become a commodity and education becomes a service. Institutional sexism and racism, as well as conditions of work for staff and lecturers, becomes a distraction for an institution geared to profit.
We join the ongoing struggles in the UK, Europe and the world to reject this system that has changed not only our education but our entire society. From the occupations in Sheffield, Warwick, Birmingham and Oxford, to the ongoing collective takeover of the University of Amsterdam– students have made clear that the current system simply cannot continue.
We are not alone in this struggle.
Why Occupy?
In this occupation we aim to create an open, creative and liberated space, where all are free to participate in the building of a new directly democratic, non-hierarchical and universally accessible education: The Free University of London.
The space will be organized around the creation of workshops, discussions and meetings to share ideas freely. Knowledge is not a commodity but something precious and valuable in its own right. And we hope to prove, if only within a limited time and space, that education can be free.This liberated space should also be a space for an open discussion on the direction this university and our educational system as a whole is heading. We want to emphasise that this process is not only for students, and we encourage the participation of all LSE staff, non-academic and academic.
We base our struggle on principles of equality, direct democracy, solidarity, mutual care and support. These are our current demands which we invite all to openly discuss, debate and add to.
1 - Free and universally accessible education not geared to making profit
We demand that the management of LSE lobby the government to scrap tuition fees for both domestic and international students.
2 - Workers Rights
In solidarity with the LSE workers, we demand real job security, an end to zero-hour contracts, fair remuneration and a drastic reduction in the gap between the highest and lowest paid employees.
3 - Genuine University Democracy
We demand a student-staff council, directly elected by students and academic and non-academic staff, responsible for making all managerial decisions of the institution.
4 - Divestment
We demand that the school cuts its ties to exploitative and destructive organisations, such as those involved in wars, military occupations and the destruction of the planet. This includes but is not limited to immediate divestment from the fossil fuel industry and from all companies which make a profit from the Israeli state’s occupation of Palestine.
5 - Liberation
We demand that LSE changes its harassment policy, and to have zero tolerance to harassment.
We demand that LSE does not implement the Counter Terrorism Bill that criminalises dissent, particularly targeting Muslim students and staff.
We demand that the police are not allowed on campus.
We demand that LSE becomes a liberated space free of racism, sexism, ableism, homophobia, transphobia and religious discrimination.
We demand that the school immediately reinstates the old ethics code and makes it legally binding, in line with the recently passed SU motion.
We demand that the school ensures the security and equality of international students, particularly with regards to their precarious visa status, and fully include them in our project for a free university.
Marine conservation activists marched to the London hedge fund HQ of Sea World marine park owners, Arle Capital Investments, to demand that all marine parks, dolphinariums and aquariums be closed down and all captive marine mammals be freed into the wild.
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Here is the remainder of the photos of my shoe exploits from the past few months.
Acquired these sandals for the summer. Unfortunately, these should have been named "Tight Fit", as they are very tight for size 4 1/2. Also the strap is very short. But they seem to be stretching, so hopefully I'll be ble to wear them for more than an hour.
Ligne 86 - Arrêt : La Côte
Exploitant : SEMITAN
Réseau TAN/Naolib - Nantes
Ligne déviée en raison de travaux
. . . 2. 3. 2007 - this is the first day of a funeral ceremony in Bori for a High Class Woman. She died on 18. 1. 2007 at the age of 85 years. The ceremony will last for one week. Today we will see the showing of the water buffalos, pigs, cow, horse, deer and chicken. All these animals are offered to be the servants of the died woman in her new life after death in Puya. We will see buffalo fighting. Men bet for the winner of those fightings. Two buffalos fight each other - the one running away lost the fight!
If you wonder why the quality of the pictures is a little less: these are no photographs - it all are snapshots of my videos! So sorry for the less resolution, but I think, they are worth to be shown.
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The Toraja are an ethnic group indigenous to a mountainous region of South Sulawesi, Indonesia. Their population is approximately 1,100,000, of whom 450,000 live in the regency of Tana Toraja ("Land of Toraja"). Most of the population is Christian, and others are Muslim or have local animist beliefs known as aluk ("the way"). The Indonesian government has recognized this animist belief as Aluk To Dolo ("Way of the Ancestors").
The word toraja comes from the Bugis Buginese language term to riaja, meaning "people of the uplands". The Dutch colonial government named the people Toraja in 1909. Torajans are renowned for their elaborate funeral rites, burial sites carved into rocky cliffs, massive peaked-roof traditional houses known as tongkonan, and colorful wood carvings. Toraja funeral rites are important social events, usually attended by hundreds of people and lasting for several days.
Before the 20th century, Torajans lived in autonomous villages, where they practised animism and were relatively untouched by the outside world. In the early 1900s, Dutch missionaries first worked to convert Torajan highlanders to Christianity. When the Tana Toraja regency was further opened to the outside world in the 1970s, it became an icon of tourism in Indonesia: it was exploited by tourism developers and studied by anthropologists. By the 1990s, when tourism peaked, Toraja society had changed significantly, from an agrarian model - in which social life and customs were outgrowths of the Aluk To Dolo - to a largely Christian society. Today, tourism and remittances from migrant Torajans have made for major changes in the Toraja highland, giving the Toraja a celebrity status within Indonesia and enhancing Toraja ethnic group pride.
ETHNIC IDENTITY
The Torajan people had little notion of themselves as a distinct ethnic group before the 20th century. Before Dutch colonization and Christianization, Torajans, who lived in highland areas, identified with their villages and did not share a broad sense of identity. Although complexes of rituals created linkages between highland villages, there were variations in dialects, differences in social hierarchies, and an array of ritual practices in the Sulawesi highland region. "Toraja" (from the coastal languages' to, meaning people; and riaja, uplands) was first used as a lowlander expression for highlanders. As a result, "Toraja" initially had more currency with outsiders - such as the Bugis and Makassarese, who constitute a majority of the lowland of Sulawesi - than with insiders. The Dutch missionaries' presence in the highlands gave rise to the Toraja ethnic consciousness in the Sa'dan Toraja region, and this shared identity grew with the rise of tourism in the Tana Toraja Regency. Since then, South Sulawesi has four main ethnic groups - the Bugis (the majority, including shipbuilders and seafarers), the Makassarese (lowland traders and seafarers), the Mandarese (traders and fishermen), and the Toraja (highland rice cultivators).
HISTORY
From the 17th century, the Dutch established trade and political control on Sulawesi through the Dutch East Indies Company. Over two centuries, they ignored the mountainous area in the central Sulawesi, where Torajans lived, because access was difficult and it had little productive agricultural land. In the late 19th century, the Dutch became increasingly concerned about the spread of Islam in the south of Sulawesi, especially among the Makassarese and Bugis peoples. The Dutch saw the animist highlanders as potential Christians. In the 1920s, the Reformed Missionary Alliance of the Dutch Reformed Church began missionary work aided by the Dutch colonial government. In addition to introducing Christianity, the Dutch abolished slavery and imposed local taxes. A line was drawn around the Sa'dan area and called Tana Toraja ("the land of Toraja"). Tana Toraja was first a subdivision of the Luwu kingdom that had claimed the area. In 1946, the Dutch granted Tana Toraja a regentschap, and it was recognized in 1957 as one of the regencies of Indonesia.
Early Dutch missionaries faced strong opposition among Torajans, especially among the elite, because the abolition of their profitable slave trade had angered them. Some Torajans were forcibly relocated to the lowlands by the Dutch, where they could be more easily controlled. Taxes were kept high, undermining the wealth of the elites. Ultimately, the Dutch influence did not subdue Torajan culture, and only a few Torajans were converted. In 1950, only 10% of the population had converted to Christianity.
In the 1930s, Muslim lowlanders attacked the Torajans, resulting in widespread Christian conversion among those who sought to align themselves with the Dutch for political protection and to form a movement against the Bugis and Makassarese Muslims. Between 1951 and 1965 (following Indonesian independence), southern Sulawesi faced a turbulent period as the Darul Islam separatist movement fought for an Islamic state in Sulawesi. The 15 years of guerrilla warfare led to massive conversions to
CHRISTIANITY
Alignment with the Indonesian government, however, did not guarantee safety for the Torajans. In 1965, a presidential decree required every Indonesian citizen to belong to one of five officially recognized religions: Islam, Christianity (Protestantism and Catholicism), Hinduism, or Buddhism. The Torajan religious belief (aluk) was not legally recognized, and the Torajans raised their voices against the law. To make aluk accord with the law, it had to be accepted as part of one of the official religions. In 1969, Aluk To Dolo ("the way of ancestors") was legalized as a sect of Agama Hindu Dharma, the official name of Hinduism in Indonesia.
SOCIETY
There are three main types of affiliation in Toraja society: family, class and religion.
FAMILY AFFILIATION
Family is the primary social and political grouping in Torajan society. Each village is one extended family, the seat of which is the tongkonan, a traditional Torajan house. Each tongkonan has a name, which becomes the name of the village. The familial dons maintain village unity. Marriage between distant cousins (fourth cousins and beyond) is a common practice that strengthens kinship. Toraja society prohibits marriage between close cousins (up to and including the third cousin) - except for nobles, to prevent the dispersal of property. Kinship is actively reciprocal, meaning that the extended family helps each other farm, share buffalo rituals, and pay off debts.
Each person belongs to both the mother's and the father's families, the only bilateral family line in Indonesia. Children, therefore, inherit household affiliation from both mother and father, including land and even family debts. Children's names are given on the basis of kinship, and are usually chosen after dead relatives. Names of aunts, uncles and cousins are commonly referred to in the names of mothers, fathers and siblings.
Before the start of the formal administration of Toraja villages by the Tana Toraja Regency, each Toraja village was autonomous. In a more complex situation, in which one Toraja family could not handle their problems alone, several villages formed a group; sometimes, villages would unite against other villages. Relationship between families was expressed through blood, marriage, and shared ancestral houses (tongkonan), practically signed by the exchange of water buffalo and pigs on ritual occasions. Such exchanges not only built political and cultural ties between families but defined each person's place in a social hierarchy: who poured palm wine, who wrapped a corpse and prepared offerings, where each person could or could not sit, what dishes should be used or avoided, and even what piece of meat constituted one's share.
CLASS AFFILIATION
In early Toraja society, family relationships were tied closely to social class. There were three strata: nobles, commoners, and slaves (slavery was abolished in 1909 by the Dutch East Indies government). Class was inherited through the mother. It was taboo, therefore, to marry "down" with a woman of lower class. On the other hand, marrying a woman of higher class could improve the status of the next generation. The nobility's condescending attitude toward the commoners is still maintained today for reasons of family prestige.
Nobles, who were believed to be direct descendants of the descended person from heaven, lived in tongkonans, while commoners lived in less lavish houses (bamboo shacks called banua). Slaves lived in small huts, which had to be built around their owner's tongkonan. Commoners might marry anyone, but nobles preferred to marry in-family to maintain their status. Sometimes nobles married Bugis or Makassarese nobles. Commoners and slaves were prohibited from having death feasts. Despite close kinship and status inheritance, there was some social mobility, as marriage or change in wealth could affect an individuals status. Wealth was counted by the ownership of water buffaloes.
Slaves in Toraja society were family property. Sometimes Torajans decided to become slaves when they incurred a debt, pledging to work as payment. Slaves could be taken during wars, and slave trading was common. Slaves could buy their freedom, but their children still inherited slave status. Slaves were prohibited from wearing bronze or gold, carving their houses, eating from the same dishes as their owners, or having sex with free women - a crime punishable by death.
RELIGIOUS AFFILIATION
Toraja's indigenous belief system is polytheistic animism, called aluk, or "the way" (sometimes translated as "the law"). In the Toraja myth, the ancestors of Torajan people came down from heaven using stairs, which were then used by the Torajans as a communication medium with Puang Matua, the Creator. The cosmos, according to aluk, is divided into the upper world (heaven), the world of man (earth), and the underworld. At first, heaven and earth were married, then there was a darkness, a separation, and finally the light. Animals live in the underworld, which is represented by rectangular space enclosed by pillars, the earth is for mankind, and the heaven world is located above, covered with a saddle-shaped roof. Other Toraja gods include Pong Banggai di Rante (god of Earth), Indo' Ongon-Ongon (a goddess who can cause earthquakes), Pong Lalondong (god of death), and Indo' Belo Tumbang (goddess of medicine); there are many more.
The earthly authority, whose words and actions should be cleaved to both in life (agriculture) and death (funerals), is called to minaa (an aluk priest). Aluk is not just a belief system; it is a combination of law, religion, and habit. Aluk governs social life, agricultural practices, and ancestral rituals. The details of aluk may vary from one village to another. One common law is the requirement that death and life rituals be separated. Torajans believe that performing death rituals might ruin their corpses if combined with life rituals. The two rituals are equally important. During the time of the Dutch missionaries, Christian Torajans were prohibited from attending or performing life rituals, but were allowed to perform death rituals. Consequently, Toraja's death rituals are still practised today, while life rituals have diminished.
CULTURE
TONGKONAN
Tongkonan are the traditional Torajan ancestral houses. They stand high on wooden piles, topped with a layered split-bamboo roof shaped in a sweeping curved arc, and they are incised with red, black, and yellow detailed wood carvings on the exterior walls. The word "tongkonan" comes from the Torajan tongkon ("to sit").
Tongkonan are the center of Torajan social life. The rituals associated with the tongkonan are important expressions of Torajan spiritual life, and therefore all family members are impelled to participate, because symbolically the tongkonan represents links to their ancestors and to living and future kin. According to Torajan myth, the first tongkonan was built in heaven on four poles, with a roof made of Indian cloth. When the first Torajan ancestor descended to earth, he imitated the house and held a large ceremony.
The construction of a tongkonan is laborious work and is usually done with the help of the extended family. There are three types of tongkonan. The tongkonan layuk is the house of the highest authority, used as the "center of government". The tongkonan pekamberan belongs to the family members who have some authority in local traditions. Ordinary family members reside in the tongkonan batu. The exclusivity to the nobility of the tongkonan is diminishing as many Torajan commoners find lucrative employment in other parts of Indonesia. As they send back money to their families, they enable the construction of larger tongkonan.
WOOD CARVINGS
To express social and religious concepts, Torajans carve wood, calling it Pa'ssura (or "the writing"). Wood carvings are therefore Toraja's cultural manifestation.
Each carving receives a special name, and common motifs are animals and plants that symbolize some virtue. For example, water plants and animals, such as crabs, tadpoles and water weeds, are commonly found to symbolize fertility. In some areas noble elders claim these symbols refer to strength of noble family, but not everyone agrees. The overall meaning of groups of carved motifs on houses remains debated and tourism has further complicated these debates because some feel a uniform explanation must be presented to tourists. The image to the left shows an example of Torajan wood carving, consisting of 15 square panels. The center bottom panel represents buffalo or wealth, a wish for many buffaloes for the family. The center panel represents a knot and a box, a hope that all of the family's offspring will be happy and live in harmony, like goods kept safe in a box. The top left and top right squares represent an aquatic animal, indicating the need for fast and hard work, just like moving on the surface of water. It also represents the need for a certain skill to produce good results.
Regularity and order are common features in Toraja wood carving (see table below), as well as abstracts and geometrical designs. Nature is frequently used as the basis of Toraja's ornaments, because nature is full of abstractions and geometries with regularities and ordering. Toraja's ornaments have been studied in ethnomathematics to reveal their mathematical structure, but Torajans base this art only on approximations. To create an ornament, bamboo sticks are used as a geometrical tool.
FUNERAL RITES
In Toraja society, the funeral ritual is the most elaborate and expensive event. The richer and more powerful the individual, the more expensive is the funeral. In the aluk religion, only nobles have the right to have an extensive death feast. The death feast of a nobleman is usually attended by thousands and lasts for several days. A ceremonial site, called rante, is usually prepared in a large, grassy field where shelters for audiences, rice barns, and other ceremonial funeral structures are specially made by the deceased family. Flute music, funeral chants, songs and poems, and crying and wailing are traditional Toraja expressions of grief with the exceptions of funerals for young children, and poor, low-status adults.
The ceremony is often held weeks, months, or years after the death so that the deceased's family can raise the significant funds needed to cover funeral expenses. Torajans traditionally believe that death is not a sudden, abrupt event, but a gradual process toward Puya (the land of souls, or afterlife). During the waiting period, the body of the deceased is wrapped in several layers of cloth and kept under the tongkonan. The soul of the deceased is thought to linger around the village until the funeral ceremony is completed, after which it begins its journey to Puya.
Another component of the ritual is the slaughter of water buffalo. The more powerful the person who died, the more buffalo are slaughtered at the death feast. Buffalo carcasses, including their heads, are usually lined up on a field waiting for their owner, who is in the "sleeping stage". Torajans believe that the deceased will need the buffalo to make the journey and that they will be quicker to arrive at Puya if they have many buffalo. Slaughtering tens of water buffalo and hundreds of pigs using a machete is the climax of the elaborate death feast, with dancing and music and young boys who catch spurting blood in long bamboo tubes. Some of the slaughtered animals are given by guests as "gifts", which are carefully noted because they will be considered debts of the deceased's family. However, a cockfight, known as bulangan londong, is an integral part of the ceremony. As with the sacrifice of the buffalo and the pigs, the cockfight is considered sacred because it involves the spilling of blood on the earth. In particular, the tradition requires the sacrifice of at least three chickens. However, it is common for at least 25 pairs of chickens to be set against each other in the context of the ceremony.
There are three methods of burial: the coffin may be laid in a cave or in a carved stone grave, or hung on a cliff. It contains any possessions that the deceased will need in the afterlife. The wealthy are often buried in a stone grave carved out of a rocky cliff. The grave is usually expensive and takes a few months to complete. In some areas, a stone cave may be found that is large enough to accommodate a whole family. A wood-carved effigy, called Tau tau, is usually placed in the cave looking out over the land. The coffin of a baby or child may be hung from ropes on a cliff face or from a tree. This hanging grave usually lasts for years, until the ropes rot and the coffin falls to the ground.
In the ritual called Ma'Nene, that takes place each year in August, the bodies of the deceased are exhumed to be washed, groomed and dressed in new clothes. The mummies are then walked around the village.
DANCE AND MUSIC
Torajans perform dances on several occasions, most often during their elaborate funeral ceremonies. They dance to express their grief, and to honour and even cheer the deceased person because he is going to have a long journey in the afterlife. First, a group of men form a circle and sing a monotonous chant throughout the night to honour the deceased (a ritual called Ma'badong). This is considered by many Torajans to be the most important component of the funeral ceremony. On the second funeral day, the Ma'randing warrior dance is performed to praise the courage of the deceased during life. Several men perform the dance with a sword, a large shield made from buffalo skin, a helmet with a buffalo horn, and other ornamentation. The Ma'randing dance precedes a procession in which the deceased is carried from a rice barn to the rante, the site of the funeral ceremony. During the funeral, elder women perform the Ma'katia dance while singing a poetic song and wearing a long feathered costume. The Ma'akatia dance is performed to remind the audience of the generosity and loyalty of the deceased person. After the bloody ceremony of buffalo and pig slaughter, a group of boys and girls clap their hands while performing a cheerful dance called Ma'dondan.
As in other agricultural societies, Torajans dance and sing during harvest time. The Ma'bugi dance celebrates the thanksgiving event, and the Ma'gandangi dance is performed while Torajans are pounding rice. There are several war dances, such as the Manimbong dance performed by men, followed by the Ma'dandan dance performed by women. The aluk religion governs when and how Torajans dance. A dance called Ma'bua can be performed only once every 12 years. Ma'bua is a major Toraja ceremony in which priests wear a buffalo head and dance around a sacred tree.
A traditional musical instrument of the Toraja is a bamboo flute called a Pa'suling (suling is an Indonesian word for flute). This six-holed flute (not unique to the Toraja) is played at many dances, such as the thanksgiving dance Ma'bondensan, where the flute accompanies a group of shirtless, dancing men with long fingernails. The Toraja have indigenous musical instruments, such as the Pa'pelle (made from palm leaves) and the Pa'karombi (the Torajan version of a jaw harp). The Pa'pelle is played during harvest time and at house inauguration ceremonies.
LANGUAGE
The ethnic Toraja language is dominant in Tana Toraja with the main language as the Sa'dan Toraja. Although the national Indonesian language is the official language and is spoken in the community, all elementary schools in Tana Toraja teach Toraja language.Language varieties of Toraja, including Kalumpang, Mamasa, Tae' , Talondo' , Toala' , and Toraja-Sa'dan, belong to the Malayo-Polynesian language from the Austronesian family. At the outset, the isolated geographical nature of Tana Toraja formed many dialects between the Toraja languages themselves. After the formal administration of Tana Toraja, some Toraja dialects have been influenced by other languages through the transmigration program, introduced since the colonialism period, and it has been a major factor in the linguistic variety of Toraja languages. A prominent attribute of Toraja language is the notion of grief. The importance of death ceremony in Toraja culture has characterized their languages to express intricate degrees of grief and mourning. The Toraja language contains many terms referring to sadness, longing, depression, and mental pain. Giving a clear expression of the psychological and physical effect of loss is a catharsis and sometimes lessens the pain of grief itself.
ECONOMY
Prior to Suharto's "New Order" administration, the Torajan economy was based on agriculture, with cultivated wet rice in terraced fields on mountain slopes, and supplemental cassava and maize crops. Much time and energy were devoted to raising water buffalo, pigs, and chickens, primarily for ceremonial sacrifices and consumption. Coffee was the first significant cash crop produced in Toraja, and was introduced in the mid 19th century, changing the local economy towards commodity production for external markets and gaining an excellent reputation for quality in the international market .
With the commencement of the New Order in 1965, Indonesia's economy developed and opened to foreign investment. In Toraja, a coffee plantation and factory was established by Key Coffee of Japan, and Torajan coffee regained a reputation for quality within the growing international specialty coffee sector Multinational oil and mining companies opened new operations in Indonesia during the 1970s and 1980s. Torajans, particularly younger ones, relocated to work for the foreign companies - to Kalimantan for timber and oil, to Papua for mining, to the cities of Sulawesi and Java, and many went to Malaysia. The out-migration of Torajans was steady until 1985. and has continued since, with remittances sent back by emigre Torajans performing an important role within the contemporary economy.
Tourism commenced in Toraja in the 1970s, and accelerated in the 1980s and 1990s. Between 1984 and 1997, a significant number of Torajans obtained their incomes from tourism, working in and owning hotels, as tour guides, drivers, or selling souvenirs. With the rise of political and economic instability in Indonesia in the late 1990s - including religious conflicts elsewhere on Sulawesi - tourism in Tana Toraja has declined dramatically. Toraja continues to be a well known origin for Indonesian coffee, grown by both smallholders and plantation estates, although migration, remittances and off-farm income is considered far more important to most households, even those in rural areas.
TOURISM AND CULTURAL CHANGE
Before the 1970s, Toraja was almost unknown to Western tourism. In 1971, about 50 Europeans visited Tana Toraja. In 1972, at least 400 visitors attended the funeral ritual of Puang of Sangalla, the highest-ranking nobleman in Tana Toraja and the so-called "last pure-blooded Toraja noble." The event was documented by National Geographic and broadcast in several European countries. In 1976, about 12,000 tourists visited the regency and in 1981, Torajan sculpture was exhibited in major North American museums. "The land of the heavenly kings of Tana Toraja", as written in the exhibition brochure, embraced the outside world.
In 1984, the Indonesian Ministry of Tourism declared Tana Toraja Regency the prima donna of South Sulawesi. Tana Toraja was heralded as "the second stop after Bali". Tourism was increasing dramatically: by 1985, a total number of 150,000 foreigners had visited the Regency (in addition to 80,000 domestic tourists), and the annual number of foreign visitors was recorded at 40,000 in 1989. Souvenir stands appeared in Rantepao, the cultural center of Toraja, roads were sealed at the most-visited tourist sites, new hotels and tourist-oriented restaurants were opened, and an airstrip was opened in the Regency in 1981.
Tourism developers have marketed Tana Toraja as an exotic adventure - an area rich in culture and off the beaten track. Western tourists expected to see stone-age villages and pagan funerals. Toraja is for tourists who have gone as far as Bali and are willing to see more of the wild, "untouched" islands. However, they were more likely to see a Torajan wearing a hat and denim, living in a Christian society. Tourists felt that the tongkonan and other Torajan rituals had been preconceived to make profits, and complained that the destination was too commercialized. This has resulted in several clashes between Torajans and tourism developers, whom Torajans see as outsiders.
A clash between local Torajan leaders and the South Sulawesi provincial government (as a tourist developer) broke out in 1985. The government designated 18 Toraja villages and burial sites as traditional tourist attractions. Consequently, zoning restrictions were applied to these areas, such that Torajans themselves were barred from changing their tongkonans and burial sites. The plan was opposed by some Torajan leaders, as they felt that their rituals and traditions were being determined by outsiders. As a result, in 1987, the Torajan village of Kété Kesú and several other designated tourist attractions closed their doors to tourists. This closure lasted only a few days, as the villagers found it too difficult to survive without the income from selling souvenirs.
Tourism has also transformed Toraja society. Originally, there was a ritual which allowed commoners to marry nobles (puang) and thereby gain nobility for their children. However, the image of Torajan society created for the tourists, often by "lower-ranking" guides, has eroded its traditional strict hierarchy. High status is not as esteemed in Tana Toraja as it once was. Many low-ranking men can declare themselves and their children nobles by gaining enough wealth through work outside the region and then marrying a noble woman.
WIKIPEDIA
The London School of Exploitation Under Occupation: London School of Economics and Political Science (LSE) Students Stand Against Exploitation and Corporate Education: Vera Anstey Suite: Old Building, London School of Economics, London, March 20, 2015.
Statement from the Occupation:
Why we are occupying
We have have occupied the Vera Anstey Suite, the central meeting room of the university administration, to demand a change to the current university system.
LSE is the epitome of the neoliberal university. Universities are increasingly implementing the privatised, profit-driven, and bureaucratic ‘business model’ of higher education, which locks students into huge debts and turns the university into a degree-factory and students into consumers. LSE has become the model for the transformation of the other university systems in Britain and beyond. Massive indebtedness, market-driven benchmarks, and subordination to corporate interests have deeply perverted what we think university and education should be about.
We demand an education that is liberating – which does not have a price tag. We want a university run by students, lecturers and workers.
When a University becomes a business the whole of student life is transformed. When a university is more concerned with its image, its marketability and the ‘added value’ of its degrees, the student is no longer a student - they become a commodity and education becomes a service. Institutional sexism and racism, as well as conditions of work for staff and lecturers, becomes a distraction for an institution geared to profit.
We join the ongoing struggles in the UK, Europe and the world to reject this system that has changed not only our education but our entire society. From the occupations in Sheffield, Warwick, Birmingham and Oxford, to the ongoing collective takeover of the University of Amsterdam– students have made clear that the current system simply cannot continue.
We are not alone in this struggle.
Why Occupy?
In this occupation we aim to create an open, creative and liberated space, where all are free to participate in the building of a new directly democratic, non-hierarchical and universally accessible education: The Free University of London.
The space will be organized around the creation of workshops, discussions and meetings to share ideas freely. Knowledge is not a commodity but something precious and valuable in its own right. And we hope to prove, if only within a limited time and space, that education can be free.This liberated space should also be a space for an open discussion on the direction this university and our educational system as a whole is heading. We want to emphasise that this process is not only for students, and we encourage the participation of all LSE staff, non-academic and academic.
We base our struggle on principles of equality, direct democracy, solidarity, mutual care and support. These are our current demands which we invite all to openly discuss, debate and add to.
1 - Free and universally accessible education not geared to making profit
We demand that the management of LSE lobby the government to scrap tuition fees for both domestic and international students.
2 - Workers Rights
In solidarity with the LSE workers, we demand real job security, an end to zero-hour contracts, fair remuneration and a drastic reduction in the gap between the highest and lowest paid employees.
3 - Genuine University Democracy
We demand a student-staff council, directly elected by students and academic and non-academic staff, responsible for making all managerial decisions of the institution.
4 - Divestment
We demand that the school cuts its ties to exploitative and destructive organisations, such as those involved in wars, military occupations and the destruction of the planet. This includes but is not limited to immediate divestment from the fossil fuel industry and from all companies which make a profit from the Israeli state’s occupation of Palestine.
5 - Liberation
We demand that LSE changes its harassment policy, and to have zero tolerance to harassment.
We demand that LSE does not implement the Counter Terrorism Bill that criminalises dissent, particularly targeting Muslim students and staff.
We demand that the police are not allowed on campus.
We demand that LSE becomes a liberated space free of racism, sexism, ableism, homophobia, transphobia and religious discrimination.
We demand that the school immediately reinstates the old ethics code and makes it legally binding, in line with the recently passed SU motion.
We demand that the school ensures the security and equality of international students, particularly with regards to their precarious visa status, and fully include them in our project for a free university.
The London School of Exploitation Under Occupation: London School of Economics and Political Science (LSE) Students Stand Against Exploitation and Corporate Education: Vera Anstey Suite: Old Building, London School of Economics, London, March 20, 2015.
Statement from the Occupation:
Why we are occupying
We have have occupied the Vera Anstey Suite, the central meeting room of the university administration, to demand a change to the current university system.
LSE is the epitome of the neoliberal university. Universities are increasingly implementing the privatised, profit-driven, and bureaucratic ‘business model’ of higher education, which locks students into huge debts and turns the university into a degree-factory and students into consumers. LSE has become the model for the transformation of the other university systems in Britain and beyond. Massive indebtedness, market-driven benchmarks, and subordination to corporate interests have deeply perverted what we think university and education should be about.
We demand an education that is liberating – which does not have a price tag. We want a university run by students, lecturers and workers.
When a University becomes a business the whole of student life is transformed. When a university is more concerned with its image, its marketability and the ‘added value’ of its degrees, the student is no longer a student - they become a commodity and education becomes a service. Institutional sexism and racism, as well as conditions of work for staff and lecturers, becomes a distraction for an institution geared to profit.
We join the ongoing struggles in the UK, Europe and the world to reject this system that has changed not only our education but our entire society. From the occupations in Sheffield, Warwick, Birmingham and Oxford, to the ongoing collective takeover of the University of Amsterdam– students have made clear that the current system simply cannot continue.
We are not alone in this struggle.
Why Occupy?
In this occupation we aim to create an open, creative and liberated space, where all are free to participate in the building of a new directly democratic, non-hierarchical and universally accessible education: The Free University of London.
The space will be organized around the creation of workshops, discussions and meetings to share ideas freely. Knowledge is not a commodity but something precious and valuable in its own right. And we hope to prove, if only within a limited time and space, that education can be free.This liberated space should also be a space for an open discussion on the direction this university and our educational system as a whole is heading. We want to emphasise that this process is not only for students, and we encourage the participation of all LSE staff, non-academic and academic.
We base our struggle on principles of equality, direct democracy, solidarity, mutual care and support. These are our current demands which we invite all to openly discuss, debate and add to.
1 - Free and universally accessible education not geared to making profit
We demand that the management of LSE lobby the government to scrap tuition fees for both domestic and international students.
2 - Workers Rights
In solidarity with the LSE workers, we demand real job security, an end to zero-hour contracts, fair remuneration and a drastic reduction in the gap between the highest and lowest paid employees.
3 - Genuine University Democracy
We demand a student-staff council, directly elected by students and academic and non-academic staff, responsible for making all managerial decisions of the institution.
4 - Divestment
We demand that the school cuts its ties to exploitative and destructive organisations, such as those involved in wars, military occupations and the destruction of the planet. This includes but is not limited to immediate divestment from the fossil fuel industry and from all companies which make a profit from the Israeli state’s occupation of Palestine.
5 - Liberation
We demand that LSE changes its harassment policy, and to have zero tolerance to harassment.
We demand that LSE does not implement the Counter Terrorism Bill that criminalises dissent, particularly targeting Muslim students and staff.
We demand that the police are not allowed on campus.
We demand that LSE becomes a liberated space free of racism, sexism, ableism, homophobia, transphobia and religious discrimination.
We demand that the school immediately reinstates the old ethics code and makes it legally binding, in line with the recently passed SU motion.
We demand that the school ensures the security and equality of international students, particularly with regards to their precarious visa status, and fully include them in our project for a free university.
The London School of Exploitation Under Occupation: London School of Economics and Political Science (LSE) Students Stand Against Exploitation and Corporate Education: Vera Anstey Suite: Old Building, London School of Economics, London, March 20, 2015.
Statement from the Occupation:
Why we are occupying
We have have occupied the Vera Anstey Suite, the central meeting room of the university administration, to demand a change to the current university system.
LSE is the epitome of the neoliberal university. Universities are increasingly implementing the privatised, profit-driven, and bureaucratic ‘business model’ of higher education, which locks students into huge debts and turns the university into a degree-factory and students into consumers. LSE has become the model for the transformation of the other university systems in Britain and beyond. Massive indebtedness, market-driven benchmarks, and subordination to corporate interests have deeply perverted what we think university and education should be about.
We demand an education that is liberating – which does not have a price tag. We want a university run by students, lecturers and workers.
When a University becomes a business the whole of student life is transformed. When a university is more concerned with its image, its marketability and the ‘added value’ of its degrees, the student is no longer a student - they become a commodity and education becomes a service. Institutional sexism and racism, as well as conditions of work for staff and lecturers, becomes a distraction for an institution geared to profit.
We join the ongoing struggles in the UK, Europe and the world to reject this system that has changed not only our education but our entire society. From the occupations in Sheffield, Warwick, Birmingham and Oxford, to the ongoing collective takeover of the University of Amsterdam– students have made clear that the current system simply cannot continue.
We are not alone in this struggle.
Why Occupy?
In this occupation we aim to create an open, creative and liberated space, where all are free to participate in the building of a new directly democratic, non-hierarchical and universally accessible education: The Free University of London.
The space will be organized around the creation of workshops, discussions and meetings to share ideas freely. Knowledge is not a commodity but something precious and valuable in its own right. And we hope to prove, if only within a limited time and space, that education can be free.This liberated space should also be a space for an open discussion on the direction this university and our educational system as a whole is heading. We want to emphasise that this process is not only for students, and we encourage the participation of all LSE staff, non-academic and academic.
We base our struggle on principles of equality, direct democracy, solidarity, mutual care and support. These are our current demands which we invite all to openly discuss, debate and add to.
1 - Free and universally accessible education not geared to making profit
We demand that the management of LSE lobby the government to scrap tuition fees for both domestic and international students.
2 - Workers Rights
In solidarity with the LSE workers, we demand real job security, an end to zero-hour contracts, fair remuneration and a drastic reduction in the gap between the highest and lowest paid employees.
3 - Genuine University Democracy
We demand a student-staff council, directly elected by students and academic and non-academic staff, responsible for making all managerial decisions of the institution.
4 - Divestment
We demand that the school cuts its ties to exploitative and destructive organisations, such as those involved in wars, military occupations and the destruction of the planet. This includes but is not limited to immediate divestment from the fossil fuel industry and from all companies which make a profit from the Israeli state’s occupation of Palestine.
5 - Liberation
We demand that LSE changes its harassment policy, and to have zero tolerance to harassment.
We demand that LSE does not implement the Counter Terrorism Bill that criminalises dissent, particularly targeting Muslim students and staff.
We demand that the police are not allowed on campus.
We demand that LSE becomes a liberated space free of racism, sexism, ableism, homophobia, transphobia and religious discrimination.
We demand that the school immediately reinstates the old ethics code and makes it legally binding, in line with the recently passed SU motion.
We demand that the school ensures the security and equality of international students, particularly with regards to their precarious visa status, and fully include them in our project for a free university.
It's cheap to buy in the market on Saturdays. For a couple of euros, I can buy a pound of steak, and for another couple of euros, another pound of cheese. Eggs price today is 1,90 euros the dozen.
Some people are willing to pay more if the pig whose muscles are sold at the butchers, or the cow who milked her calf or the hen who lay the eggs are reared in better conditions. As for me, I don't believe there is an acceptable price for exploitation. It will always be very expensive for them.
I could fill my cart with products derived from non-human exploitation for a few euros. On saturdays, animal exploitation is on offer.
Exploited for human use and on display for human amusement.
Animals have the right to not be treated as property! Go vegan!
Exploitant : Transdev Les Cars d'Orsay
Réseau : Albatrans
Ligne : Express 91-08
Lieu : Université Paris-Saclay (Orsay, F-91)
Lien TC Infos : tc-infos.fr/id/41478
This is the only photo I took today, and one which is more complex than it first appears. Seems Topman gets most of their T-shirts made in Mauritius, and H&M in Bangladesh. I wonder how little people are paid to make these :(
Children across Greater Manchester have watched a compelling play warning them about criminal exploitation from county lines organised crime groups.
Greater Manchester’s Programme Challenger – a joint partnership to tackle serious and organised crime together – funded Rochdale-based theatre company Breaking Barriers to deliver the series ‘Crossing the Line’ to children in year six at 50 primary schools.
Over a month the play was rolled out to schools in Bury, Salford, Stockport, Tameside and Trafford for children to learn how to spot the signs of exploitation to prevent and protect them from criminal gangs seeking to recruit them as drug mules.
The production explores grooming through a monologue from an 18-year-old man and his younger brother aged 15. He talks about the criminal gang members trying to give him gifts in return for running their drug errands.
‘Crossing the Line’ also incorporated discussions with the children to teach them about healthy choices and relationships, learning to say no, how to handle pressure from older people as well as educate children on where to go for help and advice if they have concerns.
One of the pupils who watched the play said: “The play has helped me see how criminal gangs can manipulate you by trying to make you feel special and part of their family, then force you to do things for them.
“It has taught me to never join a gang as it could harm your future and instead to stay in school, get a good education and job.
“If someone finds themselves in this situation, they should speak to anyone they can trust, such as their mum or dad, a teacher, the police or even Childline.”
A county line is the advertisement of class A drugs via a mobile phone, known as a ‘graft line’, the drugs are then moved by dealers from one area to another as well as to other places across the country.
The organised crime groups will often exploit children to transport the drugs and money profited from its supply.
Detective Chief Inspector Claire McGuire, from Programme Challenger’s Organised Crime Coordination Unit, said: “Young and vulnerable children are sadly targeted and groomed by county lines criminal networks to be recruited to travel across the country to deliver drugs and money.
“They can find themselves in situations that often seem impossible to get out of which can have a detrimental impact on their life and their future.
It’s therefore imperative we intervene as soon as possible, inform children early on to prevent this from happening and protect them from the harm caused by organised criminality.
“Breaking Barriers work is a creative way to grab a child’s attention, it educates and engages with them on the signs to look out for and where to turn to for help and advice. The feedback we have had from them, and the teachers has been brilliant.”
Deputy Mayor for Policing, Crime, Criminal Justice and Fire, Bev Hughes, said: “We must educate children early on the signs of criminal exploitation and this work is vital in doing that.
It’s great to see such a creative play being used to deliver an important message and schools have been a wonderful support with this.
Lots of young people across Greater Manchester are now more aware of the signs of criminal exploitation and know help and support is available to them.”
Parvez Qadir, Director of Breaking Barriers, said: “Crossing the Line tackles difficult themes around grooming and exploitation used by criminal gangs to control young people to travel their drugs for them. Using the power of creativity,
I wrote the piece to tour in schools to educate, inform and offer safe pathways for young people out of child criminal exploitation.
“The facilitated workshop is a safe place for difficult questions for young people, teachers and parents to discuss those
themes.
I hope “Crossing the Line” can educate young people to make safe and healthier choices.”