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Greater Manchester is taking a stand against child sexual exploitation with a groundbreaking new campaign.
Greater Manchester Police, Police and Crime Commissioner Tony Lloyd, health organisations, the ten local authorities and the voluntary sector are working together to target perpetrators and to educate young people and their carers on the warning signs of child sexual exploitation and how to get help.
Today (Friday 19 September), a new website has been launched – www.itsnotokay.co.uk – which contains information for children, young people, parents, carers and professionals on how to spot the signs of child sex exploitation and what to do about it.
The launch of the It’s Not Okay campaign follows a week of action across Greater Manchester to tackle child sex exploitation; a week which consisted of education and empowerment of young people, but also the detection and disruption of CSE-related activity, which saw three warrants executed and 19 arrests made across the seven days.
High visibility patrols have taken place in Manchester City Centre and surrounding areas, with over two thousand children spoken to by specially trained officers. During these approaches the young people were advised about CSE and keeping themselves safe. Those who were identified as being vulnerable were taken to their home or a place of safety.
The rest of the week saw a number of inputs with professionals in the hospitality sector and other industries, as well as multi-agency visits to 'premises of interest' across Greater Manchester such as pubs, off licenses and takeaways.
A series of school visits and educational lessons have also taken place, with a mixture of officer inputs and a viewing of award-winning and thought-provoking CSE production ‘Somebody’s Sister, Somebody’s Daughter’ by GW Theatre.
Police and Crime Commissioner Tony Lloyd is also writing to every high school and college in Greater Manchester to make them aware of the campaign and urge them to act if they are worried about a young person.
Assistant Chief Constable Dawn Copley said:
“Tackling the sexual exploitation of children and young people is an absolute priority for Greater Manchester Police and its partners. Protecting children is everyone’s responsibility and it is crucial that we work together to identify and prosecute individuals who prey on vulnerable children.
“Historically mistakes have been made; however, we are more determined than ever to get it right. It is crucial that the children of Greater Manchester understand what child sexual exploitation is, to recognise when this happening to them, and that it is NOT okay. We want children to know that they will be believed and that we will do everything in our power to protect and help them.
“I want to reassure our communities that we have, and will continue to hunt out offenders who prey on some of the most vulnerable in our society and urge anyone with any information or concerns to come to us - we will take action."
Police and Crime Commissioner Tony Lloyd said:
“Child sexual exploitation is a scourge on our communities and we all have a responsibility to protect our children and young people. Despite the recent media coverage around this issue it is still a hidden problem and it’s common sense for all agencies to work together with communities to eradicate it.
“By raising awareness and educating people about the warning signs of child sex exploitation we can encourage people to speak out and all play a part in keeping our children safe.”
Mike Livingstone, Chair of Manchester Safeguarding Partnership, said:
"This is a massively important issue and we shouldn't be afraid to talk about it. Child sexual exploitation is child abuse and it ruins lives.
"Children at risk don't recognise local authority boundaries and abusers often deliberately manipulate these - so it's vital that we work together across local authority areas to tackle it.
“Through Project Phoenix we're determined to do everything we can at a regional level to educate, prevent, and ultimately protect young people from this most serious form of child abuse."
Gary Murray, Crimestoppers North West Regional Manager, said:
“The independent charity Crimestoppers are delighted to support this campaign. Each year we receive over 2,000 pieces of information with regard to sexual offences and we would encourage anyone with information to contact the charity anonymously on 0800 555 111.”
For more information on child sexual exploitation and who to contact if you have any concerns that a young person you know may be a victim of child sexual exploitation visit www.itsnotokay.co.uk.
You can also report it to Greater Manchester Police by calling 101 or call Crimestoppers anonymously on 0800 555 111. If someone is in immediate danger, dial 999.
Le Château de Josselin est situé à Josselin, commune française du département du Morbihan en Bretagne.
Guéthénoc, vicomte de Porhoët, de Rohan et de Guéméné, membre de la famille des comtes de Rennes, aurait construit un premier château vers l'an 1008. Il exploitait un site de haute valeur militaire et commerciale comprenant un surplomb rocheux dominant en à-pic la rivière Oust. L'existence depuis le IXe siècle d'un pèlerinage à la Basilique Notre-Dame du Roncier (tous les huit septembre) ajoute beaucoup à la richesse des habitants et de leurs seigneurs. Ce pélerinage est d'ailleurs le plus important du Morbihan, après celui de Sainte-Anne-d'Auray.
En 1154, Eudon de Porhoët, beau-père, régent et tuteur du jeune duc de Bretagne, Conan IV, rassemble des seigneurs bretons pour priver son beau-fils de ses droits. Il sera défait par Henri II Plantagenêt, roi d'Angleterre et nouveau duc d'Anjou, auprès duquel s'était réfugié Conan IV. Henri II viendra en personne diriger la démolition du château et faire semer du sel dans les ruines.
Détail de la statue équestre d'Olivier de Clisson
Olivier V de Clisson, qui acquiert la seigneurie en 1370, reconstruit une imposante citadelle munie de huit tours et d'un donjon de 90 mètres. Il marie sa fille, Béatrix, à Alain VIII de Rohan, héritier des vicomtes de Rohan, dont le château était à une vingtaine de kilomètres.
En 1488, le duc de Bretagne François II prend le château et le démolit partiellement. Sa fille, Anne de Bretagne, le restitue à Jean II de Rohan, arrière-petit-fils d'Olivier de Clisson.
Celui-ci le transforme et construit dans l'enceinte un logis de plaisance avec une très belle façade de granit sculpté qui est un des premiers exemples de la Renaissance en France, car il avait fait venir des artistes et ouvriers italiens. Par reconnaissance, il fait sculpter de nombreux A surmontés d'une cordelière, emblème de la Duchesse-Reine.
Bannis de Josselin du fait de leur adhésion au protestantisme, les Rohan doivent laisser le gouverneur de Bretagne, le duc de Mercœur, faire de leur château une base pour la Ligue opposée au nouveau roi Henri IV.
En 1603, lors de l'érection de la vicomté de Rohan en duché-pairie par le roi Henri IV, Henri II de Rohan transfère le siège de son pouvoir au château de Pontivy. Le cardinal de Richelieu fait démanteler en 1629 le donjon et quatre et tours et annonce au duc Henri II, chef des insurgés protestants: « Monseigneur, je viens de jeter une bonne boule dans votre jeu de quilles ! »
Au XVIIIe siècle, le château n'est plus occupé et il devient prison et entrepôt pendant la Révolution et l'Empire. En 1822, la duchesse de Berry, lors de sa tournée aventureuse, convainc le duc de Rohan de le restaurer.
Il est actuellement toujours habité par le quatorzième duc de Rohan, Josselin de Rohan, sénateur, ancien président de la région Bretagne de 1992 à 2004, membre de l'UMP et fidèle de Jacques Chirac .
On peut visiter la cour et quelques pièces du rez-de-chaussée où sont exposés des meubles anciens (dont la table ayant servi à la signature de l'édit de Nantes), des portraits familiaux, des cadeaux royaux et une statue équestre d'Olivier V de Clisson par Emmanuel Frémiet. Dans les anciennes écuries a été installé le Musée de poupées.
L'imposante citadelle munie de huit tours et d'un donjon de 90 mètres date du XVe siècle a été partiellement détruite et un logis de plaisance avec une très belle façade de granit sculpté, un des premiers exemples de la Renaissance en France le remplace et a été restauré au XIXe siècle.
Le jardin à la française créé au début du XXe siècle par le paysagiste Achille Duchêne s’étend devant la façade Renaissance du château. Les buis et des ifs taillés encadrent les pelouses.
Une roseraie a été aménagée en 2001 sous le direction du paysagiste Louis Benech. Elle comporte 160 rosiers appartenant à 40 variétés différentes
Un parc à l'anglaise lui aussi créé par le paysagiste Achille Duchêne et revu par Louis Benech s'étend au pied des remparts, le long d’un cours d’eau. Ce parc présente des espèces rares d’azalées, de camélias et de nombreux rhododendrons et des arbres centenaires. Il est ouvert au public pour les Journées du Patrimoine et Rendez-vous au jardin .
le chateau de Josselin est très lié à l'alchimie notamment ses cheminées et sa cour extérieure sur le parc.Il s'inscrit dans le patrimoine de Brocéliande qui n'appartient pas qu'aux druides .En effet , il est tout à fait possible de lire de maniere alchimique la vita merlini de G. de Monmouth ainsi que le mythe de Brocéliande lui même.. et si on suit le parcours des salles du chateau on s'aperçoit que ce dernier met en évidence une progression alchimique qui peut se retrouver dans la chevalerie et dans les degrés d'élévation maçonnique , car le corrélat est précisément dans ce savoir acquis par le premier des Josselin .
Source wikipedia
Exploitant : Transdev SETRA
Réseau : Mobilien
Ligne : 23
Lieu : Créteil – Préfecture du Val-de-Marne (Créteil, F-94)
Lien TC Infos : tc-infos.fr/id/34872
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The Toraja are an ethnic group indigenous to a mountainous region of South Sulawesi, Indonesia. Their population is approximately 1,100,000, of whom 450,000 live in the regency of Tana Toraja ("Land of Toraja"). Most of the population is Christian, and others are Muslim or have local animist beliefs known as aluk ("the way"). The Indonesian government has recognized this animist belief as Aluk To Dolo ("Way of the Ancestors").
The word toraja comes from the Bugis Buginese language term to riaja, meaning "people of the uplands". The Dutch colonial government named the people Toraja in 1909. Torajans are renowned for their elaborate funeral rites, burial sites carved into rocky cliffs, massive peaked-roof traditional houses known as tongkonan, and colorful wood carvings. Toraja funeral rites are important social events, usually attended by hundreds of people and lasting for several days.
Before the 20th century, Torajans lived in autonomous villages, where they practised animism and were relatively untouched by the outside world. In the early 1900s, Dutch missionaries first worked to convert Torajan highlanders to Christianity. When the Tana Toraja regency was further opened to the outside world in the 1970s, it became an icon of tourism in Indonesia: it was exploited by tourism developers and studied by anthropologists. By the 1990s, when tourism peaked, Toraja society had changed significantly, from an agrarian model - in which social life and customs were outgrowths of the Aluk To Dolo - to a largely Christian society. Today, tourism and remittances from migrant Torajans have made for major changes in the Toraja highland, giving the Toraja a celebrity status within Indonesia and enhancing Toraja ethnic group pride.
ETHNIC IDENTITY
The Torajan people had little notion of themselves as a distinct ethnic group before the 20th century. Before Dutch colonization and Christianization, Torajans, who lived in highland areas, identified with their villages and did not share a broad sense of identity. Although complexes of rituals created linkages between highland villages, there were variations in dialects, differences in social hierarchies, and an array of ritual practices in the Sulawesi highland region. "Toraja" (from the coastal languages' to, meaning people; and riaja, uplands) was first used as a lowlander expression for highlanders. As a result, "Toraja" initially had more currency with outsiders - such as the Bugis and Makassarese, who constitute a majority of the lowland of Sulawesi - than with insiders. The Dutch missionaries' presence in the highlands gave rise to the Toraja ethnic consciousness in the Sa'dan Toraja region, and this shared identity grew with the rise of tourism in the Tana Toraja Regency. Since then, South Sulawesi has four main ethnic groups - the Bugis (the majority, including shipbuilders and seafarers), the Makassarese (lowland traders and seafarers), the Mandarese (traders and fishermen), and the Toraja (highland rice cultivators).
HISTORY
From the 17th century, the Dutch established trade and political control on Sulawesi through the Dutch East Indies Company. Over two centuries, they ignored the mountainous area in the central Sulawesi, where Torajans lived, because access was difficult and it had little productive agricultural land. In the late 19th century, the Dutch became increasingly concerned about the spread of Islam in the south of Sulawesi, especially among the Makassarese and Bugis peoples. The Dutch saw the animist highlanders as potential Christians. In the 1920s, the Reformed Missionary Alliance of the Dutch Reformed Church began missionary work aided by the Dutch colonial government. In addition to introducing Christianity, the Dutch abolished slavery and imposed local taxes. A line was drawn around the Sa'dan area and called Tana Toraja ("the land of Toraja"). Tana Toraja was first a subdivision of the Luwu kingdom that had claimed the area. In 1946, the Dutch granted Tana Toraja a regentschap, and it was recognized in 1957 as one of the regencies of Indonesia.
Early Dutch missionaries faced strong opposition among Torajans, especially among the elite, because the abolition of their profitable slave trade had angered them. Some Torajans were forcibly relocated to the lowlands by the Dutch, where they could be more easily controlled. Taxes were kept high, undermining the wealth of the elites. Ultimately, the Dutch influence did not subdue Torajan culture, and only a few Torajans were converted. In 1950, only 10% of the population had converted to Christianity.
In the 1930s, Muslim lowlanders attacked the Torajans, resulting in widespread Christian conversion among those who sought to align themselves with the Dutch for political protection and to form a movement against the Bugis and Makassarese Muslims. Between 1951 and 1965 (following Indonesian independence), southern Sulawesi faced a turbulent period as the Darul Islam separatist movement fought for an Islamic state in Sulawesi. The 15 years of guerrilla warfare led to massive conversions to
CHRISTIANITY
Alignment with the Indonesian government, however, did not guarantee safety for the Torajans. In 1965, a presidential decree required every Indonesian citizen to belong to one of five officially recognized religions: Islam, Christianity (Protestantism and Catholicism), Hinduism, or Buddhism. The Torajan religious belief (aluk) was not legally recognized, and the Torajans raised their voices against the law. To make aluk accord with the law, it had to be accepted as part of one of the official religions. In 1969, Aluk To Dolo ("the way of ancestors") was legalized as a sect of Agama Hindu Dharma, the official name of Hinduism in Indonesia.
SOCIETY
There are three main types of affiliation in Toraja society: family, class and religion.
FAMILY AFFILIATION
Family is the primary social and political grouping in Torajan society. Each village is one extended family, the seat of which is the tongkonan, a traditional Torajan house. Each tongkonan has a name, which becomes the name of the village. The familial dons maintain village unity. Marriage between distant cousins (fourth cousins and beyond) is a common practice that strengthens kinship. Toraja society prohibits marriage between close cousins (up to and including the third cousin) - except for nobles, to prevent the dispersal of property. Kinship is actively reciprocal, meaning that the extended family helps each other farm, share buffalo rituals, and pay off debts.
Each person belongs to both the mother's and the father's families, the only bilateral family line in Indonesia. Children, therefore, inherit household affiliation from both mother and father, including land and even family debts. Children's names are given on the basis of kinship, and are usually chosen after dead relatives. Names of aunts, uncles and cousins are commonly referred to in the names of mothers, fathers and siblings.
Before the start of the formal administration of Toraja villages by the Tana Toraja Regency, each Toraja village was autonomous. In a more complex situation, in which one Toraja family could not handle their problems alone, several villages formed a group; sometimes, villages would unite against other villages. Relationship between families was expressed through blood, marriage, and shared ancestral houses (tongkonan), practically signed by the exchange of water buffalo and pigs on ritual occasions. Such exchanges not only built political and cultural ties between families but defined each person's place in a social hierarchy: who poured palm wine, who wrapped a corpse and prepared offerings, where each person could or could not sit, what dishes should be used or avoided, and even what piece of meat constituted one's share.
CLASS AFFILIATION
In early Toraja society, family relationships were tied closely to social class. There were three strata: nobles, commoners, and slaves (slavery was abolished in 1909 by the Dutch East Indies government). Class was inherited through the mother. It was taboo, therefore, to marry "down" with a woman of lower class. On the other hand, marrying a woman of higher class could improve the status of the next generation. The nobility's condescending attitude toward the commoners is still maintained today for reasons of family prestige.
Nobles, who were believed to be direct descendants of the descended person from heaven, lived in tongkonans, while commoners lived in less lavish houses (bamboo shacks called banua). Slaves lived in small huts, which had to be built around their owner's tongkonan. Commoners might marry anyone, but nobles preferred to marry in-family to maintain their status. Sometimes nobles married Bugis or Makassarese nobles. Commoners and slaves were prohibited from having death feasts. Despite close kinship and status inheritance, there was some social mobility, as marriage or change in wealth could affect an individuals status. Wealth was counted by the ownership of water buffaloes.
Slaves in Toraja society were family property. Sometimes Torajans decided to become slaves when they incurred a debt, pledging to work as payment. Slaves could be taken during wars, and slave trading was common. Slaves could buy their freedom, but their children still inherited slave status. Slaves were prohibited from wearing bronze or gold, carving their houses, eating from the same dishes as their owners, or having sex with free women - a crime punishable by death.
RELIGIOUS AFFILIATION
Toraja's indigenous belief system is polytheistic animism, called aluk, or "the way" (sometimes translated as "the law"). In the Toraja myth, the ancestors of Torajan people came down from heaven using stairs, which were then used by the Torajans as a communication medium with Puang Matua, the Creator. The cosmos, according to aluk, is divided into the upper world (heaven), the world of man (earth), and the underworld. At first, heaven and earth were married, then there was a darkness, a separation, and finally the light. Animals live in the underworld, which is represented by rectangular space enclosed by pillars, the earth is for mankind, and the heaven world is located above, covered with a saddle-shaped roof. Other Toraja gods include Pong Banggai di Rante (god of Earth), Indo' Ongon-Ongon (a goddess who can cause earthquakes), Pong Lalondong (god of death), and Indo' Belo Tumbang (goddess of medicine); there are many more.
The earthly authority, whose words and actions should be cleaved to both in life (agriculture) and death (funerals), is called to minaa (an aluk priest). Aluk is not just a belief system; it is a combination of law, religion, and habit. Aluk governs social life, agricultural practices, and ancestral rituals. The details of aluk may vary from one village to another. One common law is the requirement that death and life rituals be separated. Torajans believe that performing death rituals might ruin their corpses if combined with life rituals. The two rituals are equally important. During the time of the Dutch missionaries, Christian Torajans were prohibited from attending or performing life rituals, but were allowed to perform death rituals. Consequently, Toraja's death rituals are still practised today, while life rituals have diminished.
CULTURE
TONGKONAN
Tongkonan are the traditional Torajan ancestral houses. They stand high on wooden piles, topped with a layered split-bamboo roof shaped in a sweeping curved arc, and they are incised with red, black, and yellow detailed wood carvings on the exterior walls. The word "tongkonan" comes from the Torajan tongkon ("to sit").
Tongkonan are the center of Torajan social life. The rituals associated with the tongkonan are important expressions of Torajan spiritual life, and therefore all family members are impelled to participate, because symbolically the tongkonan represents links to their ancestors and to living and future kin. According to Torajan myth, the first tongkonan was built in heaven on four poles, with a roof made of Indian cloth. When the first Torajan ancestor descended to earth, he imitated the house and held a large ceremony.
The construction of a tongkonan is laborious work and is usually done with the help of the extended family. There are three types of tongkonan. The tongkonan layuk is the house of the highest authority, used as the "center of government". The tongkonan pekamberan belongs to the family members who have some authority in local traditions. Ordinary family members reside in the tongkonan batu. The exclusivity to the nobility of the tongkonan is diminishing as many Torajan commoners find lucrative employment in other parts of Indonesia. As they send back money to their families, they enable the construction of larger tongkonan.
WOOD CARVINGS
To express social and religious concepts, Torajans carve wood, calling it Pa'ssura (or "the writing"). Wood carvings are therefore Toraja's cultural manifestation.
Each carving receives a special name, and common motifs are animals and plants that symbolize some virtue. For example, water plants and animals, such as crabs, tadpoles and water weeds, are commonly found to symbolize fertility. In some areas noble elders claim these symbols refer to strength of noble family, but not everyone agrees. The overall meaning of groups of carved motifs on houses remains debated and tourism has further complicated these debates because some feel a uniform explanation must be presented to tourists. The image to the left shows an example of Torajan wood carving, consisting of 15 square panels. The center bottom panel represents buffalo or wealth, a wish for many buffaloes for the family. The center panel represents a knot and a box, a hope that all of the family's offspring will be happy and live in harmony, like goods kept safe in a box. The top left and top right squares represent an aquatic animal, indicating the need for fast and hard work, just like moving on the surface of water. It also represents the need for a certain skill to produce good results.
Regularity and order are common features in Toraja wood carving (see table below), as well as abstracts and geometrical designs. Nature is frequently used as the basis of Toraja's ornaments, because nature is full of abstractions and geometries with regularities and ordering. Toraja's ornaments have been studied in ethnomathematics to reveal their mathematical structure, but Torajans base this art only on approximations. To create an ornament, bamboo sticks are used as a geometrical tool.
FUNERAL RITES
In Toraja society, the funeral ritual is the most elaborate and expensive event. The richer and more powerful the individual, the more expensive is the funeral. In the aluk religion, only nobles have the right to have an extensive death feast. The death feast of a nobleman is usually attended by thousands and lasts for several days. A ceremonial site, called rante, is usually prepared in a large, grassy field where shelters for audiences, rice barns, and other ceremonial funeral structures are specially made by the deceased family. Flute music, funeral chants, songs and poems, and crying and wailing are traditional Toraja expressions of grief with the exceptions of funerals for young children, and poor, low-status adults.
The ceremony is often held weeks, months, or years after the death so that the deceased's family can raise the significant funds needed to cover funeral expenses. Torajans traditionally believe that death is not a sudden, abrupt event, but a gradual process toward Puya (the land of souls, or afterlife). During the waiting period, the body of the deceased is wrapped in several layers of cloth and kept under the tongkonan. The soul of the deceased is thought to linger around the village until the funeral ceremony is completed, after which it begins its journey to Puya.
Another component of the ritual is the slaughter of water buffalo. The more powerful the person who died, the more buffalo are slaughtered at the death feast. Buffalo carcasses, including their heads, are usually lined up on a field waiting for their owner, who is in the "sleeping stage". Torajans believe that the deceased will need the buffalo to make the journey and that they will be quicker to arrive at Puya if they have many buffalo. Slaughtering tens of water buffalo and hundreds of pigs using a machete is the climax of the elaborate death feast, with dancing and music and young boys who catch spurting blood in long bamboo tubes. Some of the slaughtered animals are given by guests as "gifts", which are carefully noted because they will be considered debts of the deceased's family. However, a cockfight, known as bulangan londong, is an integral part of the ceremony. As with the sacrifice of the buffalo and the pigs, the cockfight is considered sacred because it involves the spilling of blood on the earth. In particular, the tradition requires the sacrifice of at least three chickens. However, it is common for at least 25 pairs of chickens to be set against each other in the context of the ceremony.
There are three methods of burial: the coffin may be laid in a cave or in a carved stone grave, or hung on a cliff. It contains any possessions that the deceased will need in the afterlife. The wealthy are often buried in a stone grave carved out of a rocky cliff. The grave is usually expensive and takes a few months to complete. In some areas, a stone cave may be found that is large enough to accommodate a whole family. A wood-carved effigy, called Tau tau, is usually placed in the cave looking out over the land. The coffin of a baby or child may be hung from ropes on a cliff face or from a tree. This hanging grave usually lasts for years, until the ropes rot and the coffin falls to the ground.
In the ritual called Ma'Nene, that takes place each year in August, the bodies of the deceased are exhumed to be washed, groomed and dressed in new clothes. The mummies are then walked around the village.
DANCE AND MUSIC
Torajans perform dances on several occasions, most often during their elaborate funeral ceremonies. They dance to express their grief, and to honour and even cheer the deceased person because he is going to have a long journey in the afterlife. First, a group of men form a circle and sing a monotonous chant throughout the night to honour the deceased (a ritual called Ma'badong). This is considered by many Torajans to be the most important component of the funeral ceremony. On the second funeral day, the Ma'randing warrior dance is performed to praise the courage of the deceased during life. Several men perform the dance with a sword, a large shield made from buffalo skin, a helmet with a buffalo horn, and other ornamentation. The Ma'randing dance precedes a procession in which the deceased is carried from a rice barn to the rante, the site of the funeral ceremony. During the funeral, elder women perform the Ma'katia dance while singing a poetic song and wearing a long feathered costume. The Ma'akatia dance is performed to remind the audience of the generosity and loyalty of the deceased person. After the bloody ceremony of buffalo and pig slaughter, a group of boys and girls clap their hands while performing a cheerful dance called Ma'dondan.
As in other agricultural societies, Torajans dance and sing during harvest time. The Ma'bugi dance celebrates the thanksgiving event, and the Ma'gandangi dance is performed while Torajans are pounding rice. There are several war dances, such as the Manimbong dance performed by men, followed by the Ma'dandan dance performed by women. The aluk religion governs when and how Torajans dance. A dance called Ma'bua can be performed only once every 12 years. Ma'bua is a major Toraja ceremony in which priests wear a buffalo head and dance around a sacred tree.
A traditional musical instrument of the Toraja is a bamboo flute called a Pa'suling (suling is an Indonesian word for flute). This six-holed flute (not unique to the Toraja) is played at many dances, such as the thanksgiving dance Ma'bondensan, where the flute accompanies a group of shirtless, dancing men with long fingernails. The Toraja have indigenous musical instruments, such as the Pa'pelle (made from palm leaves) and the Pa'karombi (the Torajan version of a jaw harp). The Pa'pelle is played during harvest time and at house inauguration ceremonies.
LANGUAGE
The ethnic Toraja language is dominant in Tana Toraja with the main language as the Sa'dan Toraja. Although the national Indonesian language is the official language and is spoken in the community, all elementary schools in Tana Toraja teach Toraja language.Language varieties of Toraja, including Kalumpang, Mamasa, Tae' , Talondo' , Toala' , and Toraja-Sa'dan, belong to the Malayo-Polynesian language from the Austronesian family. At the outset, the isolated geographical nature of Tana Toraja formed many dialects between the Toraja languages themselves. After the formal administration of Tana Toraja, some Toraja dialects have been influenced by other languages through the transmigration program, introduced since the colonialism period, and it has been a major factor in the linguistic variety of Toraja languages. A prominent attribute of Toraja language is the notion of grief. The importance of death ceremony in Toraja culture has characterized their languages to express intricate degrees of grief and mourning. The Toraja language contains many terms referring to sadness, longing, depression, and mental pain. Giving a clear expression of the psychological and physical effect of loss is a catharsis and sometimes lessens the pain of grief itself.
ECONOMY
Prior to Suharto's "New Order" administration, the Torajan economy was based on agriculture, with cultivated wet rice in terraced fields on mountain slopes, and supplemental cassava and maize crops. Much time and energy were devoted to raising water buffalo, pigs, and chickens, primarily for ceremonial sacrifices and consumption. Coffee was the first significant cash crop produced in Toraja, and was introduced in the mid 19th century, changing the local economy towards commodity production for external markets and gaining an excellent reputation for quality in the international market .
With the commencement of the New Order in 1965, Indonesia's economy developed and opened to foreign investment. In Toraja, a coffee plantation and factory was established by Key Coffee of Japan, and Torajan coffee regained a reputation for quality within the growing international specialty coffee sector Multinational oil and mining companies opened new operations in Indonesia during the 1970s and 1980s. Torajans, particularly younger ones, relocated to work for the foreign companies - to Kalimantan for timber and oil, to Papua for mining, to the cities of Sulawesi and Java, and many went to Malaysia. The out-migration of Torajans was steady until 1985. and has continued since, with remittances sent back by emigre Torajans performing an important role within the contemporary economy.
Tourism commenced in Toraja in the 1970s, and accelerated in the 1980s and 1990s. Between 1984 and 1997, a significant number of Torajans obtained their incomes from tourism, working in and owning hotels, as tour guides, drivers, or selling souvenirs. With the rise of political and economic instability in Indonesia in the late 1990s - including religious conflicts elsewhere on Sulawesi - tourism in Tana Toraja has declined dramatically. Toraja continues to be a well known origin for Indonesian coffee, grown by both smallholders and plantation estates, although migration, remittances and off-farm income is considered far more important to most households, even those in rural areas.
TOURISM AND CULTURAL CHANGE
Before the 1970s, Toraja was almost unknown to Western tourism. In 1971, about 50 Europeans visited Tana Toraja. In 1972, at least 400 visitors attended the funeral ritual of Puang of Sangalla, the highest-ranking nobleman in Tana Toraja and the so-called "last pure-blooded Toraja noble." The event was documented by National Geographic and broadcast in several European countries. In 1976, about 12,000 tourists visited the regency and in 1981, Torajan sculpture was exhibited in major North American museums. "The land of the heavenly kings of Tana Toraja", as written in the exhibition brochure, embraced the outside world.
In 1984, the Indonesian Ministry of Tourism declared Tana Toraja Regency the prima donna of South Sulawesi. Tana Toraja was heralded as "the second stop after Bali". Tourism was increasing dramatically: by 1985, a total number of 150,000 foreigners had visited the Regency (in addition to 80,000 domestic tourists), and the annual number of foreign visitors was recorded at 40,000 in 1989. Souvenir stands appeared in Rantepao, the cultural center of Toraja, roads were sealed at the most-visited tourist sites, new hotels and tourist-oriented restaurants were opened, and an airstrip was opened in the Regency in 1981.
Tourism developers have marketed Tana Toraja as an exotic adventure - an area rich in culture and off the beaten track. Western tourists expected to see stone-age villages and pagan funerals. Toraja is for tourists who have gone as far as Bali and are willing to see more of the wild, "untouched" islands. However, they were more likely to see a Torajan wearing a hat and denim, living in a Christian society. Tourists felt that the tongkonan and other Torajan rituals had been preconceived to make profits, and complained that the destination was too commercialized. This has resulted in several clashes between Torajans and tourism developers, whom Torajans see as outsiders.
A clash between local Torajan leaders and the South Sulawesi provincial government (as a tourist developer) broke out in 1985. The government designated 18 Toraja villages and burial sites as traditional tourist attractions. Consequently, zoning restrictions were applied to these areas, such that Torajans themselves were barred from changing their tongkonans and burial sites. The plan was opposed by some Torajan leaders, as they felt that their rituals and traditions were being determined by outsiders. As a result, in 1987, the Torajan village of Kété Kesú and several other designated tourist attractions closed their doors to tourists. This closure lasted only a few days, as the villagers found it too difficult to survive without the income from selling souvenirs.
Tourism has also transformed Toraja society. Originally, there was a ritual which allowed commoners to marry nobles (puang) and thereby gain nobility for their children. However, the image of Torajan society created for the tourists, often by "lower-ranking" guides, has eroded its traditional strict hierarchy. High status is not as esteemed in Tana Toraja as it once was. Many low-ranking men can declare themselves and their children nobles by gaining enough wealth through work outside the region and then marrying a noble woman.
WIKIPEDIA
Round Table on the role of European institutions in the exploitation of Ariane 6 and Vega-C, at the ESA pavilion, during the Paris Air and Space Show, on 22 June 2017.
Satellites from European institutions will play a major role during the exploitation of the new family of ESA-developed launchers, Vega-C and Ariane 6 which will be operative from 2019/2020.
In this round table, high level representatives from important European institutions were invited to debate how they can contribute to guarantee a level playing field for Ariane 6 and Vega-C exploitation with respect to competitors that can count on a very large number of institutional payloads.
Participants : Pierre Delsaux, European Commission, Deputy-Director General; Alan Ratier, Eumetsat, Director General; Stephan Israel, Arianespace, CEO; Joel Barre, CNES, Deputy Director General; Wolfgang Scheremet, German Ministry for Economic Affairs and Energy, Director-General Industrial Policy; Roberto Battiston, ASI, President; Daniel Neuenschwander, ESA, Director of Space Transportation; Gaele Winters, former ESA Director of Launchers (moderator).
Credit: ESA–Philippe Sebirot, 2017
Exploitant : Transdev STRAV
Réseau : Marne et Seine
Ligne : K
Lieu : Créteil – Préfecture du Val de Marne (Créteil, F-94)
Lien TC Infos : tc-infos.fr/id/27142
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The Toraja are an ethnic group indigenous to a mountainous region of South Sulawesi, Indonesia. Their population is approximately 1,100,000, of whom 450,000 live in the regency of Tana Toraja ("Land of Toraja"). Most of the population is Christian, and others are Muslim or have local animist beliefs known as aluk ("the way"). The Indonesian government has recognized this animist belief as Aluk To Dolo ("Way of the Ancestors").
The word toraja comes from the Bugis Buginese language term to riaja, meaning "people of the uplands". The Dutch colonial government named the people Toraja in 1909. Torajans are renowned for their elaborate funeral rites, burial sites carved into rocky cliffs, massive peaked-roof traditional houses known as tongkonan, and colorful wood carvings. Toraja funeral rites are important social events, usually attended by hundreds of people and lasting for several days.
Before the 20th century, Torajans lived in autonomous villages, where they practised animism and were relatively untouched by the outside world. In the early 1900s, Dutch missionaries first worked to convert Torajan highlanders to Christianity. When the Tana Toraja regency was further opened to the outside world in the 1970s, it became an icon of tourism in Indonesia: it was exploited by tourism developers and studied by anthropologists. By the 1990s, when tourism peaked, Toraja society had changed significantly, from an agrarian model - in which social life and customs were outgrowths of the Aluk To Dolo - to a largely Christian society. Today, tourism and remittances from migrant Torajans have made for major changes in the Toraja highland, giving the Toraja a celebrity status within Indonesia and enhancing Toraja ethnic group pride.
ETHNIC IDENTITY
The Torajan people had little notion of themselves as a distinct ethnic group before the 20th century. Before Dutch colonization and Christianization, Torajans, who lived in highland areas, identified with their villages and did not share a broad sense of identity. Although complexes of rituals created linkages between highland villages, there were variations in dialects, differences in social hierarchies, and an array of ritual practices in the Sulawesi highland region. "Toraja" (from the coastal languages' to, meaning people; and riaja, uplands) was first used as a lowlander expression for highlanders. As a result, "Toraja" initially had more currency with outsiders - such as the Bugis and Makassarese, who constitute a majority of the lowland of Sulawesi - than with insiders. The Dutch missionaries' presence in the highlands gave rise to the Toraja ethnic consciousness in the Sa'dan Toraja region, and this shared identity grew with the rise of tourism in the Tana Toraja Regency. Since then, South Sulawesi has four main ethnic groups - the Bugis (the majority, including shipbuilders and seafarers), the Makassarese (lowland traders and seafarers), the Mandarese (traders and fishermen), and the Toraja (highland rice cultivators).
HISTORY
From the 17th century, the Dutch established trade and political control on Sulawesi through the Dutch East Indies Company. Over two centuries, they ignored the mountainous area in the central Sulawesi, where Torajans lived, because access was difficult and it had little productive agricultural land. In the late 19th century, the Dutch became increasingly concerned about the spread of Islam in the south of Sulawesi, especially among the Makassarese and Bugis peoples. The Dutch saw the animist highlanders as potential Christians. In the 1920s, the Reformed Missionary Alliance of the Dutch Reformed Church began missionary work aided by the Dutch colonial government. In addition to introducing Christianity, the Dutch abolished slavery and imposed local taxes. A line was drawn around the Sa'dan area and called Tana Toraja ("the land of Toraja"). Tana Toraja was first a subdivision of the Luwu kingdom that had claimed the area. In 1946, the Dutch granted Tana Toraja a regentschap, and it was recognized in 1957 as one of the regencies of Indonesia.
Early Dutch missionaries faced strong opposition among Torajans, especially among the elite, because the abolition of their profitable slave trade had angered them. Some Torajans were forcibly relocated to the lowlands by the Dutch, where they could be more easily controlled. Taxes were kept high, undermining the wealth of the elites. Ultimately, the Dutch influence did not subdue Torajan culture, and only a few Torajans were converted. In 1950, only 10% of the population had converted to Christianity.
In the 1930s, Muslim lowlanders attacked the Torajans, resulting in widespread Christian conversion among those who sought to align themselves with the Dutch for political protection and to form a movement against the Bugis and Makassarese Muslims. Between 1951 and 1965 (following Indonesian independence), southern Sulawesi faced a turbulent period as the Darul Islam separatist movement fought for an Islamic state in Sulawesi. The 15 years of guerrilla warfare led to massive conversions to
CHRISTIANITY
Alignment with the Indonesian government, however, did not guarantee safety for the Torajans. In 1965, a presidential decree required every Indonesian citizen to belong to one of five officially recognized religions: Islam, Christianity (Protestantism and Catholicism), Hinduism, or Buddhism. The Torajan religious belief (aluk) was not legally recognized, and the Torajans raised their voices against the law. To make aluk accord with the law, it had to be accepted as part of one of the official religions. In 1969, Aluk To Dolo ("the way of ancestors") was legalized as a sect of Agama Hindu Dharma, the official name of Hinduism in Indonesia.
SOCIETY
There are three main types of affiliation in Toraja society: family, class and religion.
FAMILY AFFILIATION
Family is the primary social and political grouping in Torajan society. Each village is one extended family, the seat of which is the tongkonan, a traditional Torajan house. Each tongkonan has a name, which becomes the name of the village. The familial dons maintain village unity. Marriage between distant cousins (fourth cousins and beyond) is a common practice that strengthens kinship. Toraja society prohibits marriage between close cousins (up to and including the third cousin) - except for nobles, to prevent the dispersal of property. Kinship is actively reciprocal, meaning that the extended family helps each other farm, share buffalo rituals, and pay off debts.
Each person belongs to both the mother's and the father's families, the only bilateral family line in Indonesia. Children, therefore, inherit household affiliation from both mother and father, including land and even family debts. Children's names are given on the basis of kinship, and are usually chosen after dead relatives. Names of aunts, uncles and cousins are commonly referred to in the names of mothers, fathers and siblings.
Before the start of the formal administration of Toraja villages by the Tana Toraja Regency, each Toraja village was autonomous. In a more complex situation, in which one Toraja family could not handle their problems alone, several villages formed a group; sometimes, villages would unite against other villages. Relationship between families was expressed through blood, marriage, and shared ancestral houses (tongkonan), practically signed by the exchange of water buffalo and pigs on ritual occasions. Such exchanges not only built political and cultural ties between families but defined each person's place in a social hierarchy: who poured palm wine, who wrapped a corpse and prepared offerings, where each person could or could not sit, what dishes should be used or avoided, and even what piece of meat constituted one's share.
CLASS AFFILIATION
In early Toraja society, family relationships were tied closely to social class. There were three strata: nobles, commoners, and slaves (slavery was abolished in 1909 by the Dutch East Indies government). Class was inherited through the mother. It was taboo, therefore, to marry "down" with a woman of lower class. On the other hand, marrying a woman of higher class could improve the status of the next generation. The nobility's condescending attitude toward the commoners is still maintained today for reasons of family prestige.
Nobles, who were believed to be direct descendants of the descended person from heaven, lived in tongkonans, while commoners lived in less lavish houses (bamboo shacks called banua). Slaves lived in small huts, which had to be built around their owner's tongkonan. Commoners might marry anyone, but nobles preferred to marry in-family to maintain their status. Sometimes nobles married Bugis or Makassarese nobles. Commoners and slaves were prohibited from having death feasts. Despite close kinship and status inheritance, there was some social mobility, as marriage or change in wealth could affect an individuals status. Wealth was counted by the ownership of water buffaloes.
Slaves in Toraja society were family property. Sometimes Torajans decided to become slaves when they incurred a debt, pledging to work as payment. Slaves could be taken during wars, and slave trading was common. Slaves could buy their freedom, but their children still inherited slave status. Slaves were prohibited from wearing bronze or gold, carving their houses, eating from the same dishes as their owners, or having sex with free women - a crime punishable by death.
RELIGIOUS AFFILIATION
Toraja's indigenous belief system is polytheistic animism, called aluk, or "the way" (sometimes translated as "the law"). In the Toraja myth, the ancestors of Torajan people came down from heaven using stairs, which were then used by the Torajans as a communication medium with Puang Matua, the Creator. The cosmos, according to aluk, is divided into the upper world (heaven), the world of man (earth), and the underworld. At first, heaven and earth were married, then there was a darkness, a separation, and finally the light. Animals live in the underworld, which is represented by rectangular space enclosed by pillars, the earth is for mankind, and the heaven world is located above, covered with a saddle-shaped roof. Other Toraja gods include Pong Banggai di Rante (god of Earth), Indo' Ongon-Ongon (a goddess who can cause earthquakes), Pong Lalondong (god of death), and Indo' Belo Tumbang (goddess of medicine); there are many more.
The earthly authority, whose words and actions should be cleaved to both in life (agriculture) and death (funerals), is called to minaa (an aluk priest). Aluk is not just a belief system; it is a combination of law, religion, and habit. Aluk governs social life, agricultural practices, and ancestral rituals. The details of aluk may vary from one village to another. One common law is the requirement that death and life rituals be separated. Torajans believe that performing death rituals might ruin their corpses if combined with life rituals. The two rituals are equally important. During the time of the Dutch missionaries, Christian Torajans were prohibited from attending or performing life rituals, but were allowed to perform death rituals. Consequently, Toraja's death rituals are still practised today, while life rituals have diminished.
CULTURE
TONGKONAN
Tongkonan are the traditional Torajan ancestral houses. They stand high on wooden piles, topped with a layered split-bamboo roof shaped in a sweeping curved arc, and they are incised with red, black, and yellow detailed wood carvings on the exterior walls. The word "tongkonan" comes from the Torajan tongkon ("to sit").
Tongkonan are the center of Torajan social life. The rituals associated with the tongkonan are important expressions of Torajan spiritual life, and therefore all family members are impelled to participate, because symbolically the tongkonan represents links to their ancestors and to living and future kin. According to Torajan myth, the first tongkonan was built in heaven on four poles, with a roof made of Indian cloth. When the first Torajan ancestor descended to earth, he imitated the house and held a large ceremony.
The construction of a tongkonan is laborious work and is usually done with the help of the extended family. There are three types of tongkonan. The tongkonan layuk is the house of the highest authority, used as the "center of government". The tongkonan pekamberan belongs to the family members who have some authority in local traditions. Ordinary family members reside in the tongkonan batu. The exclusivity to the nobility of the tongkonan is diminishing as many Torajan commoners find lucrative employment in other parts of Indonesia. As they send back money to their families, they enable the construction of larger tongkonan.
WOOD CARVINGS
To express social and religious concepts, Torajans carve wood, calling it Pa'ssura (or "the writing"). Wood carvings are therefore Toraja's cultural manifestation.
Each carving receives a special name, and common motifs are animals and plants that symbolize some virtue. For example, water plants and animals, such as crabs, tadpoles and water weeds, are commonly found to symbolize fertility. In some areas noble elders claim these symbols refer to strength of noble family, but not everyone agrees. The overall meaning of groups of carved motifs on houses remains debated and tourism has further complicated these debates because some feel a uniform explanation must be presented to tourists. The image to the left shows an example of Torajan wood carving, consisting of 15 square panels. The center bottom panel represents buffalo or wealth, a wish for many buffaloes for the family. The center panel represents a knot and a box, a hope that all of the family's offspring will be happy and live in harmony, like goods kept safe in a box. The top left and top right squares represent an aquatic animal, indicating the need for fast and hard work, just like moving on the surface of water. It also represents the need for a certain skill to produce good results.
Regularity and order are common features in Toraja wood carving (see table below), as well as abstracts and geometrical designs. Nature is frequently used as the basis of Toraja's ornaments, because nature is full of abstractions and geometries with regularities and ordering. Toraja's ornaments have been studied in ethnomathematics to reveal their mathematical structure, but Torajans base this art only on approximations. To create an ornament, bamboo sticks are used as a geometrical tool.
FUNERAL RITES
In Toraja society, the funeral ritual is the most elaborate and expensive event. The richer and more powerful the individual, the more expensive is the funeral. In the aluk religion, only nobles have the right to have an extensive death feast. The death feast of a nobleman is usually attended by thousands and lasts for several days. A ceremonial site, called rante, is usually prepared in a large, grassy field where shelters for audiences, rice barns, and other ceremonial funeral structures are specially made by the deceased family. Flute music, funeral chants, songs and poems, and crying and wailing are traditional Toraja expressions of grief with the exceptions of funerals for young children, and poor, low-status adults.
The ceremony is often held weeks, months, or years after the death so that the deceased's family can raise the significant funds needed to cover funeral expenses. Torajans traditionally believe that death is not a sudden, abrupt event, but a gradual process toward Puya (the land of souls, or afterlife). During the waiting period, the body of the deceased is wrapped in several layers of cloth and kept under the tongkonan. The soul of the deceased is thought to linger around the village until the funeral ceremony is completed, after which it begins its journey to Puya.
Another component of the ritual is the slaughter of water buffalo. The more powerful the person who died, the more buffalo are slaughtered at the death feast. Buffalo carcasses, including their heads, are usually lined up on a field waiting for their owner, who is in the "sleeping stage". Torajans believe that the deceased will need the buffalo to make the journey and that they will be quicker to arrive at Puya if they have many buffalo. Slaughtering tens of water buffalo and hundreds of pigs using a machete is the climax of the elaborate death feast, with dancing and music and young boys who catch spurting blood in long bamboo tubes. Some of the slaughtered animals are given by guests as "gifts", which are carefully noted because they will be considered debts of the deceased's family. However, a cockfight, known as bulangan londong, is an integral part of the ceremony. As with the sacrifice of the buffalo and the pigs, the cockfight is considered sacred because it involves the spilling of blood on the earth. In particular, the tradition requires the sacrifice of at least three chickens. However, it is common for at least 25 pairs of chickens to be set against each other in the context of the ceremony.
There are three methods of burial: the coffin may be laid in a cave or in a carved stone grave, or hung on a cliff. It contains any possessions that the deceased will need in the afterlife. The wealthy are often buried in a stone grave carved out of a rocky cliff. The grave is usually expensive and takes a few months to complete. In some areas, a stone cave may be found that is large enough to accommodate a whole family. A wood-carved effigy, called Tau tau, is usually placed in the cave looking out over the land. The coffin of a baby or child may be hung from ropes on a cliff face or from a tree. This hanging grave usually lasts for years, until the ropes rot and the coffin falls to the ground.
In the ritual called Ma'Nene, that takes place each year in August, the bodies of the deceased are exhumed to be washed, groomed and dressed in new clothes. The mummies are then walked around the village.
DANCE AND MUSIC
Torajans perform dances on several occasions, most often during their elaborate funeral ceremonies. They dance to express their grief, and to honour and even cheer the deceased person because he is going to have a long journey in the afterlife. First, a group of men form a circle and sing a monotonous chant throughout the night to honour the deceased (a ritual called Ma'badong). This is considered by many Torajans to be the most important component of the funeral ceremony. On the second funeral day, the Ma'randing warrior dance is performed to praise the courage of the deceased during life. Several men perform the dance with a sword, a large shield made from buffalo skin, a helmet with a buffalo horn, and other ornamentation. The Ma'randing dance precedes a procession in which the deceased is carried from a rice barn to the rante, the site of the funeral ceremony. During the funeral, elder women perform the Ma'katia dance while singing a poetic song and wearing a long feathered costume. The Ma'akatia dance is performed to remind the audience of the generosity and loyalty of the deceased person. After the bloody ceremony of buffalo and pig slaughter, a group of boys and girls clap their hands while performing a cheerful dance called Ma'dondan.
As in other agricultural societies, Torajans dance and sing during harvest time. The Ma'bugi dance celebrates the thanksgiving event, and the Ma'gandangi dance is performed while Torajans are pounding rice. There are several war dances, such as the Manimbong dance performed by men, followed by the Ma'dandan dance performed by women. The aluk religion governs when and how Torajans dance. A dance called Ma'bua can be performed only once every 12 years. Ma'bua is a major Toraja ceremony in which priests wear a buffalo head and dance around a sacred tree.
A traditional musical instrument of the Toraja is a bamboo flute called a Pa'suling (suling is an Indonesian word for flute). This six-holed flute (not unique to the Toraja) is played at many dances, such as the thanksgiving dance Ma'bondensan, where the flute accompanies a group of shirtless, dancing men with long fingernails. The Toraja have indigenous musical instruments, such as the Pa'pelle (made from palm leaves) and the Pa'karombi (the Torajan version of a jaw harp). The Pa'pelle is played during harvest time and at house inauguration ceremonies.
LANGUAGE
The ethnic Toraja language is dominant in Tana Toraja with the main language as the Sa'dan Toraja. Although the national Indonesian language is the official language and is spoken in the community, all elementary schools in Tana Toraja teach Toraja language.Language varieties of Toraja, including Kalumpang, Mamasa, Tae' , Talondo' , Toala' , and Toraja-Sa'dan, belong to the Malayo-Polynesian language from the Austronesian family. At the outset, the isolated geographical nature of Tana Toraja formed many dialects between the Toraja languages themselves. After the formal administration of Tana Toraja, some Toraja dialects have been influenced by other languages through the transmigration program, introduced since the colonialism period, and it has been a major factor in the linguistic variety of Toraja languages. A prominent attribute of Toraja language is the notion of grief. The importance of death ceremony in Toraja culture has characterized their languages to express intricate degrees of grief and mourning. The Toraja language contains many terms referring to sadness, longing, depression, and mental pain. Giving a clear expression of the psychological and physical effect of loss is a catharsis and sometimes lessens the pain of grief itself.
ECONOMY
Prior to Suharto's "New Order" administration, the Torajan economy was based on agriculture, with cultivated wet rice in terraced fields on mountain slopes, and supplemental cassava and maize crops. Much time and energy were devoted to raising water buffalo, pigs, and chickens, primarily for ceremonial sacrifices and consumption. Coffee was the first significant cash crop produced in Toraja, and was introduced in the mid 19th century, changing the local economy towards commodity production for external markets and gaining an excellent reputation for quality in the international market .
With the commencement of the New Order in 1965, Indonesia's economy developed and opened to foreign investment. In Toraja, a coffee plantation and factory was established by Key Coffee of Japan, and Torajan coffee regained a reputation for quality within the growing international specialty coffee sector Multinational oil and mining companies opened new operations in Indonesia during the 1970s and 1980s. Torajans, particularly younger ones, relocated to work for the foreign companies - to Kalimantan for timber and oil, to Papua for mining, to the cities of Sulawesi and Java, and many went to Malaysia. The out-migration of Torajans was steady until 1985. and has continued since, with remittances sent back by emigre Torajans performing an important role within the contemporary economy.
Tourism commenced in Toraja in the 1970s, and accelerated in the 1980s and 1990s. Between 1984 and 1997, a significant number of Torajans obtained their incomes from tourism, working in and owning hotels, as tour guides, drivers, or selling souvenirs. With the rise of political and economic instability in Indonesia in the late 1990s - including religious conflicts elsewhere on Sulawesi - tourism in Tana Toraja has declined dramatically. Toraja continues to be a well known origin for Indonesian coffee, grown by both smallholders and plantation estates, although migration, remittances and off-farm income is considered far more important to most households, even those in rural areas.
TOURISM AND CULTURAL CHANGE
Before the 1970s, Toraja was almost unknown to Western tourism. In 1971, about 50 Europeans visited Tana Toraja. In 1972, at least 400 visitors attended the funeral ritual of Puang of Sangalla, the highest-ranking nobleman in Tana Toraja and the so-called "last pure-blooded Toraja noble." The event was documented by National Geographic and broadcast in several European countries. In 1976, about 12,000 tourists visited the regency and in 1981, Torajan sculpture was exhibited in major North American museums. "The land of the heavenly kings of Tana Toraja", as written in the exhibition brochure, embraced the outside world.
In 1984, the Indonesian Ministry of Tourism declared Tana Toraja Regency the prima donna of South Sulawesi. Tana Toraja was heralded as "the second stop after Bali". Tourism was increasing dramatically: by 1985, a total number of 150,000 foreigners had visited the Regency (in addition to 80,000 domestic tourists), and the annual number of foreign visitors was recorded at 40,000 in 1989. Souvenir stands appeared in Rantepao, the cultural center of Toraja, roads were sealed at the most-visited tourist sites, new hotels and tourist-oriented restaurants were opened, and an airstrip was opened in the Regency in 1981.
Tourism developers have marketed Tana Toraja as an exotic adventure - an area rich in culture and off the beaten track. Western tourists expected to see stone-age villages and pagan funerals. Toraja is for tourists who have gone as far as Bali and are willing to see more of the wild, "untouched" islands. However, they were more likely to see a Torajan wearing a hat and denim, living in a Christian society. Tourists felt that the tongkonan and other Torajan rituals had been preconceived to make profits, and complained that the destination was too commercialized. This has resulted in several clashes between Torajans and tourism developers, whom Torajans see as outsiders.
A clash between local Torajan leaders and the South Sulawesi provincial government (as a tourist developer) broke out in 1985. The government designated 18 Toraja villages and burial sites as traditional tourist attractions. Consequently, zoning restrictions were applied to these areas, such that Torajans themselves were barred from changing their tongkonans and burial sites. The plan was opposed by some Torajan leaders, as they felt that their rituals and traditions were being determined by outsiders. As a result, in 1987, the Torajan village of Kété Kesú and several other designated tourist attractions closed their doors to tourists. This closure lasted only a few days, as the villagers found it too difficult to survive without the income from selling souvenirs.
Tourism has also transformed Toraja society. Originally, there was a ritual which allowed commoners to marry nobles (puang) and thereby gain nobility for their children. However, the image of Torajan society created for the tourists, often by "lower-ranking" guides, has eroded its traditional strict hierarchy. High status is not as esteemed in Tana Toraja as it once was. Many low-ranking men can declare themselves and their children nobles by gaining enough wealth through work outside the region and then marrying a noble woman.
WIKIPEDIA
Police and Crime Commissioner Tony Lloyd at the launch.
Greater Manchester is taking a stand against child sexual exploitation with a groundbreaking new campaign.
Greater Manchester Police, Police and Crime Commissioner Tony Lloyd, health organisations, the ten local authorities and the voluntary sector are working together to target perpetrators and to educate young people and their carers on the warning signs of child sexual exploitation and how to get help.
Today (Friday 19 September), a new website has been launched – www.itsnotokay.co.uk – which contains information for children, young people, parents, carers and professionals on how to spot the signs of child sex exploitation and what to do about it.
The launch of the It’s Not Okay campaign follows a week of action across Greater Manchester to tackle child sex exploitation; a week which consisted of education and empowerment of young people, but also the detection and disruption of CSE-related activity, which saw three warrants executed and 19 arrests made across the seven days.
High visibility patrols have taken place in Manchester City Centre and surrounding areas, with over two thousand children spoken to by specially trained officers. During these approaches the young people were advised about CSE and keeping themselves safe. Those who were identified as being vulnerable were taken to their home or a place of safety.
The rest of the week saw a number of inputs with professionals in the hospitality sector and other industries, as well as multi-agency visits to 'premises of interest' across Greater Manchester such as pubs, off licenses and takeaways.
A series of school visits and educational lessons have also taken place, with a mixture of officer inputs and a viewing of award-winning and thought-provoking CSE production ‘Somebody’s Sister, Somebody’s Daughter’ by GW Theatre.
Police and Crime Commissioner Tony Lloyd is also writing to every high school and college in Greater Manchester to make them aware of the campaign and urge them to act if they are worried about a young person.
Assistant Chief Constable Dawn Copley said:
“Tackling the sexual exploitation of children and young people is an absolute priority for Greater Manchester Police and its partners. Protecting children is everyone’s responsibility and it is crucial that we work together to identify and prosecute individuals who prey on vulnerable children.
“Historically mistakes have been made; however, we are more determined than ever to get it right. It is crucial that the children of Greater Manchester understand what child sexual exploitation is, to recognise when this happening to them, and that it is NOT okay. We want children to know that they will be believed and that we will do everything in our power to protect and help them.
“I want to reassure our communities that we have, and will continue to hunt out offenders who prey on some of the most vulnerable in our society and urge anyone with any information or concerns to come to us - we will take action."
Police and Crime Commissioner Tony Lloyd said:
“Child sexual exploitation is a scourge on our communities and we all have a responsibility to protect our children and young people. Despite the recent media coverage around this issue it is still a hidden problem and it’s common sense for all agencies to work together with communities to eradicate it.
“By raising awareness and educating people about the warning signs of child sex exploitation we can encourage people to speak out and all play a part in keeping our children safe.”
Mike Livingstone, Chair of Manchester Safeguarding Partnership, said:
"This is a massively important issue and we shouldn't be afraid to talk about it. Child sexual exploitation is child abuse and it ruins lives.
"Children at risk don't recognise local authority boundaries and abusers often deliberately manipulate these - so it's vital that we work together across local authority areas to tackle it.
“Through Project Phoenix we're determined to do everything we can at a regional level to educate, prevent, and ultimately protect young people from this most serious form of child abuse."
Gary Murray, Crimestoppers North West Regional Manager, said:
“The independent charity Crimestoppers are delighted to support this campaign. Each year we receive over 2,000 pieces of information with regard to sexual offences and we would encourage anyone with information to contact the charity anonymously on 0800 555 111.”
For more information on child sexual exploitation and who to contact if you have any concerns that a young person you know may be a victim of child sexual exploitation visit www.itsnotokay.co.uk.
You can also report it to Greater Manchester Police by calling 101 or call Crimestoppers anonymously on 0800 555 111. If someone is in immediate danger, dial 999.
Police have launched a two-day operation to protect the most vulnerable members of the community.
The initiative codenamed Operation Longford will see officers from across the Force and specialist units including traffic, tactical aid and the ANPR intercept teams take to the streets in a bid to target vulnerability in the community.
Some of the work as part of the days of action (Friday 29 to Saturday 30 May) will include visits to licensed premises, policing open spaces that attract youths and alcohol, takeaway enforcement, visit to shisha bars in addition to Metrolink and Child Sexual Exploitation (CSE) patrols.
Superintendent Craig Thompson operational lead said: “Safeguarding vulnerable people is an on-going priority for the Force which makes days of action like this so important. By having mechanisms in place and working alongside our partners we can ensure those at greater risk in our community are protected before the actions such as exploitation and abuse begin.
“As with our day to day policing we will also carry out enforcement work and will target offenders for a range of offences including, human trafficking, Child Sexual Exploitation (CSE*), antisocial behaviour and general criminality.”
As part of the operation officers from the City Centre Neighbourhood Policing Team and partners such as Manchester City Council, Greater Manchester Police and Crime Commissioner will launch the partnership Safe Haven scheme. It is a place of safety for anyone who is out and about in the city centre on a Friday or Saturday night and in need of help, support, a place of safety or a designated meeting point for when you lose your friends.
Superintendent Thompson added: “We want Operation Longford to show our community that their safety comes first and will always be our priority. We will make use of all of our disruption tactics to put a stop to criminals.”
For live updates from the operation follow #OpLongford from the GMP twitter accounts. You can find your local Twitter account by visiting: www.gmp.police.uk/socialmedia.
Exploitant : Transdev TVO
Réseau : R'Bus (Argenteuil)
Ligne : 6
Lieu : Gare d'Argenteuil (Argenteuil, F-95)
Lien TC Infos : tc-infos.fr/id/8586
Photo 2, Fall 2011
My work is about the exploitation of women.
As you can see, I was influenced heavily by Barbara Kruger's work. Similar to her, I used bold text for a saying that is controversial and offensive. I want these to be offensive. These sayings are not necessarily my views but more of how society sometimes views women. I want my viewers to understand how it feels to be a woman. I myself am offended every day when I am told how to act, look, feel, and that I am being “unladylike”. It doesn’t feel good to see beautiful women everywhere you go bringing you down even more because apparently my peers don’t do that enough.
I am saddened that some women actually try to fit into the stereotypes and do whatever society tells them. I admit, I do some of them too. It’s a rough world trying to “fit” in. It also saddens that because I am not thin, don’t sleep around, don’t always look the prettiest, don’t suffice to a man, I feel like I don’t fit in or even to the point that I may not be considered a woman to some.
But I AM woman. I am strong. I am brave. I DO have the power to fight these stereotypes and be my own person. I hope you feel empowered by these images. Never forget, a woman brought you into this world. Appreciate that. We have the power and we are strong.
Tour Eiffel
Pour les articles homonymes, voir Tour Eiffel (homonymie).
Tour Eiffel
Géographie
Pays France
VilleParis
Quartier7e arrondissement
Coordonnées48° 51′ 30″ Nord 2° 17′ 40″ Est
Histoire
Ancien(s) nom(s)« Tour de 300 mètres »
Architecte(s)Stephen Sauvestre
Ingénieur(s)Gustave Eiffel & Cie
Construction1887 - 1889
2 ans, 2 mois et 5 jours
Usage(s)Tour d'observation et de télécommunication
Architecture
Style architecturalTour autoportante en fer puddlé
Protection Inscrit MH (1964)
Hauteur de l'antenne324 m
Hauteur du dernier étage279,11 m
Nombre d'étages4
Nombre d'ascenseurs4 (1/pilier)
Administration
Occupant(s)Société d'exploitation de la tour Eiffel (SETE)
Propriétaire(s)Mairie de Paris
Géolocalisation
La tour Eiffel est une tour de fer puddlé de 324 mètres de hauteur (avec antennes)o 1 située à Paris, à l’extrémité nord-ouest du parc du Champ-de-Mars en bordure de la Seine dans le 7e arrondissement. Construite par Gustave Eiffel et ses collaborateurs pour l’Exposition universelle de Paris de 1889, et initialement nommée « tour de 300 mètres », ce monument est devenu le symbole de la capitale française, et un site touristique de premier plan : il s’agit du second site culturel français payant le plus visité en 2011, avec 7,1 millions de visiteurs dont 75 % d'étrangers en 2011, la cathédrale Notre-Dame de Paris étant en tête des monuments à l'accès libre avec 13,6 millions de visiteurs estimés1 mais il reste le monument payant le plus visité au monde2,note 1. Elle a accueilli son 250 millionième visiteur en 2010.
D’une hauteur de 312 mètreso 1 à l’origine, la tour Eiffel est restée le monument le plus élevé du monde pendant 41 ans. Le second niveau du troisième étage, appelé parfois quatrième étage, situé à 279,11 m, est la plus haute plateforme d'observation accessible au public de l'Union européenne et la plus haute d'Europe, tant que celle de la Tour Ostankino à Moscou culminant à 337 m demeurera fermée au public, à la suite de l'incendie survenu en l'an 2000. La hauteur de la tour a été plusieurs fois augmentée par l’installation de nombreuses antennes. Utilisée dans le passé pour de nombreuses expériences scientifiques, elle sert aujourd’hui d’émetteur de programmes radiophoniques et télévisés.
Contestée par certains à l'origine, la tour Eiffel fut d'abord, à l'occasion de l'exposition universelle de 1889, la vitrine du savoir-faire technique français. Plébiscitée par le public dès sa présentation à l'exposition, elle a accueilli plus de 200 millions de visiteurs depuis son inaugurationo 2. Sa taille exceptionnelle et sa silhouette immédiatement reconnaissable en ont fait un emblème de Paris.
Imaginée par Maurice Koechlin et Émile Nouguier, respectivement chef du bureau des études et chef du bureau des méthodes d'Eiffel & Cie4, la tour Eiffel est conçue pour être le « clou de l'Exposition de 1889 se tenant à Paris. ». Elle salue également le centenaire de la Révolution française. Le premier plan est réalisé en juin 1884 et amélioré par Stephen Sauvestre, l’architecte en chef des projets de l'entreprise, qui lui apporte plus d'esthétique.
Le 1er mai 1886, le ministre du Commerce et de l'Industrie Édouard Lockroy, fervent défenseur du projet, signe un arrêté qui déclare ouvert « un concours en vue de l’Exposition universelle de 1889 »5. Gustave Eiffel remporte ce concours et une convention du 8 janvier 1887 fixe les modalités d'exploitation de l'édifice. La galerie Vittorio Emanuele II, au centre de Milan, fut une source d'inspiration, pour sa structure métallique.[réf. nécessaire]
Construite en deux ans, deux mois et cinq jours, de 1887 à 1889, par 250 ouvriers, elle est inaugurée, à l'occasion d'une fête de fin de chantier organisée par Gustave Eiffel, le 31 mars 1889o 3. Sa fréquentation s'érode rapidement ; la tour Eiffel ne connaîtra véritablement un succès massif et constant qu'à partir des années 1960, avec l'essor du tourisme international. Elle accueille maintenant plus de six millions de visiteurs chaque année.
Sa hauteur lui a permis de porter le titre de « plus haute structure du monde » jusqu'à la construction en 1930 du Chrysler Building à New York. Située sur le Champ-de-Mars, près de la Seine, dans le 7e arrondissement de Paris, elle est actuellement exploitée par la société d'exploitation de la tour Eiffel (SETE). Le site, sur lequel travaillent plus 500 personnes (dont plus de 250 directement employés par la SETE), est ouvert tous les jours de l'annéeo 1.
La tour Eiffel est inscrite aux monuments historiques depuis le 24 juin 19646 et est inscrite au patrimoine mondial de l'UNESCO depuis 1991, en compagnie des autres monuments parisiens.
ESPAGNOL ESPANOL
La Torre Eiffel (La Tour Eiffel, en francés), inicialmente nombrada torre de 330 metros (tour de 330 mètres), es una estructura de hierro pudelado diseñada por Maurice Koechlin y Émile Nouguier y construida por el ingeniero francés Gustave Eiffel y sus colaboradores para la Exposición universal de 1889 en París.1
Situada en el extremo del Campo de Marte a la orilla del río Sena, este monumento parisino, símbolo de Francia y su capital, es la estructura más alta de la ciudad y el monumento que cobra entrada más visitado del mundo, con 7,1 millones de turistas en 2011.2 Con una altura de 300 metros, prolongada más tarde con una antena a 325 metros, la Torre Eiffel fue la estructura más elevada del mundo durante 41 años.
Fue construida en dos años, dos meses y cinco días, y en su momento generó cierta controversia entre los artistas de la época, que la veían como un monstruo de hierro.3 Inicialmente utilizada para pruebas del ejército con antenas de comunicación,4 hoy sirve, además de atractivo turístico y como emisora de programas radiofónicos y televisivos.
La Torre Eiffel sobresale en París con sus 300 metros de altura.
Ubicación de la torre en la orilla sur del río Sena, en el extremo del Campo de Marte.
Inicialmente tema de controversia de algunos, la Torre Eiffel sirvió como presentación a la Exposición Universal de París de 1889, la cual acogió a más de 236 millones de visitantes desde su inauguración. Su tamaño excepcional y su silueta inmediatamente reconocible hicieron de la torre un emblema de París.
Concebida en la imaginación de Maurice Koechlin y Émile Nouguier, jefe de la oficina de estudios y jefe de la oficina de métodos, respectivamente, de la compañía "Eiffel & CO", fue pensada para ser el «clavo (centro de atención) de la exposición de 1889 que se celebraría en París», que además celebraría el centenario de la Revolución francesa. El primer plano de la torre fue realizado en junio de 1884 y mejorado por Stephen Sauvestre, el arquitecto principal de los proyectos de la empresa, quien le aportó más estética.
El 1 de mayo de 1886, el Ministro de Comercio e Industria, Édouard Lockroy, entusiasta partidario del proyecto, firmó un decreto que declaraba abierto «un apoyo para la Exposición Universal de 1889». Gustave Eiffel ganó este apoyo económico y un convenio el 8 de enero de 1887 que fijo las modalidades de construcción del edificio.
Construida en dos años, dos meses y cinco días (de 1887 a 1889) por 250 obreros, se inaugura oficialmente el 31 de marzo de 1889. Sufriendo una corrosión muy frecuente, la Torre Eiffel no conocerá verdaderamente un éxito masivo y constante hasta los años sesenta, con el desarrollo del turismo internacional. Ahora acoge a más de seis millones de visitantes cada año.
Sus 300 metros de altura le permitieron llevar el título de «la estructura más alta del mundo» hasta la construcción en 1930 del Edificio Chrysler, en Nueva York. Construida sobre el Campo de Marte cerca del río Sena, en el 7º distrito de París, actualmente es administrada por la "Sociedad para la administración de la torre Eiffel" (Société d'exploitation de la tour Eiffel, SETE). El lugar, que emplea a 500 personas (250 empleados directos del SETE y 250 de los distintos concesionarios instalados sobre el monumento), está abierto todos los días del año.
Exploitant : Transkeo
Réseau : Transilien SNCF
Ligne : T11 Express
Lieu : Gare d'Épinay-sur-Seine (Épinay-sur-Seine, F-93)
Lien TC Infos : tc-infos.fr/id/3056
350.org América Latina and Indigenous leaders protest in front of the Sheraton in Rio de Janeiro where ANP - Agência Nacional do Petróleo, Gás Natural e Biocombustíveis is auctioning off Amazonian lands for oil and gas exploitation threatening Indigenous lands and conservation.
©Lucas Landau
A 17 –year-old girl from Oldham who does not wish to be identified is working with Fixers the charity which campaigns for youth action to create a campaign warning others against sexual predators. Using her experiences of being groomed and exploited for sex she wants to warn others.
Her story was broadcast on ITV Granada. Please note the image is of an actor.
For more info, interviews etc contact communications@fixers.org.uk call 01962810970. Please credit Fixers when using this image.
The exploitation rights for this text are the property of the Vienna Tourist Board. This text may be reprinted free of charge until further notice, even partially and in edited form. Forward sample copy to: Vienna Tourist Board, Media Management, Invalidenstraße 6, 1030 Vienna; media.rel@wien.info. All information in this text without guarantee.
Author: Andreas Nierhaus, Curator of Architecture/Wien Museum
Last updated January 2014
Architecture in Vienna
Vienna's 2,000-year history is present in a unique density in the cityscape. The layout of the center dates back to the Roman city and medieval road network. Romanesque and Gothic churches characterize the streets and squares as well as palaces and mansions of the baroque city of residence. The ring road is an expression of the modern city of the 19th century, in the 20th century extensive housing developments set accents in the outer districts. Currently, large-scale urban development measures are implemented; distinctive buildings of international star architects complement the silhouette of the city.
Due to its function as residence of the emperor and European power center, Vienna for centuries stood in the focus of international attention, but it was well aware of that too. As a result, developed an outstanding building culture, and still today on a worldwide scale only a few cities can come up with a comparable density of high-quality architecture. For several years now, Vienna has increased its efforts to connect with its historical highlights and is drawing attention to itself with some spectacular new buildings. The fastest growing city in the German-speaking world today most of all in residential construction is setting standards. Constants of the Viennese architecture are respect for existing structures, the palpability of historical layers and the dialogue between old and new.
Culmination of medieval architecture: the Stephansdom
The oldest architectural landmark of the city is St. Stephen's Cathedral. Under the rule of the Habsburgs, defining the face of the city from the late 13th century until 1918 in a decisive way, the cathedral was upgraded into the sacral monument of the political ambitions of the ruling house. The 1433 completed, 137 meters high southern tower, by the Viennese people affectionately named "Steffl", is a masterpiece of late Gothic architecture in Europe. For decades he was the tallest stone structure in Europe, until today he is the undisputed center of the city.
The baroque residence
Vienna's ascension into the ranks of the great European capitals began in Baroque. Among the most important architects are Johann Bernhard Fischer von Erlach and Johann Lucas von Hildebrandt. Outside the city walls arose a chain of summer palaces, including the garden Palais Schwarzenberg (1697-1704) as well as the Upper and Lower Belvedere of Prince Eugene of Savoy (1714-22). Among the most important city palaces are the Winter Palace of Prince Eugene (1695-1724, now a branch of the Belvedere) and the Palais Daun-Kinsky (auction house in Kinsky 1713-19). The emperor himself the Hofburg had complemented by buildings such as the Imperial Library (1722-26) and the Winter Riding School (1729-34). More important, however, for the Habsburgs was the foundation of churches and monasteries. Thus arose before the city walls Fischer von Erlach's Karlskirche (1714-39), which with its formal and thematic complex show façade belongs to the major works of European Baroque. In colored interior rooms like that of St. Peter's Church (1701-22), the contemporary efforts for the synthesis of architecture, painting and sculpture becomes visible.
Upgrading into metropolis: the ring road time (Ringstraßenzeit)
Since the Baroque, reflections on extension of the hopelessly overcrowed city were made, but only Emperor Franz Joseph ordered in 1857 the demolition of the fortifications and the connection of the inner city with the suburbs. 1865, the Ring Road was opened. It is as the most important boulevard of Europe an architectural and in terms of urban development achievement of the highest rank. The original building structure is almost completely preserved and thus conveys the authentic image of a metropolis of the 19th century. The public representational buildings speak, reflecting accurately the historicism, by their style: The Greek Antique forms of Theophil Hansen's Parliament (1871-83) stood for democracy, the Renaissance of the by Heinrich Ferstel built University (1873-84) for the flourishing of humanism, the Gothic of the Town Hall (1872-83) by Friedrich Schmidt for the medieval civic pride.
Dominating remained the buildings of the imperial family: Eduard van der Nüll's and August Sicardsburg's Opera House (1863-69), Gottfried Semper's and Carl Hasenauer's Burgtheater (1874-88), their Museum of Art History and Museum of Natural History (1871-91) and the Neue (New) Hofburg (1881-1918 ). At the same time the ring road was the preferred residential area of mostly Jewish haute bourgeoisie. With luxurious palaces the families Ephrussi, Epstein or Todesco made it clear that they had taken over the cultural leadership role in Viennese society. In the framework of the World Exhibition of 1873, the new Vienna presented itself an international audience. At the ring road many hotels were opened, among them the Hotel Imperial and today's Palais Hansen Kempinski.
Laboratory of modernity: Vienna around 1900
Otto Wagner's Postal Savings Bank (1903-06) was one of the last buildings in the Ring road area Otto Wagner's Postal Savings Bank (1903-06), which with it façade, liberated of ornament, and only decorated with "functional" aluminum buttons and the glass banking hall now is one of the icons of modern architecture. Like no other stood Otto Wagner for the dawn into the 20th century: His Metropolitan Railway buildings made the public transport of the city a topic of architecture, the church of the Psychiatric hospital at Steinhofgründe (1904-07) is considered the first modern church.
With his consistent focus on the function of a building ("Something impractical can not be beautiful"), Wagner marked a whole generation of architects and made Vienna the laboratory of modernity: in addition to Joseph Maria Olbrich, the builder of the Secession (1897-98) and Josef Hoffmann, the architect of the at the western outskirts located Purkersdorf Sanatorium (1904) and founder of the Vienna Workshop (Wiener Werkstätte, 1903) is mainly to mention Adolf Loos, with the Loos House at the square Michaelerplatz (1909-11) making architectural history. The extravagant marble cladding of the business zone stands in maximal contrast, derived from the building function, to the unadorned facade above, whereby its "nudity" became even more obvious - a provocation, as well as his culture-critical texts ("Ornament and Crime"), with which he had greatest impact on the architecture of the 20th century. Public contracts Loos remained denied. His major works therefore include villas, apartment facilities and premises as the still in original state preserved Tailor salon Knize at Graben (1910-13) and the restored Loos Bar (1908-09) near the Kärntner Straße (passageway Kärntner Durchgang).
Between the Wars: International Modern Age and social housing
After the collapse of the monarchy in 1918, Vienna became capital of the newly formed small country of Austria. In the heart of the city, the architects Theiss & Jaksch built 1931-32 the first skyscraper in Vienna as an exclusive residential address (Herrengasse - alley 6-8). To combat the housing shortage for the general population, the social democratic city government in a globally unique building program within a few years 60,000 apartments in hundreds of apartment buildings throughout the city area had built, including the famous Karl Marx-Hof by Karl Ehn (1925-30). An alternative to the multi-storey buildings with the 1932 opened International Werkbundsiedlung was presented, which was attended by 31 architects from Austria, Germany, France, Holland and the USA and showed models for affordable housing in greenfield areas. With buildings of Adolf Loos, André Lurçat, Richard Neutra, Gerrit Rietveld, the Werkbundsiedlung, which currently is being restored at great expense, is one of the most important documents of modern architecture in Austria.
Modernism was also expressed in significant Villa buildings: The House Beer (1929-31) by Josef Frank exemplifies the refined Wiener living culture of the interwar period, while the house Stonborough-Wittgenstein (1926-28, today Bulgarian Cultural Institute), built by the philosopher Ludwig Wittgenstein together with the architect Paul Engelmann for his sister Margarete, by its aesthetic radicalism and mathematical rigor represents a special case within contemporary architecture.
Expulsion, war and reconstruction
After the "Anschluss (Annexation)" to the German Reich in 1938, numerous Jewish builders, architects (female and male ones), who had been largely responsible for the high level of Viennese architecture, have been expelled from Austria. During the Nazi era, Vienna remained largely unaffected by structural transformations, apart from the six flak towers built for air defense of Friedrich Tamms (1942-45), made of solid reinforced concrete which today are present as memorials in the cityscape.
The years after the end of World War II were characterized by the reconstruction of the by bombs heavily damaged city. The architecture of those times was marked by aesthetic pragmatism, but also by the attempt to connect with the period before 1938 and pick up on current international trends. Among the most important buildings of the 1950s are Roland Rainer's City Hall (1952-58), the by Oswald Haerdtl erected Wien Museum at Karlsplatz (1954-59) and the 21er Haus of Karl Schwanzer (1958-62).
The youngsters come
Since the 1960s, a young generation was looking for alternatives to the moderate modernism of the reconstruction years. With visionary designs, conceptual, experimental and above all temporary architectures, interventions and installations, Raimund Abraham, Günther Domenig, Eilfried Huth, Hans Hollein, Walter Pichler and the groups Coop Himmelb(l)au, Haus-Rucker-Co and Missing Link rapidly got international attention. Although for the time being it was more designed than built, was the influence on the postmodern and deconstructivist trends of the 1970s and 1980s also outside Austria great. Hollein's futuristic "Retti" candle shop at Charcoal Market/Kohlmarkt (1964-65) and Domenig's biomorphic building of the Central Savings Bank in Favoriten (10th district of Vienna - 1975-79) are among the earliest examples, later Hollein's Haas-Haus (1985-90), the loft conversion Falkestraße (1987/88) by Coop Himmelb(l)au or Domenig's T Center (2002-04) were added. Especially Domenig, Hollein, Coop Himmelb(l)au and the architects Ortner & Ortner (ancient members of Haus-Rucker-Co) by orders from abroad the new Austrian and Viennese architecture made a fixed international concept.
MuseumQuarter and Gasometer
Since the 1980s, the focus of building in Vienna lies on the compaction of the historic urban fabric that now as urban habitat of high quality no longer is put in question. Among the internationally best known projects is the by Ortner & Ortner planned MuseumsQuartier in the former imperial stables (competition 1987, 1998-2001), which with institutions such as the MUMOK - Museum of Modern Art Foundation Ludwig, the Leopold Museum, the Kunsthalle Wien, the Architecture Center Vienna and the Zoom Children's Museum on a wordwide scale is under the largest cultural complexes. After controversies in the planning phase, here an architectural compromise between old and new has been achieved at the end, whose success as an urban stage with four million visitors (2012) is overwhelming.
The dialogue between old and new, which has to stand on the agenda of building culture of a city that is so strongly influenced by history, also features the reconstruction of the Gasometer in Simmering by Coop Himmelb(l)au, Wilhelm Holzbauer, Jean Nouvel and Manfred Wehdorn (1999-2001). Here was not only created new housing, but also a historical industrial monument reinterpreted into a signal in the urban development area.
New Neighborhood
In recent years, the major railway stations and their surroundings moved into the focus of planning. Here not only necessary infrastructural measures were taken, but at the same time opened up spacious inner-city residential areas and business districts. Among the prestigious projects are included the construction of the new Vienna Central Station, started in 2010 with the surrounding office towers of the Quartier Belvedere and the residential and school buildings of the Midsummer quarter (Sonnwendviertel). Europe's largest wooden tower invites here for a spectacular view to the construction site and the entire city. On the site of the former North Station are currently being built 10,000 homes and 20,000 jobs, on that of the Aspangbahn station is being built at Europe's greatest Passive House settlement "Euro Gate", the area of the North Western Railway Station is expected to be developed from 2020 for living and working. The largest currently under construction residential project but can be found in the north-eastern outskirts, where in Seaside Town Aspern till 2028 living and working space for 40,000 people will be created.
In one of the "green lungs" of Vienna, the Prater, 2013, the WU campus was opened for the largest University of Economics of Europe. Around the central square spectacular buildings of an international architect team from Great Britain, Japan, Spain and Austria are gathered that seem to lead a sometimes very loud conversation about the status quo of contemporary architecture (Hitoshi Abe, BUSarchitektur, Peter Cook, Zaha Hadid, NO MAD Arquitectos, Carme Pinós).
Flying high
International is also the number of architects who have inscribed themselves in the last few years with high-rise buildings in the skyline of Vienna and make St. Stephen's a not always unproblematic competition. Visible from afar is Massimiliano Fuksas' 138 and 127 meters high elegant Twin Tower at Wienerberg (1999-2001). The monolithic, 75-meter-high tower of the Hotel Sofitel at the Danube Canal by Jean Nouvel (2007-10), on the other hand, reacts to the particular urban situation and stages in its top floor new perspectives to the historical center on the other side.
Also at the water stands Dominique Perrault's DC Tower (2010-13) in the Danube City - those high-rise city, in which since the start of construction in 1996, the expansion of the city north of the Danube is condensed symbolically. Even in this environment, the slim and at the same time striking vertically folded tower of Perrault is beyond all known dimensions; from its Sky Bar, from spring 2014 on you are able to enjoy the highest view of Vienna. With 250 meters, the tower is the tallest building of Austria and almost twice as high as the St. Stephen's Cathedral. Vienna, thus, has acquired a new architectural landmark which cannot be overlooked - whether it also has the potential to become a landmark of the new Vienna, only time will tell. The architectural history of Vienna, where European history is presence and new buildings enter into an exciting and not always conflict-free dialogue with a great and outstanding architectural heritage, in any case has yet to offer exciting chapters.
Info: The folder "Architecture: From Art Nouveau to the Presence" is available at the Vienna Tourist Board and can be downloaded on www.wien.info/media/files/guide-architecture-in-wien.pdf.
Schacht 1/2/8
The Zollverein Coal Mine Industrial Complex (German Zeche Zollverein) is a large former industrial site in the city of Essen, North Rhine-Westphalia, Germany. The first coal mine on the premises was founded in 1847, and mining activities took place from 1851 until 23 December 1986. For decades, starting in the late 1950s, the two parts of the site, Zollverein Coal Mine and Zollverein Coking Plant (erected 1957–1961, closed on 30 June 1993), ranked among the largest of their kinds in Europe. Shaft 12, built in the New Objectivity style, was opened in 1932 and is considered an architectural and technical masterpiece, earning it a reputation as the "most beautiful coal mine in the world".
Because of its architecture and testimony to the development of heavy industry in Europe, the industrial complex was inscribed on the UNESCO World Heritage List on 14 December 2001, and is one of the anchor points of the European Route of Industrial Heritage.
History
1847–1890
Zollverein Coal Mine was founded by Duisburg-born industrialist Franz Haniel (1779–1868), who needed coke for steel production. Test drilling in the Katernberg region had revealed a very rich seam of coal. In 1847, Haniel founded a company he named bergrechtliche Gewerkschaft Zollverein (Mining Law Labor Union Zollverein). There was a mining law (Bergrecht) in Prussia to encourage the exploitation of natural resources. The law called for the creation of a special form of corporation, designated a 'labour union' (Gewerkschaft) but in fact a capitalist company. Haniel named his after the German Customs Union (Zollverein), established in 1834. Haniel distributed the shares of the new company amongst the members of his family and the owner of the land on which the future mine would be constructed.
The sinking of Shaft 1 began on 18 February 1847, with the first coal layer being reached at a depth of 130 meters. The first mining activities started in 1851. Shaft 2, which was sunk at the same time as Shaft 1, was opened in 1852. Both shafts featured visually identical stone towers and shared a machine house. This concept was to be adapted by many later twin-shaft coal mines.
Starting in 1857, charcoal piles were used to produce coke. In 1866, these piles were replaced by a modern cokery and machine ovens.
In 1880, the sinking of another shaft, Shaft 3, began in neighboring Schonnebeck. It had a steel framework to support its winding tower and was opened in 1883. By 1890, the three shafts had already achieved an output of one million tons, making Zollverein the most productive of all German mines.
1890–1918
Since the coal, iron and steel industries of the Ruhr area flourished in the late 19th and early 20th centuries, the mine was extended significantly.
Between 1891 and 1896, the twin Shafts 4 and 5 were built on the edge of Heßler (nowadays a suburb of Gelsenkirchen). These each had special lifts for the extraction of coal, and the transportation of miners, and had ventilation ducts. Another shaft, number 6, was opened in 1897.
By 1897, Zollverein had long suffered from many mining accidents due to firedamp caused by ventilation problems. To resolve these problems, additional ventilation-only shafts, close to the existing mining shafts, were opened: in 1899 Shaft 7 was opened near Shaft 3, in 1900 Shaft 8 was opened near Shafts 1 and 2, and in 1905 Shaft 9 was opened near Shaft 6.
Years of continuous renovation and further expansion followed. After the construction of ventilation shafts 7, 8, and 9, the old Shafts 1 and 2, and their cokery, were renovated, and one of their twin towers was taken down and replaced by a modern steel framework. In 1914, Shaft 10 and a new cokery were opened, and Shaft 9 was converted from a ventilation shaft to a working shaft.
By the eve of the First World War, Zollverein's output had risen to approximately 2.5 million tons per year.
1918–1932
In 1920, the Haniel family, who had been the owners of Zollverein until then, started cooperating with Phönix AG, a mining company that subsequently took over the management of the site. Under Phönix's management, several of the shafts were again modernized, and an eleventh shaft was opened by 1927. When Phönix merged into Vereinigte Stahlwerke in 1926, Zollverein came under the control of Gelsenkirchener Bergwerks-AG (GBAG) which started closing most of the now elderly coking plants.
Shaft 12
n 1928, the GBAG voted for the construction of a totally new twelfth shaft designed as a central mining facility. When the shaft opened in 1932, it had a daily output of up to 12,000 tons, combining the output of the four other existing facilities with 11 shafts.
Schacht Albert Vögler, as the highly modern shaft was named after the director general of the GBAG, was designed by the architects Fritz Schupp and Martin Kremmer and quickly gained notice for its simple, functional Bauhaus design with its mainly cubical buildings made of reinforced concrete and steel trusses.
The shaft's characteristic Doppelbock winding tower in the following years not only became the archetype of many later central mining facilities but also became a symbol of German heavy industry.
Whilst this symbol may have slowly been forgotten when German heavy industry started diminishing in the second half of the 20th century, it was this shaft and especially its characteristic winding tower that were to become a symbol of the Ruhr area's structural change.
1932–1968
In 1937, Zollverein employed 6900 people and had an output of 3.6 million tons, the majority of which was contributed by the new 12th shaft. The other shafts were not entirely closed, and some, such as Shaft 6, even received new winding towers (though in comparison to Shaft 12 they were far inferior). On the premises of the old coking plant of Shafts 1, 2 and 8, a small facility of 54 new ovens was opened with a yearly output of 200,000 tons of coke.
Zollverein survived the Second World War with only minor damage and by 1953 again placed on top of all German mines, with an output of 2.4 million tons. In 1958, Shaft 1 was replaced by a totally new building; The complete reconstruction of the 2/8/11 shaft facility from 1960 until 1964 was again planned by Fritz Schupp. However, these renovations were to last only until 1967, when 11 shafts were closed, leaving Shaft 12 the only open one.
Shaft 12 thus became the main supplier of the new central coking plant from 1961 with its 192 ovens, which was again designed by Fritz Schupp.[3] After an expansion in the early 1970s, Zollverein placed among the most productive coking plants worldwide with around 1,000 workers and an output of up to 8,600 tons of coke a day on the so-called dark side. The white side of the plant produced side products such as ammonia, raw benzene and raw tar.
In 1968, Zollverein was handed over to Ruhrkohle AG (RAG), Germany's largest mining company.
1968–1993
RAG began a further mechanization and consolidation of mining activities. In 1974, Zollverein was joined into a Verbundbergwerk (joined mines) with nearby Bonifacius and Holland coal mines in Kray and Gelsenkirchen, respectively. In 1982, Gelsenkirchen's Nordstern coal mine also joined that Verbund.
The Flöz Sonnenschein coal layer in the north of the Zollverein territory was the last layer in which mining activities took place on Zollverein territory, starting in 1980. The output of Verbundbergwerk Nordstern-Zollverein was approximately 3.2 million tons, but this did not prove profitable enough and a complete closure of the Zollverein site was voted for in 1983.
When it closed, Zollverein was the last remaining active coal mine in Essen. Whereas the coking plant remained open until 30 June 1993, mining activities in Shaft 12 stopped on 23 December 1986. Although it is the central shaft of the Cultural Heritage site, Shaft 12 cannot be visited as it is equipped for water drainage as part of a system of managing mine water in the central Ruhr area together with Shaft 2. Pipes have been inserted into both shafts and the remaining space has been backfilled with concrete.
1993–
Zollverein is one of the settings for the 2014 Pulitzer Prize winning novel All the Light We Cannot See by Anthony Doerr.
Zollverein appeared as a "Wonder" in the video game Civilization VI, representing the Ruhr Valley.
Becoming a monument
As with most sites of the heavy industries that had been closed down, Zollverein was predicted to face a period of decay. Surprisingly, the state of North Rhine-Westphalia (NRW) bought the coal mine territory from the RAG immediately after it had been closed down in late 1986, and declared Shaft 12 a heritage site. This went along with the obligation to preserve the site in its original state and to minimize the effects of weathering. In 1989, the city of Essen and NRW founded the Bauhütte Zollverein Schacht XII that should take care for the site and which was replaced by the Stiftung Zollverein (Zollverein Foundation) in 1998.
After it had been closed down in 1993, the coking plant was planned to be sold to China. The negotiations failed and it was subsequently threatened to be demolished. However, another project of the state of NRW set the coal mine on a list of future exhibition sites resulting in first gentle modifications and the cokery also became an official heritage site in 2000.
On its 25th session in December 2001, the United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organization (UNESCO) declared both the sites of Shafts 12 and 1/2 and the cokery a World Heritage Site.
Ruhr Museum
The Ruhr Museum in the former coal washery, located on the UNESCO World Heritages Site Zollverein, is the regional museum of the Ruhr Area. In its permanent exhibition the Ruhr Museum presents, with over 6,000 exhibits, the history of one of the largest industrial regions of the world, from the formation of coal 300 million years ago to the contemporary situation. The Ruhr Museum has extensive collections on the geology, archaeology, industrial and social history as well as photography of the Ruhr area. In addition to its permanent exhibition, the Ruhr Museum regularly shows special exhibitions and offers a diverse programme with workshops, guided tours, excursions, lectures, movie nights and audio guides.
(Wikipedia)
Die Zeche Zollverein war ein von 1851 bis 1986 betriebenes Steinkohlebergwerk in Essen. Benannt wurde sie nach dem 1834 gegründeten Deutschen Zollverein. Nach der Inbetriebnahme des Zentralförderschachtes 12 wies die Zeche zeitweise in der Mitte des 20. Jahrhunderts die höchsten Förderquoten unter den deutschen Steinkohlenbergwerken auf. Sie ist heute ein Architektur- und Industriedenkmal. Gemeinsam mit der unmittelbar benachbarten Kokerei Zollverein gehören die Schachtanlagen 12 und 1/2/8 der Zeche seit 2001 zum Welterbe der UNESCO. Zollverein ist Ankerpunkt der Europäischen Route der Industriekultur und Standort verschiedener Kultureinrichtungen sowie der Folkwang Universität der Künste.
Lage
Das Hauptgelände der Zeche Zollverein mit den Anlagen Schacht XII und Schacht 1/2/8 liegt im nordöstlichen Essener Stadtteil Stoppenberg, unmittelbar angrenzend an die Stadtteile Katernberg und Schonnebeck. Es befindet sich zwischen den Straßen Gelsenkirchener Straße, Fritz-Schupp-Allee, Arendahls Wiese und Haldenstraße. Der Haupteingang mit dem bekannten Blick von vorne auf das Doppelbock-Fördergerüst liegt an der Gelsenkirchener Straße. Benachbart zwischen Arendahls Wiese, Köln-Mindener Straße und Großwesterkamp liegt die Kokerei Zollverein. Die drei Anlagen gehören seit 2001 zum Gesamtensemble des Welterbes.
Die Anlage Schacht 3/7/10 liegt in rund einem Kilometer Entfernung östlich davon an der Straße Am Handwerkerpark im Stadtteil Katernberg.
Die Anlage Schacht 4/5/11 befindet sich etwa zwei Kilometer nördlich vom Hauptgelände an der Katernberger Straße im Stadtteil Katernberg. Heute nutzt das Gründungs- und Unternehmenszentrum Triple Z die ehemaligen Zechengebäude.
Die Anlage Schacht 6/9 befand sich rund einen Kilometer südlich vom Hauptgelände zwischen den Straßen Gelsenkirchener Straße, Im Natt und Hallostraße. Sämtliche Gebäude und Anlagen wurden mit der Aufgabe des Südfeldes 1979 abgerissen; heute ist die Fläche von Wald und Neubausiedlungen bedeckt.
Die Halden der Zeche Zollverein befinden sich in den umliegenden Essener Stadtteilen Stoppenberg und Altenessen (Schurenbachhalde) sowie in Gelsenkirchen-Feldmark.
Geschichte
1834–1890: Frühe Phase
Die Gründung der Zeche ging von dem Industriellen Franz Haniel aus, der zur Produktion des Brennstoffs Koks, den er für die Stahlerzeugung benötigte, auf der Suche nach geeigneten Kokskohlevorkommen war. Im Jahr 1834 gelang es ihm in Essen-Schönebeck zum ersten Mal, die Mergelschicht zu durchstoßen. Auf diese Weise wurden dort die Weichen für die Zeche Zollverein gestellt. Bei Mutungsbohrungen im Raum Katernberg wurde unter anderem ein besonders ergiebiges Kohleflöz angebohrt, welches nach dem 1833 gegründeten Deutschen Zollverein benannt wurde. 1847 gründete Franz Haniel die bergrechtliche Gewerkschaft Zeche Zollverein und verteilte die Anteile, die sogenannten Kuxe, innerhalb seiner Familie. Haniel, der Miteigentümer der Hüttengewerkschaft Jacobi, Haniel & Huyssen (der späteren Gutehoffnungshütte) war, plante, die Zeche Zollverein den Sterkrader Werken anzugliedern. Zollverein wäre hierdurch die erste Hüttenzeche des Ruhrreviers geworden. Sein Vorhaben scheiterte am Veto der übrigen Teilhaber der Hüttengewerkschaft Jacobi, Haniel & Huyssen.
Bei der Wahl des Standortes spielte außerdem die Köln-Mindener Eisenbahn eine wichtige Rolle, deren Strecke ebenfalls 1847 eröffnet wurde. Die Trasse verläuft unmittelbar nördlich des Zechengeländes, wodurch eine gute Anbindung an das damals neuartige Transportmittel Eisenbahn gewährleistet wurde.
Das Grundstück für den Bau der ersten Zollverein-Schachtanlage wurde durch den ebenfalls an der Gewerkschaft beteiligten Grundbesitzer Schwartmann, gen. Bullmann, bereitgestellt. Daher wurde das Gelände der Gründungsschachtanlage bald die Bullmannaue genannt. Der heutige Straßenname der Zufahrt zur Schachtanlage 1/2/8 rührt daher.
Die Abteufarbeiten für Schacht 1 der Zeche Zollverein begannen am 18. Februar 1847 unter dem Betriebsführer Joseph Oertgen, nach dem später eine Straße in der Kolonie Ottekampshof im Stadtteil Katernberg benannt wurde. In 130 Metern Tiefe sollte das Steinkohlengebirge angefahren werden. Die Kohleförderung begann jedoch aufgrund von Wassereinbrüchen erst im Jahr 1851. Um die Wasserzuflüsse zu regulieren, wurde 1850 neben Schacht 1 ein weiterer Schacht, Schacht 2, abgeteuft, der 1852 in Betrieb genommen wurde.
Erstmals wurden zwei äußerlich gleiche Malakow-Türme über den Schächten als Förderanlage errichtet; dieses Beispiel eines Zwillingsbaus mit gemeinsamem Maschinenhaus zwischen den Schächten wurde später auf anderen Zechen beim Bau einer Doppelschachtanlage wiederholt.
Ab 1857 wurden neben der Schachtanlage 1/2 einige Meileröfen als Vorstufe einer Kokerei betrieben. Ab 1866 wurden sie durch eine moderne Kokerei mit Maschinenöfen ersetzt.
1880 wurde mit dem Abteufen einer zweiten separaten Förderanlage in Katernberg begonnen. Der Schacht 3 ging 1882 in Betrieb. Die Tagesanlagen wurden durch den Architekten Dreyer umfangreich ausgebaut. Der Schacht erhielt ein deutsches Strebengerüst der Bauart Promnitz als Förderanlage. Bereits 1890 wurde eine Million Tonnen verwertbare Steinkohle zu Tage gebracht. Damit war die Zeche Zollverein das Bergwerk mit der höchsten Jahresförderung in Deutschland.
1890–1918: Ausbau
Bedingt durch die sich im Montanbereich ergebende günstige Konjunktur wurde in den Folgejahren ein weitergehender, sehr umfangreicher Ausbau des Grubengebäudes, d. h. der unterirdischen Infrastruktur, vorgenommen. Im nördlichen Teil Katernbergs an der Grenze nach Gelsenkirchen-Heßler entstand zwischen 1891 und 1896 die Doppelschachtanlage Zollverein 4/5 mit einem Förder- und Seilfahrtschacht sowie einem rein für die Bewetterung konzipierten Schacht. Auf dieser Schachtanlage wurde gleichzeitig eine neuartige Kokerei in Betrieb genommen.
1895 wurde ein weiterer Förderschacht (Schacht 6) auf dem Gebiet des heutigen Stadtteils Stoppenberg geteuft. Dieser ging 1897 in Betrieb und wurde erstmals mit einem Doppelstrebengerüst ausgestattet, da er für die parallele Führung von Förderung und Seilfahrt konzipiert war.
Die Grubengebäude von Zollverein waren bezüglich der Wetterführung (d. h. der Luftzirkulation unter Tage) nach wie vor problematisch. Nach mehreren Schlagwetter-Unglücken wurden die Schachtanlagen nach und nach mit kleinen Wetterschächten ausgestattet. So entstanden:
1897 bis 1899 neben Schacht 3 der Schacht 7. Er erhielt eine kleine Förderanlage.
1897 bis 1900 neben Schacht 1/2 der Schacht 8. Er erhielt zunächst keine Fördereinrichtung.
1903 bis 1905 neben Schacht 6 der Schacht 9. Er erhielt zunächst keine Fördereinrichtung.
Anschließend wurde die Schachtanlage 1/2/8 erneuert, Schacht 1 erhielt anstelle des Malakowturmes ein deutsches Strebengerüst. Weiterhin wurden die Aufbereitung, die sogenannte Kohlenwäsche, und die Kokerei grunderneuert.
1909 wurde auf der Schachtanlage 3/7 ein neuer Förderschacht niedergebracht. Nach Fertigstellung von Schacht 10 im Jahr 1914 wurden auf dieser Schachtanlage die Aufbereitungsanlagen erweitert und eine neue Kokerei in Betrieb genommen.
1914 wurde Schacht 9 der Anlage 6/9 durch Errichtung einer Förderanlage zum Seilfahrtsschacht, d. h., er wurde für den Transport von Personen und Material ausgebaut.
Die verwertbare Förderung stieg während des Ersten Weltkriegs auf 2,5 Millionen Tonnen Steinkohle.
1918–1932: Krise und Modernisierung
Ab 1920 kooperierte die Gewerkschaft Zollverein, die sich bis dahin im Familienbesitz der Industriellenfamilie Haniel befand, verstärkt mit der Phönix AG für Bergbau und Hüttenbetrieb. Die Geschäftsführung der Zeche wurde komplett in die Hände der Phönix AG gelegt und eine Interessengemeinschaft gegründet.
Unter deren Regie fanden Erneuerungs- und Reparaturmaßnahmen statt; Schacht 2 erhielt ein Fördergerüst und es wurde die Erneuerung der Schachtanlage 4/5 beschlossen. Die Abteufarbeiten zu Schacht 11 begannen 1922. 1926 waren die Arbeiten abgeschlossen. Über Tage wurden Schacht 4 und 11 mit gleichartigen Fördergerüsten ausgestattet und die Tagesanlagen 4/5/11 entsprechend erneuert. Die Kokerei auf der Schachtanlage 4/5/11 wurde im Gegenzug außer Betrieb genommen.
Bei Übernahme der Phönix AG durch die Vereinigte Stahlwerke AG 1926 wurde die Zeche Zollverein der Gelsenkirchener Bergwerks-AG (GBAG) zugeordnet und gehörte fortan zur Gruppe Gelsenkirchen. Unter deren Regie wurden die Kokereien nach und nach stillgelegt.
1928 begann die GBAG den Neubau einer kompletten, als Zentralförderanlage konzipierten Schachtanlage. Mit einer Förderkapazität von 12.000 Tonnen Kohle täglich übernahm Schacht XII die gesamte Kohlenförderung der bisherigen vier Anlagen mit insgesamt elf Schächten. Die Architekten Fritz Schupp und Martin Kremmer gestalteten die Schachtanlage, die als architektonische und technische Meisterleistung galt und richtungweisend für den sachlich-funktionalen Industriebau wurde – so folgt der Aufbau der einflussreichen Schule der Neuen Sachlichkeit. Die Schachtanlage galt als die modernste und „schönste Zeche der Welt“.
Das 1930 errichtete Doppelbockfördergerüst in Vollwandbauweise wurde zum Vorbild für viele später gebaute Zentralförderanlagen. Der Schacht nahm am 1. Februar 1932 die Förderung auf und wurde 1937 nach dem damaligen Generaldirektor der Gelsenkirchener Bergwerks-AG Albert Vögler „Schacht Albert“ (ab 1941 „Schacht Albert Vögler“) benannt.
1932–1968: Schacht XII
Die Förderleistung der Zeche Zollverein wurde durch diese Maßnahme immens gesteigert. Sie erreichte im Jahre 1937 3,6 Millionen Tonnen bei 6900 Beschäftigten. Die Kokerei bei Schacht 1/2/8 wurde als kleiner Neubau mit 54 Koksöfen im Vorjahr wieder in Betrieb genommen und erzeugte jährlich 200.000 Tonnen Koks. 1937 wurde das alte Doppelstrebengerüst über Schacht 6 durch einen Neubau eines zweigeschossigen Strebengerüstes mit nur einer Förderung ersetzt.
Den Zweiten Weltkrieg überstand die Zeche Zollverein mit relativ geringen Beschädigungen. Im Jahr 1953 wurde bereits wieder eine Jahresförderung von 2,4 Millionen Tonnen erreicht, wodurch Zollverein wiederum den Spitzenplatz unter den westdeutschen Steinkohlebergwerken einnahm.
Nach Übergang in die Rheinelbe Bergbau AG als Nachfolgegesellschaft der alten GBAG wurde eine umfangreiche Erneuerung und Rationalisierung des Betriebes aller Zollverein-Schachtanlagen vorgenommen.
Das Fördergerüst über Schacht 1 wurde 1958 durch einen vollwandigen Neubau ersetzt. Gleichzeitig wurde von 1960 bis 1964 eine komplette Neugestaltung der Schachtanlage 1/2/8 durch den Architekten Fritz Schupp durchgeführt. Schacht 2 erhielt 1964 den zuvor demontierten Förderturm von Schacht 2 der stillgelegten Zeche Friedlicher Nachbar, Bochum-Linden, als neue Förderanlage.
Ab 1961 wurde auf einem westlich gelegenen Gelände eine Zentralkokerei mit 192 Öfen betrieben, die in den 1970er Jahren auf 304 Öfen erweitert wurde. Die Kokerei galt lange als die modernste Kokerei Europas, in der täglich 10.000 Tonnen Kohle zu 8.600 Tonnen Koks veredelt wurden. Aufgrund der Stahlkrise und der damit fallenden Koksnachfrage wurde die Kokerei am 30. Juni 1993 stillgelegt.
Zwischen 1962 und 1964 wurden die vier Außenschachtanlagen zusammengefasst. Schacht 4 wurde 1962 als Förderschacht außer Betrieb gesetzt. Das Fördergerüst wurde an die Zeche Holland in Wattenscheid zum Ausbau eines neuen Zentralförderschachtes abgegeben. Die Förderanlagen Schacht 3 und 7 wurden ebenfalls rückgebaut. 1967 wurde die Förderung auf den Schachtanlagen 4/5/11 und 6/9 eingestellt. Die alleinige Förderung verblieb auf Schacht XII.
1968 wurde die Zeche Zollverein in die Bergbau AG Essen der Ruhrkohle AG überführt.
1968–1986: RAG
Nach Übernahme des Bergwerks durch die RAG Aktiengesellschaft wurde die Mechanisierung und Rationalisierung des Förderbetriebes fortgeführt. Die Förderung von Zollverein lag weiterhin bei annähernd drei Millionen Tonnen jährlich. 1974 wurde der Verbund mit der Zeche Holland in Wattenscheid durchgeführt. Schacht Holland 3/4/6 wurde als Förderstandort aufgegeben und zusammen mit einigen Schächten der Zeche Bonifacius in Essen-Kray als Seilfahrts- und Wetterschachtanlage weiterbetrieben.
Ab 1980 wurde mit dem Abbau der letzten Fettkohlevorräte im Flöz Sonnenschein die Verlagerung des Abbaus nach Norden betrieben. Die südlichen und östlichen Schächte wurden nach und nach aufgegeben. Ab 1982 wurde ein Förderverbund mit der benachbarten Zeche Nordstern betrieben. Im Gegenzug erfolgte die Aufgabe des Baufeldes Holland mit dem Jahre 1983.
Die Förderleistung dieses Verbundbergwerks Nordstern-Zollverein erreichte noch einmal 3,2 Millionen Tonnen jährlich. Nach erneuten Absatzeinbrüchen für Ruhrkohle wurde in der Kohlerunde 1983 die Aufgabe des Förderstandortes Zollverein beschlossen.
Ab 1986: Schließung und Nachnutzung
Am 23. Dezember 1986 wurden alle verbliebenen Förderanlagen von Zollverein stillgelegt. Die Kokerei wurde noch bis 1993 betrieben.
Die Schächte 2 und XII werden heute als Sicherungsstandort für die Wasserhaltung genutzt. Zuvor wurde das Grubenwasser, das hier zu Tage gepumpt wurde in die Emscher geleitet. Es stammte aus stillgelegten Zechen im Essener Norden und Nordosten, in Wattenscheid, Gelsenkirchen, Gladbeck, Bottrop, Herne, Herten, Recklinghausen, Oer-Erkenschwick und Datteln.
Im Frühjahr 2023 begannen die Arbeiten zur kompletten Verfüllung der beiden rund 1000 Meter tiefen Schächte 2 und XII. In den Schacht 2 mit einem Durchmesser von 5,5 Metern wurden 20.000 Kubikmeter Beton eingefüllt und in den Schacht XII mit einem Durchmesser von 7,5 Metern 39.000 Kubikmeter. In letzterem wurden noch drei Rohre verbaut, in Schacht 2 zwei weitere, die im Ernstfall dafür genutzt werden können, weiteres Grubenwasser abzupumpen. Die Zeche Zollverein dient damit weiterhin als Sicherungsstandort, sollte etwas beim Konzept der sogenannten Ewigkeitslasten nicht korrekt funktionieren. Am 1. April 2025 haben die Verantwortlichen von der RAG Aktiengesellschaft, der Vorstandsvorsitzende der Stiftung Zollverein Hans-Peter Noll und Oberbürgermeister Thomas Kufen den Bergbau in Essen symbolisch endgültig beendet.
Im Nachhinein werden die verbliebenen Tagesanlagen von Schacht XII, Schacht 1/2/8, Schacht 4/5/11 und Schacht 3/7/10 für eine neue Nutzung und als Industriedenkmal erhalten.
Wandel von Industriestruktur zur Industriekultur
Nach der Stilllegung 1986 kaufte das Land Nordrhein-Westfalen der Ruhrkohle AG das Gelände von Schacht XII ab, das bereits zur Stilllegung unter Denkmalschutz stand. Zur Unterschutzstellung trug Walter Buschmann maßgeblich bei.
Die Gesamtfläche der Zeche Zollverein ist das flächenmäßig größte Denkmal der Stadt Essen. In den folgenden Jahren wurde das Gelände von Schacht XII saniert. Die Bauhütte Zeche Zollverein Schacht XII GmbH beauftragte dazu 1989 den Architekten Heinrich Böll und beendete im Jahr 1999 ihre Arbeit. Von 1998 bis 2008 waren die dazu gegründete Entwicklungs-Gesellschaft Zollverein mbH (EGZ), die Stiftung Zollverein und die Stiftung Industriedenkmalpflege und Geschichtskultur für den Erhalt und die Nutzung der stillgelegten Anlagen zuständig. Seit 2008 sind diese Aufgaben in der Stiftung Zollverein gebündelt. Am 14. Dezember 2001[8] wurden die Schachtanlagen XII und 1/2/8 sowie die Kokerei Zollverein in die Liste des UNESCO – Kultur- und Naturerbes der Welt aufgenommen.
Die Ernennung zu einem Teil des deutschen UNESCO-Welterbes 2001 war der Beginn für den weiteren Ausbau des Geländes: Architekt Rem Koolhaas von OMA und Landschaftsarchitekt Henri Bava von Agence Ter entwickelten zwischen 2001 und 2002 den Masterplan für die Umgestaltung des Standortes in einen lebendigen Kultur- und Wirtschaftsstandort.
Im Herbst 2003 schrieb die Entwicklungsgesellschaft Zollverein zusammen mit der damaligen Essener Verkehrs-AG einen regionalen Designwettbewerb aus. Gesucht wurde ein entsprechendes „Zollverein-Design“ für die Straßenbahnlinie 107, die von Gelsenkirchen in den Essener Süden fährt und am Zollverein-Gelände hält. Aus den besten zehn von insgesamt 44 Einsendungen wählten die Leser des Magazins Zollverein 31/8 im Januar 2004 in Übereinstimmung mit der Jury den Entwurf des Büros Freiwild Kommunikation.
Im Sommer 2006 wurde der Umbau der Kohlenwäsche nach Entwürfen der Arbeitsgemeinschaft OMA (Projektarchitekt: Floris Alkemade) und Heinrich Böll nach knapp drei Jahren abgeschlossen. Heinrich Böll sanierte den repräsentativen Teil des Zechenensembles und übernahm die Ausführungsplanung und Bauleitung für das SANAA-Gebäude. Heinrich Böll gilt als einer der einflussreichsten Architekten im Bereich der Sanierung industrieller Anlagen im Ruhrgebiet. Heinrich Böll ist der Neffe des gleichnamigen Schriftstellers. Die umgebaute Kohlenwäsche von Schacht XII beherbergt das Besucherzentrum Ruhr der Route der Industriekultur und das Ruhrmuseum. Die authentisch erhaltenen Anlagen von Zeche und Kokerei sind heute als Denkmalpfad Zollverein erschlossen. Eine neue, gestalterisch an die bestehenden Bandbrücken angelehnte 55 m lange Gangway führt die Besucher auf 24 m Höhe in das Besucherzentrum Ruhr. Auf dem Dach der Kohlenwäsche wurde im Zuge des Umbaus der Erich-Brost-Pavillon errichtet. Hier finden Veranstaltungen jeder Art statt.
Das ehemalige Kesselhaus wurde von Norman Foster und Heinrich Böll für das Red-Dot-Design-Museum umgebaut. Auf dem angrenzenden Gelände von Schacht 1/2/8 ist die ehemalige Waschkaue heute Sitz des choreographischen Zentrums NRW (umgestaltet von Christoph Mäckler Architekten), das ehemalige Maschinenhaus beherbergt den Kunstschacht Zollverein und im ehemaligen Baulager ist seit 1987 die Keramische Werkstatt Margaretenhöhe ansässig. Auf Schacht 3/7/10 befindet sich das Phänomania-Erfahrungsfeld.
Die ehemalige Kokerei beherbergt Ausstellungsräume für Gegenwartskunst. Als Dauerausstellung wird die begehbare Rauminstallation Palace of Projects von Ilya & Emilia Kabakov gezeigt. Vom 26. August bis 3. Dezember 2006 war in der Kohlenwäsche die ENTRY2006–Wie werden wir morgen leben zu sehen. In einer großen Ausstellung wurden 300 Objekte von Designern und Architekten aus 20 Ländern gezeigt.
Im Juni 2006 wurde der Bau des Zollverein-Kubus nach Entwürfen des japanischen Architektenbüros SANAA und der Ausführung von Heinrich Böll abgeschlossen. Obwohl er nicht auf dem ursprünglichen Zechengelände, sondern an dessen Eingang steht, wird er zum Gesamtensemble gezählt.
Es gibt mehrere Restaurants und Cafés.
Kritik
Die Umnutzung der Gebäude für kulturelle Zwecke brachte erhebliche Eingriffe in den erhaltenen Bestand mit sich: Um benutzbare Flächen und klimatisierbare Räume zu schaffen und den Vorschriften des Brandschutzes zu genügen, wurden Teile der Maschineneinrichtung entfernt und verschrottet, Fassaden verändert und Einbauten vorgenommen. Dies beeinträchtigt die ästhetisch-technische Gesamtkomposition der Architekten Schupp und Kremmer. Während die Öffentlichkeit Zollverein meist als Leuchtturmprojekt der „Industriekultur“ wahrnimmt, beklagen Fachleute die mit dem Umbau verbundenen massiven Eingriffe in den Bestand, wodurch beispielsweise die Kohlenwäsche zum „potemkinschen Dorf der Denkmalpflege“ werde: die industrielle Anmutung verschleiere das Ausmaß der Verluste an Originalsubstanz.
Ruhrmuseum
Am 9. Januar 2010 eröffnete das als Dauerausstellung konzipierte neue Ruhrmuseum, bislang südlich der Essener Innenstadt als Ruhrlandmuseum ansässig, in der Kohlenwäsche. Die Ausstellungsräume wurden bereits seit August 2006 für verschiedene temporäre Ausstellungen, wie die Entry 2006 – Wie werden wir morgen leben? und Gold vor Schwarz (2008) mit den Schätzen der Essener Domschatzkammer genutzt.
Folkwang Universität der Künste
Neben Standorten in Essen-Werden, Duisburg, Bochum und Dortmund nutzt die Folkwang Universität der Künste seit 2010 als zweiten Essener Campus den Zollverein-Kubus des japanischen Architektenbüros SANAA. Zum Wintersemester 2017/2018 wurde in unmittelbarer Nachbarschaft ein neues Universitätsgebäude (Architekten: MGF-Architekten, Stuttgart) eröffnet, das den Fachbereich Gestaltung beherbergt.
Zollverein-Park
Um die Zeche und die angrenzende Kokerei für die Bevölkerung und Touristen zugänglich zu machen, wurde Ende 2012 der von der Planergruppe Oberhausen in Zusammenarbeit mit F1rstdesign, LichtKunstLicht AG und Observatorium entworfene Zollverein Park fertiggestellt. Das Konzept basiert auf dem Anspruch, vorhandene Strukturen behutsam in die Neugestaltung mit einfließen zu lassen und die Geschichte des Ortes zu berücksichtigen. So wurden neue Wege, Plätze und Pavillons angelegt sowie Installationen und ein Beleuchtungskonzept entworfen. Die Pflege der Vegetation steht weiterhin im Vordergrund.
Industrienatur
Neben den Gebäuden von Zeche und Kokerei hat sich eine enorm artenreiche Flora und Fauna entwickelt. Die künstlichen, technogenen Substrate wie Bergematerial und Gleisschotter sind meist nährstoffarm und besitzen je nach Verdichtung eine geringe Wasserspeicherfähigkeit. Solche Standorte sind ideale Lebensräume für wärmeliebende Tier- und Pflanzenarten. Je nach Flächenentwicklung und Gestaltung finden sich auf dem Gelände unterschiedliche Vegetationsstadien von schütterer Vegetation auf Rohböden (offene Bereiche auf der Halde Skulpturenwald), Pioniervegetation und Hochstaudengesellschaften (Gleisbereiche um die Kohlenwäsche) über Gebüschstadien bis zum Vorwald (Industriewald auf den Halden). Eine solche Flora und Fauna, die sich auf ehemaligen Industrie- und Gewerbeflächen entwickelt hat, wird im Ruhrgebiet Industrienatur genannt. Aufgrund des Artenreichtums besitzt sie eine enorme Bedeutung für den Erhalt der urbanen Biodiversität. Diese Industrienatur ist bundesweit einzigartig und gilt entsprechend als Alleinstellungsmerkmal für das Ruhrgebiet. Zollverein zählt neben dem Landschaftspark Duisburg-Nord zu den artenreichsten Industriebrachen im Ruhrgebiet.
Film und Fernsehen
Bilder der Zeche Zollverein sind seit September 2006 regelmäßig fester Bestandteil als Szenenübergang bei der in Essen spielenden RTL-Daily-Soap Alles was zählt.
Im Film Superstau kommt am Anfang des Films Ralf Richter von der Arbeit auf Zeche Zollverein (obwohl die Zeche zum Zeitpunkt der Dreharbeiten längst geschlossen war).
Im Film Das Wunder von Bern ist am Anfang die Zeche Zollverein im Hintergrund zu sehen.
Im Musikvideo In Town des deutschen Rappers Favorite ist die Zeche Zollverein deutlich zu erkennen.
Der Spielfilm Die Frühreifen handelt vom Leben im Ruhrgebiet der 1950er-Jahre und zeigt viele Szenen rund um die Zeche Zollverein.
Im Schimanski-Tatort Der Pott wird das Opfer vom Förderturm der Zeche Zollverein gestürzt.
Auch im Kölner Tatort Klassentreffen (752) ist die Zeche zu sehen.
Einige Szenen u. a. eine Verfolgungsjagd der RTL-Serie Die Klempnerin wurden auf dem Zechen- und Kokereigelände gedreht.
Für die RTL-Live-Show Die Passion wurde 2022 ein Musikvideo an der Kohlenwäsche erstellt.
Bei der Sendung Joko & Klaas gegen ProSieben mussten Joko & Klaas 45 Minuten auf der Rolltreppe zum Ruhrmuseum bleiben.
Postwertzeichen
Am 10. Juli 2003 gab die Deutsche Post AG eine Briefmarke mit dem Zollvereinmotiv aus. Heinz Schillinger gestaltete die Sondermarke.
Mit dem Erstausgabetag 5. Januar 2023 gab die Deutsche Post AG in der Serie Sehenswürdigkeiten in Deutschland ein Postwertzeichen im Nennwert von 110 Eurocent mit dem Motiv Zeche Zollverein heraus. Der Entwurf stammt von der Grafikerin Jennifer Dengler aus Bonn.
(Wikipedia)
Exploitant : Transdev Marne-la-Vallée
Réseau : IDF Mobilités – Marne-la-Vallée
Ligne : 34
Lieu : Les Marmousets (Serris, F-77)
Lien TC Infos : tc-infos.fr/vehicule/33214
The age of Carnival brought decadence to Venice and this was epitomized by Casanova – the most famous Venetian - and his love for women.
If we take time to see what’s going on around us, especially on the internet we might be surprised at how good and unfortunately also, how bad the internet can impact our lives. While there are many good things that we can obtain from the internet, we should be aware too that the internet become a source of income for some people who run evil thing, porn websites.
In this industry, many poor young girls are exploited sexually, physically and mentally (especially when they watch the movie in which they perform). The scene they acted in surely does not show love between a man and a woman. They were told to perform wild scenery of the producer’s imagination. After they finished and watched the movie, they became demoralized.
Please help these girls whenever you can and remember them in your daily prayer. Thank you.
en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Blackburn_Buccaneer
en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Yorkshire_Air_Museum#Collection
The Blackburn Buccaneer is a British carrier-capable attack aircraft designed in the 1950s for the Royal Navy (RN). Designed and initially produced by Blackburn Aircraft at Brough, it was later officially known as the Hawker Siddeley Buccaneer when Blackburn became a part of the Hawker Siddeley Group, but this name is rarely used.
The Buccaneer was originally designed in response to the Soviet Union introducing the Sverdlov class of light cruisers. Instead of building a new class of its own cruisers, the Royal Navy decided that it could address the threat posed via low-level attack runs performed by Buccaneers, so low as to exploit the ship's radar horizon to minimise the opportunity for being fired upon. The Buccaneer could attack using nuclear weapons or conventional munitions. During its service life, it would be modified to carry anti-ship missiles, allowing it to attack vessels from a stand-off distance and thus improve its survivability against modern ship-based anti-aircraft weapons. The Buccaneer performed its maiden flight in April 1958 and entered Royal Navy service during July 1962.
Initial production aircraft suffered a series of accidents, largely due to insufficient engine power; this shortfall would be quickly addressed via the introduction of the Buccaneer S.2, equipped with more powerful Rolls-Royce Spey jet engines, in 1965. The Buccaneer S.2 would be the first Fleet Air Arm (FAA) aircraft to make a non-stop, unrefuelled crossing of the Atlantic Ocean. During the 1960s and 1970s, the Royal Navy standardised the air wings operating from their carriers around the Buccaneer, Phantom, and the Fairey Gannet. The Buccaneer was also offered as a possible solution for the Royal Air Force (RAF) requirement for a supersonic interdictor carrying nuclear weapons. It was rejected as not meeting the specification in favour of the more advanced BAC TSR-2 bomber, but this aircraft would be cancelled largely due to its high cost, then its selected replacement, the General Dynamics F-111K, would also be cancelled. The Buccaneer was purchased as a TSR-2 substitute and entered RAF service during October 1969.
The Royal Navy retired the last of its large aircraft carriers in February 1979; as a result, the Buccaneer's strike role was transferred to the British Aerospace Sea Harrier and the Buccaneers were transferred to the RAF. After a crash in 1980 revealed metal fatigue problems, the RAF's fleet was reduced to 60 aircraft while the rest were withdrawn. The ending of the Cold War in the 1990s led to military cutbacks that accelerated the retirement of Britain's remaining Buccaneers; the last of the RAF's Buccaneers were retired in March 1994 in favour of the more modern Panavia Tornado. The South African Air Force (SAAF) was the only export customer for the type. Buccaneers saw combat action in the first Gulf War of 1991, and the lengthy South African Border War.
Following the end of the Second World War, the Royal Navy soon needed to respond to the threat posed by the rapid expansion of the Soviet Navy. Chief amongst Soviet naval developments in the early 1950s was the Sverdlov-class cruiser; these vessels were classifiable as light cruisers, being fast, effectively armed, and numerous. Like the German "pocket battleships" during the Second World War, these new Soviet cruisers presented a serious threat to the merchant fleets in the Atlantic. To counter this threat, the Royal Navy decided not to use a new ship class of its own, but instead introduce a specialised strike aircraft employing conventional or nuclear weapons. Operating from the Navy's fleet carriers, and attacking at high speed and low level, it would offer a solution to the Sverdlov problem.
A detailed specification was issued in June 1952 as Naval Staff Requirement NA.39, calling for a two-seat aircraft with folding wings, capable of flying at 550 knots (1,020 km/h; 630 mph) at sea level, with a combat radius of 400 nautical miles (740 km; 460 mi) at low altitude, and 800 nautical miles (1,500 km; 920 mi) at higher cruising altitudes. A weapons load of 8,000 pounds (3,600 kg) was required, including conventional bombs, the Red Beard free-fall nuclear bomb, or the Green Cheese anti-ship missile. Based on the requirement, the Ministry of Supply issued specification M.148T in August 1952, and the first responses were returned in February 1953. Blackburn's design by Barry P. Laight, Project B-103, won the tender in July 1955. For reasons of secrecy, the aircraft was called BNA (Blackburn Naval Aircraft) or BANA (Blackburn Advanced Naval Aircraft) in documents, leading to the nickname of "Banana Jet". The first prototype made its maiden flight from RAE Bedford on 30 April 1958.
The first production Buccaneer model, the Buccaneer S.1, entered squadron service with the Fleet Air Arm (FAA) in January 1963. It was powered by a pair of de Havilland Gyron Junior turbojets, producing 7,100 pounds-force (32,000 N) of thrust. This mark was somewhat underpowered, and as a consequence, could not achieve take off if fully laden with both fuel and armament. A temporary solution to this problem was the "buddy system": aircraft took off with a full load of weaponry and minimal fuel, and would subsequently rendezvous with a Supermarine Scimitar that would deliver the full load of fuel by aerial refuelling. The lack of power meant, however, that the loss of an engine during take-off, or landing at full load, when the aircraft was dependent on flap blowing, could be catastrophic.
The long-term solution to the underpowered S.1 was the development of the Buccaneer S.2, fitted with the Rolls-Royce Spey engine, which provided 40% more thrust. The turbofan Spey also had significantly lower fuel consumption than the pure-jet Gyron, which provided improved range. The engine nacelles had to be enlarged to accommodate the Spey, and the wing required minor aerodynamic modifications as a result. Hawker Siddeley announced the production order for the S.2 in January 1962. All Royal Navy squadrons had converted to the improved S.2 by the end of 1966. However, 736 Naval Air Squadron also used eight S.1 aircraft taken from storage to meet an extra training demand for RAF crews until December 1970.
Blackburn's first attempt to sell the Buccaneer to the Royal Air Force (RAF) occurred in 1957–1958, in response to the Air Ministry Operational Requirement OR.339, for a replacement for the RAF's English Electric Canberra light bombers, with supersonic speed, and a 1,000-nautical-mile (1,900 km; 1,200 mi) combat radius; asking for an all-weather aircraft that could deliver nuclear weapons over a long range, operate at high level at Mach 2+ or low level at Mach 1.2, with STOL performance. Blackburn proposed two designs, the B.103A, a simple modification of the Buccaneer S.1 with more fuel, and the B.108, a more extensively modified aircraft with more sophisticated avionics. Against a background of inter-service distrust, political issues, and the 1957 Defence White Paper, both types were rejected by the RAF; as being firmly subsonic, and incapable of meeting the RAF's range requirements; while the B.108, which retained Gyron Junior engines while being 10,000 pounds (4,500 kg) heavier than the S.1, would have been severely underpowered, giving poor short-take off performance. The BAC TSR-2 was eventually selected in 1959.
After the cancellation of the TSR-2, and then the substitute American General Dynamics F-111K, the Royal Air Force still required a replacement for its Canberras in the low-level strike role, while the planned retirement for the Royal Navy's aircraft carriers meant that the RAF would also need to add a maritime strike capability. It was therefore decided in 1968 that the RAF would adopt the Buccaneer, both by the purchase of new-build aircraft, and by taking over the Fleet Air Arm's Buccaneers as the carriers were retired. A total of 46 new-build aircraft for the RAF were built by Blackburn's successor, Hawker Siddeley, designated S.2B. These had RAF-type communications and avionics equipment, Martel air-to-surface missile capability, and could be equipped with a bulged bomb-bay door containing an extra fuel tank.
Some Fleet Air Arm Buccaneers were modified in-service to also carry the Martel anti-ship missile. Martel-capable FAA aircraft were later redesignated S.2D. The remaining aircraft became S.2C. RAF aircraft were given various upgrades. Self-defence was improved by the addition of the AN/ALQ-101 electronic countermeasures (ECM) pod (also found on RAF's SEPECAT Jaguar GR.3), chaff and flare dispensers, and AIM-9 Sidewinder capability. RAF low-level strike Buccaneers could carry out what was known as 'retard defence'; four 1,000-pound (450 kg) retarded bombs carried internally could be dropped to provide an effective deterrent against any following aircraft. In 1979, the RAF obtained the American AN/AVQ-23E Pave Spike laser designator pod for Paveway II laser-guided bombs; allowing the aircraft to act as target designators for further Buccaneers, Jaguars, and other strike aircraft. From 1986, No. 208 Squadron RAF, then No. 12 (B) Squadron, replaced the Martel ASM with the Sea Eagle missile.
The Yorkshire Air Museum & Allied Air Forces Memorial is an aviation museum in Elvington, York on the site of the former RAF Elvington airfield, a Second World War RAF Bomber Command station. The museum was founded, and first opened to the public, in the mid 1980s.
The museum is one of the largest independent air museums in Britain. It is also the only Allied Air Forces Memorial in Europe. The museum is an accredited museum under Arts Council accreditation scheme. It is a Member of Friends of the Few (Battle of Britain Memorial), the Royal Aeronautical Society, the Museums Association and the Association of Independent Museums.
The Museum is a registered charity (No. 516766) dedicated to the history of aviation and was also set up as a Memorial to all allied air forces personnel, particularly those who served in the Royal Air Force during the Second World War.
Site
Further information: RAF Elvington
The 20-acre (81,000 m2) parkland site includes buildings and hangars, some of which are listed. It incorporates a 7-acre (28,000 m2) managed environment area and a DEFRA and Environment Agency supported self sustainability project called "Nature of Flight". The museum is situated next to a 10,000 ft runway, which is privately owned.
History
Whilst the Royal Air Force carried on using the runway for aircraft landing and take off training until 1992, the buildings and hangars had long been abandoned. In 1980 Rachel Semlyen approached the owners of "what was then an abandoned and derelict wartime site, with the idea of restoring the buildings and creating a museum". In 1983, a group started clearing the undergrowth and the site was ready to be unveiled as the Yorkshire Air Museum in 1986.
Events
The Museum undertakes several annual events each year within the general attraction / entertainment area as well as educational / academic events for specific audiences, plus several corporate events in association with companies such as Bentley, Porsche, banking, government agencies etc. The unique annual Allied Air Forces Memorial Day takes place in September.
Exhibits
The Museum has over 50 aircraft spanning the development of aviation from 1853 up to the latest GR4 Tornado. Several aircraft including Victor, Nimrod, Buccaneer, Sea Devon, SE5a, Eastchurch Kitten, DC3 Dakota are kept live and operated on special "Thunder Days" during the year. Over 20 historic vehicles and a Registered Archive containing over 500,000 historic artefacts and documents are also preserved at the Museum, which is also the Official Archive for the National Aircrew Association and National Air Gunners Association. It is nationally registered and accredited through DCMS/Arts Council England and is a registered charity.
A permanent exhibition on RAF Bomber Command was opened at the museum by life member, Sir David Jason. In 2010 a new exhibition called "Pioneers of Aviation", and funded by the Heritage Lottery Fund, was opened featuring the lives and achievements of Sir George Cayley, Sir Barnes Wallis, Robert Blackburn, Nevil Shute and Amy Johnson.
Principal on-site businesses include: Restaurant, Retail Shop, Events, Aircraft Operation Engineering Workshops, Archives and Corporate Business Suite. The museum is also a location for TV and film companies.
Building 1 – Airborne Forces Display & No. 609 Squadron RAF Room
Building 2 – Uniform Display
Building 3 – Air Gunners' Exhibition
Building 4 – Archives & Reference Library
Building 5 – Museum Shop
Building 7 – Memorial Garden
Building 8 – Museum HQ, Main Entrance
Building 9 – Against the Odds
Building 10 – Elvington Corporate Room
Building 11 – Museum NAAFI Restaurant
Building 12 – Control Tower
Building 13 – French Officers' Mess
Building 14 – Airmens Billet and Station MT Display
Building 15 – Royal Observer Corp
Building 16 – Signal Square
Building 17 – Hangar T2 Main Aircraft exhibition
Building 18 – Archive & Collections Building
Building 19 – Handley Page Aircraft Workshop
Building 20 – Pioneer of Aviation Exhibition
Collection
Aircraft on display
Pre-World War II
Avro 504K – Replica
Blackburn Mercury – Replica
Cayley Glider – Replica
Mignet HM.14 Pou-du-Ciel
Port Victoria P.V.8 Eastchurch Kitten Replica
Royal Aircraft Factory BE.2c – Replica
Royal Aircraft Factory SE.5a – Replica
Wright Flyer – Replica
World War II
Avro Anson T.21 VV901
Douglas Dakota IV KN353
Fairchild Argus II FK338
Gloster Meteor F.8 WL168
Gloster Meteor NF.14 WS788
Handley Page Halifax III LV907
Hawker Hurricane I – Replica
Messerschmitt Bf 109 G-6 – Replica
Slingsby T.7 Kirby Cadet RA854
Supermarine Spitfire I – Replica
Waco Hadrian 237123
Post World War II
Air Command Commander Elite
Beagle Terrier 2 TJ704
Canadair CT-133 Silver Star 133417
de Havilland Devon C.2 VP967
de Havilland Vampire T.11 XH278
Europa Prototype 001
Mainair Demon
Saunders-Roe Skeeter AOP.12 XM553
Westland Dragonfly HR.5 WH991
Cold War
BAC Jet Provost T.4 XP640
Blackburn Buccaneer S.2 XN974
Blackburn Buccaneer S.2B XX901
British Aerospace Harrier GR.3 XV748
British Aerospace Nimrod MR.2 XV250
Dassault Mirage IIIE 538
Dassault Mirage IVA 45/BR
English Electric Canberra T.4 WH846
English Electric Lightning F.6 XS903 which arrived during June 1988.
Fairey Gannet AEW.3 XL502
Gloster Javelin FAW.9 XH767
Handley Page Victor K.2 XL231
Hawker Hunter FGA.78 QA10
Hawker Hunter T.7 XL572
Panavia Tornado GR.1 ZA354
Panavia Tornado GR.4 XZ631
Ground vehicles
Second World War
Thompson Brothers Aircraft Refueller
1938 Ford Model E
1940 "Tilly" Standard 12 hp Mkl RAF Utility Vehicle
1941 Chevrolet 4x4 CMP
1942 Austin K2 NAAFI Wagon
1942 Thornycroft ‘Amazon’ Coles Crane
Cold War
1947 Commer one and a half deck airport coach
1949 Citroen 11BL
1948 David Brown VIG.2 Aircraft Tractor
1949 David Brown VIG.3 Aircraft Tractor
1951 David Brown GP Airfield Tractor
1953 Alvis Saracen 12ton APC
1953 Austin Champ Cargo 4x4 General Purpose Vehicle
1956 Green Goddess Self Propelled Pump
1958 Commer Q4 Bikini Fire Pump Unit
1958 Lansing Aircraft Carrier Type Tug
1959 Daimler Ferret ASC MK.2/3/7
1966 Chieftain Main Battle Tank
1970 Douglas P3 nuclear aircraft 25 tonne tug
1971 Pathfinder Fire Engine 35ton (ex. Manchester Airport)
1972 TACR2 Range Rover - 6 wheeled fast response fire unit
1974 GMC 6 wheeled fast response airfield fire truck
1976 Dennis Mercury 17.5 tonne aircraft tug
Pathfinder Fire Engine
North Toraja (or Toraja Utara) is a regency (kabupaten) of South Sulawesi Province of Indonesia, and the home of the Toraja ethnic group. The local government seat is in Rantepao which is also the center of Toraja culture. Formerly this regency was part of Tana Toraja Regency.
The Tana Toraja boundary was determined by the Dutch East Indies government in 1909. In 1926, Tana Toraja was under the administration of Bugis state, Luwu. The regentschap (or regency) status was given on October 8, 1946, the last regency given by the Dutch. Since 1984, Tana Toraja has been named as the second tourist destination after Bali by the Ministry of Tourism, Indonesia. Since then, hundreds of thousands of foreign visitors have visited this regency. In addition, numerous Western anthropologists have come to Tana Toraja to study the indigenous culture and people of Toraja.
GEOGRAPHY
Tana Toraja is located on the Sulawesi island, 300 km north of Makassar, the provincial capital of South Sulawesi. Its geographical location is between latitude of 2°-3° South and longitude 119°-120° East (center: 3°S 120°ECoordinates: 3°S 120°E). The area of the new North Toraja Regency is 1,151.47 km², about 2.5% of the total area of South Sulawesi province. The topography of Tana Toraja is mountainous; its minimum elevation is 150 m, while the maximum is 3,083 above the sea level.
Tana Toraja Regency (Indonesian for Torajaland or Land of the Toraja, abbreviated Tator) is a regency (kabupaten) of South Sulawesi Province of Indonesia, and home to the Toraja ethnic group. The local government seat is in Makale, while the center of Toraja culture is in Rantepao. But now, Tana Toraja has been divided to two regencies that consist of Tana Toraja with its capital at Makale and North toraja with its capital at Rantepao.
The Tana Toraja boundary was determined by the Dutch East Indies government in 1909. In 1926, Tana Toraja was under the administration of Bugis state, Luwu. The regentschap (or regency) status was given on 8 October 1946, the last regency given by the Dutch. Since 1984, Tana Toraja has been named as the second tourist destination after Bali by the Ministry of Tourism, Indonesia. Since then, hundreds of thousands of foreign visitors have visited this regency. In addition, numerous Western anthropologists have come to Tana Toraja to study the indigenous culture and people of Toraja.
GEOGRAPHY
Tana Toraja is centrally placed in the island of Sulawesi, 300 km north of Makassar, the provincial capital of South Sulawesi. It lies between latitude of 2°-3° South and longitude 119°-120° East (center: 3°S 120°ECoordinates: 3°S 120°E). The total area (since the separation of the new regency of North Toraja) is 2,054.30 km², about 4.4% of the total area of South Sulawesi province. The topography of Tana Toraja is mountainous; its minimum elevation is 150 m, while the maximum is 3,083 above the sea level.
ADMINISTRATION
Tana Toraja Regency in 2010 comprised nineteen administrative Districts (Kecamatan), tabulated below with their 2010 Census population.
The Torajans are an ethnic group indigenous to a mountainous region of South Sulawesi, Indonesia. Their population is approximately 1,100,000, of whom 450,000 live in the regency of Tana Toraja ("Land of Toraja").[1] Most of the population is Christian, and others are Muslim or have local animist beliefs known as aluk ("the way"). The Indonesian government has recognised this animistic belief as Aluk To Dolo ("Way of the Ancestors").
The word Toraja comes from the Buginese language term to riaja, meaning "people of the uplands". The Dutch colonial government named the people Toraja in 1909. Torajans are renowned for their elaborate funeral rites, burial sites carved into rocky cliffs, massive peaked-roof traditional houses known as tongkonan, and colourful wood carvings. Toraja funeral rites are important social events, usually attended by hundreds of people and lasting for several days.
Before the 20th century, Torajans lived in autonomous villages, where they practised animism and were relatively untouched by the outside world. In the early 1900s, Dutch missionaries first worked to convert Torajan highlanders to Christianity. When the Tana Toraja regency was further opened to the outside world in the 1970s, it became an icon of tourism in Indonesia: it was exploited by tourism development and studied by anthropologists. By the 1990s, when tourism peaked, Toraja society had changed significantly, from an agrarian model—in which social life and customs were outgrowths of the Aluk To Dolo—to a largely Christian society. Today, tourism and remittances from migrant Torajans have made for major changes in the Toraja highland, giving the Toraja a celebrity status within Indonesia and enhancing Toraja ethnic group pride.
ETHNIC IDENTITY
The Torajan people had little notion of themselves as a distinct ethnic group before the 20th century. Before Dutch colonisation and Christianisation, Torajans, who lived in highland areas, identified with their villages and did not share a broad sense of identity. Although complexes of rituals created linkages between highland villages, there were variations in dialects, differences in social hierarchies, and an array of ritual practices in the Sulawesi highland region. "Toraja" (from the coastal languages' to, meaning people; and riaja, uplands) was first used as a lowlander expression for highlanders. As a result, "Toraja" initially had more currency with outsiders—such as the Bugis and Makassarese, who constitute a majority of the lowland of Sulawesi—than with insiders. The Dutch missionaries' presence in the highlands gave rise to the Toraja ethnic consciousness in the Sa'dan Toraja region, and this shared identity grew with the rise of tourism in the Tana Toraja Regency. Since then, South Sulawesi has four main ethnic groups—the Bugis (the majority, including shipbuilders and seafarers), the Makassarese (lowland traders and seafarers), the Mandarese (traders and fishermen), and the Toraja (highland rice cultivators).
HISTORY
From the 17th century, the Dutch established trade and political control on Sulawesi through the Dutch East Indies Company. Over two centuries, they ignored the mountainous area in the central Sulawesi, where Torajans lived, because access was difficult and it had little productive agricultural land. In the late 19th century, the Dutch became increasingly concerned about the spread of Islam in the south of Sulawesi, especially among the Makassarese and Bugis peoples. The Dutch saw the animist highlanders as potential Christians. In the 1920s, the Reformed Missionary Alliance of the Dutch Reformed Church began missionary work aided by the Dutch colonial government. In addition to introducing Christianity, the Dutch abolished slavery and imposed local taxes. A line was drawn around the Sa'dan area and called Tana Toraja ("the land of Toraja"). Tana Toraja was first a subdivision of the Luwu kingdom that had claimed the area. In 1946, the Dutch granted Tana Toraja a regentschap, and it was recognised in 1957 as one of the regencies of Indonesia.
Early Dutch missionaries faced strong opposition among Torajans, especially among the elite, because the abolition of their profitable slave trade had angered them. Some Torajans were forcibly relocated to the lowlands by the Dutch, where they could be more easily controlled. Taxes were kept high, undermining the wealth of the elites. Ultimately, the Dutch influence did not subdue Torajan culture, and only a few Torajans were converted. In 1950, only 10% of the population had converted to Christianity.
In the 1930s, Muslim lowlanders attacked the Torajans, resulting in widespread Christian conversion among those who sought to align themselves with the Dutch for political protection and to form a movement against the Bugis and Makassarese Muslims. Between 1951 and 1965 (following Indonesian independence), southern Sulawesi faced a turbulent period as the Darul Islam separatist movement fought for an Islamic state in Sulawesi. The 15 years of guerrilla warfare led to massive conversions to Christianity.
Alignment with the Indonesian government, however, did not guarantee safety for the Torajans. In 1965, a presidential decree required every Indonesian citizen to belong to one of five officially recognised religions: Islam, Christianity (Protestantism and Catholicism), Hinduism, or Buddhism. The Torajan religious belief (aluk) was not legally recognised, and the Torajans raised their voices against the law. To make aluk accord with the law, it had to be accepted as part of one of the official religions. In 1969, Aluk To Dolo ("the way of ancestors") was legalised as a sect of Agama Hindu Dharma, the official name of Hinduism in Indonesia.
SOCIETY
There are three main types of affiliation in Toraja society: family, class and religion.
FAMILY AFFILIATION
Family is the primary social and political grouping in Torajan society. Each village is one extended family, the seat of which is the tongkonan, a traditional Torajan house. Each tongkonan has a name, which becomes the name of the village. The familial dons maintain village unity. Marriage between distant cousins (fourth cousins and beyond) is a common practice that strengthens kinship. Toraja society prohibits marriage between close cousins (up to and including the third cousin)—except for nobles, to prevent the dispersal of property. Kinship is actively reciprocal, meaning that the extended family helps each other farm, share buffalo rituals, and pay off debts.
Each person belongs to both the mother's and the father's families, the only bilateral family line in Indonesia. Children, therefore, inherit household affiliation from both mother and father, including land and even family debts. Children's names are given on the basis of kinship, and are usually chosen after dead relatives. Names of aunts, uncles and cousins are commonly referred to in the names of mothers, fathers and siblings.
Before the start of the formal administration of Toraja villages by the Tana Toraja Regency, each Toraja village was autonomous. In a more complex situation, in which one Toraja family could not handle their problems alone, several villages formed a group; sometimes, villages would unite against other villages. Relationship between families was expressed through blood, marriage, and shared ancestral houses (tongkonan), practically signed by the exchange of water buffalo and pigs on ritual occasions. Such exchanges not only built political and cultural ties between families but defined each person's place in a social hierarchy: who poured palm wine, who wrapped a corpse and prepared offerings, where each person could or could not sit, what dishes should be used or avoided, and even what piece of meat constituted one's share.
CLASS AFFILIATION
In early Toraja society, family relationships were tied closely to social class. There were three strata: nobles, commoners, and slaves (slavery was abolished in 1909 by the Dutch East Indies government). Class was inherited through the mother. It was taboo, therefore, to marry "down" with a woman of lower class. On the other hand, marrying a woman of higher class could improve the status of the next generation. The nobility's condescending attitude toward the commoners is still maintained today for reasons of family prestige.
Nobles, who were believed to be direct descendants of the descended person from heaven, lived in tongkonans, while commoners lived in less lavish houses (bamboo shacks called banua). Slaves lived in small huts, which had to be built around their owner's tongkonan. Commoners might marry anyone, but nobles preferred to marry in-family to maintain their status. Sometimes nobles married Bugis or Makassarese nobles. Commoners and slaves were prohibited from having death feasts. Despite close kinship and status inheritance, there was some social mobility, as marriage or change in wealth could affect an individuals status. Wealth was counted by the ownership of water buffaloes.
Slaves in Toraja society were family property. Sometimes Torajans decided to become slaves when they incurred a debt, pledging to work as payment. Slaves could be taken during wars, and slave trading was common. Slaves could buy their freedom, but their children still inherited slave status. Slaves were prohibited from wearing bronze or gold, carving their houses, eating from the same dishes as their owners, or having sex with free women—a crime punishable by death.
RELIGIOUS AFFILATION
Toraja's indigenous belief system is polytheistic animism, called aluk, or "the way" (sometimes translated as "the law"). In the Toraja myth, the ancestors of Torajan people came down from heaven using stairs, which were then used by the Torajans as a communication medium with Puang Matua, the Creator. The cosmos, according to aluk, is divided into the upper world (heaven), the world of man (earth), and the underworld. At first, heaven and earth were married, then there was a darkness, a separation, and finally the light. Animals live in the underworld, which is represented by rectangular space enclosed by pillars, the earth is for mankind, and the heaven world is located above, covered with a saddle-shaped roof. Other Toraja gods include Pong Banggai di Rante (god of Earth), Indo' Ongon-Ongon (a goddess who can cause earthquakes), Pong Lalondong (god of death), and Indo' Belo Tumbang (goddess of medicine); there are many more.
The earthly authority, whose words and actions should be cleaved to both in life (agriculture) and death (funerals), is called to minaa (an aluk priest). Aluk is not just a belief system; it is a combination of law, religion, and habit. Aluk governs social life, agricultural practices, and ancestral rituals. The details of aluk may vary from one village to another. One common law is the requirement that death and life rituals be separated. Torajans believe that performing death rituals might ruin their corpses if combined with life rituals. The two rituals are equally important. During the time of the Dutch missionaries, Christian Torajans were prohibited from attending or performing life rituals, but were allowed to perform death rituals. Consequently, Toraja's death rituals are still practised today, while life rituals have diminished.
CULTURE
TONGKONAN
Tongkonan are the traditional Torajan ancestral houses. They stand high on wooden piles, topped with a layered split-bamboo roof shaped in a sweeping curved arc, and they are incised with red, black, and yellow detailed wood carvings on the exterior walls. The word "tongkonan" comes from the Torajan tongkon ("to sit").
Tongkonan are the center of Torajan social life. The rituals associated with the tongkonan are important expressions of Torajan spiritual life, and therefore all family members are impelled to participate, because symbolically the tongkonan represents links to their ancestors and to living and future kin. According to Torajan myth, the first tongkonan was built in heaven on four poles, with a roof made of Indian cloth. When the first Torajan ancestor descended to earth, he imitated the house and held a large ceremony.
The construction of a tongkonan is laborious work and is usually done with the help of the extended family. There are three types of tongkonan. The tongkonan layuk is the house of the highest authority, used as the "center of government". The tongkonan pekamberan belongs to the family members who have some authority in local traditions. Ordinary family members reside in the tongkonan batu. The exclusivity to the nobility of the tongkonan is diminishing as many Torajan commoners find lucrative employment in other parts of Indonesia. As they send back money to their families, they enable the construction of larger tongkonan.
Architecture in the style of a tongkonan is still very common. Various administration buildings were built in this style in recent years, e.g. the Kecamatan building in Rantepao.
WOOD CARVINGS
To express social and religious concepts, Torajans carve wood, calling it Pa'ssura (or "the writing"). Wood carvings are therefore Toraja's cultural manifestation.
Each carving receives a special name, and common motifs are animals and plants that symbolise some virtue. For example, water plants and animals, such as crabs, tadpoles and water weeds, are commonly found to symbolise fertility. In some areas noble elders claim these symbols refer to strength of noble family, but not everyone agrees. The overall meaning of groups of carved motifs on houses remains debated and tourism has further complicated these debates because some feel a uniform explanation must be presented to tourists. Torajan wood carvings are composed of numerous square panels, each of which can represent various things, for example buffaloes as a wish of wealth for the family; a knot and a box, symbolizing the hope that all of the family's offspring will be happy and live in harmony; aquatic animals, indicating the need for fast and hard work, just like moving on the surface of water.
Regularity and order are common features in Toraja wood carving (see table below), as well as abstracts and geometrical designs. Nature is frequently used as the basis of Toraja's ornaments, because nature is full of abstractions and geometries with regularities and ordering. Toraja's ornaments have been studied in ethnomathematics to reveal their mathematical structure, but Torajans base this art only on approximations. To create an ornament, bamboo sticks are used as a geometrical tool.
FUNERAL RITES
In Toraja society, the funeral ritual is the most elaborate and expensive event. The richer and more powerful the individual, the more expensive is the funeral. In the aluk religion, only nobles have the right to have an extensive death feast. The death feast of a nobleman is usually attended by thousands and lasts for several days. A ceremonial site, called rante, is usually prepared in a large, grassy field where shelters for audiences, rice barns, and other ceremonial funeral structures are specially made by the deceased's family. Flute music, funeral chants, songs and poems, and crying and wailing are traditional Toraja expressions of grief with the exceptions of funerals for young children, and poor, low-status adults.
The ceremony is often held weeks, months, or years after the death so that the deceased's family can raise the significant funds needed to cover funeral expenses. Torajans traditionally believe that death is not a sudden, abrupt event, but a gradual process toward Puya (the land of souls, or afterlife). During the waiting period, the body of the deceased is wrapped in several layers of cloth and kept under the tongkonan. The soul of the deceased is thought to linger around the village until the funeral ceremony is completed, after which it begins its journey to Puya.
Another component of the ritual is the slaughter of water buffalo. The more powerful the person who died, the more buffalo are slaughtered at the death feast. Buffalo carcasses, including their heads, are usually lined up on a field waiting for their owner, who is in the "sleeping stage". Torajans believe that the deceased will need the buffalo to make the journey and that they will be quicker to arrive at Puya if they have many buffalo. Slaughtering tens of water buffalo and hundreds of pigs using a machete is the climax of the elaborate death feast, with dancing and music and young boys who catch spurting blood in long bamboo tubes. Some of the slaughtered animals are given by guests as "gifts", which are carefully noted because they will be considered debts of the deceased's family. However, a cockfight, known as bulangan londong, is an integral part of the ceremony. As with the sacrifice of the buffalo and the pigs, the cockfight is considered sacred because it involves the spilling of blood on the earth. In particular, the tradition requires the sacrifice of at least three chickens. However, it is common for at least 25 pairs of chickens to be set against each other in the context of the ceremony.
There are three methods of burial: the coffin may be laid in a cave or in a carved stone grave, or hung on a cliff. It contains any possessions that the deceased will need in the afterlife. The wealthy are often buried in a stone grave carved out of a rocky cliff. The grave is usually expensive and takes a few months to complete. In some areas, a stone cave may be found that is large enough to accommodate a whole family. A wood-carved effigy, called Tau tau, is usually placed in the cave looking out over the land. The coffin of a baby or child may be hung from ropes on a cliff face or from a tree. This hanging grave usually lasts for years, until the ropes rot and the coffin falls to the ground.
In the ritual called Ma'Nene, that takes place each year in August, the bodies of the deceased are exhumed to be washed, groomed and dressed in new clothes. The mummies are then walked around the village.
DANNCE AND MUSIC
Torajans perform dances on several occasions, most often during their elaborate funeral ceremonies. They dance to express their grief, and to honour and even cheer the deceased person because he is going to have a long journey in the afterlife. First, a group of men form a circle and sing a monotonous chant throughout the night to honour the deceased (a ritual called Ma'badong). This is considered by many Torajans to be the most important component of the funeral ceremony. On the second funeral day, the Ma'randing warrior dance is performed to praise the courage of the deceased during life. Several men perform the dance with a sword, a large shield made from buffalo skin, a helmet with a buffalo horn, and other ornamentation. The Ma'randing dance precedes a procession in which the deceased is carried from a rice barn to the rante, the site of the funeral ceremony. During the funeral, elder women perform the Ma'katia dance while singing a poetic song and wearing a long feathered costume. The Ma'akatia dance is performed to remind the audience of the generosity and loyalty of the deceased person. After the bloody ceremony of buffalo and pig slaughter, a group of boys and girls clap their hands while performing a cheerful dance called Ma'dondan.
As in other agricultural societies, Torajans dance and sing during harvest time. The Ma'bugi dance celebrates the thanksgiving event, and the Ma'gandangi dance is performed while Torajans are pounding rice. There are several war dances, such as the Manimbong dance performed by men, followed by the Ma'dandan dance performed by women. The aluk religion governs when and how Torajans dance. A dance called Ma'bua can be performed only once every 12 years. Ma'bua is a major Toraja ceremony in which priests wear a buffalo head and dance around a sacred tree.
A traditional musical instrument of the Toraja is a bamboo flute called a Pa'suling (suling is an Indonesian word for flute). This six-holed flute (not unique to the Toraja) is played at many dances, such as the thanksgiving dance Ma'bondensan, where the flute accompanies a group of shirtless, dancing men with long fingernails. The Toraja have indigenous musical instruments, such as the Pa'pelle (made from palm leaves) and the Pa'karombi (the Torajan version of a jaw harp). The Pa'pelle is played during harvest time and at house inauguration ceremonies.
COGENDER VIEWS
Among the Saʼadan (eastern Toraja) in the island of Sulawesi (Celebes), Indonesia, there are homosexual male toburake tambolang shamans; although among their neighbors the Mamasa (western Toraja) there are instead only heterosexual female toburake shamanesses.
LANGUAGE
The ethnic Toraja language is dominant in Tana Toraja with the main language as the Sa'dan Toraja. Although the national Indonesian language is the official language and is spoken in the community, all elementary schools in Tana Toraja teach Toraja language.
Language varieties of Toraja, including Kalumpang, Mamasa, Tae, Talondo, Toala, and Toraja-Sa'dan, belong to the Malayo-Polynesian language from the Austronesian family. At the outset, the isolated geographical nature of Tana Toraja formed many dialects between the Toraja languages themselves. After the formal administration of Tana Toraja, some Toraja dialects have been influenced by other languages through the transmigration program, introduced since the colonialism period, and it has been a major factor in the linguistic variety of Toraja languages.
A prominent attribute of Toraja language is the notion of grief. The importance of death ceremony in Toraja culture has characterised their languages to express intricate degrees of grief and mourning. The Toraja language contains many terms referring to sadness, longing, depression, and mental pain. Giving a clear expression of the psychological and physical effect of loss is a catharsis and sometimes lessens the pain of grief itself.
ECONOMY
Prior to Suharto's "New Order" administration, the Torajan economy was based on agriculture, with cultivated wet rice in terraced fields on mountain slopes, and supplemental cassava and maize crops. Much time and energy were devoted to raising water buffalo, pigs, and chickens, primarily for ceremonial sacrifices and consumption. Coffee was the first significant cash crop produced in Toraja, and was introduced in the mid 19th century, changing the local economy towards commodity production for external markets and gaining an excellent reputation for quality in the international market.
With the commencement of the New Order in 1965, Indonesia's economy developed and opened to foreign investment. In Toraja, a coffee plantation and factory was established by Key Coffee of Japan, and Torajan coffee regained a reputation for quality within the growing international specialty coffee sector Multinational oil and mining companies opened new operations in Indonesia during the 1970s and 1980s. Torajans, particularly younger ones, relocated to work for the foreign companies—to Kalimantan for timber and oil, to Papua for mining, to the cities of Sulawesi and Java, and many went to Malaysia. The out-migration of Torajans was steady until 1985. and has continued since, with remittances sent back by emigre Torajans performing an important role within the contemporary economy.
Tourism commenced in Toraja in the 1970s, and accelerated in the 1980s and 1990s. Between 1984 and 1997, a significant number of Torajans obtained their incomes from tourism, working in and owning hotels, as tour guides, drivers, or selling souvenirs. With the rise of political and economic instability in Indonesia in the late 1990s—including religious conflicts elsewhere on Sulawesi—tourism in Tana Toraja has declined dramatically. Toraja continues to be a well known origin for Indonesian coffee, grown by both smallholders and plantation estates, although migration, remittances and off-farm income is considered far more important to most households, even those in rural areas.
TOURISM AND CULTURAL CHANGE
Before the 1970s, Toraja was almost unknown to Western tourism. In 1971, about 50 Europeans visited Tana Toraja. In 1972, at least 400 visitors attended the funeral ritual of Puang of Sangalla, the highest-ranking nobleman in Tana Toraja and the so-called "last pure-blooded Toraja noble." The event was documented by National Geographic and broadcast in several European countries. In 1976, about 12,000 tourists visited the regency and in 1981, Torajan sculpture was exhibited in major North American museums. "The land of the heavenly kings of Tana Toraja", as written in the exhibition brochure, embraced the outside world.
In 1984, the Indonesian Ministry of Tourism declared Tana Toraja Regency the prima donna of South Sulawesi. Tana Toraja was heralded as "the second stop after Bali". Tourism was increasing dramatically: by 1985, a total number of 150,000 foreigners had visited the Regency (in addition to 80,000 domestic tourists), and the annual number of foreign visitors was recorded at 40,000 in 1989. Souvenir stands appeared in Rantepao, the cultural center of Toraja, roads were sealed at the most-visited tourist sites, new hotels and tourist-oriented restaurants were opened, and an airstrip was opened in the Regency in 1981.
Tourism developers have marketed Tana Toraja as an exotic adventure—an area rich in culture and off the beaten track. Western tourists expected to see stone-age villages and pagan funerals. Toraja is for tourists who have gone as far as Bali and are willing to see more of the wild, "untouched" islands. However, they were more likely to see a Torajan wearing a hat and denim, living in a Christian society. Tourists felt that the tongkonan and other Torajan rituals had been preconceived to make profits, and complained that the destination was too commercialised. This has resulted in several clashes between Torajans and tourism developers, whom Torajans see as outsiders.
A clash between local Torajan leaders and the South Sulawesi provincial government (as a tourist developer) broke out in 1985. The government designated 18 Toraja villages and burial sites as traditional tourist attractions. Consequently, zoning restrictions were applied to these areas, such that Torajans themselves were barred from changing their tongkonans and burial sites. The plan was opposed by some Torajan leaders, as they felt that their rituals and traditions were being determined by outsiders. As a result, in 1987, the Torajan village of Kété Kesú and several other designated tourist attractions closed their doors to tourists. This closure lasted only a few days, as the villagers found it too difficult to survive without the income from selling souvenirs.
Tourism has also transformed Toraja society. Originally, there was a ritual which allowed commoners to marry nobles (puang) and thereby gain nobility for their children. However, the image of Torajan society created for the tourists, often by "lower-ranking" guides, has eroded its traditional strict hierarchy. High status is not as esteemed in Tana Toraja as it once was. Many low-ranking men can declare themselves and their children nobles by gaining enough wealth through work outside the region and then marrying a noble woman.
WIKIPEDIA
Finally uploading some analog goodness after a couple months absence. This Fomapan 400 shot in my Pentax K1000 went though a cycle in my dishwasher (cool dry) and then was developed in HC-110.
Title: Exploitation Poster Art.
Author: Tony Nourmand & Graham Marsh (Editors).
Publisher: Aurum Books.
Date: 2005.
Artist:
Exploitant : Transdev TVO
Réseau : R'Bus (Argenteuil)
Ligne : 7
Lieu : Gare d'Argenteuil (Argenteuil, F-95)
Lien TC Infos : tc-infos.fr/id/35161
These photos of natural gas drilling were taken in August, 2009 by Attorney Helen Slottje, for www.shaleshock.org
Officers present their findings following a group discussion undertaken during a workshop by AMISOM to sensitize its Officers on sexual exploitation and Abuse held on 30th January 2014. AU UN IST PHOTO/David Mutua
ROMA ARCHEOLOGIA e RESTAURO ARCHITETTURA 2020: Adriano La Regina, "The grandest archaeological project since Mussolini’s time has required a special, bureaucracy-defeating agreement.' The Art Newspaper # 86 (November 1998); "In 1993 Rome’s town council began preparing for the Millennium. The debate has been over how much to alter Mussolini’s propagandistic exploitation of imperial remains." The Art Newspaper. # 71 (June 1997) & Via dei Fori Imperiali, dalla pedonalizzazione al sogno: «Smantelliamo quella strada». Reporter Nuovo (Apr 11, 2017). wp.me/pbMWvy-if
1). ROME - The grandest archaeological project since Mussolini’s time has required a special, bureaucracy-defeating agreement
Where archaeology becomes power. The Art Newspaper 86 (November 1998).
It is a mark of the persuasiveness of the deputy prime minister in the last Italian government, Walter Veltroni, who also doubled as the nation’s minister of culture, that the grandest archaeological project to be undertaken in Italy in the last fifty years is passing virtually without sniping in mainstream newspapers and is being hailed by the specialist press with a range of superlatives unseen since Mussolini effectively enforced censorship of the nation’s newspapers.
The most politically sensitive archaeological area in Italy, the excavated ancient fora, which occupy a vast sector of central Rome, is now being overhauled.
In antiquity the fora served as the political and administrative centres of Republican and then imperial power. With the fall of empire, the fora were abandoned and largely built over until Mussolini undertook a vast programme of excavation in 1932.
First, he relegated hundreds of inhabitants to the outskirts of the city; then he personally supervised the demolition of all the residential buildings and churches that stood in the way.
An army of archaeologists was mobilised to resurrect the vestiges of Rome’s greatness. Working day and night they uncovered more of ancient Rome than the world of post-antiquity had ever seen. But in 1932 two-thirds of the newly excavated remains were submerged in cement by Mussolini’s Via dell’Impero which connects Piazza Venezia, the centre of Fascist administration where Mussolini had his offices, with the Colosseum. The Via dell’Impero was used to stage spectacular processions of Fascist soldiers against the backdrop of Roman ruins, labouring the continuity between the military might of ancient and modern Rome.
No other archaeological project has been so hotly contested in Italy in the last twenty years as the question of what to do with the ancient fora. Archaeologists have persistently called for the demolition of Mussolini’s road, renamed the Via dei Fori Imperiali after World War II. It slashes diagonally through the right-angle arrangement of the fora, making the excavated remains at its fringes difficult to interpret. But the road carries much of central Rome’s traffic which makes its demolition virtually impossible.
Proposals floated in the Eighties to excavate the vast unexplored areas on the fringes of the Via dei Fori Imperiali were rejected or endorsed by politicians according to their allegiances. Francesco Rutelli, Mayor of Rome for the last five years, has been an enthusiastic supporter of excavations, but until last year his plans have been scuppered by political opponents.
Excavations are now underway to connect the ancient remains on either side of Mussolini’s road, as part of Italy’s plans for the Jubilee in the year 2000 (The Art Newspaper, No.81, May 1998, pp.34-36). The road itself was built on a sequence of arches which support its weight. If all goes according to plan, by the year 2000 these underlying arches will be excavated and will remain exposed, turning the Via dei Fori Imperiali into an elevated structure resembling an ancient aqueduct. Visitors will then be able to walk through the arches underneath the road as they visit the vast archaeological park that is to be created.
Extensive excavations are underway at Caesar’s Forum where an extra third is to be excavated by 2000. The visible area around the Temple of Peace will increase sevenfold, while an extra 50% of Trajan’s Markets will come to light.
By autumn 1999, an archaeological pathway will lead visitors to the recently uncovered monuments and sites. The main entrances to this pathway will be created at Trajan’s Markets and at the Clivius Argentarium, the Roman road which ran between the Capitol and the Quirinal Hills.
The remains of the Basilica Ulpia, where the Romans administered justice, are to have their own museum built around them. The cellars of medieval buildings and ancient water pipes, unearthed during recent excavations, will be used as underground pedestrian routes between Trajan’s Forum and Caesar’s Forum. The latter is to be re-connected to Nerva’s Forum through the cellars of medieval buildings and a stretch of the Cloaca Massima, the Republican drainage system which served a great portion of the city.
The planned network of pedestrian routes may change as work proceeds. It will probably be on several levels, some at street level, others underground. Via Alessandrina, all that remains of the sixteenth-century centre dismantled during the Fascist period, will eventually be demolished. An international competition may be launched for the reorganisation of some areas.
To prepare for the two million annual visitors expected, information points are to be built along the pedestrian paths as part of a larger multimedia information system.
This vast urban excavation project, which entails the almost total reconstitution of the ancient city in a modern setting, would never have been possible if the bureaucratic obstruction that turns many a public project in Italy into a Herculean task had not been bypassed. The situation in this case might be aggravated by the shared jurisdiction over the area between the government and the city of Rome. An agreement is now being drawn up between the leaders of the various bodies responsible for the project: the Soprintendente, Adriano la Regina; his colleague from the City of Rome, Eugenio La Rocca, and Mario Serio from the ministry of culture. The agreement is designed to simplify the decision-making process and to guarantee sustained funding for the project. The first phase of the project is expected to cost L19 billion (£6.8 million; $11.5 million).
Fonte / source:
--- The Art Newspaper 86 (November 1998).
www.theartnewspaper.com/archive/the-archaeology-of-power
2). ROME - In 1993 Rome’s town council began preparing for the Millennium. The debate has been over how much to alter Mussolini’s propagandistic exploitation of imperial remains. The Art Newspaper 71 (June 1998).
ROME - Almost 2,000 years ago, the first Roman emperor, Augustus, proclaimed his power through an impressive building programme designed to transform his capital from “brick into marble”.
In the 1930s, Mussolini grasped the propaganda potential of Rome’s imperial architecture in a huge archaeological programme that had less to do with the recovery and preservation of antiquity than with fostering an apparent continuity between the imperial city and Fascist Rome.
Now, the mayor of Rome, Francesco Rutelli, and his Partito Democratico della Sinistra (Democratic Party of the Left) council, have endorsed a major scheme in the run-up to the Millennium that will go a long way towards erasing Mussolini’s mark on the city.
In a project that has been described by its supervisor, Professor Eugenio La Rocca, as “every archaeologist’s dream”, the imperial fora of Augustus, Vespasian, Nerva and Trajan, built in antiquity to serve as the political and commercial heart of the city, are to be excavated as far as is possible without disrupting the modern city. Ongoing excavations on the Forum of Nerva have already yielded rich finds from every era of the city’s history.
At the turn of the century, the archaeologist Corrado Ricci focused on the visible parts of Trajan’s Markets, the Forum of Augustus and a small area of the Forum of Nerva, all of them partially visible in the courtyards and cellars of a sixteenth-century residential area. At that time archaeological excavation was not contemplated because the area was densely populated.
Enter Mussolini and his team of archaeologists in 1931. In his eagerness to excavate the fora, three churches, eleven streets, and a hill of Renaissance villas and gardens, were demolished.
Having excavated the imperial fora, Mussolini covered two-thirds of the remains under a thirty-metre wide coat of asphalt to create the Via dell’Impero (today known as the Via dei Fori Imperiali). The street connects the Colosseum—the monument that popular imagination most associates with imperial Rome—to Piazza Venezia, the administrative and ritual heart of Fascist Italy, where Mussolini had his headquarters. On this road, against the backdrop of imperial ruins, isolated from their surroundings and framed by empty space, spectacular processions of Fascist soldiers laboured the connection between Italy’s imperial heritage and its Fascist rulers.
Excavation of the fora has been debated for the last fifteen years, with political ideologies often dictating archaeological proposals. Some advocated the total demolition of Mussolini’s Via dei Fori Imperiali, but in Dr La Rocca’s opinion this would have brought Rome’s traffic to a standstill and it was preferred instead to excavate the empty space framing the monuments to either side of Mussolini’s great road. Archaeological walkways will lead the public through the ruins and new museums will display discovered material.
The work is part of the mayor’s “Capital Rome” project launched in 1993 in run up to the Millennium. L19 billion (£6.9 million; $10.9 million) of the L30 billion (£10.8 million; $17.4 million) to be spent on the project were released in February.
The Ara Pacis: out goes Facism, in comes Richard Meier
If the necessary funds are made available, Millennium preparations will include new housing for the Ara Pacis Augustae. Richard Meier, the American architect whose work includes the Museum of Contemporary Art in Barcelona and who is also working on the new Getty complex, was asked to submit designs for a new structure to enclose the monument. The Ara Pacis—the altar of piece—is a marble altar dedicated in 9 BC by Augustus, to celebrate the peace following his victory at Actium in 31 BC. The walls are decorated in high relief with scenes illustrating the founding of Rome and the rise of the Julio-Claudian dynasty. In 1938 a new technique that permitted freezing the soil of the marshy site was employed to recover all possible fragments and the monument was reassembled. It was enclosed in a larger structure made of concrete and glass on the outer walls of which Mussolini chose to inscribe the Res Gestae . The Res Gestae—an autobiographical account of Augustus’s achievements as emperor, including detailed description of his building projects—was translated, exported and inscribed on temple walls throughout the Roman empire. For Mussolini it became the sacred precedent of Italian imperialism and justification for his dreams of a new Italian Empire. Pending the allocation of funds, the Fascist building is to be replaced by a new structure large enough to house a small museum.
Fonte / source:
--- The Art Newspaper 71 (June 1998).
www.theartnewspaper.com/archive/the-archaeology-of-power
3). ROMA - Via dei Fori Imperiali, dalla pedonalizzazione al sogno: «Smantelliamo quella strada».
Reporter Nuovo / You-tube (Apr 11, 2017).
Adriano La Regina, ex soprintendente ai beni culturali di Roma, rilancia l'idea di rimuovere la strada voluta da Mussolini e creare il parco archeologico più grande al mondo. L'ex sindaco Marino: «Siano gli archeologi a valutare il progetto»
Fonte / source:
--- Reporter Nuovo / You-tube (Apr 11, 2017).
www.youtube.com/watch?v=0k5h6CRiGwg
Additional photographs in:
--- "Roma e le automobili (1975)," In questa serie di fotografie troviamo alcune istantanee che ci mostrano la presenza di automobili nelle principali piazze e vie, ma anche luoghi iconici e meravigliosi della capitale. ROMA IERI OGGI (05/2020).
Zeshan Abdul-Shakoor, 13 years old, walks on the wall of Lahore fort in Lahore city the capital of Punjab province, Pakistan. Lives in a shelter in Lahore with up to 20 other children. His basic needs are met, but he faces a sometimes-abusive environment and he doesn't like it there. He currently works at a billiard parlour for up to 12 hours a day, earning just over 50 cents a day. Customers sometimes verbally abuse him. He went to live with relatives on the death of his father and later ended up on the streets. On the streets, Zeshan has faced abuse and exploitation.One of the highlights for Zeshan was attending a UNICEF-supported Child Protection Centre last year, where the staff was caring and compassionate, and he learned valuable life skills and had a chance to be a child. Unfortunately the centre had to close due to lack of funding.Zeshan is not happy with his life and would like to be back with his family and living in a better environment. Zeshan is not currently going to school, but liked going to school.
For more information about 'The State of the World's Children 2012: Children in an Urban World' please visit www.unicef.org/sowc/index_61804.html
09 February 2012
© UNICEF Pakistan/2011/Asad Zaidi
To learn more:
www.facebook.com/unicefpakistan
Exploitant : Transdev TVO
Réseau : R'Bus (Argenteuil)
Lieu : Centre Opérationnel Bus d'Argenteuil (Argenteuil, F-95)
Lien TC Infos : tc-infos.fr/id/23629
Dernière exploitation en gare du Luxembourg au environ du 15 juillet 2018 par le passage de la caténaire en 25 K volts Alternatif.
lb.wikipedia.org/wiki/Automotrice_AM_96_SNCB
Traduction Fr.
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Matériel roulant de la SNCB
The Troops of Tomorrow album sleeve and Exploited logo painted in acrylic paint. The bottom panel was far from symmetrical so the logo was painted on to balance the whole of the jacket, not just that panel. See more at www.paintedleatherjackets.com