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These photos of natural gas drilling were taken in August, 2009 by Attorney Helen Slottje, for www.shaleshock.org
Wales must exploit more EU funding opportunities – says National Assembly committee
Bilingual drama series Hinterland/Y Gwyll is an excellent example of how Wales can benefit from EU funding opportunities – according to the National Assembly’s Enterprise and Business Committee.
The Committee has conducted an inquiry examining a range of funding streams available to Wales for 2014-2020, building on the Committee’s previous work on Structural Funding and the EU’s new research programme Horizon 2020.
There is currently around €42billion (£33billion) available across the EU through initiatives such as Erasmus+, INTERREG, Creative Europe, and Connecting Europe. The Committee was keen to see how much priority is given to making the most of these opportunities in Wales by the Welsh Government and other organisations.
It concluded that Wales’s creative sector is leading the way in unlocking European funds, while there is also evidence that some parts of the Welsh higher and further education sectors are also performing well in accessing funding. Yet these are exceptions rather than the rule.
The Committee concluded that the over-emphasis on Structural Funds and Rural Development Programmes in Wales means that the significant opportunities provided by other funding programmes haven’t been properly realised.
The Committee heard that Scotland and Ireland have a much more joined-up strategic approach to applying for such funds and wants to see a coherent strategy for all EU policy and funding programmes, which can maximise engagement from Wales and create synergy with Welsh Government priorities and initiatives.
The Committee has also called for the establishment of an ‘EU funding champion’ to drive delivery and implementation of the Welsh Government’s new EU strategy.
Rhaid i Gymru fanteisio mwy ar gyfleoedd cyllid yr UE - yn ôl pwyllgor yn y Cynulliad Cenedlaethol
Mae'r gyfres ddrama ddwyieithog Y Gwyll/Hinterland yn enghraifft wych o'r modd y gall Cymru elwa ar gyfleoedd cyllid yr UE - yn ôl Pwyllgor Menter a Busnes y Cynulliad Cenedlaethol.
Mae'r Pwyllgor wedi cynnal ymchwiliad i'r ffrydiau ariannu sydd ar gael i Gymru ar gyfer 2014-20, a hynny ar sail ei waith blaenorol ar ariannu strwythurol a Horizon 2020, sef rhaglen ymchwil newydd yr UE .
Mae tua €42 biliwn (£33 biliwn) ar gael drwy'r UE drwy fentrau fel Erasmus+, INTERREG, Ewrop Greadigol, a Chyfleuster Cysylltu Ewrop, felly roedd y Pwyllgor yn awyddus i weld i ba raddau y mae gwneud y gorau o'r cyfleodd hyn yn flaenoriaeth i Lywodraeth Cymru a sefydliadau eraill.
Casglodd y Pwyllgor Menter a Busnes mai sector creadigol Cymru sy'n arwain y ffordd o ran rhyddhau cronfeydd Ewropeaidd, ond mae tystiolaeth hefyd bod rhannau o'r sector addysg uwch a’r sector addysg bellach yn perfformio'n dda o ran cael mynediad at gyllid. Mae'r enghreifftiau hyn yn eithriad i'r rheol, sut bynnag.
Daeth y Pwyllgor i'r casgliad bod pwysleisio'n ormodol ar Gronfeydd Strwythurol a Rhaglenni Datblygu Gwledig yng Nghymru yn golygu nad yw'r cyfleoedd sylweddol y mae rhaglenni ariannu eraill yn eu cynnig wedi cael eu gwireddu'n iawn.
Clywodd y Pwyllgor fod dulliau’r Alban ac Iwerddon ar gyfer gwneud cais am gyllid o'r fath yn llawer mwy strategol a chydlynol.
Felly, mae'r Pwyllgor am weld strategaeth gydlynol ar gyfer holl raglenni polisi a chyllid yr UE er mwyn gwneud y gorau o ymgysylltu o du Cymru ac i greu synergedd â blaenoriaethau a mentrau Llywodraeth Cymru.
Mae'r Pwyllgor hefyd wedi galw am i 'hyrwyddwr cyllid yr UE' gael ei sefydlu er mwyn gyrru strategaeth newydd Llywodraeth Cymru ar gyfer yr UE o ran ei chyflawni a’i gweithredu
. . . 2. 3. 2007 - this is the first day of a funeral ceremony in Bori for a High Class Woman. She died on 18. 1. 2007 at the age of 85 years. The ceremony will last for one week. Today we will see the showing of the water buffalos, pigs, cow, horse, deer and chicken. All these animals are offered to be the servants of the died woman in her new life after death in Puya. We will see buffalo fighting. Men bet for the winner of those fightings. Two buffalos fight each other - the one running away lost the fight!
If you wonder why the quality of the pictures is a little less: these are no photographs - it all are snapshots of my videos! So sorry for the less resolution, but I think, they are worth to be shown.
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The Toraja are an ethnic group indigenous to a mountainous region of South Sulawesi, Indonesia. Their population is approximately 1,100,000, of whom 450,000 live in the regency of Tana Toraja ("Land of Toraja"). Most of the population is Christian, and others are Muslim or have local animist beliefs known as aluk ("the way"). The Indonesian government has recognized this animist belief as Aluk To Dolo ("Way of the Ancestors").
The word toraja comes from the Bugis Buginese language term to riaja, meaning "people of the uplands". The Dutch colonial government named the people Toraja in 1909. Torajans are renowned for their elaborate funeral rites, burial sites carved into rocky cliffs, massive peaked-roof traditional houses known as tongkonan, and colorful wood carvings. Toraja funeral rites are important social events, usually attended by hundreds of people and lasting for several days.
Before the 20th century, Torajans lived in autonomous villages, where they practised animism and were relatively untouched by the outside world. In the early 1900s, Dutch missionaries first worked to convert Torajan highlanders to Christianity. When the Tana Toraja regency was further opened to the outside world in the 1970s, it became an icon of tourism in Indonesia: it was exploited by tourism developers and studied by anthropologists. By the 1990s, when tourism peaked, Toraja society had changed significantly, from an agrarian model - in which social life and customs were outgrowths of the Aluk To Dolo - to a largely Christian society. Today, tourism and remittances from migrant Torajans have made for major changes in the Toraja highland, giving the Toraja a celebrity status within Indonesia and enhancing Toraja ethnic group pride.
ETHNIC IDENTITY
The Torajan people had little notion of themselves as a distinct ethnic group before the 20th century. Before Dutch colonization and Christianization, Torajans, who lived in highland areas, identified with their villages and did not share a broad sense of identity. Although complexes of rituals created linkages between highland villages, there were variations in dialects, differences in social hierarchies, and an array of ritual practices in the Sulawesi highland region. "Toraja" (from the coastal languages' to, meaning people; and riaja, uplands) was first used as a lowlander expression for highlanders. As a result, "Toraja" initially had more currency with outsiders - such as the Bugis and Makassarese, who constitute a majority of the lowland of Sulawesi - than with insiders. The Dutch missionaries' presence in the highlands gave rise to the Toraja ethnic consciousness in the Sa'dan Toraja region, and this shared identity grew with the rise of tourism in the Tana Toraja Regency. Since then, South Sulawesi has four main ethnic groups - the Bugis (the majority, including shipbuilders and seafarers), the Makassarese (lowland traders and seafarers), the Mandarese (traders and fishermen), and the Toraja (highland rice cultivators).
HISTORY
From the 17th century, the Dutch established trade and political control on Sulawesi through the Dutch East Indies Company. Over two centuries, they ignored the mountainous area in the central Sulawesi, where Torajans lived, because access was difficult and it had little productive agricultural land. In the late 19th century, the Dutch became increasingly concerned about the spread of Islam in the south of Sulawesi, especially among the Makassarese and Bugis peoples. The Dutch saw the animist highlanders as potential Christians. In the 1920s, the Reformed Missionary Alliance of the Dutch Reformed Church began missionary work aided by the Dutch colonial government. In addition to introducing Christianity, the Dutch abolished slavery and imposed local taxes. A line was drawn around the Sa'dan area and called Tana Toraja ("the land of Toraja"). Tana Toraja was first a subdivision of the Luwu kingdom that had claimed the area. In 1946, the Dutch granted Tana Toraja a regentschap, and it was recognized in 1957 as one of the regencies of Indonesia.
Early Dutch missionaries faced strong opposition among Torajans, especially among the elite, because the abolition of their profitable slave trade had angered them. Some Torajans were forcibly relocated to the lowlands by the Dutch, where they could be more easily controlled. Taxes were kept high, undermining the wealth of the elites. Ultimately, the Dutch influence did not subdue Torajan culture, and only a few Torajans were converted. In 1950, only 10% of the population had converted to Christianity.
In the 1930s, Muslim lowlanders attacked the Torajans, resulting in widespread Christian conversion among those who sought to align themselves with the Dutch for political protection and to form a movement against the Bugis and Makassarese Muslims. Between 1951 and 1965 (following Indonesian independence), southern Sulawesi faced a turbulent period as the Darul Islam separatist movement fought for an Islamic state in Sulawesi. The 15 years of guerrilla warfare led to massive conversions to
CHRISTIANITY
Alignment with the Indonesian government, however, did not guarantee safety for the Torajans. In 1965, a presidential decree required every Indonesian citizen to belong to one of five officially recognized religions: Islam, Christianity (Protestantism and Catholicism), Hinduism, or Buddhism. The Torajan religious belief (aluk) was not legally recognized, and the Torajans raised their voices against the law. To make aluk accord with the law, it had to be accepted as part of one of the official religions. In 1969, Aluk To Dolo ("the way of ancestors") was legalized as a sect of Agama Hindu Dharma, the official name of Hinduism in Indonesia.
SOCIETY
There are three main types of affiliation in Toraja society: family, class and religion.
FAMILY AFFILIATION
Family is the primary social and political grouping in Torajan society. Each village is one extended family, the seat of which is the tongkonan, a traditional Torajan house. Each tongkonan has a name, which becomes the name of the village. The familial dons maintain village unity. Marriage between distant cousins (fourth cousins and beyond) is a common practice that strengthens kinship. Toraja society prohibits marriage between close cousins (up to and including the third cousin) - except for nobles, to prevent the dispersal of property. Kinship is actively reciprocal, meaning that the extended family helps each other farm, share buffalo rituals, and pay off debts.
Each person belongs to both the mother's and the father's families, the only bilateral family line in Indonesia. Children, therefore, inherit household affiliation from both mother and father, including land and even family debts. Children's names are given on the basis of kinship, and are usually chosen after dead relatives. Names of aunts, uncles and cousins are commonly referred to in the names of mothers, fathers and siblings.
Before the start of the formal administration of Toraja villages by the Tana Toraja Regency, each Toraja village was autonomous. In a more complex situation, in which one Toraja family could not handle their problems alone, several villages formed a group; sometimes, villages would unite against other villages. Relationship between families was expressed through blood, marriage, and shared ancestral houses (tongkonan), practically signed by the exchange of water buffalo and pigs on ritual occasions. Such exchanges not only built political and cultural ties between families but defined each person's place in a social hierarchy: who poured palm wine, who wrapped a corpse and prepared offerings, where each person could or could not sit, what dishes should be used or avoided, and even what piece of meat constituted one's share.
CLASS AFFILIATION
In early Toraja society, family relationships were tied closely to social class. There were three strata: nobles, commoners, and slaves (slavery was abolished in 1909 by the Dutch East Indies government). Class was inherited through the mother. It was taboo, therefore, to marry "down" with a woman of lower class. On the other hand, marrying a woman of higher class could improve the status of the next generation. The nobility's condescending attitude toward the commoners is still maintained today for reasons of family prestige.
Nobles, who were believed to be direct descendants of the descended person from heaven, lived in tongkonans, while commoners lived in less lavish houses (bamboo shacks called banua). Slaves lived in small huts, which had to be built around their owner's tongkonan. Commoners might marry anyone, but nobles preferred to marry in-family to maintain their status. Sometimes nobles married Bugis or Makassarese nobles. Commoners and slaves were prohibited from having death feasts. Despite close kinship and status inheritance, there was some social mobility, as marriage or change in wealth could affect an individuals status. Wealth was counted by the ownership of water buffaloes.
Slaves in Toraja society were family property. Sometimes Torajans decided to become slaves when they incurred a debt, pledging to work as payment. Slaves could be taken during wars, and slave trading was common. Slaves could buy their freedom, but their children still inherited slave status. Slaves were prohibited from wearing bronze or gold, carving their houses, eating from the same dishes as their owners, or having sex with free women - a crime punishable by death.
RELIGIOUS AFFILIATION
Toraja's indigenous belief system is polytheistic animism, called aluk, or "the way" (sometimes translated as "the law"). In the Toraja myth, the ancestors of Torajan people came down from heaven using stairs, which were then used by the Torajans as a communication medium with Puang Matua, the Creator. The cosmos, according to aluk, is divided into the upper world (heaven), the world of man (earth), and the underworld. At first, heaven and earth were married, then there was a darkness, a separation, and finally the light. Animals live in the underworld, which is represented by rectangular space enclosed by pillars, the earth is for mankind, and the heaven world is located above, covered with a saddle-shaped roof. Other Toraja gods include Pong Banggai di Rante (god of Earth), Indo' Ongon-Ongon (a goddess who can cause earthquakes), Pong Lalondong (god of death), and Indo' Belo Tumbang (goddess of medicine); there are many more.
The earthly authority, whose words and actions should be cleaved to both in life (agriculture) and death (funerals), is called to minaa (an aluk priest). Aluk is not just a belief system; it is a combination of law, religion, and habit. Aluk governs social life, agricultural practices, and ancestral rituals. The details of aluk may vary from one village to another. One common law is the requirement that death and life rituals be separated. Torajans believe that performing death rituals might ruin their corpses if combined with life rituals. The two rituals are equally important. During the time of the Dutch missionaries, Christian Torajans were prohibited from attending or performing life rituals, but were allowed to perform death rituals. Consequently, Toraja's death rituals are still practised today, while life rituals have diminished.
CULTURE
TONGKONAN
Tongkonan are the traditional Torajan ancestral houses. They stand high on wooden piles, topped with a layered split-bamboo roof shaped in a sweeping curved arc, and they are incised with red, black, and yellow detailed wood carvings on the exterior walls. The word "tongkonan" comes from the Torajan tongkon ("to sit").
Tongkonan are the center of Torajan social life. The rituals associated with the tongkonan are important expressions of Torajan spiritual life, and therefore all family members are impelled to participate, because symbolically the tongkonan represents links to their ancestors and to living and future kin. According to Torajan myth, the first tongkonan was built in heaven on four poles, with a roof made of Indian cloth. When the first Torajan ancestor descended to earth, he imitated the house and held a large ceremony.
The construction of a tongkonan is laborious work and is usually done with the help of the extended family. There are three types of tongkonan. The tongkonan layuk is the house of the highest authority, used as the "center of government". The tongkonan pekamberan belongs to the family members who have some authority in local traditions. Ordinary family members reside in the tongkonan batu. The exclusivity to the nobility of the tongkonan is diminishing as many Torajan commoners find lucrative employment in other parts of Indonesia. As they send back money to their families, they enable the construction of larger tongkonan.
WOOD CARVINGS
To express social and religious concepts, Torajans carve wood, calling it Pa'ssura (or "the writing"). Wood carvings are therefore Toraja's cultural manifestation.
Each carving receives a special name, and common motifs are animals and plants that symbolize some virtue. For example, water plants and animals, such as crabs, tadpoles and water weeds, are commonly found to symbolize fertility. In some areas noble elders claim these symbols refer to strength of noble family, but not everyone agrees. The overall meaning of groups of carved motifs on houses remains debated and tourism has further complicated these debates because some feel a uniform explanation must be presented to tourists. The image to the left shows an example of Torajan wood carving, consisting of 15 square panels. The center bottom panel represents buffalo or wealth, a wish for many buffaloes for the family. The center panel represents a knot and a box, a hope that all of the family's offspring will be happy and live in harmony, like goods kept safe in a box. The top left and top right squares represent an aquatic animal, indicating the need for fast and hard work, just like moving on the surface of water. It also represents the need for a certain skill to produce good results.
Regularity and order are common features in Toraja wood carving (see table below), as well as abstracts and geometrical designs. Nature is frequently used as the basis of Toraja's ornaments, because nature is full of abstractions and geometries with regularities and ordering. Toraja's ornaments have been studied in ethnomathematics to reveal their mathematical structure, but Torajans base this art only on approximations. To create an ornament, bamboo sticks are used as a geometrical tool.
FUNERAL RITES
In Toraja society, the funeral ritual is the most elaborate and expensive event. The richer and more powerful the individual, the more expensive is the funeral. In the aluk religion, only nobles have the right to have an extensive death feast. The death feast of a nobleman is usually attended by thousands and lasts for several days. A ceremonial site, called rante, is usually prepared in a large, grassy field where shelters for audiences, rice barns, and other ceremonial funeral structures are specially made by the deceased family. Flute music, funeral chants, songs and poems, and crying and wailing are traditional Toraja expressions of grief with the exceptions of funerals for young children, and poor, low-status adults.
The ceremony is often held weeks, months, or years after the death so that the deceased's family can raise the significant funds needed to cover funeral expenses. Torajans traditionally believe that death is not a sudden, abrupt event, but a gradual process toward Puya (the land of souls, or afterlife). During the waiting period, the body of the deceased is wrapped in several layers of cloth and kept under the tongkonan. The soul of the deceased is thought to linger around the village until the funeral ceremony is completed, after which it begins its journey to Puya.
Another component of the ritual is the slaughter of water buffalo. The more powerful the person who died, the more buffalo are slaughtered at the death feast. Buffalo carcasses, including their heads, are usually lined up on a field waiting for their owner, who is in the "sleeping stage". Torajans believe that the deceased will need the buffalo to make the journey and that they will be quicker to arrive at Puya if they have many buffalo. Slaughtering tens of water buffalo and hundreds of pigs using a machete is the climax of the elaborate death feast, with dancing and music and young boys who catch spurting blood in long bamboo tubes. Some of the slaughtered animals are given by guests as "gifts", which are carefully noted because they will be considered debts of the deceased's family. However, a cockfight, known as bulangan londong, is an integral part of the ceremony. As with the sacrifice of the buffalo and the pigs, the cockfight is considered sacred because it involves the spilling of blood on the earth. In particular, the tradition requires the sacrifice of at least three chickens. However, it is common for at least 25 pairs of chickens to be set against each other in the context of the ceremony.
There are three methods of burial: the coffin may be laid in a cave or in a carved stone grave, or hung on a cliff. It contains any possessions that the deceased will need in the afterlife. The wealthy are often buried in a stone grave carved out of a rocky cliff. The grave is usually expensive and takes a few months to complete. In some areas, a stone cave may be found that is large enough to accommodate a whole family. A wood-carved effigy, called Tau tau, is usually placed in the cave looking out over the land. The coffin of a baby or child may be hung from ropes on a cliff face or from a tree. This hanging grave usually lasts for years, until the ropes rot and the coffin falls to the ground.
In the ritual called Ma'Nene, that takes place each year in August, the bodies of the deceased are exhumed to be washed, groomed and dressed in new clothes. The mummies are then walked around the village.
DANCE AND MUSIC
Torajans perform dances on several occasions, most often during their elaborate funeral ceremonies. They dance to express their grief, and to honour and even cheer the deceased person because he is going to have a long journey in the afterlife. First, a group of men form a circle and sing a monotonous chant throughout the night to honour the deceased (a ritual called Ma'badong). This is considered by many Torajans to be the most important component of the funeral ceremony. On the second funeral day, the Ma'randing warrior dance is performed to praise the courage of the deceased during life. Several men perform the dance with a sword, a large shield made from buffalo skin, a helmet with a buffalo horn, and other ornamentation. The Ma'randing dance precedes a procession in which the deceased is carried from a rice barn to the rante, the site of the funeral ceremony. During the funeral, elder women perform the Ma'katia dance while singing a poetic song and wearing a long feathered costume. The Ma'akatia dance is performed to remind the audience of the generosity and loyalty of the deceased person. After the bloody ceremony of buffalo and pig slaughter, a group of boys and girls clap their hands while performing a cheerful dance called Ma'dondan.
As in other agricultural societies, Torajans dance and sing during harvest time. The Ma'bugi dance celebrates the thanksgiving event, and the Ma'gandangi dance is performed while Torajans are pounding rice. There are several war dances, such as the Manimbong dance performed by men, followed by the Ma'dandan dance performed by women. The aluk religion governs when and how Torajans dance. A dance called Ma'bua can be performed only once every 12 years. Ma'bua is a major Toraja ceremony in which priests wear a buffalo head and dance around a sacred tree.
A traditional musical instrument of the Toraja is a bamboo flute called a Pa'suling (suling is an Indonesian word for flute). This six-holed flute (not unique to the Toraja) is played at many dances, such as the thanksgiving dance Ma'bondensan, where the flute accompanies a group of shirtless, dancing men with long fingernails. The Toraja have indigenous musical instruments, such as the Pa'pelle (made from palm leaves) and the Pa'karombi (the Torajan version of a jaw harp). The Pa'pelle is played during harvest time and at house inauguration ceremonies.
LANGUAGE
The ethnic Toraja language is dominant in Tana Toraja with the main language as the Sa'dan Toraja. Although the national Indonesian language is the official language and is spoken in the community, all elementary schools in Tana Toraja teach Toraja language.Language varieties of Toraja, including Kalumpang, Mamasa, Tae' , Talondo' , Toala' , and Toraja-Sa'dan, belong to the Malayo-Polynesian language from the Austronesian family. At the outset, the isolated geographical nature of Tana Toraja formed many dialects between the Toraja languages themselves. After the formal administration of Tana Toraja, some Toraja dialects have been influenced by other languages through the transmigration program, introduced since the colonialism period, and it has been a major factor in the linguistic variety of Toraja languages. A prominent attribute of Toraja language is the notion of grief. The importance of death ceremony in Toraja culture has characterized their languages to express intricate degrees of grief and mourning. The Toraja language contains many terms referring to sadness, longing, depression, and mental pain. Giving a clear expression of the psychological and physical effect of loss is a catharsis and sometimes lessens the pain of grief itself.
ECONOMY
Prior to Suharto's "New Order" administration, the Torajan economy was based on agriculture, with cultivated wet rice in terraced fields on mountain slopes, and supplemental cassava and maize crops. Much time and energy were devoted to raising water buffalo, pigs, and chickens, primarily for ceremonial sacrifices and consumption. Coffee was the first significant cash crop produced in Toraja, and was introduced in the mid 19th century, changing the local economy towards commodity production for external markets and gaining an excellent reputation for quality in the international market .
With the commencement of the New Order in 1965, Indonesia's economy developed and opened to foreign investment. In Toraja, a coffee plantation and factory was established by Key Coffee of Japan, and Torajan coffee regained a reputation for quality within the growing international specialty coffee sector Multinational oil and mining companies opened new operations in Indonesia during the 1970s and 1980s. Torajans, particularly younger ones, relocated to work for the foreign companies - to Kalimantan for timber and oil, to Papua for mining, to the cities of Sulawesi and Java, and many went to Malaysia. The out-migration of Torajans was steady until 1985. and has continued since, with remittances sent back by emigre Torajans performing an important role within the contemporary economy.
Tourism commenced in Toraja in the 1970s, and accelerated in the 1980s and 1990s. Between 1984 and 1997, a significant number of Torajans obtained their incomes from tourism, working in and owning hotels, as tour guides, drivers, or selling souvenirs. With the rise of political and economic instability in Indonesia in the late 1990s - including religious conflicts elsewhere on Sulawesi - tourism in Tana Toraja has declined dramatically. Toraja continues to be a well known origin for Indonesian coffee, grown by both smallholders and plantation estates, although migration, remittances and off-farm income is considered far more important to most households, even those in rural areas.
TOURISM AND CULTURAL CHANGE
Before the 1970s, Toraja was almost unknown to Western tourism. In 1971, about 50 Europeans visited Tana Toraja. In 1972, at least 400 visitors attended the funeral ritual of Puang of Sangalla, the highest-ranking nobleman in Tana Toraja and the so-called "last pure-blooded Toraja noble." The event was documented by National Geographic and broadcast in several European countries. In 1976, about 12,000 tourists visited the regency and in 1981, Torajan sculpture was exhibited in major North American museums. "The land of the heavenly kings of Tana Toraja", as written in the exhibition brochure, embraced the outside world.
In 1984, the Indonesian Ministry of Tourism declared Tana Toraja Regency the prima donna of South Sulawesi. Tana Toraja was heralded as "the second stop after Bali". Tourism was increasing dramatically: by 1985, a total number of 150,000 foreigners had visited the Regency (in addition to 80,000 domestic tourists), and the annual number of foreign visitors was recorded at 40,000 in 1989. Souvenir stands appeared in Rantepao, the cultural center of Toraja, roads were sealed at the most-visited tourist sites, new hotels and tourist-oriented restaurants were opened, and an airstrip was opened in the Regency in 1981.
Tourism developers have marketed Tana Toraja as an exotic adventure - an area rich in culture and off the beaten track. Western tourists expected to see stone-age villages and pagan funerals. Toraja is for tourists who have gone as far as Bali and are willing to see more of the wild, "untouched" islands. However, they were more likely to see a Torajan wearing a hat and denim, living in a Christian society. Tourists felt that the tongkonan and other Torajan rituals had been preconceived to make profits, and complained that the destination was too commercialized. This has resulted in several clashes between Torajans and tourism developers, whom Torajans see as outsiders.
A clash between local Torajan leaders and the South Sulawesi provincial government (as a tourist developer) broke out in 1985. The government designated 18 Toraja villages and burial sites as traditional tourist attractions. Consequently, zoning restrictions were applied to these areas, such that Torajans themselves were barred from changing their tongkonans and burial sites. The plan was opposed by some Torajan leaders, as they felt that their rituals and traditions were being determined by outsiders. As a result, in 1987, the Torajan village of Kété Kesú and several other designated tourist attractions closed their doors to tourists. This closure lasted only a few days, as the villagers found it too difficult to survive without the income from selling souvenirs.
Tourism has also transformed Toraja society. Originally, there was a ritual which allowed commoners to marry nobles (puang) and thereby gain nobility for their children. However, the image of Torajan society created for the tourists, often by "lower-ranking" guides, has eroded its traditional strict hierarchy. High status is not as esteemed in Tana Toraja as it once was. Many low-ranking men can declare themselves and their children nobles by gaining enough wealth through work outside the region and then marrying a noble woman.
WIKIPEDIA
'The White House exploits the potential of new construction technologies to develop a new house-type – 'the suburban loft' – appropriate for modern living.
Large, open plan loft area containing kitchen, dining and living areas.'
www.scotlandshousingexpo.com/plot16.php
A real shame this - apparently the contractor used for both this and the other Graeme Massie design (Plot 21: Black House) went bust before the Expo opened... I think both homes could have been two of the most interesting on the site.
Composite image of all the properties.
OCÉANIEN 1884 – 1922
Afin d'assumer les dispositions de la convention de 1881 créant la ligne d'Australie et prévoyant un départ de Marseille toutes les 4 semaines, avec une vitesse d'exploitation de 13 nœuds et une réserve de deux nœuds aux essais, 7 paquebots furent construits à La Ciotat entre 1881 et 1884. NATAL – MELBOURNE – CALÉDONIEN – SYDNEY – SALAZIE – YARRA – OCÉANIEN. La coque à la même dimension que celle du SAGHALIEN (plans de Vésigné lancé le 25 juillet 1880 pour la ligne de Chine) mais la machine a 500cv de plus. Ils sont au départ, gréés en 3 mâts-barque, transformés ultérieurement en 3 mâts-goélette, ils perdront vergues et guis avant la guerre de 14 à laquelle il participera activement.
OCÉANIEN 7ème et dernier de la série du programme de 1881
1884 le 22 juin Lancé par Mr Risbec à La Ciotat
1885 en janvier – Livraison par le chantier de La Ciotat.
Paquebots à hélice et coque en fer, avec deux cheminées, gréé en 3 mâts-barque. Avec un avant droit et un long gaillard, roof arrière entre les 2èmes et 3ème mâts. Premier navire de la compagnie à ne plus avoir les porte-haubans sur la paroi verticale de la coque, ceux-ci étant fixés directement sur le pont.
CARACTÉRISTIQUES :
Longueur : 126,15 m entre pp 130,75m ht
Largeur : 12,06 m
Jauge brute : 4.162 tjb
Jauge nette : 2.081 Tn
Port en Lourd : 3.123 tonnes
Déplacement : 5.900 tonnes pour 6,30 m de tirant d'eau.
1885 Installation à La Ciotat d'un salon de musique.
1887 Installation d'un éclairage électrique à incandescence à La Ciotat. La dunette arrière est transformée en salon de musique.
PROPULSION :
Une machine à vapeur compound à 3 cylindres. HPØ 1,10m - MP Ø 1.53m- HP Ø 1.53m - Course 1.10m
8 chaudières cylindriques timbrées à 6 kg/cm²
Puissance : 3400 cv
Vitesse : 15.6 nœuds aux essais.
1890 – Transformations pour être éventuellement utilisé comme croiseur auxiliaire.
1895 – Machine triple expansion de 4000 cv avec 16 nœuds atteints aux essais. Enlèvement des vergues. La voilure passera de 965 m² à 572 m².
ÉQUIPAGE :
État-major : 11 officiers
Personnel : 185 hommes marins et ADSG
PASSAGERS :
1ères Classes 90 passagers
Sdes Classes 44 passagers
3èmes Classes 75 passagers
LIGNES DESSERVIES :
1885 le 14 janvier – Premier départ sur l'Australie avec le Cdt Didier en ligne régulière sur l'Australie. Il y restera jusqu'en 1892. NB (Le Dr Bois donne le 16 janvier comme date du 1er départ.) Marseille, Suez, Mahé des Seychelles, Réunion, Maurice, Australie, Nouvelle Calédonie
1892 à 1900 – Placé sur la ligne d'Extrême-Orient.
1900 à 1913 - Divers lignes suivant les besoins. Sur le Levant - 1902 sur La Plata puis de nouveau sur l'Extrême-Orient. Quelques voyages sur l'Australie.
1913-1914 – Sur la ligne de Madagascar.
1919 – Désarmé car très usé par un service de 34 années.
1922 – En février Vendu à Gênes il est démoli en Italie.
ÉVÉNEMENTS :
1861 le 1er Avril. - Paul Gauguin embarque à son bord pour se rendre à Nouméa via l'Australie le 12 mai 1891, puis embarque sur l'aviso VIRE pour Tahiti.
1886 en août – Essai de passage de nuit dans le canal de Suez avec un projecteur à incandescence à l'avant et deux projecteurs sur les flancs. Ces 2 projecteurs sont commandés de la passerelle. Il n'est pas le premier à passer de nuit SALAZIE étant le premier navire à transiter de nuit.
1901: Revenant d'Extrême-Orient il ramène le Général Voyron qui commandait l'expédition de Chine et le cercueil du prince Henri d'Orléans mort à Saïgon au cours d'un voyage d'exploration en Indochine.
1915 le 22 octobre : Embarque à Majunga l’État Major et la 3ème Cie du 1er Bataillon de Marche de Tirailleurs Malgaches, il arrivera à Bizerte le 14 novembre.
1916 Le 11 mai : Il embarque à Majunga les 500 hommes du 6ème régiment de marche Somalis, arrivée à Marseille le 5 juin
1917 le 29 mai - Voyage retour d'un convoi postal sur Madagascar, il fait route avec l’Empereur NICOLAS II, le YARRA escorté par le torpilleur ARBALÈTE, la canonnière DÉDAIGNEUSE et le HLMS LILY entre Port Saïd et Marseille le YARRA sera coulé par torpillage.
Greater Manchester is taking a stand against child sexual exploitation with a groundbreaking new campaign.
Greater Manchester Police, Police and Crime Commissioner Tony Lloyd, health organisations, the ten local authorities and the voluntary sector are working together to target perpetrators and to educate young people and their carers on the warning signs of child sexual exploitation and how to get help.
Today (Friday 19 September), a new website has been launched – www.itsnotokay.co.uk – which contains information for children, young people, parents, carers and professionals on how to spot the signs of child sex exploitation and what to do about it.
The launch of the It’s Not Okay campaign follows a week of action across Greater Manchester to tackle child sex exploitation; a week which consisted of education and empowerment of young people, but also the detection and disruption of CSE-related activity, which saw three warrants executed and 19 arrests made across the seven days.
High visibility patrols have taken place in Manchester City Centre and surrounding areas, with over two thousand children spoken to by specially trained officers. During these approaches the young people were advised about CSE and keeping themselves safe. Those who were identified as being vulnerable were taken to their home or a place of safety.
The rest of the week saw a number of inputs with professionals in the hospitality sector and other industries, as well as multi-agency visits to 'premises of interest' across Greater Manchester such as pubs, off licenses and takeaways.
A series of school visits and educational lessons have also taken place, with a mixture of officer inputs and a viewing of award-winning and thought-provoking CSE production ‘Somebody’s Sister, Somebody’s Daughter’ by GW Theatre.
Police and Crime Commissioner Tony Lloyd is also writing to every high school and college in Greater Manchester to make them aware of the campaign and urge them to act if they are worried about a young person.
Assistant Chief Constable Dawn Copley said:
“Tackling the sexual exploitation of children and young people is an absolute priority for Greater Manchester Police and its partners. Protecting children is everyone’s responsibility and it is crucial that we work together to identify and prosecute individuals who prey on vulnerable children.
“Historically mistakes have been made; however, we are more determined than ever to get it right. It is crucial that the children of Greater Manchester understand what child sexual exploitation is, to recognise when this happening to them, and that it is NOT okay. We want children to know that they will be believed and that we will do everything in our power to protect and help them.
“I want to reassure our communities that we have, and will continue to hunt out offenders who prey on some of the most vulnerable in our society and urge anyone with any information or concerns to come to us - we will take action."
Police and Crime Commissioner Tony Lloyd said:
“Child sexual exploitation is a scourge on our communities and we all have a responsibility to protect our children and young people. Despite the recent media coverage around this issue it is still a hidden problem and it’s common sense for all agencies to work together with communities to eradicate it.
“By raising awareness and educating people about the warning signs of child sex exploitation we can encourage people to speak out and all play a part in keeping our children safe.”
Mike Livingstone, Chair of Manchester Safeguarding Partnership, said:
"This is a massively important issue and we shouldn't be afraid to talk about it. Child sexual exploitation is child abuse and it ruins lives.
"Children at risk don't recognise local authority boundaries and abusers often deliberately manipulate these - so it's vital that we work together across local authority areas to tackle it.
“Through Project Phoenix we're determined to do everything we can at a regional level to educate, prevent, and ultimately protect young people from this most serious form of child abuse."
Gary Murray, Crimestoppers North West Regional Manager, said:
“The independent charity Crimestoppers are delighted to support this campaign. Each year we receive over 2,000 pieces of information with regard to sexual offences and we would encourage anyone with information to contact the charity anonymously on 0800 555 111.”
For more information on child sexual exploitation and who to contact if you have any concerns that a young person you know may be a victim of child sexual exploitation visit www.itsnotokay.co.uk.
You can also report it to Greater Manchester Police by calling 101 or call Crimestoppers anonymously on 0800 555 111. If someone is in immediate danger, dial 999.
Junk Jet n°1 wants to capture and transfer junk’s ambiguities indicating non-function, or at least bad-function implied in the nature of technology, and various forms of mis-use for aesthetic purposes. What could be the aesthetic (non-) function of junk within clean computational aesthetics of electronic media?
Therefore, relevant fields are all sorts of re-use, of wrong-use and non-use, and of tinkering (bricoler, basteln) of forms and found objects, of theories and (small) narratives, of fashions and styles, and of course of computers and other electronic devices. Junk Jet n°1 wants to explore do-it-yourself works of computer culture, accidental outcomes, deviant and normal aesthetic forms that result from misused media, subverted customary tools, and jammed common practices.
For this reason it has collected works from theorists, artists, architects, and musicians who treated in various forms counter use of electronic devices, or who produced counter works (and counter counter works) of counter aesthetics, tunneling mainstream (above all architects’, designers’, and artists’ stream) practices. Processes of deformation and variation are more important than linear chains of formulation and fixation. This includes works and concepts on collage (Holger Lund), on chance, cut up, bootleg and sampling (Jan Jelinek, Rank Sinatra, Mowblind), and on hybrid techniques (Nicole Sudhoff), all of them turning electronic devices, and other forms of computation into machines of indeterminacy. Open experiments in which someone or something may fail are of great importance: Through the lens of failure Junk Jet watches authority falter, methodologies crumble, tests getting tested – until they crash. Failure is regarded a means for confronting the seemingly fixed hierarchies implemented in technologies, but above all in procedures.
Junk Jet n°1 claims itself political, not in that it handles political topics, but in that it goes after medial techniques that show alternatives to the tautological and exploitative practices of our mass culture. Junk Jet n°1 wants to cultivate its anti heart by “introducing noise to signal”: by distorting the digital hype and collapsing the technological seduction, by subverting the computer, and exploring the aesthetics of noise and the beauty of collapse and crash – perhaps the crash of the beauty.
With noisy contributions by:
Kim Cascone, The Breadboard Band, Asli Serbest & Mona Mahall, Marc Wright & Tim Kaiser (girl.tv), Gerd De Bruyn, Susigames, Hisham Almannai, Nicole Pruckermayr, Holger Lund, Burak Arikan, Nicole Sudhoff, Pascal Glissmann & Martina Höfflin, Amy Alexander, Jaromil, Sebastian Schöpsdau, Farmers Manual, Martin Woodtli, Claus Pias, Olia Lialina, Moritz von Pein, Christine Berrie, Rank Sinatra, Sven Koenig, Dieter Kovacic (dieb13) & Oliver Stolz, The Breadboard Band, 2-5bz, Nobukazo Takemuro , Alex Tsitsigias, Peter Plessas, Kid Fellow, Sinebag, Jan Jelinek, Mowblind
Release Date: November 2007
ISSN: 1865-9357
Number of pages: 69
Measurements: 25 x 20 x 0.5 cm
Judith Harris, [Rome's] Warrior Archaeologists on the March [26.02.2009]). **
(Fonti / Source): www.i-italy.org/7355/warrior-archaeologists-march
Italy's Culture Minister Sandro Bondi announced that the government will appoint a special commissioner to deal with the country's "archaeological emergency". Looming in the background is privatization of archaeological sites and their exploitation...
ROME – At a crowded press conference in Rome Friday over one hundred angry archaeologists met to protest a government campaign denigrating popular sites like the Roman Fora, the Palatine Hill, Ostia Antica and Pompeii as dirty, dangerous and degraded. In addition, some opponents of the government plan are threatening symbolic sit-in’s that in theory could interrupt tourist visits to the most popular archaeological sites.
For months the media message about an archaeological emergency has been hammered away by the foreign as well as the local press (the New York Times, for one, picked up the story). Given the declared emergency, more recently Culture Minister Sandro Bondi announced that the government will appoint a special commissioner cum inspector and, with him, a new oversight committee, bypassing the present bureaucratic structure.
Given the extent of the proclaimed archaeological emergency, Bondi’s choice has fallen on the national director of Italy’s Civil Protection department, Guido Bertolaso, to guarantee the visitors’ pleasant and safe visits to the sites. Bertolaso is a former medical doctor whose normal responsibilities include dealing with earthquakes, forest fires and the still unresolved Naples rubbish emergency. Because Civil Protection falls under the bureaucratic bailiwick of the Council of Ministers, Bertolaso answers directly to Premier Silvio Berlusconi. If and when the proposals are formalized, Bertolaso would be flanked in Rome by a local Roman politician, Marco Corsini, who is city commissioner for urban affairs.
The reorganization would effectively whisk the country’s primary archaeological sites from control by their present directorates. Among the protesters were museum directors, professors, politicians, directors of cultural associations (Italia Nostra was one), the former editor-in-chief of Il Messagggero daily and a number of archaeocrats willing to risk their jobs to denounce what they called a manipulated “fictitious creation of an emergency.”
This is far more than a picturesque battle between soft-headed intellectuals and pointy-penciled politicoes. Parliamentarian Walter Tocci complained that when a hearing was to be held on the question, the government did not bother to show up. “There is no justification for appointing a special commissioner,” Tocci said. “There is no situation that would call for civil protection authorities to intervene. What’s going on is that they simply want to privatize the archaeological parks.”
Indeed, looming in the background is privatization of archaeological sites and their exploitation, which some observers see as the way forward and others, as heretical and in outright conflict with the Italian constitution; indeed plans are underway to take the issue to Italy’s high court, the Corte Costituzionale. In the worst possible case the reorgnization is the thin end of the wedge and could lead, in park areas, to construction projects, hotels, swimming pools, night clubs, and Disney-style theme parks. “The plan is in fact part of the spoils system,” one irate archaeologist claimed.On the other hand, the 72-year-old archaeologist Andrea Carandini, whom Bondi has already named to head the future oversight committee with Bertolaso and Corsini, is an ardent supporter of the emergency measures. Carandini says that climate change has made the Palatine Hill “fragile” and hence in need of swift emergency action which only the proposed joint city-state can guarantee. “Ancient Rome is a sinking ship,” Carandini told an Italian journalist, adding that the evidence is in the decline in tourist visits to the Roman Forum.
The protesters at the assembly were not buying Carandini’s nor Bondi’s arguments. For one thing, if tourism is down in the Roman Forum, it has risen drastically at Ostia Antica despite a general decline in tourism in Rome as in all Italy due in part to complex reasons, beginnning with the worldwide economic crisis. In addition, as one of the speakers Friday said, “The proposal risks de facto privatization.” Others spoke of the “pseudo-reforms” of recent years and the government’s hacking away of the Culture Ministry’s budget—and then denouncing the bureaucrats for not doing enough to maintain the sites.
Behind the scenes the scuttlebutt is that Minister Bondi will shortly leave the Culture Ministry to return to his old job of promoting the political party created by Berlusconi, Forza Italia. A possible successor: rightist Senator Gaetano Quagliarello, recently in the news for his protest that Eluana Englaro, the woman in a coma for seventeen years, was “killed” by the doctors who let her die earlier this month.
To learn more on both sides of this story, see the Carandini interview [1] and an article on the protest by Edoardo Sassi, Corriere della Sera, Feb. 21, 2009 [2].
At Patrimoniosos.it readers can sign a petition in English being circulated against the nomination of a “special inspector” for the Archaeological Sueprintendencies of Rome and Ostia.
[-- End of text --]
ENGLISH VERSION - APPEAL AGAINST THE NOMINATION OF A SPECIAL INSPECTOR FOR THE ARCHAEOLOGICAL SUPERINTENDENCIES OF ROME AND OSTIA. Posta della Redazione,
To support, click here:
www.firmiamo.it/nocommissariosoprintendenzeromaeostia
[Fonti / source: PatrimonioSos (21.02.2009) -
www.patrimoniosos.it/rsol.php?op=getarticle&id=52200
1). "Roma antica è una barca che affonda" Alain Elkann, interv. a Andrea Carandini, La Stampa 08/02/2009. - storiaromana.blogspot.com/2009/02/roma-antica-e-una-barca...
2.1). ROMA - La protesta degli archeologi «Il Commissario? Occupiamo il Colosseo» EDOARDO SASSI Corriere della Sera - ROMA - 2009-02-07 num: - pag: 16 [Fonti / source: PatrimonioSos] = www.patrimoniosos.it/rsol.php?op=getarticle&id=52165
2.2). ROMA - Protesta e assemblea: gli archeologi rifiutano il commissariamento. Edoardo Sassi, Corriere della Sera - ROMA - 2009-02-21. [Fonti / source: PatrimonioSos] = www.patrimoniosos.it/rsol.php?op=getarticle&id=52764
Please note the links in the original article by Mrs. Harris, are not working. I inserted them # [1] & [2].
_________
** = Judith Harris, Rome-based writer and lecturer, author of: "Pompeii Awakened, A Story of Rediscovery।" Pompeii Awakened, A Story of Rediscovery। Publisher: I।B। Tauris & C. Ltd., London, 2007.Judith Harris, Rome-based writer and lecturer (...), member of: 'Associazione della Stampa Estera' in Italia (Roma), freelance journalist and regular contributor to, among others, the London Evening News, Reuters news agency, Time magazine, and the Wall Street Journal. She has worked on special assignments for the London Observer, the New York Times, NBC TV and BBC TV, and for RAI radio she conducted a regular program on Italian culture for twenty-five years. Her articles on archaeology have appeared in Archaeology magazine, Archaeology Odyssey, and Biblical Archaeology and, on cultural and other topics, in Newsday, The New Republic, and, most recently, Italy italy, Internazionale and ARTnews."
Fonti / source: www.judith-harris.com/index.shtml
Exploitant : Transdev SETRA
Réseau : Mobilien
Ligne : 23
Lieu : Créteil – Préfecture du Val-de-Marne (Créteil, F-94)
Lien TC Infos : tc-infos.fr/id/34872
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Workers of PT Jaya Asiatic Shipyard work on the build site. Tanjung Uncan, Batam, Indonesia.
e7340
Mirza A.
December 2007
Photo © Mirza A. / ILO
More informations at : www.ilo.org
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This work is licensed under the Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial-NoDerivs 3.0 IGO License. To view a copy of this license, visit creative
The Institute for Government was delighted to welcome Stian Westlake and Jonathan Haskel to launch their book Capitalism without Capital: The Rise of the Intangible Economy.
The authors argued that major developed economies are investing in intangible assets – design, branding, R&D and software – rather than in tangible assets, such as machinery, buildings and computers. The growing importance of these intangible assets has played a role in some of the big economic changes of the last decade, from economic inequality to stagnating productivity.
Stian Westlake is the Policy Advisor to the Minister of State for Universities, Science, Research and Innovation, and a senior fellow of Nesta, the UK's national foundation for innovation.
Jonathan Haskel is Professor of Economics at Imperial College Business School, Imperial College London and Director of the Doctoral Programme at the School.
They were in conversation with Emma Norris, IfG Programme Director, and discussed these issues and what they mean for policymakers.
#IFGEconomy
Photos by Candice McKenzie
The Toraja are an ethnic group indigenous to a mountainous region of South Sulawesi, Indonesia. Their population is approximately 1,100,000, of whom 450,000 live in the regency of Tana Toraja ("Land of Toraja"). Most of the population is Christian, and others are Muslim or have local animist beliefs known as aluk ("the way"). The Indonesian government has recognized this animist belief as Aluk To Dolo ("Way of the Ancestors").
The word toraja comes from the Bugis Buginese language term to riaja, meaning "people of the uplands". The Dutch colonial government named the people Toraja in 1909. Torajans are renowned for their elaborate funeral rites, burial sites carved into rocky cliffs, massive peaked-roof traditional houses known as tongkonan, and colorful wood carvings. Toraja funeral rites are important social events, usually attended by hundreds of people and lasting for several days.
Before the 20th century, Torajans lived in autonomous villages, where they practised animism and were relatively untouched by the outside world. In the early 1900s, Dutch missionaries first worked to convert Torajan highlanders to Christianity. When the Tana Toraja regency was further opened to the outside world in the 1970s, it became an icon of tourism in Indonesia: it was exploited by tourism developers and studied by anthropologists. By the 1990s, when tourism peaked, Toraja society had changed significantly, from an agrarian model - in which social life and customs were outgrowths of the Aluk To Dolo - to a largely Christian society. Today, tourism and remittances from migrant Torajans have made for major changes in the Toraja highland, giving the Toraja a celebrity status within Indonesia and enhancing Toraja ethnic group pride.
ETHNIC IDENTITY
The Torajan people had little notion of themselves as a distinct ethnic group before the 20th century. Before Dutch colonization and Christianization, Torajans, who lived in highland areas, identified with their villages and did not share a broad sense of identity. Although complexes of rituals created linkages between highland villages, there were variations in dialects, differences in social hierarchies, and an array of ritual practices in the Sulawesi highland region. "Toraja" (from the coastal languages' to, meaning people; and riaja, uplands) was first used as a lowlander expression for highlanders. As a result, "Toraja" initially had more currency with outsiders - such as the Bugis and Makassarese, who constitute a majority of the lowland of Sulawesi - than with insiders. The Dutch missionaries' presence in the highlands gave rise to the Toraja ethnic consciousness in the Sa'dan Toraja region, and this shared identity grew with the rise of tourism in the Tana Toraja Regency. Since then, South Sulawesi has four main ethnic groups - the Bugis (the majority, including shipbuilders and seafarers), the Makassarese (lowland traders and seafarers), the Mandarese (traders and fishermen), and the Toraja (highland rice cultivators).
HISTORY
From the 17th century, the Dutch established trade and political control on Sulawesi through the Dutch East Indies Company. Over two centuries, they ignored the mountainous area in the central Sulawesi, where Torajans lived, because access was difficult and it had little productive agricultural land. In the late 19th century, the Dutch became increasingly concerned about the spread of Islam in the south of Sulawesi, especially among the Makassarese and Bugis peoples. The Dutch saw the animist highlanders as potential Christians. In the 1920s, the Reformed Missionary Alliance of the Dutch Reformed Church began missionary work aided by the Dutch colonial government. In addition to introducing Christianity, the Dutch abolished slavery and imposed local taxes. A line was drawn around the Sa'dan area and called Tana Toraja ("the land of Toraja"). Tana Toraja was first a subdivision of the Luwu kingdom that had claimed the area. In 1946, the Dutch granted Tana Toraja a regentschap, and it was recognized in 1957 as one of the regencies of Indonesia.
Early Dutch missionaries faced strong opposition among Torajans, especially among the elite, because the abolition of their profitable slave trade had angered them. Some Torajans were forcibly relocated to the lowlands by the Dutch, where they could be more easily controlled. Taxes were kept high, undermining the wealth of the elites. Ultimately, the Dutch influence did not subdue Torajan culture, and only a few Torajans were converted. In 1950, only 10% of the population had converted to Christianity.
In the 1930s, Muslim lowlanders attacked the Torajans, resulting in widespread Christian conversion among those who sought to align themselves with the Dutch for political protection and to form a movement against the Bugis and Makassarese Muslims. Between 1951 and 1965 (following Indonesian independence), southern Sulawesi faced a turbulent period as the Darul Islam separatist movement fought for an Islamic state in Sulawesi. The 15 years of guerrilla warfare led to massive conversions to
CHRISTIANITY
Alignment with the Indonesian government, however, did not guarantee safety for the Torajans. In 1965, a presidential decree required every Indonesian citizen to belong to one of five officially recognized religions: Islam, Christianity (Protestantism and Catholicism), Hinduism, or Buddhism. The Torajan religious belief (aluk) was not legally recognized, and the Torajans raised their voices against the law. To make aluk accord with the law, it had to be accepted as part of one of the official religions. In 1969, Aluk To Dolo ("the way of ancestors") was legalized as a sect of Agama Hindu Dharma, the official name of Hinduism in Indonesia.
SOCIETY
There are three main types of affiliation in Toraja society: family, class and religion.
FAMILY AFFILIATION
Family is the primary social and political grouping in Torajan society. Each village is one extended family, the seat of which is the tongkonan, a traditional Torajan house. Each tongkonan has a name, which becomes the name of the village. The familial dons maintain village unity. Marriage between distant cousins (fourth cousins and beyond) is a common practice that strengthens kinship. Toraja society prohibits marriage between close cousins (up to and including the third cousin) - except for nobles, to prevent the dispersal of property. Kinship is actively reciprocal, meaning that the extended family helps each other farm, share buffalo rituals, and pay off debts.
Each person belongs to both the mother's and the father's families, the only bilateral family line in Indonesia. Children, therefore, inherit household affiliation from both mother and father, including land and even family debts. Children's names are given on the basis of kinship, and are usually chosen after dead relatives. Names of aunts, uncles and cousins are commonly referred to in the names of mothers, fathers and siblings.
Before the start of the formal administration of Toraja villages by the Tana Toraja Regency, each Toraja village was autonomous. In a more complex situation, in which one Toraja family could not handle their problems alone, several villages formed a group; sometimes, villages would unite against other villages. Relationship between families was expressed through blood, marriage, and shared ancestral houses (tongkonan), practically signed by the exchange of water buffalo and pigs on ritual occasions. Such exchanges not only built political and cultural ties between families but defined each person's place in a social hierarchy: who poured palm wine, who wrapped a corpse and prepared offerings, where each person could or could not sit, what dishes should be used or avoided, and even what piece of meat constituted one's share.
CLASS AFFILIATION
In early Toraja society, family relationships were tied closely to social class. There were three strata: nobles, commoners, and slaves (slavery was abolished in 1909 by the Dutch East Indies government). Class was inherited through the mother. It was taboo, therefore, to marry "down" with a woman of lower class. On the other hand, marrying a woman of higher class could improve the status of the next generation. The nobility's condescending attitude toward the commoners is still maintained today for reasons of family prestige.
Nobles, who were believed to be direct descendants of the descended person from heaven, lived in tongkonans, while commoners lived in less lavish houses (bamboo shacks called banua). Slaves lived in small huts, which had to be built around their owner's tongkonan. Commoners might marry anyone, but nobles preferred to marry in-family to maintain their status. Sometimes nobles married Bugis or Makassarese nobles. Commoners and slaves were prohibited from having death feasts. Despite close kinship and status inheritance, there was some social mobility, as marriage or change in wealth could affect an individuals status. Wealth was counted by the ownership of water buffaloes.
Slaves in Toraja society were family property. Sometimes Torajans decided to become slaves when they incurred a debt, pledging to work as payment. Slaves could be taken during wars, and slave trading was common. Slaves could buy their freedom, but their children still inherited slave status. Slaves were prohibited from wearing bronze or gold, carving their houses, eating from the same dishes as their owners, or having sex with free women - a crime punishable by death.
RELIGIOUS AFFILIATION
Toraja's indigenous belief system is polytheistic animism, called aluk, or "the way" (sometimes translated as "the law"). In the Toraja myth, the ancestors of Torajan people came down from heaven using stairs, which were then used by the Torajans as a communication medium with Puang Matua, the Creator. The cosmos, according to aluk, is divided into the upper world (heaven), the world of man (earth), and the underworld. At first, heaven and earth were married, then there was a darkness, a separation, and finally the light. Animals live in the underworld, which is represented by rectangular space enclosed by pillars, the earth is for mankind, and the heaven world is located above, covered with a saddle-shaped roof. Other Toraja gods include Pong Banggai di Rante (god of Earth), Indo' Ongon-Ongon (a goddess who can cause earthquakes), Pong Lalondong (god of death), and Indo' Belo Tumbang (goddess of medicine); there are many more.
The earthly authority, whose words and actions should be cleaved to both in life (agriculture) and death (funerals), is called to minaa (an aluk priest). Aluk is not just a belief system; it is a combination of law, religion, and habit. Aluk governs social life, agricultural practices, and ancestral rituals. The details of aluk may vary from one village to another. One common law is the requirement that death and life rituals be separated. Torajans believe that performing death rituals might ruin their corpses if combined with life rituals. The two rituals are equally important. During the time of the Dutch missionaries, Christian Torajans were prohibited from attending or performing life rituals, but were allowed to perform death rituals. Consequently, Toraja's death rituals are still practised today, while life rituals have diminished.
CULTURE
TONGKONAN
Tongkonan are the traditional Torajan ancestral houses. They stand high on wooden piles, topped with a layered split-bamboo roof shaped in a sweeping curved arc, and they are incised with red, black, and yellow detailed wood carvings on the exterior walls. The word "tongkonan" comes from the Torajan tongkon ("to sit").
Tongkonan are the center of Torajan social life. The rituals associated with the tongkonan are important expressions of Torajan spiritual life, and therefore all family members are impelled to participate, because symbolically the tongkonan represents links to their ancestors and to living and future kin. According to Torajan myth, the first tongkonan was built in heaven on four poles, with a roof made of Indian cloth. When the first Torajan ancestor descended to earth, he imitated the house and held a large ceremony.
The construction of a tongkonan is laborious work and is usually done with the help of the extended family. There are three types of tongkonan. The tongkonan layuk is the house of the highest authority, used as the "center of government". The tongkonan pekamberan belongs to the family members who have some authority in local traditions. Ordinary family members reside in the tongkonan batu. The exclusivity to the nobility of the tongkonan is diminishing as many Torajan commoners find lucrative employment in other parts of Indonesia. As they send back money to their families, they enable the construction of larger tongkonan.
WOOD CARVINGS
To express social and religious concepts, Torajans carve wood, calling it Pa'ssura (or "the writing"). Wood carvings are therefore Toraja's cultural manifestation.
Each carving receives a special name, and common motifs are animals and plants that symbolize some virtue. For example, water plants and animals, such as crabs, tadpoles and water weeds, are commonly found to symbolize fertility. In some areas noble elders claim these symbols refer to strength of noble family, but not everyone agrees. The overall meaning of groups of carved motifs on houses remains debated and tourism has further complicated these debates because some feel a uniform explanation must be presented to tourists. The image to the left shows an example of Torajan wood carving, consisting of 15 square panels. The center bottom panel represents buffalo or wealth, a wish for many buffaloes for the family. The center panel represents a knot and a box, a hope that all of the family's offspring will be happy and live in harmony, like goods kept safe in a box. The top left and top right squares represent an aquatic animal, indicating the need for fast and hard work, just like moving on the surface of water. It also represents the need for a certain skill to produce good results.
Regularity and order are common features in Toraja wood carving (see table below), as well as abstracts and geometrical designs. Nature is frequently used as the basis of Toraja's ornaments, because nature is full of abstractions and geometries with regularities and ordering. Toraja's ornaments have been studied in ethnomathematics to reveal their mathematical structure, but Torajans base this art only on approximations. To create an ornament, bamboo sticks are used as a geometrical tool.
FUNERAL RITES
In Toraja society, the funeral ritual is the most elaborate and expensive event. The richer and more powerful the individual, the more expensive is the funeral. In the aluk religion, only nobles have the right to have an extensive death feast. The death feast of a nobleman is usually attended by thousands and lasts for several days. A ceremonial site, called rante, is usually prepared in a large, grassy field where shelters for audiences, rice barns, and other ceremonial funeral structures are specially made by the deceased family. Flute music, funeral chants, songs and poems, and crying and wailing are traditional Toraja expressions of grief with the exceptions of funerals for young children, and poor, low-status adults.
The ceremony is often held weeks, months, or years after the death so that the deceased's family can raise the significant funds needed to cover funeral expenses. Torajans traditionally believe that death is not a sudden, abrupt event, but a gradual process toward Puya (the land of souls, or afterlife). During the waiting period, the body of the deceased is wrapped in several layers of cloth and kept under the tongkonan. The soul of the deceased is thought to linger around the village until the funeral ceremony is completed, after which it begins its journey to Puya.
Another component of the ritual is the slaughter of water buffalo. The more powerful the person who died, the more buffalo are slaughtered at the death feast. Buffalo carcasses, including their heads, are usually lined up on a field waiting for their owner, who is in the "sleeping stage". Torajans believe that the deceased will need the buffalo to make the journey and that they will be quicker to arrive at Puya if they have many buffalo. Slaughtering tens of water buffalo and hundreds of pigs using a machete is the climax of the elaborate death feast, with dancing and music and young boys who catch spurting blood in long bamboo tubes. Some of the slaughtered animals are given by guests as "gifts", which are carefully noted because they will be considered debts of the deceased's family. However, a cockfight, known as bulangan londong, is an integral part of the ceremony. As with the sacrifice of the buffalo and the pigs, the cockfight is considered sacred because it involves the spilling of blood on the earth. In particular, the tradition requires the sacrifice of at least three chickens. However, it is common for at least 25 pairs of chickens to be set against each other in the context of the ceremony.
There are three methods of burial: the coffin may be laid in a cave or in a carved stone grave, or hung on a cliff. It contains any possessions that the deceased will need in the afterlife. The wealthy are often buried in a stone grave carved out of a rocky cliff. The grave is usually expensive and takes a few months to complete. In some areas, a stone cave may be found that is large enough to accommodate a whole family. A wood-carved effigy, called Tau tau, is usually placed in the cave looking out over the land. The coffin of a baby or child may be hung from ropes on a cliff face or from a tree. This hanging grave usually lasts for years, until the ropes rot and the coffin falls to the ground.
In the ritual called Ma'Nene, that takes place each year in August, the bodies of the deceased are exhumed to be washed, groomed and dressed in new clothes. The mummies are then walked around the village.
DANCE AND MUSIC
Torajans perform dances on several occasions, most often during their elaborate funeral ceremonies. They dance to express their grief, and to honour and even cheer the deceased person because he is going to have a long journey in the afterlife. First, a group of men form a circle and sing a monotonous chant throughout the night to honour the deceased (a ritual called Ma'badong). This is considered by many Torajans to be the most important component of the funeral ceremony. On the second funeral day, the Ma'randing warrior dance is performed to praise the courage of the deceased during life. Several men perform the dance with a sword, a large shield made from buffalo skin, a helmet with a buffalo horn, and other ornamentation. The Ma'randing dance precedes a procession in which the deceased is carried from a rice barn to the rante, the site of the funeral ceremony. During the funeral, elder women perform the Ma'katia dance while singing a poetic song and wearing a long feathered costume. The Ma'akatia dance is performed to remind the audience of the generosity and loyalty of the deceased person. After the bloody ceremony of buffalo and pig slaughter, a group of boys and girls clap their hands while performing a cheerful dance called Ma'dondan.
As in other agricultural societies, Torajans dance and sing during harvest time. The Ma'bugi dance celebrates the thanksgiving event, and the Ma'gandangi dance is performed while Torajans are pounding rice. There are several war dances, such as the Manimbong dance performed by men, followed by the Ma'dandan dance performed by women. The aluk religion governs when and how Torajans dance. A dance called Ma'bua can be performed only once every 12 years. Ma'bua is a major Toraja ceremony in which priests wear a buffalo head and dance around a sacred tree.
A traditional musical instrument of the Toraja is a bamboo flute called a Pa'suling (suling is an Indonesian word for flute). This six-holed flute (not unique to the Toraja) is played at many dances, such as the thanksgiving dance Ma'bondensan, where the flute accompanies a group of shirtless, dancing men with long fingernails. The Toraja have indigenous musical instruments, such as the Pa'pelle (made from palm leaves) and the Pa'karombi (the Torajan version of a jaw harp). The Pa'pelle is played during harvest time and at house inauguration ceremonies.
LANGUAGE
The ethnic Toraja language is dominant in Tana Toraja with the main language as the Sa'dan Toraja. Although the national Indonesian language is the official language and is spoken in the community, all elementary schools in Tana Toraja teach Toraja language.Language varieties of Toraja, including Kalumpang, Mamasa, Tae' , Talondo' , Toala' , and Toraja-Sa'dan, belong to the Malayo-Polynesian language from the Austronesian family. At the outset, the isolated geographical nature of Tana Toraja formed many dialects between the Toraja languages themselves. After the formal administration of Tana Toraja, some Toraja dialects have been influenced by other languages through the transmigration program, introduced since the colonialism period, and it has been a major factor in the linguistic variety of Toraja languages. A prominent attribute of Toraja language is the notion of grief. The importance of death ceremony in Toraja culture has characterized their languages to express intricate degrees of grief and mourning. The Toraja language contains many terms referring to sadness, longing, depression, and mental pain. Giving a clear expression of the psychological and physical effect of loss is a catharsis and sometimes lessens the pain of grief itself.
ECONOMY
Prior to Suharto's "New Order" administration, the Torajan economy was based on agriculture, with cultivated wet rice in terraced fields on mountain slopes, and supplemental cassava and maize crops. Much time and energy were devoted to raising water buffalo, pigs, and chickens, primarily for ceremonial sacrifices and consumption. Coffee was the first significant cash crop produced in Toraja, and was introduced in the mid 19th century, changing the local economy towards commodity production for external markets and gaining an excellent reputation for quality in the international market .
With the commencement of the New Order in 1965, Indonesia's economy developed and opened to foreign investment. In Toraja, a coffee plantation and factory was established by Key Coffee of Japan, and Torajan coffee regained a reputation for quality within the growing international specialty coffee sector Multinational oil and mining companies opened new operations in Indonesia during the 1970s and 1980s. Torajans, particularly younger ones, relocated to work for the foreign companies - to Kalimantan for timber and oil, to Papua for mining, to the cities of Sulawesi and Java, and many went to Malaysia. The out-migration of Torajans was steady until 1985. and has continued since, with remittances sent back by emigre Torajans performing an important role within the contemporary economy.
Tourism commenced in Toraja in the 1970s, and accelerated in the 1980s and 1990s. Between 1984 and 1997, a significant number of Torajans obtained their incomes from tourism, working in and owning hotels, as tour guides, drivers, or selling souvenirs. With the rise of political and economic instability in Indonesia in the late 1990s - including religious conflicts elsewhere on Sulawesi - tourism in Tana Toraja has declined dramatically. Toraja continues to be a well known origin for Indonesian coffee, grown by both smallholders and plantation estates, although migration, remittances and off-farm income is considered far more important to most households, even those in rural areas.
TOURISM AND CULTURAL CHANGE
Before the 1970s, Toraja was almost unknown to Western tourism. In 1971, about 50 Europeans visited Tana Toraja. In 1972, at least 400 visitors attended the funeral ritual of Puang of Sangalla, the highest-ranking nobleman in Tana Toraja and the so-called "last pure-blooded Toraja noble." The event was documented by National Geographic and broadcast in several European countries. In 1976, about 12,000 tourists visited the regency and in 1981, Torajan sculpture was exhibited in major North American museums. "The land of the heavenly kings of Tana Toraja", as written in the exhibition brochure, embraced the outside world.
In 1984, the Indonesian Ministry of Tourism declared Tana Toraja Regency the prima donna of South Sulawesi. Tana Toraja was heralded as "the second stop after Bali". Tourism was increasing dramatically: by 1985, a total number of 150,000 foreigners had visited the Regency (in addition to 80,000 domestic tourists), and the annual number of foreign visitors was recorded at 40,000 in 1989. Souvenir stands appeared in Rantepao, the cultural center of Toraja, roads were sealed at the most-visited tourist sites, new hotels and tourist-oriented restaurants were opened, and an airstrip was opened in the Regency in 1981.
Tourism developers have marketed Tana Toraja as an exotic adventure - an area rich in culture and off the beaten track. Western tourists expected to see stone-age villages and pagan funerals. Toraja is for tourists who have gone as far as Bali and are willing to see more of the wild, "untouched" islands. However, they were more likely to see a Torajan wearing a hat and denim, living in a Christian society. Tourists felt that the tongkonan and other Torajan rituals had been preconceived to make profits, and complained that the destination was too commercialized. This has resulted in several clashes between Torajans and tourism developers, whom Torajans see as outsiders.
A clash between local Torajan leaders and the South Sulawesi provincial government (as a tourist developer) broke out in 1985. The government designated 18 Toraja villages and burial sites as traditional tourist attractions. Consequently, zoning restrictions were applied to these areas, such that Torajans themselves were barred from changing their tongkonans and burial sites. The plan was opposed by some Torajan leaders, as they felt that their rituals and traditions were being determined by outsiders. As a result, in 1987, the Torajan village of Kété Kesú and several other designated tourist attractions closed their doors to tourists. This closure lasted only a few days, as the villagers found it too difficult to survive without the income from selling souvenirs.
Tourism has also transformed Toraja society. Originally, there was a ritual which allowed commoners to marry nobles (puang) and thereby gain nobility for their children. However, the image of Torajan society created for the tourists, often by "lower-ranking" guides, has eroded its traditional strict hierarchy. High status is not as esteemed in Tana Toraja as it once was. Many low-ranking men can declare themselves and their children nobles by gaining enough wealth through work outside the region and then marrying a noble woman.
WIKIPEDIA
Ces affiches devaient être un outil a l'usage des associations en luttent contre les violences domestiques, mais le photo montage utilise des images dont les droits d'auteurs si ils existent ne sont pas en ma possession, je propose donc par la plus un concept une idée dans la façon d'interpeler et de prévenir ce fléau qu'est la violence conjugale, et laisse a chacun la liberté d'exploiter le support dans un contexte et un cadre personnel.
English Norsk under
Seters have been in use as long as anyone can remember. It was to exploit the quantities of rich grass that were available and also leaves which were used for animal feed on farms.
It was common to have more animals than the farm's arable land could provide for so all available opportunities were utilized.
This setre is called Lilleseter and was in use up until to 1915.
Then it started to become common practice for fertilizers to be used which that increased grass crop on the fields and so the worst hill farms were closed down.
There were several farms in this area so there was always a struggle over grazing areas.
The last farm in this area was the Furuland Setra which was in operation until late 1950's. It has now been restored by Hedrum Historical Society and is open to all.
Farms were, at the weekends gathering places for young people and many found their partners there.
Town/city boys also visited these farms and several of them had a life-long associations with North Kvelde and the surrounding forests.
There were no roads up to the farms so everything had to be carried on the back. There was a steep shortcut that went out onto Djupedal road that was used for several farms around here. The farms churned butter and white cheese, which was carried down to the village.
This farm were restored in 1916 because the forest here was sold for logging and the cabins were used by forest workers. Since then, it has been used by hunters, forest workers and walkers for overnighting accommodation. Setre was never locked.
During the war, Soren Hansen Vestby lived here for two winters and one summer. It was cold in 1941-42, so it was lucky that he survived, but he had elkhound called Lorden that found its way for him when it was dark. He said he often saw nothing, but when Lorden stopped, he was certain that he was at cabin door. Lorden slept at his feet in the night, so he kept warm.
Setre here is similar to the old one, even though it is difficult to recreate the mood of an old house. The barn was rebuilt on its old place. The remains of the dairy can be seen due to the debris the close the road.
In 1970 there were built roads into this area, and it was almost a revolution.
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Norsk
Seterdrift har vært vanlig så lenge en kjenner tilbake i historien. Det var for å utnytte den rike grassvekten, men også løv blei brukte til dyrefor på setre.
Det var vanlig å ha flere dyr enn gårdens innmark kunne skaffe for til så alle tilgjenglige formulighete blei utnyttet.
Denne setera heter Lilleseter og var i bruk some seter fråm til 1915.
Da begynte det å bli vanlig med kunstgjødsel som økte grassavlingen på innmarka og de dårligste setrene blei nedlagt slik som denne.
Det var flere setre i dette ømradet så det var altid en kampe om beitearealene.
Den siste setra i dette området var Furulandsetra som var i drift til langt ut i 1950 åra. Den er nå restaurert av Hedrum Historielag og står åpen for alle.
Setrene var om helgene samlingsted for ungdom og mange har funnet sin patner der.
Det var også bygutter som var innom setrene og flere av dem fikk et livslangt forhold til Nordkveld - skogene.
Det var ikke sommerveie til setren så alt måtte bæres på ryggen. Det var en bratt snarvei som gikk ut Djupedalskleiva som ble brukt som setervei for flere setre.
På setre blei det kjernet smør og kokt prim og hvitost som blei båret ned til bygda.
Denne setre blei restaurert i 1916 for da blei skogen her solgt til uthogst og husene blei tilholdsted for skogarbeidere. Siden blei den brukt av jegere, skogsarbeidere og turfolk på dagstur elle for overnatting. Setre var aldri avlåst.
Under krigen lå Søren Hansen Vestby her 2 vintre og en sommer. Det var kaldt i 1941-42, så det var rart at han overlevde, men han hadde elghunden Lorden som fant veien for han når det var mørkt. Han fortalte at han mange ganger ikke så noe, men når Lorden stoppet så visst han at han var ved hyytedøra. Lorden lå også ved beina til Søren om natta, så han holdt varmen.
Setre her er forsøkt å gjordt lik den gamle, selv om det er vanskelig å gjenskape stemninger i et gammelt hus.
Fjøset blir også gjenreist på sin gamle plass.
Melkebua kan en se murrester etter nær bilveien.
I 1970 så blei det bygget bilvei inn i dette området, og det var nærmest en revulusjon. De bakenforliggende skogene som før kjørte tømmeret over Musevann og ned Kveldekleiva kom også med bilveien.
Nepalese peacekeepers in United Nations Mission in South Sudan receive an important card for prevention of Sexual Exploitation and Abuse on 26th March 2019.
The card contains clear instructions to peacekeepers to honour the UN values; it warns of zero tolerance for sexual exploitation and abuse, each peacekeeper must now take the card everywhere they go. It’s a constant reminder of the UN policy: There’s No excuse and no second chance for any sexual misconduct.
UN Photo: Isaac Billy
Tour Eiffel
Pour les articles homonymes, voir Tour Eiffel (homonymie).
Tour Eiffel
Géographie
Pays France
VilleParis
Quartier7e arrondissement
Coordonnées48° 51′ 30″ Nord 2° 17′ 40″ Est
Histoire
Ancien(s) nom(s)« Tour de 300 mètres »
Architecte(s)Stephen Sauvestre
Ingénieur(s)Gustave Eiffel & Cie
Construction1887 - 1889
2 ans, 2 mois et 5 jours
Usage(s)Tour d'observation et de télécommunication
Architecture
Style architecturalTour autoportante en fer puddlé
Protection Inscrit MH (1964)
Hauteur de l'antenne324 m
Hauteur du dernier étage279,11 m
Nombre d'étages4
Nombre d'ascenseurs4 (1/pilier)
Administration
Occupant(s)Société d'exploitation de la tour Eiffel (SETE)
Propriétaire(s)Mairie de Paris
Géolocalisation
La tour Eiffel est une tour de fer puddlé de 324 mètres de hauteur (avec antennes)o 1 située à Paris, à l’extrémité nord-ouest du parc du Champ-de-Mars en bordure de la Seine dans le 7e arrondissement. Construite par Gustave Eiffel et ses collaborateurs pour l’Exposition universelle de Paris de 1889, et initialement nommée « tour de 300 mètres », ce monument est devenu le symbole de la capitale française, et un site touristique de premier plan : il s’agit du second site culturel français payant le plus visité en 2011, avec 7,1 millions de visiteurs dont 75 % d'étrangers en 2011, la cathédrale Notre-Dame de Paris étant en tête des monuments à l'accès libre avec 13,6 millions de visiteurs estimés1 mais il reste le monument payant le plus visité au monde2,note 1. Elle a accueilli son 250 millionième visiteur en 2010.
D’une hauteur de 312 mètreso 1 à l’origine, la tour Eiffel est restée le monument le plus élevé du monde pendant 41 ans. Le second niveau du troisième étage, appelé parfois quatrième étage, situé à 279,11 m, est la plus haute plateforme d'observation accessible au public de l'Union européenne et la plus haute d'Europe, tant que celle de la Tour Ostankino à Moscou culminant à 337 m demeurera fermée au public, à la suite de l'incendie survenu en l'an 2000. La hauteur de la tour a été plusieurs fois augmentée par l’installation de nombreuses antennes. Utilisée dans le passé pour de nombreuses expériences scientifiques, elle sert aujourd’hui d’émetteur de programmes radiophoniques et télévisés.
Contestée par certains à l'origine, la tour Eiffel fut d'abord, à l'occasion de l'exposition universelle de 1889, la vitrine du savoir-faire technique français. Plébiscitée par le public dès sa présentation à l'exposition, elle a accueilli plus de 200 millions de visiteurs depuis son inaugurationo 2. Sa taille exceptionnelle et sa silhouette immédiatement reconnaissable en ont fait un emblème de Paris.
Imaginée par Maurice Koechlin et Émile Nouguier, respectivement chef du bureau des études et chef du bureau des méthodes d'Eiffel & Cie4, la tour Eiffel est conçue pour être le « clou de l'Exposition de 1889 se tenant à Paris. ». Elle salue également le centenaire de la Révolution française. Le premier plan est réalisé en juin 1884 et amélioré par Stephen Sauvestre, l’architecte en chef des projets de l'entreprise, qui lui apporte plus d'esthétique.
Le 1er mai 1886, le ministre du Commerce et de l'Industrie Édouard Lockroy, fervent défenseur du projet, signe un arrêté qui déclare ouvert « un concours en vue de l’Exposition universelle de 1889 »5. Gustave Eiffel remporte ce concours et une convention du 8 janvier 1887 fixe les modalités d'exploitation de l'édifice. La galerie Vittorio Emanuele II, au centre de Milan, fut une source d'inspiration, pour sa structure métallique.[réf. nécessaire]
Construite en deux ans, deux mois et cinq jours, de 1887 à 1889, par 250 ouvriers, elle est inaugurée, à l'occasion d'une fête de fin de chantier organisée par Gustave Eiffel, le 31 mars 1889o 3. Sa fréquentation s'érode rapidement ; la tour Eiffel ne connaîtra véritablement un succès massif et constant qu'à partir des années 1960, avec l'essor du tourisme international. Elle accueille maintenant plus de six millions de visiteurs chaque année.
Sa hauteur lui a permis de porter le titre de « plus haute structure du monde » jusqu'à la construction en 1930 du Chrysler Building à New York. Située sur le Champ-de-Mars, près de la Seine, dans le 7e arrondissement de Paris, elle est actuellement exploitée par la société d'exploitation de la tour Eiffel (SETE). Le site, sur lequel travaillent plus 500 personnes (dont plus de 250 directement employés par la SETE), est ouvert tous les jours de l'annéeo 1.
La tour Eiffel est inscrite aux monuments historiques depuis le 24 juin 19646 et est inscrite au patrimoine mondial de l'UNESCO depuis 1991, en compagnie des autres monuments parisiens.
ESPAGNOL ESPANOL
La Torre Eiffel (La Tour Eiffel, en francés), inicialmente nombrada torre de 330 metros (tour de 330 mètres), es una estructura de hierro pudelado diseñada por Maurice Koechlin y Émile Nouguier y construida por el ingeniero francés Gustave Eiffel y sus colaboradores para la Exposición universal de 1889 en París.1
Situada en el extremo del Campo de Marte a la orilla del río Sena, este monumento parisino, símbolo de Francia y su capital, es la estructura más alta de la ciudad y el monumento que cobra entrada más visitado del mundo, con 7,1 millones de turistas en 2011.2 Con una altura de 300 metros, prolongada más tarde con una antena a 325 metros, la Torre Eiffel fue la estructura más elevada del mundo durante 41 años.
Fue construida en dos años, dos meses y cinco días, y en su momento generó cierta controversia entre los artistas de la época, que la veían como un monstruo de hierro.3 Inicialmente utilizada para pruebas del ejército con antenas de comunicación,4 hoy sirve, además de atractivo turístico y como emisora de programas radiofónicos y televisivos.
La Torre Eiffel sobresale en París con sus 300 metros de altura.
Ubicación de la torre en la orilla sur del río Sena, en el extremo del Campo de Marte.
Inicialmente tema de controversia de algunos, la Torre Eiffel sirvió como presentación a la Exposición Universal de París de 1889, la cual acogió a más de 236 millones de visitantes desde su inauguración. Su tamaño excepcional y su silueta inmediatamente reconocible hicieron de la torre un emblema de París.
Concebida en la imaginación de Maurice Koechlin y Émile Nouguier, jefe de la oficina de estudios y jefe de la oficina de métodos, respectivamente, de la compañía "Eiffel & CO", fue pensada para ser el «clavo (centro de atención) de la exposición de 1889 que se celebraría en París», que además celebraría el centenario de la Revolución francesa. El primer plano de la torre fue realizado en junio de 1884 y mejorado por Stephen Sauvestre, el arquitecto principal de los proyectos de la empresa, quien le aportó más estética.
El 1 de mayo de 1886, el Ministro de Comercio e Industria, Édouard Lockroy, entusiasta partidario del proyecto, firmó un decreto que declaraba abierto «un apoyo para la Exposición Universal de 1889». Gustave Eiffel ganó este apoyo económico y un convenio el 8 de enero de 1887 que fijo las modalidades de construcción del edificio.
Construida en dos años, dos meses y cinco días (de 1887 a 1889) por 250 obreros, se inaugura oficialmente el 31 de marzo de 1889. Sufriendo una corrosión muy frecuente, la Torre Eiffel no conocerá verdaderamente un éxito masivo y constante hasta los años sesenta, con el desarrollo del turismo internacional. Ahora acoge a más de seis millones de visitantes cada año.
Sus 300 metros de altura le permitieron llevar el título de «la estructura más alta del mundo» hasta la construcción en 1930 del Edificio Chrysler, en Nueva York. Construida sobre el Campo de Marte cerca del río Sena, en el 7º distrito de París, actualmente es administrada por la "Sociedad para la administración de la torre Eiffel" (Société d'exploitation de la tour Eiffel, SETE). El lugar, que emplea a 500 personas (250 empleados directos del SETE y 250 de los distintos concesionarios instalados sobre el monumento), está abierto todos los días del año.
My old 1984 Alembic Series II "Exploiter" bass. The circuit board controlling gain and hum balance shown here. Trim pots are accessed on the other side of the brass plate. That seems to be five Signetics NE5534AN opamps. I assume the top three are input gain for the two pickups and the hum balance pickup. Not sure about the bottom two. Maybe discreet output gain for the two pickups?
I had this bass built in the summer of 1984. The only options (besides the walnut/maple/purple heart construction) were a graphite "box" in the neck and a neck shaped like a Rickenbacker 4001 that I'd been very comfortable playing. This is still the most musical bass I've ever owned, but it also weighs so much that it's seen relatively little use.
BTW, don't you love the shade of green on that hum balance cable? It's kind of like that Seaspray Green that was an option for '57 Ford Thunderbirds. Or that Celeste Green that Ferrari uses sometimes. I love that color. It may well be my favorite color. And that's why I love my Alembic! OK, maybe I'm overstating the importance of that green wire. But it's a great color.
Exploitant : Transdev Marne-la-Vallée
Réseau : IDF Mobilités – Marne-la-Vallée
Ligne : 34
Lieu : Les Marmousets (Serris, F-77)
Lien TC Infos : tc-infos.fr/vehicule/33214
"Blue Cloud Scratch (21 July 2017) is an exciting new dance scratch night, showcasing works in progress from a diverse range of choreographers, and is curated by Blue Elephant Theatre and Cloud Dance Festival. Blue Cloud Scratch aims to encourage and provide emerging dance artists with opportunities to present their works in progress and receive feedback from audiences and peers".
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“Shivaangee Agrawal - This Junction
Mentoring by Choreographers Mayuri Boonham and Yachao Zhu.
Music by Ben Pearson.
I encountered life on those streets as an outsider. As I walked, I was sensitive to both the overwhelming visceral experience and the theft of my personal agency. I began to yield to the streets, and they unfolded for me. It became more difficult to distinguish the ugly from the beautiful, my reality from theirs. This is about fighting for space and finding my place amongst the native inhabitants of this urban chaos.
Shivaangee Agrawal is a Bharatanatyam dancer by training, currently studying contemporary technique, choreography and choreology at Trinity Laban Conservatoire of Music and Dance. Drawing on various artistic experiences from Tokyo to Bangalore, she aspires to exploit the nascent potential of Bharatanatyam to be a contemporary movement practice.”
Copyright of all above descriptions is reserved to Blue Elephant Theatre 2017.
The age of Carnival brought decadence to Venice and this was epitomized by Casanova – the most famous Venetian - and his love for women.
en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Blackburn_Buccaneer
en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Yorkshire_Air_Museum#Collection
The Blackburn Buccaneer is a British carrier-capable attack aircraft designed in the 1950s for the Royal Navy (RN). Designed and initially produced by Blackburn Aircraft at Brough, it was later officially known as the Hawker Siddeley Buccaneer when Blackburn became a part of the Hawker Siddeley Group, but this name is rarely used.
The Buccaneer was originally designed in response to the Soviet Union introducing the Sverdlov class of light cruisers. Instead of building a new class of its own cruisers, the Royal Navy decided that it could address the threat posed via low-level attack runs performed by Buccaneers, so low as to exploit the ship's radar horizon to minimise the opportunity for being fired upon. The Buccaneer could attack using nuclear weapons or conventional munitions. During its service life, it would be modified to carry anti-ship missiles, allowing it to attack vessels from a stand-off distance and thus improve its survivability against modern ship-based anti-aircraft weapons. The Buccaneer performed its maiden flight in April 1958 and entered Royal Navy service during July 1962.
Initial production aircraft suffered a series of accidents, largely due to insufficient engine power; this shortfall would be quickly addressed via the introduction of the Buccaneer S.2, equipped with more powerful Rolls-Royce Spey jet engines, in 1965. The Buccaneer S.2 would be the first Fleet Air Arm (FAA) aircraft to make a non-stop, unrefuelled crossing of the Atlantic Ocean. During the 1960s and 1970s, the Royal Navy standardised the air wings operating from their carriers around the Buccaneer, Phantom, and the Fairey Gannet. The Buccaneer was also offered as a possible solution for the Royal Air Force (RAF) requirement for a supersonic interdictor carrying nuclear weapons. It was rejected as not meeting the specification in favour of the more advanced BAC TSR-2 bomber, but this aircraft would be cancelled largely due to its high cost, then its selected replacement, the General Dynamics F-111K, would also be cancelled. The Buccaneer was purchased as a TSR-2 substitute and entered RAF service during October 1969.
The Royal Navy retired the last of its large aircraft carriers in February 1979; as a result, the Buccaneer's strike role was transferred to the British Aerospace Sea Harrier and the Buccaneers were transferred to the RAF. After a crash in 1980 revealed metal fatigue problems, the RAF's fleet was reduced to 60 aircraft while the rest were withdrawn. The ending of the Cold War in the 1990s led to military cutbacks that accelerated the retirement of Britain's remaining Buccaneers; the last of the RAF's Buccaneers were retired in March 1994 in favour of the more modern Panavia Tornado. The South African Air Force (SAAF) was the only export customer for the type. Buccaneers saw combat action in the first Gulf War of 1991, and the lengthy South African Border War.
Following the end of the Second World War, the Royal Navy soon needed to respond to the threat posed by the rapid expansion of the Soviet Navy. Chief amongst Soviet naval developments in the early 1950s was the Sverdlov-class cruiser; these vessels were classifiable as light cruisers, being fast, effectively armed, and numerous. Like the German "pocket battleships" during the Second World War, these new Soviet cruisers presented a serious threat to the merchant fleets in the Atlantic. To counter this threat, the Royal Navy decided not to use a new ship class of its own, but instead introduce a specialised strike aircraft employing conventional or nuclear weapons. Operating from the Navy's fleet carriers, and attacking at high speed and low level, it would offer a solution to the Sverdlov problem.
A detailed specification was issued in June 1952 as Naval Staff Requirement NA.39, calling for a two-seat aircraft with folding wings, capable of flying at 550 knots (1,020 km/h; 630 mph) at sea level, with a combat radius of 400 nautical miles (740 km; 460 mi) at low altitude, and 800 nautical miles (1,500 km; 920 mi) at higher cruising altitudes. A weapons load of 8,000 pounds (3,600 kg) was required, including conventional bombs, the Red Beard free-fall nuclear bomb, or the Green Cheese anti-ship missile. Based on the requirement, the Ministry of Supply issued specification M.148T in August 1952, and the first responses were returned in February 1953. Blackburn's design by Barry P. Laight, Project B-103, won the tender in July 1955. For reasons of secrecy, the aircraft was called BNA (Blackburn Naval Aircraft) or BANA (Blackburn Advanced Naval Aircraft) in documents, leading to the nickname of "Banana Jet". The first prototype made its maiden flight from RAE Bedford on 30 April 1958.
The first production Buccaneer model, the Buccaneer S.1, entered squadron service with the Fleet Air Arm (FAA) in January 1963. It was powered by a pair of de Havilland Gyron Junior turbojets, producing 7,100 pounds-force (32,000 N) of thrust. This mark was somewhat underpowered, and as a consequence, could not achieve take off if fully laden with both fuel and armament. A temporary solution to this problem was the "buddy system": aircraft took off with a full load of weaponry and minimal fuel, and would subsequently rendezvous with a Supermarine Scimitar that would deliver the full load of fuel by aerial refuelling. The lack of power meant, however, that the loss of an engine during take-off, or landing at full load, when the aircraft was dependent on flap blowing, could be catastrophic.
The long-term solution to the underpowered S.1 was the development of the Buccaneer S.2, fitted with the Rolls-Royce Spey engine, which provided 40% more thrust. The turbofan Spey also had significantly lower fuel consumption than the pure-jet Gyron, which provided improved range. The engine nacelles had to be enlarged to accommodate the Spey, and the wing required minor aerodynamic modifications as a result. Hawker Siddeley announced the production order for the S.2 in January 1962. All Royal Navy squadrons had converted to the improved S.2 by the end of 1966. However, 736 Naval Air Squadron also used eight S.1 aircraft taken from storage to meet an extra training demand for RAF crews until December 1970.
Blackburn's first attempt to sell the Buccaneer to the Royal Air Force (RAF) occurred in 1957–1958, in response to the Air Ministry Operational Requirement OR.339, for a replacement for the RAF's English Electric Canberra light bombers, with supersonic speed, and a 1,000-nautical-mile (1,900 km; 1,200 mi) combat radius; asking for an all-weather aircraft that could deliver nuclear weapons over a long range, operate at high level at Mach 2+ or low level at Mach 1.2, with STOL performance. Blackburn proposed two designs, the B.103A, a simple modification of the Buccaneer S.1 with more fuel, and the B.108, a more extensively modified aircraft with more sophisticated avionics. Against a background of inter-service distrust, political issues, and the 1957 Defence White Paper, both types were rejected by the RAF; as being firmly subsonic, and incapable of meeting the RAF's range requirements; while the B.108, which retained Gyron Junior engines while being 10,000 pounds (4,500 kg) heavier than the S.1, would have been severely underpowered, giving poor short-take off performance. The BAC TSR-2 was eventually selected in 1959.
After the cancellation of the TSR-2, and then the substitute American General Dynamics F-111K, the Royal Air Force still required a replacement for its Canberras in the low-level strike role, while the planned retirement for the Royal Navy's aircraft carriers meant that the RAF would also need to add a maritime strike capability. It was therefore decided in 1968 that the RAF would adopt the Buccaneer, both by the purchase of new-build aircraft, and by taking over the Fleet Air Arm's Buccaneers as the carriers were retired. A total of 46 new-build aircraft for the RAF were built by Blackburn's successor, Hawker Siddeley, designated S.2B. These had RAF-type communications and avionics equipment, Martel air-to-surface missile capability, and could be equipped with a bulged bomb-bay door containing an extra fuel tank.
Some Fleet Air Arm Buccaneers were modified in-service to also carry the Martel anti-ship missile. Martel-capable FAA aircraft were later redesignated S.2D. The remaining aircraft became S.2C. RAF aircraft were given various upgrades. Self-defence was improved by the addition of the AN/ALQ-101 electronic countermeasures (ECM) pod (also found on RAF's SEPECAT Jaguar GR.3), chaff and flare dispensers, and AIM-9 Sidewinder capability. RAF low-level strike Buccaneers could carry out what was known as 'retard defence'; four 1,000-pound (450 kg) retarded bombs carried internally could be dropped to provide an effective deterrent against any following aircraft. In 1979, the RAF obtained the American AN/AVQ-23E Pave Spike laser designator pod for Paveway II laser-guided bombs; allowing the aircraft to act as target designators for further Buccaneers, Jaguars, and other strike aircraft. From 1986, No. 208 Squadron RAF, then No. 12 (B) Squadron, replaced the Martel ASM with the Sea Eagle missile.
The Yorkshire Air Museum & Allied Air Forces Memorial is an aviation museum in Elvington, York on the site of the former RAF Elvington airfield, a Second World War RAF Bomber Command station. The museum was founded, and first opened to the public, in the mid 1980s.
The museum is one of the largest independent air museums in Britain. It is also the only Allied Air Forces Memorial in Europe. The museum is an accredited museum under Arts Council accreditation scheme. It is a Member of Friends of the Few (Battle of Britain Memorial), the Royal Aeronautical Society, the Museums Association and the Association of Independent Museums.
The Museum is a registered charity (No. 516766) dedicated to the history of aviation and was also set up as a Memorial to all allied air forces personnel, particularly those who served in the Royal Air Force during the Second World War.
Site
Further information: RAF Elvington
The 20-acre (81,000 m2) parkland site includes buildings and hangars, some of which are listed. It incorporates a 7-acre (28,000 m2) managed environment area and a DEFRA and Environment Agency supported self sustainability project called "Nature of Flight". The museum is situated next to a 10,000 ft runway, which is privately owned.
History
Whilst the Royal Air Force carried on using the runway for aircraft landing and take off training until 1992, the buildings and hangars had long been abandoned. In 1980 Rachel Semlyen approached the owners of "what was then an abandoned and derelict wartime site, with the idea of restoring the buildings and creating a museum". In 1983, a group started clearing the undergrowth and the site was ready to be unveiled as the Yorkshire Air Museum in 1986.
Events
The Museum undertakes several annual events each year within the general attraction / entertainment area as well as educational / academic events for specific audiences, plus several corporate events in association with companies such as Bentley, Porsche, banking, government agencies etc. The unique annual Allied Air Forces Memorial Day takes place in September.
Exhibits
The Museum has over 50 aircraft spanning the development of aviation from 1853 up to the latest GR4 Tornado. Several aircraft including Victor, Nimrod, Buccaneer, Sea Devon, SE5a, Eastchurch Kitten, DC3 Dakota are kept live and operated on special "Thunder Days" during the year. Over 20 historic vehicles and a Registered Archive containing over 500,000 historic artefacts and documents are also preserved at the Museum, which is also the Official Archive for the National Aircrew Association and National Air Gunners Association. It is nationally registered and accredited through DCMS/Arts Council England and is a registered charity.
A permanent exhibition on RAF Bomber Command was opened at the museum by life member, Sir David Jason. In 2010 a new exhibition called "Pioneers of Aviation", and funded by the Heritage Lottery Fund, was opened featuring the lives and achievements of Sir George Cayley, Sir Barnes Wallis, Robert Blackburn, Nevil Shute and Amy Johnson.
Principal on-site businesses include: Restaurant, Retail Shop, Events, Aircraft Operation Engineering Workshops, Archives and Corporate Business Suite. The museum is also a location for TV and film companies.
Building 1 – Airborne Forces Display & No. 609 Squadron RAF Room
Building 2 – Uniform Display
Building 3 – Air Gunners' Exhibition
Building 4 – Archives & Reference Library
Building 5 – Museum Shop
Building 7 – Memorial Garden
Building 8 – Museum HQ, Main Entrance
Building 9 – Against the Odds
Building 10 – Elvington Corporate Room
Building 11 – Museum NAAFI Restaurant
Building 12 – Control Tower
Building 13 – French Officers' Mess
Building 14 – Airmens Billet and Station MT Display
Building 15 – Royal Observer Corp
Building 16 – Signal Square
Building 17 – Hangar T2 Main Aircraft exhibition
Building 18 – Archive & Collections Building
Building 19 – Handley Page Aircraft Workshop
Building 20 – Pioneer of Aviation Exhibition
Collection
Aircraft on display
Pre-World War II
Avro 504K – Replica
Blackburn Mercury – Replica
Cayley Glider – Replica
Mignet HM.14 Pou-du-Ciel
Port Victoria P.V.8 Eastchurch Kitten Replica
Royal Aircraft Factory BE.2c – Replica
Royal Aircraft Factory SE.5a – Replica
Wright Flyer – Replica
World War II
Avro Anson T.21 VV901
Douglas Dakota IV KN353
Fairchild Argus II FK338
Gloster Meteor F.8 WL168
Gloster Meteor NF.14 WS788
Handley Page Halifax III LV907
Hawker Hurricane I – Replica
Messerschmitt Bf 109 G-6 – Replica
Slingsby T.7 Kirby Cadet RA854
Supermarine Spitfire I – Replica
Waco Hadrian 237123
Post World War II
Air Command Commander Elite
Beagle Terrier 2 TJ704
Canadair CT-133 Silver Star 133417
de Havilland Devon C.2 VP967
de Havilland Vampire T.11 XH278
Europa Prototype 001
Mainair Demon
Saunders-Roe Skeeter AOP.12 XM553
Westland Dragonfly HR.5 WH991
Cold War
BAC Jet Provost T.4 XP640
Blackburn Buccaneer S.2 XN974
Blackburn Buccaneer S.2B XX901
British Aerospace Harrier GR.3 XV748
British Aerospace Nimrod MR.2 XV250
Dassault Mirage IIIE 538
Dassault Mirage IVA 45/BR
English Electric Canberra T.4 WH846
English Electric Lightning F.6 XS903 which arrived during June 1988.
Fairey Gannet AEW.3 XL502
Gloster Javelin FAW.9 XH767
Handley Page Victor K.2 XL231
Hawker Hunter FGA.78 QA10
Hawker Hunter T.7 XL572
Panavia Tornado GR.1 ZA354
Panavia Tornado GR.4 XZ631
Ground vehicles
Second World War
Thompson Brothers Aircraft Refueller
1938 Ford Model E
1940 "Tilly" Standard 12 hp Mkl RAF Utility Vehicle
1941 Chevrolet 4x4 CMP
1942 Austin K2 NAAFI Wagon
1942 Thornycroft ‘Amazon’ Coles Crane
Cold War
1947 Commer one and a half deck airport coach
1949 Citroen 11BL
1948 David Brown VIG.2 Aircraft Tractor
1949 David Brown VIG.3 Aircraft Tractor
1951 David Brown GP Airfield Tractor
1953 Alvis Saracen 12ton APC
1953 Austin Champ Cargo 4x4 General Purpose Vehicle
1956 Green Goddess Self Propelled Pump
1958 Commer Q4 Bikini Fire Pump Unit
1958 Lansing Aircraft Carrier Type Tug
1959 Daimler Ferret ASC MK.2/3/7
1966 Chieftain Main Battle Tank
1970 Douglas P3 nuclear aircraft 25 tonne tug
1971 Pathfinder Fire Engine 35ton (ex. Manchester Airport)
1972 TACR2 Range Rover - 6 wheeled fast response fire unit
1974 GMC 6 wheeled fast response airfield fire truck
1976 Dennis Mercury 17.5 tonne aircraft tug
Pathfinder Fire Engine
Finally uploading some analog goodness after a couple months absence. This Fomapan 400 shot in my Pentax K1000 went though a cycle in my dishwasher (cool dry) and then was developed in HC-110.
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I was originally enrolled into the GETTY IMAGES collection as a contributor on April 9th 2012, and when links with FLICKR were terminated in March 2014, I was retained and fortunate enough to be signed up via a second contract, both of which have proved to be successful with sales of my photographs all over the world now handled exclusively by them.
On November 12th 2015 GETTY IMAGES unveiled plans for a new stills upload platform called ESP (Enterprise Submission Platform), to replace the existing 'Moment portal', and on November 13th I was invited to Beta test the new system prior to it being officially rolled out in December. ESP went live on Tuesday December 15th 2015 and has smoothed out the upload process considerably.
These days I take a far more leisurely approach to my photographic exploits, a Nikon D850 FX Pro body as companion to my D7200 DX, I travel light with less constraints and more emphasis on the pure capture of the beauty that I see, more akin to my original persuits and goals some five decades previously when starting out. I would like to say a huge and heartfelt 'THANK YOU' to GETTY IMAGES, and the 23.622+ Million visitors to my FLICKR site.
***** Selected for sale in the GETTY IMAGES COLLECTION on April 24th 2018
CREATIVE RF gty.im/950807110 MOMENT OPEN COLLECTION**
This photograph became my 3,123rd frame to be selected for sale in the Getty Images collection and I am very grateful to them for this wonderful opportunity.
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This photograph was taken on the banks of the River Cray at an altitude of Twenty metres at 04:59am on Thursday 22nd March 2018, in the golden hour around sunrise, (Sunrise was at precisely 05:58am),off Rectory Lane in the grounds of Foots Cray Meadows, over the River Cray in Bexley, Kent, England.
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Nikon D850 120mm 1/25s (Electronic front curtain) f/9.0 iso64 RAW (14 bit uncompressed) Image size L 8256 x 5504 FX). Colour space Adobe RGB. AF-C focus 51 point with 3-D tracking. Manual exposure. Matrix metering. Auto 0 white balance (8030K). Nikon Distortion control on. Vignette control Normal.Manfrotto 055Xprob Carbon Fiber Tripod 3 Sections. Manfrotto 327RC2 Magnesium Ball Head. Manfrotto quick release plate 200PL-14. Jessops Tripod bag.
Nikkor AF-S 24-120mm f/4G ED VR. Phot-R ultra slim 77mm UV filter. Nikon EN-EL15a battery. Matin quick release neckstrap. My Memory 128GB Class 10 SDXC. Lowepro Flipside 400 AW camera bag. Nikon GP-1 GPS module.
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LATITUDE: N 51d 25m 34.10s
LONGITUDE: E 0d 7m 42.60s
ALTITUDE: 20.0m
RAW (TIFF) FILE: 130.00MB (NEF 91.2mb)
PROCESSED (JPeg) FILE: 40.70MB
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PROCESSING POWER:
Nikon D850 Firmware versions C 1.01 (16/01/2018) LD Distortion Data 2.017 (20/3/18)
HP 110-352na Desktop PC with AMD Quad-Core A6-5200 APU 64Bit processor. Radeon HD8400 graphics. 8 GB DDR3 Memory with 1TB SATA storage. 64-bit Windows 10. Verbatim USB 2.0 1TB desktop hard drive. WD My Passport Ultra 1tb USB3 Portable hard drive. Nikon ViewNX-1 64bit (Version 1.2.11 15/03/2018). Nikon Capture NX-D 64bit (Version 1.4.7 15/03/2018). Nikon Picture Control Utility 2 (Version 1.3.2 15/03/2018). Adobe photoshop Elements 8 Version 8.0 64bit.
Starring Michael Greene, Jennifer Gan, Richard Rust, Howard Lester, Penelope Spheeris, Art Jenoff, Sahn Berti, Corey Fischer, Glen Lee, Mike Peratta, Frank Whiteman. Directed by Bruce D. Clark.
synopsis
In this biker flick, the leader of an LA gang rides out for revenge against the Las Vegas-based Hotdoggers, who beat him senseless, hospitalizing him. He becomes so violent and obsessed that his own gang kicks him out. In the end, they change their minds and readmit him. Then they all roar off to prove that the vicious Hotdoggers are nothing more than big weenies in black leather jackets. The sex and violence herein marks this as an exploitation feature destined to become a big hit with lowbrow scooter trash everywhere.
Title: Exploitation Poster Art.
Author: Tony Nourmand & Graham Marsh (Editors).
Publisher: Aurum Books.
Date: 2005.
Artist:
Exploitant : Transdev STRAV
Réseau : Marne et Seine
Ligne : B
Lieu : Créteil – Préfecture du Val de Marne (Créteil, F-94)
Lien TC Infos : tc-infos.fr/id/52784
Sur le produit
1. Intel Atom Z3560 Quad Core 1.7 GHz CPU, PowerVR G6430 GPU 2. Système d’exploitation Android OS 5.0, 3. 5.5 polegada TFT IPS écran, 1920*1080 résolution 4. 4 GB/2 GB RAM + 64 GB/32 GB/16 GB ROM, Soutien carte microSD...
telephone.pascherenchine.com/products/zenfone-2-ze551ml-r...
Zeshan Abdul-Shakoor, 13 years old, walks on the wall of Lahore fort in Lahore city the capital of Punjab province, Pakistan. Lives in a shelter in Lahore with up to 20 other children. His basic needs are met, but he faces a sometimes-abusive environment and he doesn't like it there. He currently works at a billiard parlour for up to 12 hours a day, earning just over 50 cents a day. Customers sometimes verbally abuse him. He went to live with relatives on the death of his father and later ended up on the streets. On the streets, Zeshan has faced abuse and exploitation.One of the highlights for Zeshan was attending a UNICEF-supported Child Protection Centre last year, where the staff was caring and compassionate, and he learned valuable life skills and had a chance to be a child. Unfortunately the centre had to close due to lack of funding.Zeshan is not happy with his life and would like to be back with his family and living in a better environment. Zeshan is not currently going to school, but liked going to school.
For more information about 'The State of the World's Children 2012: Children in an Urban World' please visit www.unicef.org/sowc/index_61804.html
09 February 2012
© UNICEF Pakistan/2011/Asad Zaidi
To learn more:
www.facebook.com/unicefpakistan
Exploitant : Transdev TVO
Réseau : R'Bus (Argenteuil)
Ligne : 6
Lieu : Pont de Bezons (Bezons, F-95)
Lien TC Infos : tc-infos.fr/id/14525
The London School of Exploitation Under Occupation: London School of Economics and Political Science (LSE) Students Stand Against Exploitation and Corporate Education: Vera Anstey Suite: Old Building, London School of Economics, London, March 20, 2015.
Statement from the Occupation:
Why we are occupying
We have have occupied the Vera Anstey Suite, the central meeting room of the university administration, to demand a change to the current university system.
LSE is the epitome of the neoliberal university. Universities are increasingly implementing the privatised, profit-driven, and bureaucratic ‘business model’ of higher education, which locks students into huge debts and turns the university into a degree-factory and students into consumers. LSE has become the model for the transformation of the other university systems in Britain and beyond. Massive indebtedness, market-driven benchmarks, and subordination to corporate interests have deeply perverted what we think university and education should be about.
We demand an education that is liberating – which does not have a price tag. We want a university run by students, lecturers and workers.
When a University becomes a business the whole of student life is transformed. When a university is more concerned with its image, its marketability and the ‘added value’ of its degrees, the student is no longer a student - they become a commodity and education becomes a service. Institutional sexism and racism, as well as conditions of work for staff and lecturers, becomes a distraction for an institution geared to profit.
We join the ongoing struggles in the UK, Europe and the world to reject this system that has changed not only our education but our entire society. From the occupations in Sheffield, Warwick, Birmingham and Oxford, to the ongoing collective takeover of the University of Amsterdam– students have made clear that the current system simply cannot continue.
We are not alone in this struggle.
Why Occupy?
In this occupation we aim to create an open, creative and liberated space, where all are free to participate in the building of a new directly democratic, non-hierarchical and universally accessible education: The Free University of London.
The space will be organized around the creation of workshops, discussions and meetings to share ideas freely. Knowledge is not a commodity but something precious and valuable in its own right. And we hope to prove, if only within a limited time and space, that education can be free.This liberated space should also be a space for an open discussion on the direction this university and our educational system as a whole is heading. We want to emphasise that this process is not only for students, and we encourage the participation of all LSE staff, non-academic and academic.
We base our struggle on principles of equality, direct democracy, solidarity, mutual care and support. These are our current demands which we invite all to openly discuss, debate and add to.
1 - Free and universally accessible education not geared to making profit
We demand that the management of LSE lobby the government to scrap tuition fees for both domestic and international students.
2 - Workers Rights
In solidarity with the LSE workers, we demand real job security, an end to zero-hour contracts, fair remuneration and a drastic reduction in the gap between the highest and lowest paid employees.
3 - Genuine University Democracy
We demand a student-staff council, directly elected by students and academic and non-academic staff, responsible for making all managerial decisions of the institution.
4 - Divestment
We demand that the school cuts its ties to exploitative and destructive organisations, such as those involved in wars, military occupations and the destruction of the planet. This includes but is not limited to immediate divestment from the fossil fuel industry and from all companies which make a profit from the Israeli state’s occupation of Palestine.
5 - Liberation
We demand that LSE changes its harassment policy, and to have zero tolerance to harassment.
We demand that LSE does not implement the Counter Terrorism Bill that criminalises dissent, particularly targeting Muslim students and staff.
We demand that the police are not allowed on campus.
We demand that LSE becomes a liberated space free of racism, sexism, ableism, homophobia, transphobia and religious discrimination.
We demand that the school immediately reinstates the old ethics code and makes it legally binding, in line with the recently passed SU motion.
We demand that the school ensures the security and equality of international students, particularly with regards to their precarious visa status, and fully include them in our project for a free university.
The London School of Exploitation Under Occupation: London School of Economics and Political Science (LSE) Students Stand Against Exploitation and Corporate Education: Vera Anstey Suite: Old Building, London School of Economics, London, March 20, 2015.
Statement from the Occupation:
Why we are occupying
We have have occupied the Vera Anstey Suite, the central meeting room of the university administration, to demand a change to the current university system.
LSE is the epitome of the neoliberal university. Universities are increasingly implementing the privatised, profit-driven, and bureaucratic ‘business model’ of higher education, which locks students into huge debts and turns the university into a degree-factory and students into consumers. LSE has become the model for the transformation of the other university systems in Britain and beyond. Massive indebtedness, market-driven benchmarks, and subordination to corporate interests have deeply perverted what we think university and education should be about.
We demand an education that is liberating – which does not have a price tag. We want a university run by students, lecturers and workers.
When a University becomes a business the whole of student life is transformed. When a university is more concerned with its image, its marketability and the ‘added value’ of its degrees, the student is no longer a student - they become a commodity and education becomes a service. Institutional sexism and racism, as well as conditions of work for staff and lecturers, becomes a distraction for an institution geared to profit.
We join the ongoing struggles in the UK, Europe and the world to reject this system that has changed not only our education but our entire society. From the occupations in Sheffield, Warwick, Birmingham and Oxford, to the ongoing collective takeover of the University of Amsterdam– students have made clear that the current system simply cannot continue.
We are not alone in this struggle.
Why Occupy?
In this occupation we aim to create an open, creative and liberated space, where all are free to participate in the building of a new directly democratic, non-hierarchical and universally accessible education: The Free University of London.
The space will be organized around the creation of workshops, discussions and meetings to share ideas freely. Knowledge is not a commodity but something precious and valuable in its own right. And we hope to prove, if only within a limited time and space, that education can be free.This liberated space should also be a space for an open discussion on the direction this university and our educational system as a whole is heading. We want to emphasise that this process is not only for students, and we encourage the participation of all LSE staff, non-academic and academic.
We base our struggle on principles of equality, direct democracy, solidarity, mutual care and support. These are our current demands which we invite all to openly discuss, debate and add to.
1 - Free and universally accessible education not geared to making profit
We demand that the management of LSE lobby the government to scrap tuition fees for both domestic and international students.
2 - Workers Rights
In solidarity with the LSE workers, we demand real job security, an end to zero-hour contracts, fair remuneration and a drastic reduction in the gap between the highest and lowest paid employees.
3 - Genuine University Democracy
We demand a student-staff council, directly elected by students and academic and non-academic staff, responsible for making all managerial decisions of the institution.
4 - Divestment
We demand that the school cuts its ties to exploitative and destructive organisations, such as those involved in wars, military occupations and the destruction of the planet. This includes but is not limited to immediate divestment from the fossil fuel industry and from all companies which make a profit from the Israeli state’s occupation of Palestine.
5 - Liberation
We demand that LSE changes its harassment policy, and to have zero tolerance to harassment.
We demand that LSE does not implement the Counter Terrorism Bill that criminalises dissent, particularly targeting Muslim students and staff.
We demand that the police are not allowed on campus.
We demand that LSE becomes a liberated space free of racism, sexism, ableism, homophobia, transphobia and religious discrimination.
We demand that the school immediately reinstates the old ethics code and makes it legally binding, in line with the recently passed SU motion.
We demand that the school ensures the security and equality of international students, particularly with regards to their precarious visa status, and fully include them in our project for a free university.
Staff Sgt. Bryan Zimmerman, an Explosives Ordnance Disposal technician for 788th Ordnance Company, 184th Ordnance Battalion, 52nd Ordnance Group, 20th Chemical, Biological, Radiological, Nuclear, Explosives Command, discusses evidence collection with Cameroonian soldiers, from Rapid D'Intervention Battalion, while they conduct sensitive site exploitation after securing an objective in support of a Cameroon Counter-Narcoterrorism training event Jun. 19 – Oct. 2. (U.S. Army Africa photo)
To learn more about U.S. Army Africa visit our:
Official Website at: www.usaraf.army.mil
Official Twitter Feed: www.twitter.com/usarmyafrica
Official Vimeo Video Channel: www.vimeo.com/usarmyafrica
Official Facebook Page: www.facebook.com/ArmyAfrica
Getting ready for #OpLongford on social media.
Police have launched a two-day operation to protect the most vulnerable members of the community.
The initiative codenamed Operation Longford will see officers from across the Force and specialist units including traffic, tactical aid and the ANPR intercept teams take to the streets in a bid to target vulnerability in the community.
Some of the work as part of the days of action (Friday 29 to Saturday 30 May) will include visits to licensed premises, policing open spaces that attract youths and alcohol, takeaway enforcement, visit to shisha bars in addition to Metrolink and Child Sexual Exploitation (CSE)* patrols.
Superintendent Craig Thompson operational lead said: “Safeguarding vulnerable people is an on-going priority for the Force which makes days of action like this so important. By having mechanisms in place and working alongside our partners we can ensure those at greater risk in our community are protected before the actions such as exploitation and abuse begin.
“As with our day to day policing we will also carry out enforcement work and will target offenders for a range of offences including, human trafficking, Child Sexual Exploitation (CSE*), antisocial behaviour and general criminality.”
As part of the operation officers from the City Centre Neighbourhood Policing Team and partners such as Manchester City Council, Greater Manchester Police and Crime Commissioner will launch the partnership Safe Haven scheme. It is a place of safety for anyone who is out and about in the city centre on a Friday or Saturday night and in need of help, support, a place of safety or a designated meeting point for when you lose your friends.
Superintendent Thompson added: “We want Operation Longford to show our community that their safety comes first and will always be our priority. We will make use of all of our disruption tactics to put a stop to criminals.”
For live updates from the operation follow #OpLongford from the GMP twitter accounts. You can find your local Twitter account by visiting: www.gmp.police.uk/socialmedia.
Exploitant : Transdev TVO
Réseau : R'Bus (Argenteuil)
Lieu : Centre Opérationnel Bus d'Argenteuil (Argenteuil, F-95)
Lien TC Infos : tc-infos.fr/id/23629