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Ziatype on Weston Diploma Parchment - exposure time 10 minutes
print negative on Wephota FO5 by reversal development
Help - is this developer re-usable?
The instructions say you make a litre of stock.
This stock is then diluted in 3 parts water to develop film.
But the part i don't understand is the instructions say the litre of stock can develop no more than 3 films.
Does this mean I can re-use the stock three times?
I'm really lost on this one.
Leica M2
Leica Summilux 35mm f/1.4 II
Ferrania P30
Adox Silvermax Developer (1+29)
11 min 20°C
Scan from negative film
This photo is licensed under a Creative Commons license. If you use this photo within the terms of the license or make special arrangements to use the photo, please list the photo credit as "Scott Beale / Laughing Squid" and link the credit to laughingsquid.com.
•TEPIC
992 hectares (2450 acres) on new hwy with distant ocean views. Ready for development. 4-5 km to beach. Only 65,000 pesos (appros $7150 U.S.)per hectare.(2.47 acres in a hectare)
Camera: Konica C35 Automaic
Lens: Fixed 38mm f2.8 Hexanon
Film: Fujifilm 200
Developer: Unicolor C-41
Scanner: Epson V600
Photoshop: Curves, Healing Brush (spotting)
Cropping: None
Venice is a neighborhood of the City of Los Angeles within the Westside region of Los Angeles County, California, United States.
Venice was founded by Abbot Kinney in 1905 as a seaside resort town. It was an independent city until 1926, when it was annexed by Los Angeles. Venice is known for its canals, a beach, and Ocean Front Walk, a 2.5-mile (4 km) pedestrian promenade that features performers, fortune-tellers, and vendors.
In 1839, a region called La Ballona that included the southern parts of Venice, was granted by the Mexican government to Ygnacio and Augustin Machado and Felipe and Tomas Talamantes, giving them title to Rancho La Ballona. Later this became part of Port Ballona.
Venice, originally called "Venice of America", was founded by wealthy developer Abbot Kinney in 1905 as a beach resort town, 14 miles (23 km) west of Los Angeles. He and his partner Francis Ryan had bought 2 miles (3 km) of ocean-front property south of Santa Monica in 1891. They built a resort town on the north end of the property, called Ocean Park, which was soon annexed to Santa Monica. After Ryan died, Kinney and his new partners continued building south of Navy Street. After the partnership dissolved in 1904, Kinney, who had won the marshy land on the south end of the property in a coin flip with his former partners, began to build a seaside resort like the namesake Italian city.
When Venice of America opened on July 4, 1905, Kinney had dug several miles of canals to drain the marshes for his residential area, built a 1,200-foot-long (370 m) pier with an auditorium, ship restaurant, and dance hall, constructed a hot salt-water plunge, and built a block-long arcaded business street with Venetian architecture. Kinney hired artist Felix Peano to design the columns of the buildings. Included in the capitals are several faces, modeled after Kinney and a woman named Nettie Bouck.
Tourists, mostly arriving on the "Red Cars" of the Pacific Electric Railway from Los Angeles and Santa Monica, then rode the Venice Miniature Railway and gondolas to tour the town. The biggest attraction was Venice's 1-mile-long (1.6 km) gently-sloping beach. Cottages and housekeeping tents were available for rent.
The population (3,119 residents in 1910) soon exceeded 10,000; the town drew 50,000 to 150,000 tourists on weekends.
For the amusement of the public, Kinney hired aviators to do aerial stunts over the beach. One of them, movie aviator and Venice airport owner B. H. DeLay, implemented the first lighted airport in the United States on DeLay Field (previously known as Ince Field). After a marine rescue attempt was thwarted, he organized the first aerial police force in the nation. DeLay performed many of the world's first aerial stunts for motion pictures in Venice.
Attractions on the Kinney Pier became more amusement-oriented by 1910, when a Venice Miniature Railway, Aquarium, Virginia Reel, Whip, Racing Derby, and other rides and game booths were added. Since the business district was allotted only three one-block-long streets, and the City Hall was more than a mile away, other competing business districts developed. Unfortunately, this created a fractious political climate. Kinney, however, governed with an iron hand and kept things in check. When he died in November 1920, Venice became harder to govern. With the amusement pier burning six weeks later in December 1920, and Prohibition (which had begun the previous January), the town's tax revenue was severely affected.
The Kinney family rebuilt their amusement pier quickly to compete with Ocean Park's Pickering Pleasure Pier and the new Sunset Pier. When it opened it had two roller coasters, a new Racing Derby, a Noah's Ark, a Mill Chutes, and many other rides. By 1925, with the addition of a third coaster, a tall Dragon Slide, Fun House, and Flying Circus aerial ride, it was the finest amusement pier on the West Coast. Several hundred thousand tourists visited on weekends. In 1923, Charles Lick built the Lick Pier at Navy Street in Venice, adjacent to the Ocean Park Pier at Pier Avenue in Ocean Park. Another pier was planned for Venice in 1925 at Leona Street (now Washington Street).
By 1925, Venice's politics had become unmanageable because its roads, water and sewage systems badly needed repair and expansion to keep up with its growing population. When it was proposed that Venice consolidate with Los Angeles, the board of trustees voted to hold an election. Consolidation was approved at the election in November 1925, and Venice was merged with Los Angeles in 1926.
Many streets were paved in 1929, following a three-year court battle led by canal residents. Afterward, the Department of Recreation and Parks intended to close three amusement piers, but had to wait until the first of the tidelands leases expired in 1946.
In 1929, oil was discovered south of Washington Street on the Venice Peninsula, now known as the Marina Peninsula neighborhood of Los Angeles. Within two years, 450 oil wells covered the area, and drilling waste clogged the remaining waterways. The short-lived boom provided needed income to the community, which otherwise suffered during the Great Depression. Most of the wells had been capped by the 1970s, and the last wells, near the Venice Pavilion, were capped in 1991.
After annexation, the city of Los Angeles showed little interest in maintaining the unusual neighborhood. Most of the canals were filled in and paved over, and the former lagoon became a traffic circle. The neighborhood lacked the automobile-centric, homogeneous character that the city sought to cultivate in the post-World War II era, and was perceived as a dated, obsolete remnant of earlier decades' land speculation.
Los Angeles had neglected Venice so long that, by the 1950s the neglect had led to the area being labeled the "Slum by the Sea". With the exception of new police and fire stations in 1930, the city spent little on improvements after annexation. The city did not pave Trolleyway (Pacific Avenue) until 1954 when county and state funds became available. Low rents for run-down bungalows attracted predominantly European immigrants (including a substantial number of Holocaust survivors) and young counterculture artists, poets, and writers. The Beat Generation hung out at the Gas House on Ocean Front Walk and at Venice West Cafe on Dudley.
The Venice Shoreline Crips and the Latino Venice 13 (V-13) were the two main gangs active in Venice. V13 dates back to the 1950s, while the Shoreline Crips were founded in the early 1970s, making them one of the first Crip sets in Los Angeles.[citation needed] In the early 1990s, V-13 and the Shoreline Crips were involved in a fierce battle over crack cocaine sales territories.
By 2002, the numbers of gang members in Venice were reduced due to gentrification and increased police presence. According to a Los Angeles City Beat article, by 2003, many Los Angeles Westside gang members had resettled in the city of Inglewood.
Venice Beach is one of the most difficult places in the United States to build new housing due to stringent zoning regulations. Between 2007 and 2022, the number of available housing units actually decreased, despite a massive increase in property values and construction activity over the same period. The neighborhood was developed early in the history of Los Angeles, and as such much of the housing stock predates the current system of zoning regulations by decades. In the areas along Pacific avenue, many early 1900's multifamily buildings still exist, some housing as many as 30 units on a single lot with no parking. Current regulations mandate lower housing densities (most commonly 1 unit per 1,500 square feet of lot area).
As per a 2020 count, there were nearly 2,000 homeless people in Venice, up from 175 in 2014. Many of them take up residence in tents and tent cities. An LAPD official said that the increased homeless population has contributed to a spike in crimes in Venice in 2021. In February 2020, the city opened a 154-bed transitional housing shelter at a former Metro bus yard.
According to the City of Los Angeles, Venice is bounded on the north by the City of Santa Monica (Marine and Dewey Streets). On the west, it is bounded by the Pacific Ocean and on the east by Walgrove Avenue from the Santa Monica border to Venice Boulevard, Beethoven Street from Venice Boulevard to Zanja Street (including Venice High) and Del Rey Avenue from Zanja Street to Maxella Avenue. On the south, the boundary runs along Lincoln Boulevard to Admiralty Way, then south to Ballona Creek – including the Marina Peninsula community but excluding Marina del Rey. Venice borders the Palms, Mar Vista, and Del Rey neighborhoods, parts of Culver City and Marina del Rey.
According to the Venice Neighborhood Council, Venice consists of the eight existing neighborhoods listed in the Venice Specific Plan – Silver Strand, Oxford Triangle, Marina Peninsula, Silver Triangle, North Venice, South Venice, Presidents Row, Venice Canals, Oakwood, North OFW (Ocean Front Walk), NoRo (North of Rose Avenue) and Penmar – plus the additional neighborhood of East of Venice.
Venice Beach, which receives millions of visitors a year, has been labeled as "a cultural hub known for its eccentricities" as well as a "global tourist destination". It includes the promenade that runs parallel to the beach, the Venice Beach Boardwalk, Muscle Beach, and the Venice Beach Recreation Center with handball courts, paddle tennis courts, a skate dancing plaza, and numerous beach volleyball courts. It also includes a bike trail and many businesses on Ocean Front Walk.
The basketball courts in Venice are renowned across the country for their high level of streetball; numerous professional basketball players developed their games or have been recruited on these courts.
Venice Beach will host skateboarding and 3x3 basketball during the 2028 Summer Olympics.
Along the southern portion of the beach, at the end of Washington Boulevard, is the Venice Fishing Pier. A 1,310-foot (400 m) concrete structure, it first opened in 1964, was closed in 1983 due to El Niño storm damage, and re-opened in the mid-1990s. On December 21, 2005, the pier again suffered damage when waves from a large northern swell caused part of it to fall into the ocean.[51] The pier remained closed until May 25, 2006, when it was re-opened after an engineering study concluded that it was structurally sound.
The Venice Breakwater is an acclaimed local surf spot in Venice. It is located north of the Venice Pier and lifeguard headquarters and south of the Santa Monica Pier. This spot is sheltered on the north by an artificial barrier, the breakwater, consisting of an extending sand bar, piping, and large rocks at its end.
In late 2010, the Los Angeles County Board of Supervisors conducted a $1.6 million replacement of 30,000 cubic yards of sand at Venice Beach eroded by rainstorms in recent years. Although Venice Beach is located in the city of Los Angeles, the county is responsible for maintaining the beach under an agreement reached between the two governments in 1975.
The Venice Art Walls are murals along the Venice Boardwalk in Venice, Los Angeles, in the U.S. state of California.
According to David J. Del Grande of the Arizona Daily Star, "Venice Art Walls offers graffiti writers a place to paint and tag, with their creations curated by local graffiti production company Setting the Pace. The Setting the Pace foundation began managing the Venice Art Walls in 2012, and the group has since organized mural workshops for students and young artists."
According to Paste, artists with "prearranged permits can legally tag and create". The site has been mentioned as an example of a deterrent for graffiti elsewhere.
A street artist spray painting the wall in 2022
In 2019, Thrillist's Lizbeth Scordo said the "ever-changing" walls between Windward and Market "actually date back to the '60s (though painting them only became technically legal in the last 20 years), and you can watch artists add to the colorful history on weekends".
The Venice Beach Recreation Center comprises a number of facilities. The installation has basketball courts (unlighted/outdoor), several children play areas with a gymnastics apparatus, chess tables, handball courts (unlighted), paddle tennis courts (unlighted), and volleyball courts (unlighted). At the south end of the area is the muscle beach outdoor gymnasium. In March 2009, the city opened a sophisticated $2 million skate park, the Venice Beach Skate Park, on the sand towards the north. The Graffiti Walls are on the beach side of the bike path in the same vicinity.
The Oakwood Recreation Center, which also acts as a Los Angeles Police Department stop-in center, includes an auditorium, an unlighted baseball diamond, lighted indoor basketball courts, unlighted outdoor basketball courts, a children's play area, a community room, a lighted American football field, an indoor gymnasium without weights, picnic tables, and an unlighted soccer field.
Venice Beach is the headquarters of the Los Angeles County Lifeguards of the Los Angeles County Fire Department. It is located at 2300 Ocean Front Walk. It is the nation's largest ocean lifeguard organization with over 200 full-time and 700 part-time or seasonal lifeguards. The headquarters building used to be the City of Los Angeles Lifeguard Headquarters until Los Angeles City and Santa Monica Lifeguards were merged into the County in 1975.
The Los Angeles County Lifeguards safeguard 31 miles (50 km) of beach and 70 miles (110 km) of coastline, from San Pedro in the south, to Malibu in the north. Lifeguards also provide paramedic and rescue boat services to Catalina Island, with operations out of Avalon and the Isthmus.
Lifeguard Division employs 120 full-time and 600 seasonal lifeguards, operating out of three sectional headquarters, Hermosa, Santa Monica, and Zuma beach. Each of these headquarters staffs a 24-hour EMT-D response unit and are part of the 911 system. In addition to providing for beach safety, Los Angeles County Lifeguards have specialized training for Baywatch rescue boat operations, underwater rescue and recovery, swiftwater rescue, cliff rescue, marine mammal rescue and marine firefighting.
California is a state in the Western United States, located along the Pacific Coast. With nearly 39.2 million residents across a total area of approximately 163,696 square miles (423,970 km2), it is the most populous U.S. state and the 3rd largest by area. It is also the most populated subnational entity in North America and the 34th most populous in the world. The Greater Los Angeles area and the San Francisco Bay Area are the nation's second and fifth most populous urban regions respectively, with the former having more than 18.7 million residents and the latter having over 9.6 million. Sacramento is the state's capital, while Los Angeles is the most populous city in the state and the second most populous city in the country. San Francisco is the second most densely populated major city in the country. Los Angeles County is the country's most populous, while San Bernardino County is the largest county by area in the country. California borders Oregon to the north, Nevada and Arizona to the east, the Mexican state of Baja California to the south; and has a coastline along the Pacific Ocean to the west.
The economy of the state of California is the largest in the United States, with a $3.4 trillion gross state product (GSP) as of 2022. It is the largest sub-national economy in the world. If California were a sovereign nation, it would rank as the world's fifth-largest economy as of 2022, behind Germany and ahead of India, as well as the 37th most populous. The Greater Los Angeles area and the San Francisco Bay Area are the nation's second- and third-largest urban economies ($1.0 trillion and $0.5 trillion respectively as of 2020). The San Francisco Bay Area Combined Statistical Area had the nation's highest gross domestic product per capita ($106,757) among large primary statistical areas in 2018, and is home to five of the world's ten largest companies by market capitalization and four of the world's ten richest people.
Prior to European colonization, California was one of the most culturally and linguistically diverse areas in pre-Columbian North America and contained the highest Native American population density north of what is now Mexico. European exploration in the 16th and 17th centuries led to the colonization of California by the Spanish Empire. In 1804, it was included in Alta California province within the Viceroyalty of New Spain. The area became a part of Mexico in 1821, following its successful war for independence, but was ceded to the United States in 1848 after the Mexican–American War. The California Gold Rush started in 1848 and led to dramatic social and demographic changes, including large-scale immigration into California, a worldwide economic boom, and the California genocide of indigenous people. The western portion of Alta California was then organized and admitted as the 31st state on September 9, 1850, following the Compromise of 1850.
Notable contributions to popular culture, for example in entertainment and sports, have their origins in California. The state also has made noteworthy contributions in the fields of communication, information, innovation, environmentalism, economics, and politics. It is the home of Hollywood, the oldest and one of the largest film industries in the world, which has had a profound influence upon global entertainment. It is considered the origin of the hippie counterculture, beach and car culture, and the personal computer, among other innovations. The San Francisco Bay Area and the Greater Los Angeles Area are widely seen as the centers of the global technology and film industries, respectively. California's economy is very diverse: 58% of it is based on finance, government, real estate services, technology, and professional, scientific, and technical business services. Although it accounts for only 1.5% of the state's economy, California's agriculture industry has the highest output of any U.S. state. California's ports and harbors handle about a third of all U.S. imports, most originating in Pacific Rim international trade.
The state's extremely diverse geography ranges from the Pacific Coast and metropolitan areas in the west to the Sierra Nevada mountains in the east, and from the redwood and Douglas fir forests in the northwest to the Mojave Desert in the southeast. The Central Valley, a major agricultural area, dominates the state's center. California is well known for its warm Mediterranean climate and monsoon seasonal weather. The large size of the state results in climates that vary from moist temperate rainforest in the north to arid desert in the interior, as well as snowy alpine in the mountains.
Settled by successive waves of arrivals during at least the last 13,000 years, California was one of the most culturally and linguistically diverse areas in pre-Columbian North America. Various estimates of the native population have ranged from 100,000 to 300,000. The indigenous peoples of California included more than 70 distinct ethnic groups, inhabiting environments from mountains and deserts to islands and redwood forests. These groups were also diverse in their political organization, with bands, tribes, villages, and on the resource-rich coasts, large chiefdoms, such as the Chumash, Pomo and Salinan. Trade, intermarriage and military alliances fostered social and economic relationships between many groups.
The first Europeans to explore the coast of California were the members of a Spanish maritime expedition led by Portuguese captain Juan Rodríguez Cabrillo in 1542. Cabrillo was commissioned by Antonio de Mendoza, the Viceroy of New Spain, to lead an expedition up the Pacific coast in search of trade opportunities; they entered San Diego Bay on September 28, 1542, and reached at least as far north as San Miguel Island. Privateer and explorer Francis Drake explored and claimed an undefined portion of the California coast in 1579, landing north of the future city of San Francisco. Sebastián Vizcaíno explored and mapped the coast of California in 1602 for New Spain, putting ashore in Monterey. Despite the on-the-ground explorations of California in the 16th century, Rodríguez's idea of California as an island persisted. Such depictions appeared on many European maps well into the 18th century.
The Portolá expedition of 1769-70 was a pivotal event in the Spanish colonization of California, resulting in the establishment of numerous missions, presidios, and pueblos. The military and civil contingent of the expedition was led by Gaspar de Portolá, who traveled over land from Sonora into California, while the religious component was headed by Junípero Serra, who came by sea from Baja California. In 1769, Portolá and Serra established Mission San Diego de Alcalá and the Presidio of San Diego, the first religious and military settlements founded by the Spanish in California. By the end of the expedition in 1770, they would establish the Presidio of Monterey and Mission San Carlos Borromeo de Carmelo on Monterey Bay.
After the Portolà expedition, Spanish missionaries led by Father-President Serra set out to establish 21 Spanish missions of California along El Camino Real ("The Royal Road") and along the Californian coast, 16 sites of which having been chosen during the Portolá expedition. Numerous major cities in California grew out of missions, including San Francisco (Mission San Francisco de Asís), San Diego (Mission San Diego de Alcalá), Ventura (Mission San Buenaventura), or Santa Barbara (Mission Santa Barbara), among others.
Juan Bautista de Anza led a similarly important expedition throughout California in 1775–76, which would extend deeper into the interior and north of California. The Anza expedition selected numerous sites for missions, presidios, and pueblos, which subsequently would be established by settlers. Gabriel Moraga, a member of the expedition, would also christen many of California's prominent rivers with their names in 1775–1776, such as the Sacramento River and the San Joaquin River. After the expedition, Gabriel's son, José Joaquín Moraga, would found the pueblo of San Jose in 1777, making it the first civilian-established city in California.
The Spanish founded Mission San Juan Capistrano in 1776, the third to be established of the Californian missions.
During this same period, sailors from the Russian Empire explored along the northern coast of California. In 1812, the Russian-American Company established a trading post and small fortification at Fort Ross on the North Coast. Fort Ross was primarily used to supply Russia's Alaskan colonies with food supplies. The settlement did not meet much success, failing to attract settlers or establish long term trade viability, and was abandoned by 1841.
During the War of Mexican Independence, Alta California was largely unaffected and uninvolved in the revolution, though many Californios supported independence from Spain, which many believed had neglected California and limited its development. Spain's trade monopoly on California had limited the trade prospects of Californians. Following Mexican independence, Californian ports were freely able to trade with foreign merchants. Governor Pablo Vicente de Solá presided over the transition from Spanish colonial rule to independent.
In 1821, the Mexican War of Independence gave the Mexican Empire (which included California) independence from Spain. For the next 25 years, Alta California remained a remote, sparsely populated, northwestern administrative district of the newly independent country of Mexico, which shortly after independence became a republic. The missions, which controlled most of the best land in the state, were secularized by 1834 and became the property of the Mexican government. The governor granted many square leagues of land to others with political influence. These huge ranchos or cattle ranches emerged as the dominant institutions of Mexican California. The ranchos developed under ownership by Californios (Hispanics native of California) who traded cowhides and tallow with Boston merchants. Beef did not become a commodity until the 1849 California Gold Rush.
From the 1820s, trappers and settlers from the United States and Canada began to arrive in Northern California. These new arrivals used the Siskiyou Trail, California Trail, Oregon Trail and Old Spanish Trail to cross the rugged mountains and harsh deserts in and surrounding California. The early government of the newly independent Mexico was highly unstable, and in a reflection of this, from 1831 onwards, California also experienced a series of armed disputes, both internal and with the central Mexican government. During this tumultuous political period Juan Bautista Alvarado was able to secure the governorship during 1836–1842. The military action which first brought Alvarado to power had momentarily declared California to be an independent state, and had been aided by Anglo-American residents of California, including Isaac Graham. In 1840, one hundred of those residents who did not have passports were arrested, leading to the Graham Affair, which was resolved in part with the intercession of Royal Navy officials.
One of the largest ranchers in California was John Marsh. After failing to obtain justice against squatters on his land from the Mexican courts, he determined that California should become part of the United States. Marsh conducted a letter-writing campaign espousing the California climate, the soil, and other reasons to settle there, as well as the best route to follow, which became known as "Marsh's route". His letters were read, reread, passed around, and printed in newspapers throughout the country, and started the first wagon trains rolling to California. He invited immigrants to stay on his ranch until they could get settled, and assisted in their obtaining passports.
After ushering in the period of organized emigration to California, Marsh became involved in a military battle between the much-hated Mexican general, Manuel Micheltorena and the California governor he had replaced, Juan Bautista Alvarado. The armies of each met at the Battle of Providencia near Los Angeles. Marsh had been forced against his will to join Micheltorena's army. Ignoring his superiors, during the battle, he signaled the other side for a parley. There were many settlers from the United States fighting on both sides. He convinced these men that they had no reason to be fighting each other. As a result of Marsh's actions, they abandoned the fight, Micheltorena was defeated, and California-born Pio Pico was returned to the governorship. This paved the way to California's ultimate acquisition by the United States.
In 1846, a group of American settlers in and around Sonoma rebelled against Mexican rule during the Bear Flag Revolt. Afterward, rebels raised the Bear Flag (featuring a bear, a star, a red stripe and the words "California Republic") at Sonoma. The Republic's only president was William B. Ide,[65] who played a pivotal role during the Bear Flag Revolt. This revolt by American settlers served as a prelude to the later American military invasion of California and was closely coordinated with nearby American military commanders.
The California Republic was short-lived; the same year marked the outbreak of the Mexican–American War (1846–48).
Commodore John D. Sloat of the United States Navy sailed into Monterey Bay in 1846 and began the U.S. military invasion of California, with Northern California capitulating in less than a month to the United States forces. In Southern California, Californios continued to resist American forces. Notable military engagements of the conquest include the Battle of San Pasqual and the Battle of Dominguez Rancho in Southern California, as well as the Battle of Olómpali and the Battle of Santa Clara in Northern California. After a series of defensive battles in the south, the Treaty of Cahuenga was signed by the Californios on January 13, 1847, securing a censure and establishing de facto American control in California.
Following the Treaty of Guadalupe Hidalgo (February 2, 1848) that ended the war, the westernmost portion of the annexed Mexican territory of Alta California soon became the American state of California, and the remainder of the old territory was then subdivided into the new American Territories of Arizona, Nevada, Colorado and Utah. The even more lightly populated and arid lower region of old Baja California remained as a part of Mexico. In 1846, the total settler population of the western part of the old Alta California had been estimated to be no more than 8,000, plus about 100,000 Native Americans, down from about 300,000 before Hispanic settlement in 1769.
In 1848, only one week before the official American annexation of the area, gold was discovered in California, this being an event which was to forever alter both the state's demographics and its finances. Soon afterward, a massive influx of immigration into the area resulted, as prospectors and miners arrived by the thousands. The population burgeoned with United States citizens, Europeans, Chinese and other immigrants during the great California Gold Rush. By the time of California's application for statehood in 1850, the settler population of California had multiplied to 100,000. By 1854, more than 300,000 settlers had come. Between 1847 and 1870, the population of San Francisco increased from 500 to 150,000.
The seat of government for California under Spanish and later Mexican rule had been located in Monterey from 1777 until 1845. Pio Pico, the last Mexican governor of Alta California, had briefly moved the capital to Los Angeles in 1845. The United States consulate had also been located in Monterey, under consul Thomas O. Larkin.
In 1849, a state Constitutional Convention was first held in Monterey. Among the first tasks of the convention was a decision on a location for the new state capital. The first full legislative sessions were held in San Jose (1850–1851). Subsequent locations included Vallejo (1852–1853), and nearby Benicia (1853–1854); these locations eventually proved to be inadequate as well. The capital has been located in Sacramento since 1854 with only a short break in 1862 when legislative sessions were held in San Francisco due to flooding in Sacramento. Once the state's Constitutional Convention had finalized its state constitution, it applied to the U.S. Congress for admission to statehood. On September 9, 1850, as part of the Compromise of 1850, California became a free state and September 9 a state holiday.
During the American Civil War (1861–1865), California sent gold shipments eastward to Washington in support of the Union. However, due to the existence of a large contingent of pro-South sympathizers within the state, the state was not able to muster any full military regiments to send eastwards to officially serve in the Union war effort. Still, several smaller military units within the Union army were unofficially associated with the state of California, such as the "California 100 Company", due to a majority of their members being from California.
At the time of California's admission into the Union, travel between California and the rest of the continental United States had been a time-consuming and dangerous feat. Nineteen years later, and seven years after it was greenlighted by President Lincoln, the First transcontinental railroad was completed in 1869. California was then reachable from the eastern States in a week's time.
Much of the state was extremely well suited to fruit cultivation and agriculture in general. Vast expanses of wheat, other cereal crops, vegetable crops, cotton, and nut and fruit trees were grown (including oranges in Southern California), and the foundation was laid for the state's prodigious agricultural production in the Central Valley and elsewhere.
In the nineteenth century, a large number of migrants from China traveled to the state as part of the Gold Rush or to seek work. Even though the Chinese proved indispensable in building the transcontinental railroad from California to Utah, perceived job competition with the Chinese led to anti-Chinese riots in the state, and eventually the US ended migration from China partially as a response to pressure from California with the 1882 Chinese Exclusion Act.
Under earlier Spanish and Mexican rule, California's original native population had precipitously declined, above all, from Eurasian diseases to which the indigenous people of California had not yet developed a natural immunity. Under its new American administration, California's harsh governmental policies towards its own indigenous people did not improve. As in other American states, many of the native inhabitants were soon forcibly removed from their lands by incoming American settlers such as miners, ranchers, and farmers. Although California had entered the American union as a free state, the "loitering or orphaned Indians" were de facto enslaved by their new Anglo-American masters under the 1853 Act for the Government and Protection of Indians. There were also massacres in which hundreds of indigenous people were killed.
Between 1850 and 1860, the California state government paid around 1.5 million dollars (some 250,000 of which was reimbursed by the federal government) to hire militias whose purpose was to protect settlers from the indigenous populations. In later decades, the native population was placed in reservations and rancherias, which were often small and isolated and without enough natural resources or funding from the government to sustain the populations living on them. As a result, the rise of California was a calamity for the native inhabitants. Several scholars and Native American activists, including Benjamin Madley and Ed Castillo, have described the actions of the California government as a genocide.
In the twentieth century, thousands of Japanese people migrated to the US and California specifically to attempt to purchase and own land in the state. However, the state in 1913 passed the Alien Land Act, excluding Asian immigrants from owning land. During World War II, Japanese Americans in California were interned in concentration camps such as at Tule Lake and Manzanar. In 2020, California officially apologized for this internment.
Migration to California accelerated during the early 20th century with the completion of major transcontinental highways like the Lincoln Highway and Route 66. In the period from 1900 to 1965, the population grew from fewer than one million to the greatest in the Union. In 1940, the Census Bureau reported California's population as 6.0% Hispanic, 2.4% Asian, and 89.5% non-Hispanic white.
To meet the population's needs, major engineering feats like the California and Los Angeles Aqueducts; the Oroville and Shasta Dams; and the Bay and Golden Gate Bridges were built across the state. The state government also adopted the California Master Plan for Higher Education in 1960 to develop a highly efficient system of public education.
Meanwhile, attracted to the mild Mediterranean climate, cheap land, and the state's wide variety of geography, filmmakers established the studio system in Hollywood in the 1920s. California manufactured 8.7 percent of total United States military armaments produced during World War II, ranking third (behind New York and Michigan) among the 48 states. California however easily ranked first in production of military ships during the war (transport, cargo, [merchant ships] such as Liberty ships, Victory ships, and warships) at drydock facilities in San Diego, Los Angeles, and the San Francisco Bay Area. After World War II, California's economy greatly expanded due to strong aerospace and defense industries, whose size decreased following the end of the Cold War. Stanford University and its Dean of Engineering Frederick Terman began encouraging faculty and graduates to stay in California instead of leaving the state, and develop a high-tech region in the area now known as Silicon Valley. As a result of these efforts, California is regarded as a world center of the entertainment and music industries, of technology, engineering, and the aerospace industry, and as the United States center of agricultural production. Just before the Dot Com Bust, California had the fifth-largest economy in the world among nations.
In the mid and late twentieth century, a number of race-related incidents occurred in the state. Tensions between police and African Americans, combined with unemployment and poverty in inner cities, led to violent riots, such as the 1965 Watts riots and 1992 Rodney King riots. California was also the hub of the Black Panther Party, a group known for arming African Americans to defend against racial injustice and for organizing free breakfast programs for schoolchildren. Additionally, Mexican, Filipino, and other migrant farm workers rallied in the state around Cesar Chavez for better pay in the 1960s and 1970s.
During the 20th century, two great disasters happened in California. The 1906 San Francisco earthquake and 1928 St. Francis Dam flood remain the deadliest in U.S. history.
Although air pollution problems have been reduced, health problems associated with pollution have continued. The brown haze known as "smog" has been substantially abated after the passage of federal and state restrictions on automobile exhaust.
An energy crisis in 2001 led to rolling blackouts, soaring power rates, and the importation of electricity from neighboring states. Southern California Edison and Pacific Gas and Electric Company came under heavy criticism.
Housing prices in urban areas continued to increase; a modest home which in the 1960s cost $25,000 would cost half a million dollars or more in urban areas by 2005. More people commuted longer hours to afford a home in more rural areas while earning larger salaries in the urban areas. Speculators bought houses they never intended to live in, expecting to make a huge profit in a matter of months, then rolling it over by buying more properties. Mortgage companies were compliant, as everyone assumed the prices would keep rising. The bubble burst in 2007–8 as housing prices began to crash and the boom years ended. Hundreds of billions in property values vanished and foreclosures soared as many financial institutions and investors were badly hurt.
In the twenty-first century, droughts and frequent wildfires attributed to climate change have occurred in the state. From 2011 to 2017, a persistent drought was the worst in its recorded history. The 2018 wildfire season was the state's deadliest and most destructive, most notably Camp Fire.
Although air pollution problems have been reduced, health problems associated with pollution have continued. The brown haze that is known as "smog" has been substantially abated thanks to federal and state restrictions on automobile exhaust.
One of the first confirmed COVID-19 cases in the United States that occurred in California was first of which was confirmed on January 26, 2020. Meaning, all of the early confirmed cases were persons who had recently travelled to China in Asia, as testing was restricted to this group. On this January 29, 2020, as disease containment protocols were still being developed, the U.S. Department of State evacuated 195 persons from Wuhan, China aboard a chartered flight to March Air Reserve Base in Riverside County, and in this process, it may have granted and conferred to escalated within the land and the US at cosmic. On February 5, 2020, the U.S. evacuated 345 more citizens from Hubei Province to two military bases in California, Travis Air Force Base in Solano County and Marine Corps Air Station Miramar, San Diego, where they were quarantined for 14 days. A state of emergency was largely declared in this state of the nation on March 4, 2020, and as of February 24, 2021, remains in effect. A mandatory statewide stay-at-home order was issued on March 19, 2020, due to increase, which was ended on January 25, 2021, allowing citizens to return to normal life. On April 6, 2021, the state announced plans to fully reopen the economy by June 15, 2021.
Not a very exciting shot. I took this shot for possible inclusion on my company's revamped website. There's a little hand blur on this one. I also took a similar one from a very slightly different angle which has no blur, but I preferred this angle so sod the blur as it's only going to be scaled small.
Developers of winning apps pose during an App Quest 3.0. event sponsored by the Metropolitan Transportation Authority, AT&T, Transit Wireless, and New York University’s Center for Urban Science and Progress (CUSP), to announce winners in their global competition to solicit development of new mobile solutions designed to help improve commutes for millions of subway, bus and rail riders across the five boroughs. Photo: Metropolitan Transportation Authority / Patrick Cashin
Every software project involves aspects of risk. With respect to the nature from the project, these risks can differ, however they could possibly be grouped into five groups.
5 Kinds of software developer Risk
Budget Risk: the chance of projects groing through budget. Possibly the most typical risk in software development and frequently associated with other risks.
Personnel Risk: the chance of losing or lack of project team people. Even when for a while, this can lead to delays and errors.
Understanding Risk: when you will find understanding silos or even the change in details are poor. The entire process of relearning leads to additional labor, time, and sources.
Productivity Risk: this risk is typical in lengthy projects, specially when deadlines and goals are lengthy-term. This atmosphere creates deficiencies in immediacy which leads to deficiencies in emergency of labor.
Time Risk: product delays are-too-common in software developer often the outcomes of poor planning, impractical timelines, and also the lack of ability to adjust to altering product needs.
Managing These Risks in Agile Development
Startup Stock Photos
The agile methodology inherently addresses a number of these risks. That stated, they're still prevalent in lots of agile environments, frequently due to project team mistakes, planning errors, failures in process, and unpredicted changes as products evolve. Here we will address each software development risk and just how it may be were able to mitigate delays, mistakes, along with other barriers to shipping a effective product.
Risk - Budget
Solution - Moving Wave Planning
In product, you always make assumptions that can't be proven or disproven until more details opens up. As development progresses, objectives or goals may shift, or even the product might need to pivot to become viable.Moving wave planning is made to take into account this. Teams make product decisions when they're within the best position to ensure software developer are, instead of presenting very detailed plans at the outset of the work.
I will probably not like it in the morning.
Its the morning and I don't mind it but it looked better when all the lights were off..
Old pack I discovered in my shelves. Powder pack for 1 litre, in two parts (A and B). .
Bought in France, 1982 or late 1981 (see the label, dated 09/81, this means that it was manufactured before this date).
Ultra fine grain film developer, for small tanks or trays. It can process up to 10 films with 1 min time increase for each film already processed. I think however that +1 min was too much.
I didn't use it much, I used much more Atomal FF, another Agfa fine-grained developer that wasn't same as Atomal. That one was available in bigger professional packs for 5 litres or more.
I can't say if this 33+ year old pack can still be good for use. I would never throw it away without checking it. :)
After studies have been conducted on the specific group of users, it’s switched right into a profile or user persona that imitates a genuine customer. Basically, a persona is personified data produced from user behaviours, attitudes, discomfort points, as well as their wants and needs inside a particular product. Instead of tailoring an software developer to meet the requirements of the generic group, a persona was created having a specific number of users in your mind.
Personas illustrate the goals and behaviors of users while areas examine patterns in census for example age, location, sex, salary, and so forth. Both of them are essential however, personas offer lots of advantages throughout the development process.
1. Promote User-Focused Outcomes
Frequently, an application can morph in to the desires from the designer as opposed to the user. To avert this, the expansion process must focus on a person-focused goal all actions should be created using the consumer in your mind. With this to happen, they must adopt the outlook during the finish user to create an application that resonates using its users. Personas ought to be used through the development process and never as just one phase. Reinforcing the consumer persona through the entire process will be sure that the entire team remains centered on their primary goal. Without having done this, the end result from the final software developer might not match the users’ wants.
lady-smartphone-girl-technology
2. Establishes Consensus During Development
Raw information is frequently hard to interpret however, a persona encapsulates the study and communicates the trends to other people in a manner that they are able to understand and visualize. Inside a team of developers, you will find usually individuals with different skills and expertise that could cause a positive change of opinions. A person persona is a superb tool to prevent confusion and miscommunications through the development process. The persona communicates ideas and ideas using the team of developers, stakeholders, and users. Effectively, it helps to ensure that everybody is on a single page and understands who the prospective audience is.
Startup Stock Photos
3. Validates All Decisions
An application idea is made, but could it be really exactly what the user needs and wants? While it’s important to determine who the application will target, it’s more essential to understand the consumer particularly desires. Without validation, the end result won’t deliver just what the finish user needs and can ultimately be pointless. All decisions and actions which are made throughout the development process must have a person-focused reasoning. When the development process starts to stray from concentrating on meeting the users’ needs, the application will likely fail.
User personas are valuable for everybody throughout the development process to be able to boost the quality and efficiency of the work. A persona increases product quality since it directly addresses the finish users discomfort points and fixes issues that software developer presently experience. Understanding and meeting a particular categories of users’ needs will be sure that the application is really a success. Narrowing in on the specific group of users will yield greater download rates and most importantly, it'll keep up with the engagement from the users.
Here is a photo of my friend Lorand that I shot on Lomochrome Purple 120 film, with my Hasselblad 205fcc and 80mm lens. Home processed with Cinnestil CS-41 C-41 developer. 3:45 minutes at 39 °C. Epson V-850 scan. May 2020.
A trip to Jem at Real Camera Manchester resulted in a pack of Leicanol powder developer.
Must be dated between 1975 (HP5 introduced) and 1989 (HP5+ replaced HP5) as the times are for HP5. Made byTetenal. Not a lot on the WWW about this developer.
Sugar Hill, West Harlem, Manhattan, New York City, New York, United States
486-92 Convent Avenue (aka 438-444 West 152nd Street)
Borough of Manhattan Tax Map Block 2066, Lot 46
Name: Fontenoy
Date of Construction: 1905-06 (NB 1297-05)
Architect: John Hauser
Original Owner/Developer: McKinley Realty and Construction Co.
Type: Apartment house Style: Beaux Arts Stories: 5 and basement
Materials: Roman brick with limestone base and terra-cotta trim History
This apartment building is part of a trio that includes the Iroquois and the Osceola at 480 and 482 Convent Avenue. The building was originally planned with 21 apartments. The McKinley Realty and Construction Co. purchased the property in 1905 and held onto the completed buildings until 1916.
Description
Stucco basement with altered fenestration; rusticated limestone first story; pale yellow Roman brick with white, glazed terra cotta above; historic areaway pipe railing; building anchored by three window wide rounded comer bay. Convent Avenue facade: ten bays wide with subsidiary bay of small rectangular windows just to the right of the seventh bay; entrance pavilion near center with short stoop with stone wing walls leading to historic glass and iron-grille doors in bay six; Fontenoy carved into panel above door; entrance flanked by pairs of heavy brackets with cartouches supporting a balcony; all window openings rectangular with non-historic sash; bays two, six, and nine on second through fourth stories are set within keyed vertical enframement capped by pediment and ornamented with garland panels; other windows on second through fourth stories with splayed lintels; at either end of facade are terra-cotta ornamental panels - an eared rectangular panel with a cartouche between the second and third stories, and an oval panel with fruit and flowers between the third and fourth stories; quoins at ends of the facade; windows of tower ornamented with full enframements, keystones and garland panels; non- historic store entrance and canopy in basement level of tower. 152nd Street facade: nine bays wide, 152nd Street facade similar to Convent Avenue facade; smaller windows in bay four; bays two and eight with vertical frames; historic wrought-iron fire escape; pressed-metal bracketed comice with garland frieze.
The Early History of the Area
The development of the property in and around the Hamilton Heights/Sugar Hill Northwest Historic District was influenced both by the natural geography of the area and by the pattern of land subdivision extending back to the seventeenth century. The district is located on high ground just west of the steep escarpment that separates the '‘Heights” from the Harlem Plain to the east. These cliffs run north from about 110th Street almost to the northern tip of Manhattan Island with only a few natural breaks. They are of solid Manhattan schist, in contrast to the easily eroded Inwood limestone on the lowlands.
During the eighteenth and early nineteenth centuries, estates were laid out to the north and south of the Hamilton Heights/Sugar Hill Northwest Historic District; the land within the district never became part of such an assemblage. Rather, it was farmland that, after passing through several hands, was opened for development. In 1624, the first European settlers arrived in the Dutch colony of the New Netherlands. In order to encourage settlement in the New Netherlands, the West India Company, which had the exclusive right to property, provided immigrants with large land grants. In June 1639, Captain Jochiem Pietersen Kuyter arrived in New Amsterdam, the major settlement in the New Netherlands, from Holstein, Denmark. Kuyter was given a large land grant in northern Manhattan, along the Harlem River, extending west as far as what is now St. Nicholas Avenue. Reginald Pelham Bolton notes in his history of the Washington Heights neighborhood that “a title to the contiguous wooded upland seems to have been claimed by the settler, so that the hill became known in all the early records of the township of New Harlem, as Jochem [sic] Pieter’s Hills.” Thus, Kuyter was the first European to claim ownership of the property within the Hamilton Heights/Sugar Hill Northwest Historic District.
Kuyter was killed during an Indian attack in 1654 and when Dutch governor Peter Stuyvesant established the village of New Harlem in 1658, land was to be sold for the benefit of Kuyter’s heirs and creditors. The lowlands near the Harlem River were divided into village and farm plots, but the heights (Jochem Pieter’s Hills) was not part of this early land division, and instead was regarded as common land.
In 1691, the residents of Harlem decided to subdivide the common lands of Jochiem Pieter’s Hills into parcels of approximately equal size, with village residents drawing lots in order to acquire the property. The land included most of the property between what is now St. Nicholas Avenue and the Hudson River from about 133rd to 162nd Streets, as well as some property to the east of St. Nicholas Avenue. Most of the historic district, west of St. Nicholas Avenue, was included in allotment No. 14, which was acquired by Jan Dyckman.
Jan Dyckman was an immigrant from Westphalia (now part of Germany) who first became a land holder in Harlem in 1666. By the time that Jan Dyckman died in 1715 ownership of his property had been conveyed to his son Gerrit. It is probably Gerrit who erected a farmhouse that stood on St. Nicholas Avenue between 151st and 152nd Streets, at least until the late nineteenth century. Gerrit died in 1729 and the property was held by his widow until it was passed on to Gerrit’s son, Jan Dykman (he dropped the “c”). Dykman sold the entire property on November 13, 1767 to John Watkins.
The eastern portion of the historic district was subdivided as a result of an act passed by the governor, council, and general assembly of New York in 1708 to partition the remaining common lands of Harlem. The blockfronts of the historic district along the east side of St. Nicholas Avenue and the west side of St. Nicholas Place were part of allotment No. 19 of the fourth division, subdivided in 1711-12. This plot was acquired by Captain Charles Congreve, an English gentleman who came to New York to serve Governor Combury. Congreve sold the property in December 1713 to Jonathan Waldron. The property passed to his son Samuel and then to the Dykman family and was sold, along with the Dykman property to the west, to John Watkins. In 1776, during the Revolutionary War, American forces constructed their second line of defense, including a series of earthworks, on 153rd Street, across Watkins’s property.
Jonathan Watkins extended the size of his holdings by purchasing lots 15 and 16 to the north, eventually incorporating 142!/2 acres. In order to purchase his property, Watkins borrowed money from General John Maunsell whose wife was a relative. The Maunsell’s owned the property to the
south. In 1793, the Maunsell’s foreclosed on Watkins, but continued to allow his family to live on the property. Mrs. Maunsell died in 1815 and bequeathed her farm to John Watkins’s three children. Dr. Samuel Watkins acquired the property to the north, which includes the southwest comer of St. Nicholas Avenue and West 155th Street, in the historic district. The bulk of the historic district is located on land acquired by one of John Watkins’ two daughters, Elizabeth Duncan, widow of Robert Duncan or Lydia Beekman, the wife of James Beekman.
The development of the farmland in the historic district contrasts with the appearance, in the eighteenth and early nineteenth centuries, of estates owned by wealthy New Yorkers to the north and south. These estates were erected on the high ground in northern Manhattan, taking advantage of the area’s picturesque views over the Hudson and Harlem Rivers and its cooling breezes. To the south of the historic district was Pinehurst, the 110-acre estate of Samuel Bradhurst, with its elegant Federal style mansion (demolished), while south of that was the Grange, the 1801-02 home of Alexander Hamilton (a designated New York City Landmark). To the north of the district was Mount Morris, the eighteenth-century villa of British military officer Roger Morris (1765; a designated New York City Landmark), which was used by General George Washington as his headquarters in September and early October 1776.
The farmers and estate owners on the Heights reached New York City via the King’s Way, renamed King’s Bridge Road (or Kingsbridge Road) after the opening of the King’s Bridge over the Harlem River in the 1690s. This road, dating back to the seventeenth century, connected New Amsterdam/New York with outlying regions to the north. The Commissioner’s Plan of 1811, which laid out the grid of rectangular blocks over Manhattan Island, from 1st Street to 155th Street, called for the elimination of the Kingsbridge Road. However, since it would be many decades before the grid of streets was actually laid out in northern Manhattan and this road was heavily used, it remained. In 1867, the Commissioners of Central Park, who, in the previous year, had been given jurisdiction by the New York State Legislature over altering the street grid and laying out streets in northern Manhattan, prepared a map of new streets that included St. Nicholas Avenue.
The commissioners referred to it as the “Avenue St. Nicholas.” Convent Avenue was also an addition to the 1811 grid plan. As planned in 1866, Convent Avenue terminated at 145* Street, but by 1892 it had been pushed farther north, angling slightly northeast at 150th Street and terminating when it joins St. Nicholas Avenue at West 152nd Street. The other streets in the historic district are those at the northernmost edge of the 1811 grid plan, including St. Nicholas Place which is actually a portion of Ninth Avenue (Columbus Avenue).
The earliest urban intrusion into the rural character of the district was the construction of the Croton Aqueduct in the 1830s, which brought fresh water from northern Westchester County to New York City. The route of the aqueduct cuts across the district. The aqueduct entered Manhattan over High Bridge, at 174th Street. The aqueduct then ran south through what is now Highbridge Park until about 158th Street. At 158th Street, the aqueduct crossed beneath what is now Edgecombe Avenue, then continued south, cutting through several blocks and turning southwest beneath St. Nicholas Avenue at about 154th Street. The aqueduct route then traverses the southeast comer of the block between St. Nicholas and Amsterdam Avenues and 154th and 153rd Streets in the historic district and diagonally across the block directly to the south before reaching Amsterdam Avenue and continuing south towards the receiving reservoir in Central Park. The aqueduct’s route through the historic district is evident since this undeveloped property has determined the eccentric shape of buildings on adjacent properties.
In the 1850s, property within the historic district left the hands of the early landholding families when the Beekman and Duncan holdings, extending as far west as the Hudson River, were sold to Richard F. Carman. The area soon became known as Carmansvilie. Carman built a few houses on the property, close to the river and to the Hudson River Railroad’s Carmansville station at 152nd Street. Carman died in 1867 and inl880 his holdings were divided into 257 lots that were sold for $181,609. Buyers, however, refused to take title to the property because of legal difficulties and a second sale, registering only $67,809, took place in 1881. The property was soon subdivided into smaller land holdings, leading eventually to the development of a residential neighborhood. Speculative Development in the Historic District
Development in Washington Heights and other northern Manhattan neighborhoods, including the Upper West Side, Upper East Side, and Harlem, was inhibited by a lack of mass transit facilities permitting people to live in these areas and easily commute to jobs, shops, and places of entertainment that were located several miles to the south. In 1878 and 1879, elevated rail lines were extended north along Second and Third Avenues on the east side and along Ninth Avenue (Columbus Avenue), as far north as 110th Street, continuing north on Eighth Avenue to 155th Street, on the west side. This resulted in the earliest speculative development in the district, the construction of a row of six houses at 450-460 West 153rd Street in 1881. With only a few exceptions, all of the row houses and apartment buildings in the historic district were erected as speculative ventures.
The section of Washington Heights, south of 155th Street, seemed to be a natural location for first-class development. The area was, as the Real Estate Record noted, “a very salubrious one.” The magazine reported on the area’s high ground, fine views, and “pure and bracing atmosphere.” Nevertheless, development south of 155th Street proceeded slowly. Although the elevated station at 155th Street was close to the property in the historic district, it was virtually inaccessible because of its location below the cliff east of St. Nicholas Place.
In order to reach the station from Washington Heights, a potential commuter would have had to ascend and descend between eighty and ninety stairs each day. The Real Estate Record commented that residents were “compelled to do this or walk down to the 145th street station at 8th avenue, or take the cable car to 125th street.” The difficulty in actually reaching the 155th Street station from the Heights inhibited speculative development; “this has been the reason why Washington Heights has not been improved more than it has,” charged the Real Estate Record in 1890. The 1881 row of six houses was followed, in 1882, by a single mansion (demolished); in 1883, one row of eleven houses (one has been demolished) were erected; in 1884, a single row house and a row of four (demolished); in 1886, three row houses and a related apartment building; in 1887, a single mansion; and in 1889, a single row house. By the end of the decade the streets of the historic district were lined with scattered rows, a single apartment building (468 West 153rd Street), and a few freestanding houses, most predating the period of speculative development.
While development on Washington Heights was slow during the 1880s, land values rose rapidly since it was obvious that development pressures would eventually lead to large-scale development. In its survey of conditions on Washington Heights in 1890, the Real Estate Record reported that:
Within the last five or ten years many changes have taken place in the value of vacant lots on Washington Heights. Less than a decade ago lots could be purchased for a few hundred dollars in a greater portion of that section of the city; at this moment it would be difficult to find any lots that could be purchased at that figure. Indeed, thousands of dollars are now the asking price, where it was formerly hundredsf
This article also noted that “there is probably no finer residence section on the Heights than St. Nicholas avenue and St. Nicholas place, between 145th and 155th streets,” an area that, within the historic district, already contained two rows.
Access to the neighborhood improved with the construction of a short-lived cable-car railway on Tenth (now Amsterdam) Avenue in the late 1880s. The Real Estate Record maintained that by riding on the cable car “it is possible to travel more quickly ... from 155th street and 10th avenue to City Hall than to get from the City Hall to 125th Street and 3rd avenue [on the elevated railroad].”
In the 1880s, the recently established Washington Heights Taxpayers’ Association and other civic-minded groups began a campaign to solve the transit problem in lower Washington Heights by advocating the construction of a viaduct that would link the Heights to the elevated station at 155th Street. In 1886, the Commissioner of Public Works announced plans to construct a steel viaduct across 155th Street, linking 155th Street at St. Nicholas Place with the elevated station and with the Central Bridge (now Macomb’s Dam Bridge; the bridge and viaduct ensemble are a designated New York City Landmark). This ambitious scheme, begun in 1890 and completed in 1895, also improved vehicular circulation in northern Manhattan, linking the Bronx to northern Harlem and Washington Heights.
As construction proceeded on the viaduct, the number of buildings under construction in the historic district slowly increased, leading to the development of the middle-class neighborhood that survives today. In 1890, a row of three houses and a single row house were erected; in 1892, a row of five and another single row house; in 1893, a row of five; and ini894, a row of two and another of eight. After the completion of the viaduct, many new row houses were constructed and these were joined by the beginning of large-scale apartment house development. In fact, as early as 1895, in an article focusing on the row at 43-57 St. Nicholas Place, the Real Estate Record noted that “the transformation of what was once the old-fashioned village of Carmansville into one of the residence portions of New York City has gone on so rapidly that but very few of the rural characteristics remain about it... .These [improvements] have been either the builder of first-class residences who sold his houses to professional and business men for their own occupation, or wealthy merchants and manufacturers who purchased plots and built for their own use.”
Almost all of the construction prior to the opening of the viaduct was row houses. However, the viaduct increased the convenience of the neighborhood, undoubtedly also increasing land values. This resulted in the beginning of large-scale apartment house construction in and just outside of the historic district. In fact, ini895, three apartment buildings were erected in the district. These were followed, in 1897, by eight apartment buildings and a single row house. Construction in the district peaked in 1898, with the construction of fifteen row houses in four separate rows, as well as three apartment buildings. Nineteen additional apartment buildings and one store were constructed in the district between 1901 and 1924.
Between 1881 and 1898, sixty-five row houses were erected in the historic district, fifty-nine of which are extant. These row houses exemplify the speculative development that created New York’s middle- and upper-middle-class row house neighborhoods in the last decades of the nineteenth century. Almost ail of these houses were planned by speculative developers who purchased the land, hired an architect, and erected fashionable houses that could be rapidly and profitably sold to affluent households.
Since speculative building was, as its name suggests, a risky business, it was important that the new homes be provided with the design and infrastructure amenities that affluent buyers demanded. Thus, most of the row houses in the Hamilton Heights/Sugar Hill Northwest Historic District are on lots of a relatively generous size. They are faced with high-quality face brick, or with brownstone or limestone, and are ornamented with stone or terra cotta. Inside, the houses were provided with up-to-date features such as ornate woodwork, often featuring different woods in each room, patterned parquet floors, handsome fireplace mantles, and modem plumbing, lighting, and heating. The Real Estate Record described the row at 43-57 St. Nicholas Place in 1895:
These houses are built on the excellent American basement plan, with dimensions of from 17 to 22 feet by 50 to 55 feet, on lots 65 to 75 feet.
They are designed, while affording the necessary comforts and conveniences, to meet different views and wishes as to the sizes of houses desired. The fronts are a very elegant design in light pressed brick and limestone, and the interiors are variously arranged and fitted. The general plan embraces servants’ and family entrances, reception rooms, kitchens and laundries on the ground floor; parlor, foyer, dining-room and butler's pantry on the first floor, and bedrooms, dressing-rooms, bath-rooms, and servants-quarters, closets, etc., on the two floors above. The arrangement of rooms is perfect and satisfactory. The trim and fittings are varied in detail, thoroughly modem andfirst-class in every respect. These houses are carefully and substantially built, and impress the visitor, not only with the conscientiousness bestowed on them in this matter, but also in the care exercised to produce a house perfect in artistic as well as practical details.
Row houses in the district were designed in a succession of popular revival styles. The earliest row in the historic district, 450-460 West 153rd Street, was designed in the Neo-Grec style, which, at the time the row was constructed, in 1881, was just beginning to lose popularity. These six houses, two with brownstone facades and four with brick facades, are ornamented with the angular forms and incised detail that characterizes the style. Some of the finest houses erected in the historic district in the 1880s were designed in the newly-fashionable Queen Anne style. The three row houses at 462-466 West 153rd Street and the adjoining apartment building at 468 West 153rd Street, all designed in 1886, exemplify the finest characteristics of Queen Anne design. This quirky row is asymmetrically massed, with richly textured facades of deep red brick, rock-faced and smooth brownstone, highlighted with terra-cotta ornament; stained-glass windows; complex, multi-paneled wood doors; and pressed-metal cornices.
By the 1890s, the Queen Anne style had been supplanted in popularity by row houses with Neo-Renaissance or Beaux-Arts style facades. The Neo-Renaissance row houses, such as 846-854 St. Nicholas Avenue, are faced either in brownstone or limestone, arranged in symmetrical rows, and ornamented with Renaissance-inspired carved detail. This carving is often extremely elaborate, featuring foliage, animals, human heads, and monsters. The detail on most of these houses is loosely based on Italian Renaissance precedents, although one row, Clarence True’s eight houses at 43-57 St. Nicholas Place, adapt Northern Renaissance features to the requirements of late nineteenth-century New York row houses. Most of the more sculptural Beaux-Arts row houses, such as 869- 875 St. Nicholas Avenue and 402-414 West 154th Street, are faced in limestone, and feature elaborate carved detail including three-dimensional cartouches, shields, and shells.
The row houses in the historic district were erected just before rising land values and increasing costs made row house development prohibitively expensive. Thus, they are representative of the last generation of single-family row houses erected in Manhattan. Many of the row houses in the district represent the traditional New York form, with a high stoop and raised basement. These houses have their main entrance on the parlor floor and a service entrance tucked beneath the stoop. The windows of the basement, set at or just below the level of the sidewalk, are always protected by iron window guards. The facade at the entrance and parlor level is generally more ornate than the upper levels and is often articulated by windows that are taller or more highly decorated than those above.
Development in the historic district occurred during a period when architects and developers were beginning to experiment with the design of row houses without high stoops. Thus, several rows in the district, notably those designed by Clarence True at 43-57 St. Nicholas Place and 842- 844 St. Nicholas Avenue, are examples of the American basement plan; True was an active proponent of this type of plan. On these houses, the main entrance is in the center of the facade, at or just above the sidewalk. This entrance leads to an interior stair hall with the stair leading up to the parlor floor. To the side of the main entrance is a narrow service entrance that opens into a passage leading to the kitchen and service areas of the house, located to the rear.
Many of the architects who worked in the historic district in the late nineteenth century specialized in speculative row house design. Little is known about architects such as Julius Boekell, John C. Bume, Henri Fouchaux, W. H. C. Homum, Neville & Bagge, and James Stroud, but they probably had little formal training; rather, they probably trained in the offices of established practitioners, before setting up their own offices. Yet, these architects were proficient in providing well-planned dwellings at the reasonable costs expected by developers. Some of these architects, including Neville & Bagge, Fouchaux, and Hauser, had offices in northern Manhattan, convenient to the developing residential neighborhoods. A few were better known and better trained, notably the Ecole des Beaux-Arts trained C. P. H. Gilbert, who designed a row of three houses in 1890 on West 152nd Street, a decade before he became a favored architect of New York’s social and financial elite, and Clarence True, who, as an architect and a developer, was responsible for some of the finest row houses on the Upper West Side. The architects who designed the row houses in this historic district not only worked in the Sugar Hill area, but also were responsible for many rows in Harlem, on the Upper West Side, and in other late nineteenth century row house neighborhoods.
There are thirty-three apartment buildings in the historic district. The first apartment building appeared surprisingly early in the area’s history. It was erected in 1886, at 468 West 153rd Street, as a companion to three adjoining row houses, and was planned with a single apartment on each floor. It was not until 1895, with the opening of the 155th Street Viaduct and its connection to the elevated station, that other apartment buildings were erected. The early apartment buildings, including three erected in 1895 and eight in 1897, were all five-story walkup structures. These early buildings are examples of French flats, a type of middle-class apartment house erected in the final decades of the nineteenth century. Unlike tenements, with their inadequate plumbing and lighting, tiny toilets that were often located off of the public hall, and their plans with rooms adjoining one another without private interior halls, the modestly-scaled apartments of French flats had up-to-date plumbing, private toilets, and private halls.
An indicator of the economic class of the early occupants of these buildings is the fact that most of the residents of French flats, such as those at 828, 830, and 832 St. Nicholas Avenue, employed a single live-in servant. The French flats erected in the late 1890s have ornate Renaissance-inspired facades of brick with limestone bases and terracotta trim. Apartment house construction in the historic district continued into the first decades of the twentieth century, with most developers choosing to erect five-story walk-up buildings. In fact, of the thirty-three apartment houses in the district, over two thirds are walkups. The first elevator apartment buildings were 849, 853, and 855 St. Nicholas Avenue, erected in 1898. Half of the apartment buildings in the district, including all of the largest buildings, were erected after the Interborough Rapid Transit (IRT) Company’s subway line opened beneath Broadway, a block west of the historic district, in 1904. The opening of this subway provided a more rapid connection between Washington Heights/Sugar Hill and Downtown business areas than the elevated line.
Stylistically, the twentieth-century apartment buildings are an eclectic group, with boldly- ornamented Beaux-Arts style buildings, including 849-853 and 889 St. Nicholas Avenue and 480, 482, and 486 Convent Avenue; Colonial Revival style structures with red brick facades and eighteenth-century detail, such as 820-824 St. Nicholas Avenue, 464 West 152nd Street, and 465 West 152nd Street; and Neo-Gothic style structures, with their pointed-arch detail, such as the apartment house at 429 West 154th Street.
The architects commissioned to design the apartment houses in the historic district were, like the row house architects, generally men who specialized in this type of speculative design. In fact, two of the apartment house architects, Janes & Leo and Neville & Bagge, were also prominent row house designers (Neville & Bagge designed rows on West 153 and 154 Streets, in this district). Work by architects such as Henry Andersen, Moore & Landsiedel, Gross & Kleinberger, Janes & Leo, and John Hauser can be found in other Manhattan neighborhoods.
The three architects responsible for the largest number of early twentieth-century apartment houses in Manhattan, George Pelham and the firms of Neville & Bagge and Schwartz & Gross, are all represented in the district. The final apartment house erected in the district, the 1922 building at 881 St. Nicholas Avenue, is a modest design by Rosario Candela, one of the most prominent apartment house designers in the city. As with the architects who specialized in row house construction, the apartment house specialists also lacked the most sophisticated training, but they were of extraordinary importance in the creation of the visual character of the city’s residential neighborhoods.
The developers of many late nineteenth- and early twentieth-century apartment houses chose to give their buildings names at the time of their construction. These included romantic-sounding Indian names (Iroquois and Osceola); elegant-sounding English names (Pembroke, Roxbury, and Kinghaven); and geographically appropriate names (Grand View). The names, sometimes carved onto the facades, but often forgotten today, were chosen as marketing tools that would attract potential renters to the building. Many of these builders did not retain ownership of the buildings for long. Instead they sold the buildings, almost as soon as they were completed, to what the real estate community referred to as “investors.” These investors sought to profit over the long term by collecting rents.
The final building erected in the historic district is the district’s only institutional structure, the William McKinley Masonic Lodge, now the Prince Hall Masonic Lodge, erected in 1924-25. This austere Classical Revival style structure is a reflection of the fact that as residential neighborhoods developed, the institutions that served area residents generally followed.
Residents of the Historic District
Since the initial development of the historic district, the row houses and apartment buildings have seen a succession of residents of varying backgrounds. As was typical of the city’s late nineteenth-century row house neighborhoods, the row houses in the Hamilton Heights/Sugar Hill Northwest Historic District generally were home to upper middle-class business and professional families — stock brokers, builders, manufacturers, doctors, lawyers, editors, insurance dealers, etc. Most of these residents owned their homes, although a few were rented. Residents who were American bom were in the majority. Among the foreign-bom heads of household were successful emigrants from Germany, Austria, Ireland, and Scotland. All of the homeowners and renters were white. Households ranged in size, with many quite large, including children, parents, and other relatives, and at least one and up to three servants in almost each home. The servants, almost all young women, were generally emigrants, including those from Ireland, Scotland, Germany, Switzerland, and Sweden.
The only African-American residents of the district in 1900 were a few women who were live-in servants. Most of these women had moved to New York from Virginia, Maryland, and other states in the upper south; a few were emigrants from the West Indies. Typical households are those of Louis Rosenfeld, a New York-born leather merchant of German parentage, who lived at 887 St. Nicholas Avenue with his wife (also bom in New York to Germ an-emigrant parents), four sons (two in the export business and two students), and two Irish-emigrant servants, age 20 and 23; Charles Brahe (or Brake), the manager of a clock company, who was bom in New York to German parents and lived at 464 West 153rd Street with his wife, two sons, daughter, mother-in-law, sister-in-law, and a thirty-five year old African-American servant who was bom in Pennsylvania to parents from Maryland; and New York bom developer Charles Judson, who lived at 842 St. Nicholas Avenue, one of a pair of houses that he had built in 1894-95, with his wife, two young daughters, and two servants from Ireland. Only a few of the row house residents rented rooms to boarders. The residents of the early apartment houses in the district were from similar, if less wealthy backgrounds and many of them also had a single live-in servant.
By the 1920s, lower Washington Heights had become a less well-to-do neighborhood, as many of the affluent early residents followed the migration of the upper middle-class to the suburbs. The 1925 New York State census records show that many of the row houses remained single family residences, however, more residents, in both the row houses and apartment buildings, rented rooms to lodgers and that a number of the row houses had been subdivided into apartments. For example, 450 West 153rd Street had become a two-family house, while at 462 West 153rd Street, head-of- household Susannah Rennison (an English emigrant), shared the row house with her two daughters, son-in-law, grandson, and six lodgers. In 1925, adult residents were more likely to be immigrants than in 1900 and there were fewer households with servants.
Almost all of those residing in the historic district in 1925 were white. However, the demographics of the neighborhood were changing. In 1925 the census records the first building in the district with African-American residents. This was the apartment building at 853 St. Nicholas Avenue between West 152nd and West 153rd Streets. The census records fourteen households - twelve black and two white. Since an integrated apartment building was extremely rare in New York City in the early decades of the twentieth century, it is probable that this was a building in transition. Thus, as the black population of Harlem and Sugar Hill increased, the racial composition of tenants in a building could completely change over the course of a year.
The census also records the diversity of the city’s African-American population in 1925. While four of the black households at 853 were headed by a man or woman bom in the United States, seven were headed by emigrants from the British West Indies, and one by an emigrant from Panama. This provides a strong indication of the increasing prominence of West Indians in New York City in the years after World War I. The apartments in this building were not especially large, yet households often consisted of many people - including extended family and lodgers (there were twenty lodgers divided among seven of the apartments).
Several apartments housed only three or four people, but there were many with from five to eight residents, and one with eleven people and another with twelve. Among the male heads of household were those employed as an accountant, a fireman, a real estate dealer, and a minister; however, most of the residents were employed in more menial jobs, reflecting the discriminatory nature of the job market in New York. Male residents were employed as painter, porter, elevator operator, bell boy, garage worker, chauffeur, shipping clerk, street cleaner, and counterman, while women who worked outside of the home were employed as servant, stock girl, dressmaker, and machine operator.
The arrival of the first African-American residents to a building within the historic district is a reflection of a larger change that was occurring in the population of lower Washington Heights, as it became a primarily black neighborhood known as West Harlem or, more popularly, as Sugar Hill. According to the Encyclopedia of New York City, the name “Sugar Hill” was in use by 1919, a time when few African-Americans actually lived in the area. For those inhabiting crowded tenements and high-priced rooming houses on the Harlem plain, the elevated residential area to the northwest took on a mythic character and, by the 1940s, the area was synonymous with the life of city’s and the nation’s black elite.
Ebony magazine reported “Sugar Hill, the green bluff... is so high that all Harlem looks up it, would rather live in its canopied apartments than any place in America. Sugar Hill was perceived as a place where life was sweet, where its residents enjoyed prosperous and comfortable lives. The phrase became part of American culture and in 1931 a musical comedy of the same name opened on Broadway. It represented Sugar Hill “to be the cream - or at least the cafe au lait - of the Harlem residential district.” In later years, “Duke” Ellington and Billy Strayhom, both Sugar Hill residents, celebrated the neighborhood, in “Take the A Train,” (1940) where lyrics urge listeners to “... take the A train ... to go to Sugar Hill,” and in “Sugar Hill Penthouse,” the closing section of “Black, Brown and Beige.” This last piece, which Ellington debuted at Carnegie Hall in January 1944, told the history of the “American Negro” from slavery to modem times.
As early as 1922, African-Americans were living on Edgecombe Avenue, to the southeast of the Hamilton Heights/Sugar Hill Northwest Historic District. The New York Amsterdam News, a weekly newspaper popular with black readers, featured advertisements for Sugar Hill buildings in which the neighborhood was promoted as “the Finest and Most Exclusive Section in Harlem.” Everything, however, was not sweet on Sugar Hill. As Claude McKay noted in 1940, “Sugar Hill has the reputation of being the romping ground of the fashionable set. The houses on the hill are more modem, but the rents are exorbitant. . . .Sugar Hill is vinegar sour to many of its residents pinching themselves to meet the high rent.” This may account for the fact that so many Sugar Hill residents leased space in their apartments to lodgers.
In 1930, James Weldon Johnson, the noted black writer and educator, described the neighborhood’s changed character. In Black Manhattan he observed:
At any rate, there is no longer any apparent feeling against the occupancy of Harlem by Negroes... It has spread to the west and occupies the heights of Coogan’s Bluff overlooking Colonial Park. And to the east and west of this solid Negro area, there is a fringe where the population is mixed, white and coloured. This expansion over the past five years has taken place without any physical opposition, or even any considerable outbreak of antagonistic public sentiment.
Johnson’s observation is borne out by the 1930 United States census. By that year almost all of the apartment houses along St. Nicholas Avenue and Convent Avenue had seen their tenant rosters transformed from all white to all black (only three apartment buildings continued to have white tenants). There were, however, no black residents in the buildings to the west of St. Nicholas Avenue and Convent Avenue, and the row houses on St. Nicholas Avenue also retained their white tenancy. On St. Nicholas Place, the easternmost street in the district, four of the seven row houses recorded in the census had black residents. This division along St. Nicholas Avenue between white and black residents may be the reason why the Encyclopedia of New York City records that the western boundary of Sugar Hill was St. Nicholas Avenue.
As was already evident in the single building with a black population recorded in the New York State census of 1925, the 1930 census indicates the diversity of New York City’s black community. The buildings along St. Nicholas Avenue, Convent Avenue, and St. Nicholas Place housed black tenants from the British and Dutch West Indies, as well as many American-born residents. Few of the American-born tenants were native to New York City; rather, most had migrated north as part of the great migration from southern states. Jobs continued to be menial, including many railroad workers, elevator operators, and taxi drivers, as well as a number of postal workers (the postal service was one of the first government bureaucracies to employ substantial numbers of black workers). Changes were also occurring in buildings with white tenants. Many more of the row houses had been subdivided into small apartments. For example, all four of the row houses at 869-875 St. Nicholas Avenue, between West 153rd and West 154th Streets had been subdivided by 1930, apparently into studio and one-bedroom units. Although many of the side street row houses remained owner-occupied, single-family residences, others became boarding houses, such as 456 West 152nd Street where the German-born Emma Schneider lived with her daughter and thirteen lodgers, or 454 West 153rd Street, where the Welsh emigrant Evan Morgan shared his home with his wife, daughter, and four lodgers.
The change in the character of the historic district’s population may also be a result of the construction of the Independent Line (IND) subway through Sugar Hill. The Independent Subway had a tremendous impact on the area. Approved by the Board of Transportation in 1924, the city- owned transit system included a route with tracks beneath St. Nicholas Avenue. Excavations for this subway began in 1925. Life along the avenue was significantly disrupted by construction and many residents relocated. This may have been one of the reasons why the tenancy of so many buildings changed between 1925 and 1930. Service on the subway line began in September 1932, with an express stop at 145th Street and a local stop at 155th Street. A pair of cast-iron subway entrances is located on the southwest comer of St. Nicholas Avenue and 155th Street, within the boundaries of the historic district. By the 1940s and 1950s, the buildings to the west of St. Nicholas Avenue also opened to black owners and tenants and they too became part of this center of African-American residential life. In fact, between the 1930s and 1950s, several significant figures within New York’s black community moved to houses or apartments within the historic district, including lawyer and political leader Lamar Perkins (889 St. Nicholas Avenue), engineer Leroy Frederic Florant (848 St. Nicholas Avenue), and journalist Thelma Berlock Boozer (479 West 152nd Street).
Most of the buildings in the historic district have retained their architectural character to a surprisingly high degree. With its distinguished rows of single-family houses and fine apartment buildings the Hamilton Heights/Sugar Hill Northwest Historic District has remained, for more than a century, one of New York City’s most architecturally distinguished and culturally significant neighborhoods.
Sandy lives and works in South Central Los Angeles. In this clip she considers jobs that will be available at the stadium and health impacts of its construction.
Part of Site of Impact: Interviews with residents living near the proposed Los Angeles NFL stadium site