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By T. W. Windeatt. (Read at Torquay, July, 1893.)
The little town and ancient borough of Totnes has during its lengthened history been the birthplace of men, not a few of whom have made their mark in the world, and not the least of these is one born in the present century – Wills, the Australian explorer – whose name deserves to be enshrined in the Transactions of this Association.
William John Wills was born in Totnes on the 5th January, 1834, being the son of William Wills, a surgeon then practising in Totnes, and Sarah, youngest daughter of William Galley, an old and respected inhabitant.* They both spent the latter part of their lives in and died at Torquay. As a boy Wills seems to have early developed an enquiring and thoughtful mind. His father says he was never a child in the common acceptation of the term, as he gave early indication of diligence and discretion scarcely compatible with the helplessness and simplicity of such tender years. He was educated at the Ashburton Grammar School, where he went as a boarder when eleven years of age, and of which school Mr. Paige, who still survives, was then the head master. A deep cutting in one of the benches in the old chapel of St Lawrence, then and now the schoolhouse, “W. J. WILLS” is still to be seen and records his sojourn there. Mr. Fabyan Amery, one of his schoolfellows, speaks of him as having always been a very scientific boy, and very observant of natural phenomena, which he always tried to get some scientific reason for. There appears to have been nothing remarkable in his progress at school, though his master commended his steady diligence and uniform propriety of conduct Mr. Paige remarked on one occasion to his father, “It vexes me that John does not take a top prize, for I see by his countenance that he understands as much, if not more, than any boy in my school; yet from want of readiness in answering he allows very inferior lads to win the tickets from him.”
* Henry Le Visconte, who was first lieutenant in the Erebus, and perished in the Franklin Expedition, was first cousin to Mrs. Wills.
He left school when sixteen and commenced to study medicine in his father’s surgery. In 1852 he studied practical chemistry under Dr. John Stenhouse at St. Bartholomew’s Hospital, who spoke of him as one of his most promising pupils, and ventured the assurance that in two years he would be second to none in England in practical chemistry.
In 1852 Dr. Wills determined to join the exodus then pouring out from England to Australia, engaged as medical attendant on board the Ballaarat, and arranged to take out the subject of my sketch, and a younger brother Tom with him. A few days after this arrangement was made Wills came to his father, and with that expression in his countenance so peculiarly his own, said, “My dear father, I have a favour to ask of you. I see my mother is grieving, although she says nothing, at our all leaving her together. Let Tom and me go alone. I will pledge myself to take care of him.” After a consultation this new plan was agreed upon. Dr. Wills released himself from his engagement with Messrs. Simpkins and Marshall for the Ballaarat, and secured two berths for the boys in one of Mr. W. S. Lindsay’s ships, which at that time were conveying living freights to Melbourne, their Channel port of departure being Dartmouth.
Wills’s love of knowledge in its details is evidenced by a story told by his father of him at this time. “I found,” he said, “that William had shortly before sailing expended some money on a quantity of stuff rolled up like balls of black rope-yarn, and exclaimed with astonishment, ‘In the name of goodness, are you going to chew or smoke all the way to Australia?'” for the commodity was the good old pigtail tobacco. He said smiling, “This is to make friends with the sailors. I intend to learn something about a ship by the time we reach our destination.” His mode of proceeding, as he told his father, was first to secure the good graces of the crew through the persuasive medium of the pigtail; then to learn the name and use of every rope, and of every part of the ship’s tackle from stem to stern. He thus soon acquired the art of splicing and reefing, and was amongst the first to go aloft in a storm, and to lend a hand in taking in topsails.
On arriving in Australia the two lads obtained situations as shepherds at Deniliquin, about 200 miles from Melbourne, at £30 a year and their rations. In August, 1853, Dr. Wills reached Melbourne, but it was some two months after landing before he ascertained his sons’ location, and joined them at their sheep station. William subsequently removed to Ballarat with his father, where he remained twelve months attending to patients in his father’s absence, and opening a gold office, where he perfected a plan of his own for weighing specimens containing quartz and gold in water, so as to find the quantity of each component. His thoughts and conversation were, however, constantly reverting to the interior of the great continent, and to the hope that he would some day undertake the journey to the Gulf of Carpentaria. In 1856 Wills obtained an appointment under Mr. F. Byerly, a gentleman in the Survey Department, and under him he commenced to learn surveying. A letter of advice as to the study of science written to his youngest brother at Totnes while he was engaged on a survey at an out station (St. Arnaud) evidenced his earnest love of science, and the following paragraph in it, referring to the study of astronomy, which I venture to think worth quoting, shows he had no difficulty in reconciling science and religion:
“As the great object of the science is the correction of error and the investigation of truth, it necessarily leads all those that feel an interest in it to a higher appreciation and desire for truth; and you will easily perceive that a man having a knowledge of all these vast worlds, so much more extensive than our own, must be capable of forming a far higher estimate of that Almighty Being who created all these wonders than one who knows nothing more than the comparatively trifling things that surround us on earth.”
Another paragraph at the end of this letter speaks for itself, and gives us the key to the man:
“One other piece of advice I must give you before I shut up; that is, never try to show off your knowledge, especially in scientific matters. It is a sin that certain persons we know have been guilty of. The first step is to learn your own ignorance, and if ever you feel inclined to make a display, you may be sure you have as yet learned nothing.”
In 1860 an expedition was organized by the colony of Victoria for the exploration of Australia, and to ascertain the nature of the interior of the great continent, which was then a sealed book; for up to that time the efforts towards exploration had been confined to lonely wanderings through the outer boundaries of the unknown continent, and opinions varied as to whether the interior was a vast inland sea, as Oxley and the first of the explorers believed, or whether it was a stony desert unfit for man and beast, as Sturt concluded.
Mr. Ambrose Kyte, whose name was, however, concealed from the public at the time, offered £1,000 as an inducement to the Government and others to come forward and raise funds for the exploration. Parliament voted £6,000, and subscriptions from the public raised the fund to £9,000. A Committee of the Royal Society undertook the superintendence of the arrangements. Twenty-four camels were imported from India with native drivers, and provisions and stores for twelve months were provided. After considerable delay the choice of a leader fell upon Robert O’Hara Burke. He was forty years of age, an Irishman from county Galway. When quite a youth he served in an Austrian cavalry regiment, and subsequently in the Irish Constabulary and the Police Force of Victoria; possessing bravery and dauntless courage, he had no special aptitude or scientific training to lead such an Expedition. He was enthusiastic and impulsive but was unfortunately without the indispensable experience of a seasoned bushman.
The appointment of second in command fell upon Mr. G. I. Landells, who owed his preferment to the circumstance of his having been employed to bring the camels from India, an appointment, however, which, as the sequel shows, was a most unfortunate one. Wills, who by this time was a seasoned bushman, with great powers of endurance, tendered his services as astronomer and guide without thinking of any distinct post of command, his object being exclusively scientific. Dr. Ludwick Becker was appointed naturalist and artist, Dr. Herman Beckler as botanist and medical adviser. Ten white men, among whom was John King (a private soldier) and three sepoys, were appointed to accompany the Expedition.
The explorers left Melbourne on the 20th August, 1860, amid considerable enthusiasm; nearly the whole population suspending ordinary business, and turning out to witness the start. The mayor of Melbourne publicly addressed them, and wished them God-speed, and through the settled districts their progress, which was slow, was a kind of triumphal march. The route marked out for them was to strike the river Darling, then the lower Barcoo (Cooper’s Creek), and from that point to go northwards to the Gulf of Carpentaria.
Swan Hill, on the Murray, which, properly speaking, was the northern boundary of the colony of Victoria, was reached on September 8th. At Balranald, beyond the Murray, Burke found it impossible to get on any longer with his foreman (Ferguson) and discharged him. He had, however, no sooner rid himself of this troublesome man than Mr. Landells, his second in command, began to sow dissension, and to exhibit insubordination in an unmistakable manner. This reached a crisis by the time they came to Menindie, on the Darling, and after a violent scene Landells resigned, returning to Melbourne full of violent complaints against Burke, and Dr. Beckler was foolish enough to follow Landells’ example of resigning, on the alleged ground that he did not like the way Burke spoke to Landells. Fortunately for Burke’s reputation a very full account of all that took place was written at the time by Wills to Professor Neumayer, and the committee expressed their entire approbation of Burke’s conduct, an opinion shared in by the general public, as evidenced by the newspapers of that date. Burke, on the resignation of Mr. Landells, immediately promoted Wills to the post he had vacated, which appointment the committee confirmed. Here there was perfect union and reciprocal understanding. Neither had petty jealousies or reserved views. The success of the expedition was their object, not personal glory their aim. The leader had every confidence in his second, and the second was proud of his leader. But Mr. Burke committed an error in the selection of Mr. Wright for the third position in command, without any previous knowledge or experience of his capabilities. In this he acted from his impulsive nature, and the consequences bore heavily on his own and Wills’ fate.
Burke then made his second mistake by dividing his party, and on 19th October left Menindie, where he had formed a depot, with about one half of his number, leaving the others behind, and made a rush to the Barcoo. He reached Torowota on 29th October, and from that encampment forwarded a despatch, and an exhaustive surveying report from Wills, to the secretary of the expedition. In his own despatch Burke said:
“I consider myself very fortunate in having Mr, Wills as my second in command. He is a capital officer, zealous and untiring in the performance of his duties, and I trust he will remain my second as long as I am in charge of the expedition.”
Burke sent Wright back to Menindie with instructions to follow him up with the remainder of the camels to Cooper’s Creek, and Wright himself admitted he gave Burke his word to take the remainder of the party out as soon as he arrived at Menindie. This, however, he omitted to do, and unaccountably delayed making any start until the 26th January, 1861, and to this criminal delay may be attributed the whole of the crushing disaster which subsequently overtook the expedition.
Cooper’s Creek, where a camp was formed, was reached on the 11th November. In a letter to one of his sisters from there Wills describes the place as follows:–
“To give you an idea of Cooper’s Creek, fancy extensive flat, sandy plains, covered with herbs dried like hay, and imagine a creek or river, somewhat similar in appearance and size to the Dart above the Weir, winding its way through these flats, having its banks densely clothed with gum trees and other evergreens. So far there appears to be a considerable resemblance, but now for the difference. The water of Cooper’s Creek is only a number of waterholes. In some places it entirely disappears, the water in flood-time spreading all over the flats, and forming no regular channel.”
While awaiting the arrival of the tardy Wright, short explorations of the adjoining country were made, chiefly by Wills, with the view of examining two or three promising routes to the Gulf of Carpentaria. On the last of these trips Wills penetrated eighty miles, and would have gone further, but the men in charge of the camels fell asleep and let them escape, and the return had to be done on foot in a broiling sun of 146 degrees, no shade, and very little water.
Impatient at Wright’s delay, and irritated almost to madness in waiting for him, and seeing the time slipping by, Burke and Wills determined to make a dash for the Gulf of Carpentaria while the opportunity still remained to them.
Burke again divided his small party, and taking Wills, King, and Grey, one horse, six camels, and three months’ provisions, started on Sunday, the 16th December, for a dash across the continent. Four men – Brahe, Patten, McDonnough, and Dost Mahomet – with six camels and twelve horses, were left at the camp at Cooper’s Creek, which was made a depot, and Brahe placed in charge until the arrival of Wright or some other person duly appointed by the committee to take command of the remainder of the expedition at Menindie. A surveyor was expected to be sent on to assist Wills, and plenty of work was laid out for all until the return of Burke and Wills – Brahe receiving the most positive orders to remain at Cooper’s Creek until this took place, three or four months being named as the possible time of absence.
Wills strongly advised a direct course northward for the exploring party, but Burke hesitated to adopt it unless he could feel confident of a supply of water. The more westerly course was therefore adopted at the commencement of the journey; but after a day or two they turned to the east, and scarcely deviated throughout from the 141st degree of east longitude.
Wills kept a diary giving a full account of the journey to the Gulf from the start to February, 1861, which contains very interesting details of each day’s progress. The first point the explorers made for was Eyre’s Creek, and on their first day’s journey they came upon a large tribe of blacks, who, Wills says, came pestering them to go to their camp and have a dance, and nothing but a threat to shoot them would keep them away. They were fine-looking men, but decidedly not of a warlike nature. The explorers crossed Sturt’s supposed “stony desert”, and did not find it the melancholy waste or bad travelling they were led to expect.
On 20th December they came upon a large camp of not less that forty or fifty blacks, who brought them presents of fish, for which they gave them beads and matches. On Christmas-eve they reached Gray’s Creek, and took a day’s rest to celebrate the festival. Their camp was really an agreeable place, an oasis in the desert; for there they had all the advantage of food and water attendant on the position of a large creek or river, free from the annoyance of the ants, flies, and mosquitoes invariably met with amongst timber or heavy scrub. The following day they struck a magnificent creek coming from the N.N.W., and this they followed until the 30th, by which time it had tended considerably to the N.E. This stream has since received the name of “Burke’s Creek”. The country adjacent they found an alternation of sand ridges and grassy plains. On 8th January they came into green and luxuriant country, improving at every step. Flocks of pigeons rose and flew, and fresh plants and rich vegetation met the eye on every side. On the 10th, passing over fine open plains, they came to the main creek in those flats, “Patten’s Creek”, flowing along the foot of a stony range. From here they pushed on over fairly good country, coming repeatedly upon blacks in their way, some of whom, being surprised by the explorers coming suddenly upon them, fled, dreadfully frightened. On the 30th January, 1861, having got to within a comparatively short distance of the shores of Carpentaria, Burke and Wills determined to leave Gray and King in charge of the camels, one of whom, having got logged in the creek, had already been left behind, and to proceed onwards on foot, leading the horse. The river or creek down which they passed, and which was quite salt, is named in the journal the Cloncurry. The channel making a sudden turn. Wills remarked that it might be a new river. “If it should prove so,” said Burke, “we will call it after my old friend Lord Cloncurry.”
In crossing Billy’s Creek the horse got bogged in a quicksand, and was with difficulty rescued. They came again on blacks, who shuffled off, and near their fire was a fine hut, the best they had ever seen, built on the same principle as those at Cooper’s Creek, but much larger and more complete. Hundreds of wild geese, plovers, and pelicans were enjoying themselves in the watercourses on the marshes, the water of which was too brackish to be drunk. They then soon came to a channel through which the sea-water entered. Here they passed three blacks, who pointed out unasked the best way down. Next morning they started at daybreak for the sea, leaving the horse behind short hobbled. Here Wills’ diary, from which I have been quoting, abruptly ends, and was not resumed until the 19th February, when they had already started on their fatal homeward journey. Burke did not keep any regular journal, but in his notes, under date of the 28th March, 1861, he says: “At the conclusion of the report it would be as well to say that we reached the sea, but could not obtain a view of the open ocean, although we made every endeavour to do so.” There is no doubt whatever that the two explorers reached the verge of the northern ocean.*
* In the account of McKinlay’s Expedition from Adelaide, in August, 1861, it is mentioned that when he, in the following February, found himself on the Gulf of Carpentaria, dense walls of mangrove barred his way to the shore, and there can he little doubt that it was the same obstacle which prevented Burke and Wills from viewing the open sea.
Having thus accomplished the grand object of their expedition Burke and Wills rejoined Gray and King, where they had left them with the camels, and the four proceeded together on the return journey on the 13th February. Wills’ notes on their scamper back to Cooper’s Creek are brief but powerful. An incessant rainfall made the country boggy, and added to their troubles. On the 2nd March, at Salt-bush Camp, they found Golah, the camel which they had been obliged to leave behind on the outward journey. It was thin and miserable, and had fretted at finding itself left behind, but began to eat as soon as it saw the other camels.
On 5th March Burke became ill from eating part of a large snake which they had killed, and poor Golah, being completely done up, and unable to come on, even when pack and saddle were taken off, had to be finally left behind. On 13th March it rained so heavily that Wills had to put his watch and field-book in the pack to keep them dry. All the creeks became flooded, and the poor travellers had to seek shelter under some fallen rocks. Their journey was now slow, as they had to keep on the stony ridge instead of following the flats, which were very boggy owing to the rain. On the 20th they commenced to lighten the loads of the camels by leaving 60 lbs. weight of things behind. Rain continued to fall in torrents, and the ground they passed over was at times either full of water or covered with slimy mud. The names given to some of their camps by Wills – viz., “Humid Camp”, “Muddy Camp”, “Mosquito Camp”, show some of the trials they had to encounter. Gray, who had been complaining of dysentery, stole some of the flour, and was punished by Burke. Five days after this (March 30th) the camel Boocha was killed for food at a place which by gentle irony they called “Boocha’s Rest”; and on the 10th April the horse, which was reduced and knocked up from want of food, was killed also. Down to the 17th nothing very noteworthy is recorded.
On that day – the beginning of the end – Wills records the death of Gray, whom the others had thought to be shamming. The survivors sorrowfully buried him in the lonely bush: they were so weak that it was with difficulty they could dig a grave sufficiently deep to lay him in. After a day’s delay to rest their wearied limbs they pushed on, but in a most exhausted state, straining every nerve to reach the goal of their arduous labours, their legs almost paralysed, so that it was a trying task to walk a few yards. Four days afterwards they were cheered by the sight of the familiar landmarks of their old camp at Cooper’s Creek. King describes in vivid language the delight of Burke when he thought he saw the depot camp. “There they are!” he shouted. “I see them.” But, alas! the wish was father to the thought. There was no one there. Lost and bewildered in amazement, he appeared like one stupefied when the horrible truth that the camp had been deserted burst upon him. He was quite overwhelmed, and flung himself on the ground broken-hearted. Wills looked about him in all directions, and presently turning to King said, “They are gone”, and pointing a short way off added, “There are the things they have left.” Calm and quiet as ever, he never once, as King testified, showed the slightest anger or loss of command of himself.
On a tree was marked “Dig 21st April”, and from under it a box was extracted containing provisions, and a bottle with a note from Brahe conveying the mortifying intelligence that he had only seven hours before abandoned the depot, and was encamped fourteen miles away, that he had remained four months at Cooper’s Creek, and that Wright had not turned up with the supplies. The explorers felt that, exhausted as they were, it was useless to attempt to overtake Brahe. They rested for two days, and on the morning of Thursday, April 23rd, Burke, Wills, and King, strengthened by the provisions they had found, resumed their journey. Wills and King were desirous of following their track out from Menindie, but unfortunately Burke preferred striking for the South Australian stations, having heard it positively stated at a meeting of the Royal Society that there were settlers within 100 miles of Cooper’s Creek. Wills deferred to his leader, and so they went to their destruction, making for Adelaide via Mount Hopeless (ominous name). There was, in fact, nothing to commend this route, while everything was in favour of that by the Darling. The one road they knew nothing of, the other was familiar to them, and as a matter of fact the nearest police station on the Adelaide line of march was distant between four and five hundred miles. Before starting Wills’ journals were buried in the cache, with the following note from Burke:
“Depot No. 2, Cooper’s Creek Camp, 65.
“The return party from Carpentaria, consisting of myself, Wills, and King (Grey dead), arrived here last night and found that the depot party had only started on the same day. We proceed on to-morrow, slowly down the creek towards Adelaide by Mount Hopeless, and shall endeavour to follow Gregory’s track; but we are very weak. The two camels are done up, and we shall not be able to travel faster than four or five miles a day. Grey died on the road from exhaustion and fatigue. We have all suffered much from hunger. The provisions left here will, I think, restore our strength. We have discovered a practicable route to Carpentaria, the chief position of which lies in the 140° of east longitude. There is some good country between this and the Stony Desert. From thence to the tropics the land is dry and stony. Between the Carpentaria a considerable portion is rangy, but well watered and richly grassed. We reached the shores of Carpentaria on the 11th of February, 1861. Greatly disappointed at finding the party here gone.
“(Signed) Robert O’Hara Burke, Leader.
“April 22nd, 1861.
“P.S. – The camels cannot travel, and we cannot walk, or we should follow the other party. We shall move very slowly down the creek.”
By slow stages the doomed explorers moved on day by day through what was little better than a desert. The second and third days they came upon some friendly blacks, who gave them fish. On 28th April one of the two remaining camels got bogged by the side of a water hole, and it being impossible to get him out, he was shot the next day, his flesh providing them with food. On May 7th the remaining camel would not rise even without any load on its back, and after making every attempt to get him up they had to leave him to himself. Burke and Wills then went down the creek to reconnoitre, and fortunately fell in with some blacks fishing, who gave them food and took them to their camp, where they passed two nights. Some days after, being pressed for food, several excursions were made to find the blacks again, but without success. On May 17th, however, King unexpectedly came upon the nardoo plant, the seed of which is powdered by the natives and baked into a cake. This discovery raised their spirits, as they considered that with this food they would be able to support themselves, even if they had to remain on the creek and wait for assistance from town. On 27th May Wills started alone to the depot at Cooper’s Creek to see if any relief had arrived.
Brahe – who, it will be remembered, deserted his post at the depot only seven hours before the wearied explorers returned there – fell in with Wright’s party at Balloo on his way to the Darling on the 28th or 29th April, and on the 3rd May Wright started with him for the depot, which they actually reached on the 9th. It seemed fated, however, that blunder should succeed blunder, for here they remained but a quarter of an hour, and casting but a hurried glance around came to the conclusion that the depot had not been visited in the interval, and with fatal and criminal neglect never even opened the cache. Had they done so the papers and letters deposited would have been found, and all would yet have been well. Wills, who had met natives on the way, and been given food by them, arrived at Cooper’s Creek on this return visit on the 30th May, and naturally enough failed to discover it had been re-visited by Wright and Brahe, who had left no record behind them. He opened the cache, buried the remainder of his journal and letters, with the following touching note:–
“Depot Camp, May 30th.
“We have been unable to leave the creek. Both camels are dead, and our provisions are exhausted. Mr. Burke and King are down the lower part of the creek. I am about to return to them, when we shall probably come up this way. We are trying to live the best way we can, like the blacks, but find it hard work. Our clothes are going to pieces fast. Send provisions and clothes as soon as possible.
“W. J. Wills.”
“The depot party having left contrary to instructions, has put us in this fix. I have deposited some of my journals here for fear of accident. “W. J. W.”
Wills then started to rejoin Burke and King. He received kindly assistance on the way from the blacks, and rejoined his companions on 6th June. His diary which he continued to keep was brief but expressive. They had little but nardoo to live upon, and though it allayed the pangs of hunger, it contained little nourishment; the poor fellows were literally starving to death. In his diary under date of 21st June Wills says:–
“I feel much weaker than ever, and can scarcely crawl out of the mia-mia. Unless relief comes in some form or other I cannot possibly last more than a fortnight. It is a great consolation at least, in this position of ours, to know that we have done all we could, and that our deaths were rather be the result of the mismanagement of others than of any rash act of our own. Had we come to grief elsewhere, we could only have blamed ourselves; but here we are returned to Cooper’s Creek, where we had every reason to look for provisions and clothing, and yet have to die of starvation, in spite of the explicit instructions given by Mr. Burke, that the depot party should await our return, and the strong recommendation by the Committee ‘that we should be followed up by a party from Menindie.'”
He suffered much from cold, his clothing was reduced to a wide awake, a merino shirt, a regatta shirt without sleeves, the remains of a pair of flannel trousers, two pairs of socks in rags, and a waistcoat. Wills finding his weakness increasing, it was resolved that Burke and King, as the only chance of saving the party, should go in search of natives, and having collected and pounded sufficient nardoo seed to last Wills for eight days, they constructed a rude shelter of boughs for him, placed water and firewood within his reach, and took a sorrowful farewell of him, Wills giving Burke a letter and his watch for his father, and telling King if he survived Burke to carry out his last wishes. In a postscript to this letter Wills says, “I think to live about four or five days. My spirits are excellent.” On the 29th June Wills made his last entry in his diary, shewing that he maintained his calmness of spirit and resignation to the last.
“Friday, 29th June, 1861. — Clear, cold night; slight breeze from the east; day beautifully warm and pleasant. Mr. Burke suffers greatly from the cold, and is getting extremely weak. He and King start to-morrow up the creek to look for the blacks; it is the only chance we have of being saved from starvation. I am weaker than ever, although I have a good appetite, and relish the nardoo much; but it seems to give us no nutriment, and the birds here are so shy as not to be got at. Even if we got a good supply of fish, I doubt whether we could do much work on them and the nardoo alone. Nothing now but the greatest good luck can save any of us; and as for myself I may live four or five days if the weather continues warm. My pulse is at forty-eighty and very weak, and my legs and arms are nearly skin and bone. I can only look out, like Mr. Micawber, ‘for something to turn up.’ Starvation on nardoo is by no means very unpleasant, but for the weakness one feels, and the utter inability to move one’s self; for as far as the appetite is concerned it gives the greatest satisfaction. Certainly fat and sugar would be more to one’s taste; in fact, those seem to me to be the great stand-by for one in this extraordinary continent – not that I mean to depreciate the farinaceous food, but the want of sugar and fat in all substances obtainable here is so great that they become almost valueless to us as articles of food without the addition of something else.
(Signed) “W. J. Wills.”
We are now, alas ! nearing the end of this ill-fated expedition. Burke and King had not travelled many miles when, on the second day from leaving Wills, Burke gave in from sheer weakness, and died early the next morning. King remained two days to recover strength, and then returned to where they had left Wills, taking back with him three crows he had shot, and nardoo he had discovered, and was shocked to find Wills lying dead in his gunwah, where he would appear to have sunk quietly to rest, but in utter loneliness, a few hours after Burke and King had left him. King buried the corpse with sand, and remained there some days prostrated at the death of his companions, and at being left alone in the vast wilderness. The nardoo running short, and being unable to gather it, he tracked some of the natives by their footprints in the sand, and eventually fell in with a number of them, who were kindly disposed, and so was preserved from the fate of his companions.
The Exploration Committee at Melbourne seem by their supineness to have helped on the final catastrophe. Although informed of the criminal delay of Wright at Menindie, they took no steps to urge his departure from there. Dr. Wills, our hero’s father, unable to bear the suspense in the month of June, walked with a small pack on his shoulders, and a stick in his hand, from Ballarat to Melbourne, a distance of seventy-five miles, and his energetic appeals led to a search party, under Mr. A. W. Howitt, being sent out.
Two of the three camels lost on one of the excursions at Cooper’s Creek on the way out were discovered in South Australia and brought to Adelaide. News of this reaching Melbourne excited the interest of the public, and doubtless contributed to the awakened energy of the Committee. In connection with this Mr. Fabyan Amery has contributed a strange and interesting story. He tells me that a Mr. James Wills, who had been a servant at the Ashburton Grammar School, in special attendance upon the boarders, whilst Wills was a pupil there, was, in 1861, residing with his wife, whom he had married in the Colony, on the banks of the Murray river; and one morning Mrs. Wills, casting her eyes around the horizon, spied in the far distance two animals, which with quick feminine decision she declared to be camels. This she mentioned to her husband, who ridiculed the idea, as no camels were ever known in Australia. She persisted in her opinion, and started towards them to satisfy her curiosity. Sure enough they proved to be two camels, undoubtedly two of those who had escaped from the ill-fated expedition, and which, with the wonderful instinct of their species, had sniffed the water at a great distance, and in an almost exhausted state were making for the river. Mrs. Wills went up to them, when the youngest came and ate out of her hand. Her husband immediately gave information to the police, which he understood was forwarded to the Governor of Victoria, and which he always believed led to the despatch of the Relief Expedition. Howitt started early in July, 1861, taking Brahe with him, who had come down with Wright’s despatches, and made all speed to Cooper’s Creek. On 13th September he arrived at the fatal depot, and on the 15th King was discovered sitting in a hut which the natives had made for him. He presented a melancholy appearance, wasted to a shadow, and only distinguishable as a civilized being by the remnants of clothes upon him. As soon as King was well enough to accompany them the relief party proceeded down to the place where Wills died. The remains were found, carefully collected, and interred where they lay, Howitt reading that sublime chapter – 1 Corinthians xi. – and cutting the following inscription on a tree close by to mark the spot:
W. J. WILLS
XLV Yds
W.N.W.
A. H.
Burke’s remains were subsequently discovered and buried, wrapped in a Union Jack. Howitt then returned to Melbourne, taking King with him. He subsequently went back again, disinterred the remains of Burke and Wills, and brought them to Melbourne, where, after lying solemnly in state, they were accorded a public funeral, and so –
“After life’s fitful fever they sleep well.”
No one who has read the simple records of this great expedition, with all its blunders – so successful as far as its great object was concerned, but so fatal as regards the precious lives of the explorers – but must admire the character, actions, and quiet heroism of Wills. None of the blunders which led to the disaster which befell the Expedition are traceable to him. Throughout the toilsome journey he maintained his quiet, equable temperament. Loyal to his leader he deferred to his wishes, never complained of or reflected on others, continued and carefully recorded his scientific observations to the last, and laid himself down to die in utter loneliness in the vast wilderness with perfect resignation and calmness, as if he were but falling asleep in his father’s arms; and “his works do follow him”; for they opened up the way to the march of civilization, and have been rich in results. The greater part of the country he explored is now in a state of cultivation, with homesteads containing prosperous settlers in all directions, and so early as 1867 a stage coach was running not many miles from where he and Burke laid down their lives. The testimony of the colonists to Wills was on all sides that of admiration for his devoted heroism, appreciation of the scientific results achieved by him, and deep regret at the sacrifice of his young and promising life.
Sir Henry Barkly, the Governor of Victoria, in a letter to his mother, said of Wills: “You may rely upon it that the name of William John Wills will go down to posterity, both at home and in this colony, amongst the brightest of those who have sacrificed their lives for the advancement of scientific knowledge and the good of their fellow-creatures.” Dr. Mueller, of the Melbourne Botanical Gardens, who as a tribute to his memory named a new plant in the Australian Flora Eremophila Willsii, “to record by botany the glory never to be forgotten of the intrepid and talented but most unfortunate Wills”, maintained that it was only by his skilful guidance and scientific talents that the great geographic success of the expedition was achieved.
A portion of the city was directed to be thereafter named Wills Street by order of the Governor. A massive obelisk was erected to the memory of the two martyrs in the cemetery where they were buried; and on April 21st, 1866, a monument raised to them by the Victorian Legislature at a cost of £4,000, consisting of a statue of each of these two distinguished explorers, was unveiled by the Governor in Collins Street, one of the principal thoroughfares of Melbourne. The day chosen for the ceremony was the fourth anniversary of the return of Burke and Wills to Cooper’s Creek, and their surviving companion King was present on the occasion, which to him must have been one of mingled sorrow and pleasure.
Wills was not forgotten in his native town. The inhabitants, aided by the contributions of Devonshire men in Australia, erected a granite obelisk on the plains containing this inscription:Inscription on obelisk to W. J. Wills in Totnes
And though more than thirty years have passed since his death Wills is not forgotten in the colony; for only last year one of the colonists from Devon, Mr. Angel, who returned from South Australia on a visit to Totnes, and to his native parish of Littlehempstone, finding the inscription on the memorial becoming obliterated had it renewed on a tablet of white marble let into the granite,* that the coming race may not be unmindful of the patient and courageous life and heroic death of this Devonshire hero, the martyred Wills.
* Since this paper was written Mr. F. Horn, marble mason, of Totnes, has executed a successful medallion of Wills, which has been let into the obelisk above the tablet."
devonassoc.org.uk/devoninfo/wills-the-australian-explorer...
The Curtiss JN-4 was one of the most popular aircraft in the late 1910s and early 1920s. Designed by Englishman Benjamin Thomas, formerly with the Sopwith Aviation Company, it was manufactured by the Curtiss Aeroplane Co. of Hammondsport, New York. The JN built upon the previous Curtiss Model J and Model N series of trainers that had developed before the First World War. The name “Jenny” came from the JN designation and is associated with the American (Curtiss Aeroplane Co.) variants of this aircraft. It was originally developed as a training aircraft in response to a U.S. Army competition seeking a two-seater biplane (student in front, instructor behind) with dual controls. The JN-4 model first appeared in 1916 and sported a 90 hp Curtiss OX-5 water cooled V8 engine. By 1918 a larger 150 hp Hispano-Suiza engine was installed to provide more power. LINK - albertaaviationmuseum.com/in-formation-curtiss-jn-4-jenni...
The Curtiss Model 41 Lark was a commercial biplane manufactured by Curtiss Aeroplane and Motor Company that was used by pioneering airmail, airline and bush pilots in the 1920s. Patrica Airways operated a Lark for early bushplane operations. The aircraft flew with floats in warm weather, and skis in the winter. The aircraft was pressed into service as an early hearse once, with the cargo needing to be seated upside down in the open seat and secured with haywire.
(The Gazette newspaper - Montreal, Quebec, Canada •
Friday, March 12, 1926) - AIR SERVICE FOR RED LAKE DISTRICT - Company is Formed and Flying Boat and Cruiser Purchased - Red Lake, which was brought within one and half hours of the outer world on March 3, 1926 when the first airplane flight was made in from Hudson, as compared with from ten to twelve days previously, made with dogs, is to have an even better service with the formation yesterday of the Elliot Fairchild Air Service and the purchase of one aeromarine, seven passenger, all metal flying boat, together with a large deluxe cruiser passenger boat. Jack V. Elliot who inaugurated the original service with two machines, spent yesterday in Montreal making arrangements with the Fairchild Aerial Surveys Company of Canada Limited, with the result that a company has been formed and a charter applied for. To date there has been a daily service into Red Lake from Hudson, three planes being in operation and carrying two passengers and 500 pounds of baggage each. They cover the 140 miles separating Hudson and Red Lake in one hour and a half. Air mail is carried from Hudson, the post office address for Red Lake being via Rolling Portage, Ontario. Stamps for the air-mail service may be purchased from the post offices at Hudson (Hudson being the rail road station and Rolling Portage the post office address). Toronto. Winnipeg, Montreal, Ottawa. North Bay, Sudbury, Cobalt, Haileybury and Timiskaming. When navigation opens about May 1, a boat service is to be provided from Hudson to Pineridge, two-thirds the distance from Hudson to Red Lake, and the large flying boats will take passengers, mail and express freight the balance of the distance into Red Lake. Heavier packages and canoes are to be taken in by Indians, who will be brought back by airplane. The passenger cruiser, which has been purchased for the boat service, will have three staterooms with sleeping accommodation for 16 and day accommodation for 50, the journey by water taking seven or eight hours. It has been planned to erect a broadcasting station at Red Lake, Hudson and on the boat so that communications may be kept up between these three and the outer world at all times. President of the new company is Elwood Wilson, M E.I.C., and Jack V. Elliot is vice-president and general manager. LINK - www.newspapers.com/article/the-gazette-air-service-for-re...
(The Daily Sun-Times newspaper - Owen Sound, Ontario, Canada • Monday, March 22, 1926) - NEW AIRPLANE FOR HUDSON TO RED LAKE ROUTE IS ON THE WAY "The Lark" Leaving Buffalo for Toronto and There Will Take on Sleeping Bags, Etc. (Canadian Press Despatch) BUFFALO, N. Y., Mar. 22, 1926 -The new airplane, "'The Lark", to be used in the Lake service, by the Patricia Airway and Exploration company, arrived here shortly after noon, yesterday, from New York, with "Casey" Jones, test pilot for the Curtis Airplanes Corporation, in charge, and two passengers. Frederick Griffin, press writer, and Captain W. R. Maxwell, Director of the Ontario Provincial air service. The Lark expected to continue its northward flight, to-day, by way of Toronto, Sault Ste. Marie, Orient Bay, Sioux Lookout and Hudson. Roy Mitchell will replace Mr. Jones in the pilot's seat from this point. At Toronto the ship will take on snowshoes, sleeping bags, and food, preparation for an overland tramp, in the event of ship coming down unscheduled, in northern territory. LINK - www.newspapers.com/article/the-daily-sun-times-new-airpla...
(The Toronto Star newspaper - Toronto, Ontario, Canada •
Tuesday, June 29, 1926) - RED LAKE MAIL SERVICE - F. E. Davidson of the Patricia Air Service into Red Lake, made an announcement this morning that starting today all mail will be carried into Red Lake via Sioux Lookout instead of via Hudson. All letters should bear the mark "Via Sioux Lookout." The Elliot Fairchild service has been carrying mail since March 20th. From now on the Patricia Air Service will be permitted to issue their own postage stamps. The government intends to redeem the old Elliot-Fairchild stamps but in the meantime old stamps are good for carriage over the Patricia Air Service. The new Patricia stamps can now be purchased at post offices for 25 cents apiece. The Patricia Air Service makes the trip from Sioux Lookout to Red Lake in about 60 minutes. It also makes trips to Woman Lake, Pine Ridge and to Bull Dog Lake, Manitoba. The Elliot Fairchild boat service still continues. LINK - www.newspapers.com/article/the-toronto-star-red-lake-mail...
(The Toronto Star newspaper - Toronto, Ontario, Canada •
Wednesday, June 30, 1926) - Patricia Airways • Exploration- Above is reproduced a facsimile of one of new postal stickers of the Patricia Air Service, operating airplanes into Red Lake. The postmaster has granted the company permission to issue these stickers in future, and they can be procured at any post office for 25 cents apiece. The old Elliot-Fairchild stamps are being redeemed, but can still be used for letters. In future letters to Red Lake should be marked "Via Sioux Lookout." LINK - www.newspapers.com/article/the-toronto-star-patricia-airw...
Sherman Mills Fairchild (April 7, 1896 – March 28, 1971) was an American businessman and investor who founded over 70 companies, including Fairchild Aviation, Fairchild Industries, and Fairchild Camera and Instrument. LINK - en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Sherman_Fairchild
John "Jack" Vernon Elliot (1893 - 1964), was a pilot in the western Ontario area providing passenger service and flights for thrill seekers in the early 1920's. By 1925, he had his own flying school and by purchasing partially completed aircraft, managed to complete his own aircraft. LINK - www.semiofficials.ca/elliot_1.html
Iwamizawa, Hokkaido.
Pentax MZ-M, SMC-Pentax 135mm F3.5 negative ISO 100 exposed as ISO 200, developed with reversal processing as described before.
Learn DIY development and upgrade to film !
GOVERNOR TOMBLIN PRESENTS $9.3 MILLION IN GRANTS
TO LOCAL GROUPS, COMMUNITY JUSTICE PROGRAMS
CHARLESTON, W.Va. (September 9, 2016) – Gov. Earl Ray Tomblin today presented more than $9.3 million in grant funding to community support groups and justice programs across the state. This funding will be used to develop new programming and enhance existing initiatives to support West Virginia’s communities and state justice system.
“With this needed funding, community programs from all corners of our state will be better equipped to serve children and families and further strengthen West Virginia’s justice system.” Gov. Tomblin said. “We are expanding direct services to victims of crime, putting programs in place to help at-risk youth get back on track and preparing parents with the life skills they need to foster a healthy, nurturing environment to raise their families.”
The total grant funding was allocated as follows:
$7,023,255 in Victims of Crime Act/Victim Assistance Grants - 75 grantees;
$529, 254 in Justice Reinvestment Treatment Supervision Grants - 4 grantees;
$1,203,175 in Justice Assistance Grants - 34 grantees;
$543,222 in Juvenile Justice & Delinquency Grants - 18 grantees.
Victims of Crime Act/Victim Assistance Grants:
BARBOUR
Barbour County Commission $38,936.00
These funds will provide for the salary of a full-time Victim Assistance Coordinator in the Barbour County Prosecuting Attorney's Office to provide direct services to crime victims in Barbour County.
BERKELEY, JEFFERSON, MORGAN
Children's Home Society of West Virginia $35,576.00
These funds will provide for the salary of a full-time Family Advocate to provide direct services to child abuse victims and adult survivors of child sexual abuse in Jefferson, Berkeley, and Morgan Counties.
BROOKE, HANCOCK
A Child's Place CASA, Ltd. $25,090.00
These funds will provide for a portion of the salaries of a part-time CASA Volunteer Coordinator and Program Director to provide direct services to victims of child abuse and neglect in Brooke and Hancock Counties.
CABELL
Cabell County Commission $129,895.00
These funds will provide for the salaries of three full-time Victim Advocates and two part-time Victim Advocates in the Cabell County Prosecuting Attorney's Office to provide direct services to crime victims in Cabell County.
CABELL, WAYNE, KANAWHA, PUTNAM
TEAM for West Virginia Children, Inc. $192,075.00
These funds will provide for a portion of the salaries of a full-time CASA Coordinator for Cabell County, a
Cabell/Wayne CASA Volunteer Coordinator, a Kanawha/Boone/Lincoln Volunteer Coordinator and a
Putnam/Cabell Volunteer Coordinator to provide direct services to child abuse and neglect victims in Cabell, Wayne, Putnam and Kanawha Counties.
CABELL, WAYNE, LINCOLN
Family Service a Division of Goodwill, Inc. $61,748.00
These funds will provide for a portion of the salaries of three part-time Victim Therapists to provide direct services to victims of domestic violence, sexual assault, and child abuse in Cabell, Lincoln, and Wayne Counties.
CABELL, WAYNE, LINCOLN
CONTACT Huntington Inc. $143,338.00
These funds will provide for the salary of a full-time Wayne & Lincoln County Advocate, Campus Victim Advocate, and Community Victim Advocate, and for a part-time Victim Advocate to provide direct services to victims of sexual assault in Cabell, Wayne, and Lincoln.
CABELL, WAYNE, PUTNAM, LINCOLN, MASON
Branches Domestic Violence Shelter, Inc. $292,641.00
These funds will provide for a portion of the salaries of a full-time Social Worker, a Mason County Advocate, a
Putnam County Advocate, a Lincoln County Advocate, Wayne County Advocate, Evening Advocate, Case Manager, and part-time Putnam County Advocate to provide direct services to domestic violence victims in Cabell, Lincoln, Putnam, Wayne, and Mason Counties.
GREENBRIER
Greenbrier County Commission $54,685.00
These funds will provide for the salary of a full-time Victim Services Coordinator in the Greenbrier County Prosecuting Attorney's Office to provide direct services to crime victims in Greenbrier County.
GREENBRIER, MONROE, POCAHONTAS
Child and Youth Advocacy Center $88,469.00
These funds will provide for the salary of a full-time Family Advocate and full-time Forensic Interviewer, and a portion of the salaries of a full-time Therapist and Program Director to provide direct services to child abuse victims and adult survivors of child sexual abuse in Greenbrier, Pocahontas, and Monroe Counties.
GREENBRIER, MONROE, POCAHONTAS
Family Refuge Center $168,120.00
These funds will provide for a portion of the salaries of the full-time Lead Shelter Advocate, a Daytime Shelter
Advocate, Overnight Shelter Advocate, Monroe County Advocate, Pocahontas County Advocate, and part-time Weekend Shelter Advocate, and Victim Advocate to provide direct services to victims of domestic violence and sexual assault in Greenbrier, Monroe, and Pocahontas Counties.
GREENBRIER, POCAHONTAS
CASA of the Eleventh Judicial Circuit, Inc. $42,424.00
These funds will provide for a portion of the part-time salary of a Volunteer Coordinator and full-time Program Director to provide direct services to victims of child abuse in Greenbrier and Pocahontas Counties.
HANCOCK, BROOKE
CHANGE, Inc. $54,285.00
These funds will provide for the salary of a full-time Victim Advocate and part-time Victim Advocate to provide direct services to victims of domestic violence in Brooke and Hancock Counties.
HANCOCK, BROOKE, OHIO
Hancock County Commission $125,979.00
These funds will provide for the full-time salaries of a Hancock County Advocate, a Brooke County Advocate, and a portion of the salary of a full-time Ohio County Advocate to provide direct services to crime victims in Brooke, Hancock, and Ohio Counties.
HARRISON
Harrison County CASA Program, Inc. $42,907.00
These funds will provide for a portion of the salaries of a full-time Volunteer Coordinator and the Program Director to provide direct services to victims of child abuse and neglect in Harrison County.
HARRISON, DODDRIDGE
Harrison County Child Advocacy Center $40,991.00
These funds will provide for the salary of a full-time Family Advocate to provide direct services to child abuse victims and adult survivors of child sexual abuse in Harrison County.
JACKSON
Jackson County Commission $35,000.00
These funds will provide for the salary of a full-time Victim Advocate in the Jackson County Sheriff's Office to provide direct services to crime victims in Jackson County.
JACKSON, ROANE, CALHOUN
CASA of the Fifth Judicial Circuit, Inc. $46,101.00
These funds will provide for a portion of the salary of the Program Director and two Volunteer Coordinators to provide direct services to child abuse and neglect victims in Jackson, Roane, and Calhoun Counties.
JEFFERSON
Jefferson County Commission $67,104.00
These funds will provide for a portion of the salaries of two full-time Victim Advocates in the Jefferson County Prosecuting Attorney's Office to provide direct services to crime victims in Jefferson County.
JEFFERSON, BERKELEY, MORGAN
Shenandoah Women's Center, Inc. $355,035.00
These funds will provide for the salaries of a full-time Jefferson County Outreach Advocate, and two Shelter
Advocates, and a portion of the salaries for a full-time Morgan County Outreach Advocate, a Jefferson County Outreach Advocate, two Berkeley County Outreach Advocates, Evening and Weekend Shelter Advocate positions, and two part-time Counselors to provide direct services to child victims, victims of domestic violence, and sexual assault in Berkeley, Jefferson, and Morgan Counties.
CASA of the Eastern Panhandle, Inc. $103,218.00
These funds will provide for the salary of a Senior Volunteer Coordinator, two Volunteer Coordinators, and a part-time Volunteer Coordinator to provide direct services to victims of child abuse and neglect in Berkeley, Jefferson, and Morgan Counties.
KANAWHA
City of Charleston $36,600.00
These funds will provide for a portion of the salary of a full-time Victim Services Coordinator in the Charleston Police Department to provide direct services to crime victims in the City of Charleston.
CAMC Health Education & Research Institute $105,966.00
These funds will provide for the salary of a full-time Family Advocate and a portion of the salary of a full-time Social Worker/Forensic Interviewer to provide direct services to child abuse victims and adult survivors of child sexual abuse in Kanawha County.
Kanawha County Commission $67,360.00
These funds will provide for the salary of two full-time Victim Advocates and portion of the salary of a full-time Victim Advocate in the Prosecuting Attorney's Office to provide direct services to crime victims in Kanawha County.
Kanawha County Commission $83,353.00
These funds will provide for the salaries of two full-time Victim Advocates in the Kanawha County Sheriff's Department to provide direct services to crime victims in Kanawha County.
KANAWHA, CLAY, BOONE
YWCA of Charleston, WV, Inc. $184,189.00
These funds will provide for the salaries of a full-time Racial Justice/Court Advocate, a Boone County
Coordinator, a part-time Clay County Coordinator and a portion of the salaries for three full-time Court Advocate positions, Youth Services Coordinator, and a Contracted Counselor to provide direct services to domestic violence victims in Kanawha, Clay, and Boone Counties.
KANAWHA, PUTNAM, JACKSON, BOONE
Family Counseling Connection $208,311.00
These funds will provide for a portion of the salaries of a full-time REACH Director, three REACH Sexual Violence Victim Specialist, a Victim Support Specialist, and seven Victim Therapist positions and a portion of two Sexual Violence Victim Specialists to provide direct services to victims of sexual violence, child abuse, and domestic violence in Kanawha, Boone, Jackson, and Putnam Counties.
LEWIS
Lewis County Commission $38,942.00
These funds will provide for a portion of the salary of a full-time Victim Advocate in the Lewis County Prosecutor's Office to provide direct services to crime victims in Lewis County.
LOGAN
Logan County Commission $48,498.00
These funds will provide for the salaries of a full-time and a part-time Victim Advocate in the Logan County Prosecuting Attorney's Office to provide direct services to crime victims in Logan County.
Logan County Commission $36,500.00
These funds will provide for the salary of a full-time Victim Services Coordinator in the Logan County Sheriff's Department to provide direct services to crime victims in Logan County.
LOGAN, MINGO
The Logan County Child Advocacy Center, Inc. $46,748.00
These funds will provide for a portion of the salary of a part-time Mingo County Advocate and Child & Youth Forensic Interviewer and for a portion of the salary for a full-time Logan County Family Advocate to provide direct services to child abuse victims and adult survivors of child sexual abuse in Logan and Mingo Counties.
MARION
CASA of Marion County $46,069.00
These funds will provide for a portion of the salary of the salaries for a Program Director and Volunteer Coordinator to provide direct services to victims of child abuse and neglect in Marion County.
Marion County Commission $45,278.00
These funds will provide for the salary of a full-time Victim Assistance Coordinator in the Marion County Prosecuting Attorney's Office to provide direct services to crime victims in Marion County.
MARION, DODDRIDGE, GILMER, HARRISON, LEWIS
Task Force on Domestic Violence, "HOPE, Inc." $338,084.00
These funds will provide for a portion of the salaries of a full-time Family Therapist, Marion County Case
Manager, Children's Case Manager, Lewis County Case Manager, Harrison County Case Manager, Harrison
County Case Manager/Outreach Coordinator, Gilmer County Case Manager, Marion County Victim Advocate, Harrison County Victim Advocate, Doddridge County Case Manager, and Family Therapist and a portion of the salary for a part-time Marion County Case Manager to provide direct services to victims of domestic violence, sexual assault, and child victims in Doddridge, Gilmer, Harrison, Lewis, and Marion Counties.
MARSHALL, WETZEL, TYLER, OHIO
CASA for Children Inc. $58,805.00
These funds will provide for a portion of the salary of the Program Director, a Ohio County Volunteer Coordinator, and a Volunteer Coordinator in the 2nd Circuit to provide direct services to child abuse and neglect victims in Ohio, Marshall, Tyler, and Wetzel Counties.
MASON
Mason County Commission $29,830.00
These funds will provide for the salary of a full-time Victim Advocate in the Mason County Prosecuting Attorney's Office to provide direct services to crime victims in Mason County.
MCDOWELL
Stop the Hurt, Inc., Children's Advocacy Center $34,436.00
These funds will provide for the salary of a full-time Family Advocate to provide direct services to child abuse victims and adult survivors of child sexual abuse in McDowell County.
MCDOWELL, MERCER, WYOMING
Stop Abusive Family Environments, Inc. $257,416.00
These funds will provide for a portion of the salaries of a full-time McDowell County Advocate, a part-time
Wyoming County Victim Advocate, Resident Program Coordinator, Advocate Coordinator, Night Shelter Advocate, Evening Shelter Advocate, Weekend Shelter Advocate, Case Worker, Administrator, and for the salaries of two full-time Mercer County Advocates and Wyoming County Advocate to provide direct services to victims of domestic violence, sexual assault, and child victims in McDowell, Mercer, and Wyoming Counties.
MERCER
Child Protect of Mercer County, Inc. $70,220.00
These funds will provide for the salary of a full-time Family Advocate, part-time Forensic Interviewer and a portion of a Contract Therapist to provide direct services to child abuse victims and adult survivors of child sexual abuse in Mercer County.
MERCER, MCDOWELL
ChildLaw Services, Inc. $16,000.00
These funds will provide for a portion of the salary of a part-time Victim Advocate/Counselor to provide direct services to child victims of abuse and neglect and children who witness domestic violence in Mercer and McDowell Counties.
MINERAL
Mineral County Court Appointed Special Advocates $49,686.00
These funds will provide for a portion of the salary of the Program Director and for the salary of a full-time Volunteer Coordinator to provide direct services to victims of child abuse and neglect in Mineral County.
MINERAL, GRANT, HAMPSHIRE
Family Crisis Center, Inc. $55,000.00
These funds will provide for a portion of the salaries of a full-time Grant County Victim Advocate, a Mineral County Advocate, and a part-time Hampshire County Victim Advocate to provide direct services to victims of domestic violence in Mineral, Grant, and Hampshire Counties.
MINERAL, HAMPSHIRE, PENDLETON
Burlington United Methodist Family Services, Inc. $20,982.00
These funds will provide for a portion of the salary of a full-time Forensic Interviewer to provide direct services to child abuse victims and adult survivors of child sexual abuse in Hampshire, Mineral, and Pendleton Counties.
MINGO
Mingo County Commission $22,100.00
These funds will provide for the salary of a full-time Victim Assistance Coordinator in the Mingo County Prosecuting Attorney's Office to provide direct services to crime victims in Mingo County.
MINGO, LOGAN
Tug Valley Recovery Shelter $89,434.00
These funds will provide for the salaries of a full-time Logan/Mingo County Victim Advocate, a part-time Court Advocate, a full-time Logan County Advocate and a part-time Mingo County Advocate to provide direct services to victims of domestic violence, sexual assault, and child victims in Mingo and Logan Counties.
MONONGALIA
Monongalia County Commission $78,544.00
These funds will provide for a portion of the salaries of a full-time and two part-time Victim Assistance Coordinators in the Monongalia County Prosecuting Attorney's Office to provide direct services to crime victims in Monongalia County.
Monongalia County Child Advocacy Center, Inc. $17,302.00
These funds will provide for a portion of the salary of a full-time Family Advocate to provide direct services to child abuse victims and adult survivors of child sexual abuse in Monongalia County.
MONONGALIA, PRESTON
Monongalia County Youth Services Center / CASA for Kids $42,649.00
These funds will provide for a portion of the salaries of a full-time Preston County Volunteer Coordinator, a full-time Monongalia County Volunteer Coordinator, and a portion of the salary for the Program Director to provide direct services to victims of child abuse and neglect in Preston and Monongalia Counties.
MONONGALIA, PRESTON, TAYLOR
The Rape & Domestic Violence Information Center, Inc. $177,082.00
These funds will provide for the salaries of a full-time Monongalia County Victim Advocate, Case Manager,
Taylor County Victim Advocate and for a portion of the salary for a full-time Outreach Advocate for Monongalia, Preston, and Taylor Counties to provide direct services to victims of domestic violence, sexual assault, and child abuse in Monongalia, Preston, and Taylor Counties.
OHIO
Ohio County Commission $35,242.00
These funds will provide for a portion of the salary of a full-time Victim Assistance Coordinator in the Ohio County Prosecuting Attorney's Office to provide direct services to crime victims in Ohio County.
OHIO, BROOKE, HANCOCK, MARSHALL, WETZEL
Upper Ohio Valley Sexual Assault Help Center $161,670.00
These funds will provide for the salaries of a full-time Adult Victim Advocate and a Child Victim Advocate, and the part-time salaries of three Victim Advocates and a licensed Counselor/Therapist to provide direct services to adult and child victims of sexual assault in Hancock, Brooke, Ohio, Marshall, and Wetzel Counties.
OHIO, MARSHALL
Harmony House, Inc. $46,323.00
These funds will provide for the salary of a full-time Child and Family Advocate and a portion of the salary of a Child and Family Therapist to provide direct services to child abuse victims and adult survivors of child sexual abuse in Ohio and Marshall Counties.
OHIO, MARSHALL, WETZEL
Young Womens Christian Associaton of Wheeling, WV $153,405.00
These funds will provide for the salaries of a full-time Child Advocate, Ohio County Advocate, Marshall County Advocate, and Wetzel County Advocate, a part-time Employment Advocate, and a portion of the salaries of a
full-time Shelter Advocate and Wetzel County Advocate to provide direct services to victims of domestic violence, sexual assault, and child victims in Ohio, Marshall, and Wetzel Counties.
PRESTON
Preston County Commission $35,125.00
These funds will provide for a portion of the salary of a full-time Victim Advocate in the Preston County Prosecuting Attorney's Office to provide direct services to crime victims in Preston County.
PUTNAM
Putnam County Commission $34,000.00
These funds will provide for the salary of a full-time Victim Advocate in the Putnam County Sheriff's Office to provide direct services to crime victims in Putnam County.
Putnam County Commission $48,784.00
These funds will provide for a portion of the salary for a full-time Victim Liaison and provide for the salary of a part-time Victim Liaison in the Putnam County Prosecuting Attorney's Office to provide direct services to crime victims in Putnam County.
RALEIGH, FAYETTE, NICHOLAS, SUMMERS
Comprehensive Women's Service Council, Inc. $432,866.00
These funds will provide for the salaries of a full-time Summers County Advocate, Nicholas County Advocate, Raleigh County Advocate in the Beckley Police Department, and Raleigh County Shelter Advocate and for a
portion of the salaries for a full-time Evening Shelter Advocate, Weekend Shelter Advocate, Night Shelter
Advocate, Day Shelter Advocate, and for a portion of the salaries of a part-time Underserved Populations
Advocate, Raleigh County Victim Services Advocate, Fayette County Advocate, Nicholas County Advocate, and
Weekend Shelter Advocate, and for a portion of two Contractual Adult and Child Therapist to provide direct services to victims of domestic violence, sexual assault, and child abuse in Raleigh, Fayette, Nicholas, and Summers Counties.
RALEIGH, FAYETTE, WYOMING
Just For Kids Child Advocacy Center $76,250.00
These funds will provide for a portion of the salary of a full-time Family Advocate, Forensic Interviewer, and Counselor to provide direct services to child abuse victims and adult survivors of child sexual abuse in Fayette, Raleigh, and Wyoming Counties.
RANDOLPH
Randolph County Commission $40,436.00
These funds will provide for a portion of the salary of a full-time Victim Services Coordinator in the Randolph County Prosecuting Attorney's Office to provide services to crime victims in Randolph County.
RANDOLPH, TUCKER
Randolph-Tucker Children's Advocacy Center $65,222.00
These funds will provide for a portion of the salaries of a full-time Family Advocate and part-time Forensic Interviewer and for the salary of a part-time Tucker County Child and Family Advocate to provide direct services to child abuse victims and adult survivors of child sexual abuse in Randolph and Tucker Counties.
RANDOLPH, UPSHUR, TUCKER, BRAXTON, WEBSTER, BARBOUR
Women's Aid in Crisis $396,775.00
These funds will provide for a portion of the salaries for a full-time Barbour County Outreach Coordinator,
Braxton County Outreach Coordinator, Tucker County Outreach Coordinator, Upshur County Outreach
Coordinator, Webster County Outreach Coordinator, Randolph County Legal Advocate, Randolph County Victim Advocate, and two Shelter Managers and a Contracted Counselor to provide direct services to victims of domestic violence, child victims, and sexual assault victims in Randolph, Barbour, Tucker, Upshur, Webster, and Braxton Counties.
ROANE
Roane County Commission $22,068.00
These funds will provide for the salary of a full-time Victim Advocate in the Roane County Prosecuting Attorney's office to provide direct services to crime victims in Roane County.
SUMMERS
REACHH-Family Resource Center $15,715.00
These funds will provide for the salary of a part-time Family Advocate and Forensic Interviewer to provide direct services to child abuse victims and adult survivors of child sexual abuse in Summers County.
TYLER
Tyler County Commission $37,920.00
These funds will provide for the salary of a full-time Victim Advocate in the Tyler County Prosecuting Attorney's Office to provide direct services to crime victims in Tyler County.
UPSHUR
Upshur County Commission $34,662.00
These funds will provide for a portion of the salary of a full-time Victim Advocate in the Upshur County Prosecuting Attorney's Office to provide direct services to crime victims in Upshur County.
UPSHUR, LEWIS
Mountain CAP of West Virginia, Inc., a CAC $32,574.00
These funds will provide for the salary of a full-time Family Advocate to provide direct services to child abuse victims and adult survivors of child sexual abuse in Upshur and Lewis Counties.
WETZEL
Wetzel County Commission $40,000.00
These funds will provide for the salary of a full-time Victim Advocate in the Wetzel County Prosecuting Attorney's Office to provide direct services to crime victims in Wetzel County.
WOOD
Wood County Commission $83,126.00
These funds will provide for the salaries of two full-time Victim Advocates in the Wood County Prosecuting Attorney's Office to provide direct services to crime victims in Wood County.
WOOD, CALHOUN, JACKSON, LOGAN, WIRT
Harmony Mental Health, Inc. $138,450.00
These funds will provide for the salaries of a full-time Social Worker and Counselor, and Contractual Counseling to provide services to victims of domestic violence, sexual assault, and child abuse in Calhoun, Jackson, Wirt, and Wood Counties.
WOOD, JACKSON, RITCHIE, PLEASANTS, WIRT
Family Crisis Intervention Center $224,087.00
These funds will provide for a portion of the salaries of three part-time Shelter Advocates, three full-tim Shelter
Advocates, Legal Advocate, Sexual Assault Advocate, Ritchie County Advocate, Wirt County Advocate, Pleasants County Advocate, and part-time Jackson County Advocate to provide direct services to victims of domestic violence in Jackson, Ritchie, Wirt, Pleasants, and Wood Counties.
WOOD, WIRT, PLEASANTS, RITCHIE
Voices for Children Foundation - CASA Program $51,939.00
These funds will provide for a portion of the Program Director’s salary to provide direct services to child abuse and neglect victims in Wood, Wirt, Pleasants, and Ritchie Counties.
WYOMING
Wyoming County Commission $30,114.00
These funds will provide for the salary of a full-time Victim Advocate in the Wyoming County Prosecuting Attorney's Office to provide direct services to crime victims in Wyoming County.
STATEWIDE
West Virginia Division of Corrections $81,158.00
These funds will provide for a portion of the salary of a Victim Services Specialist to provide direct services to the crime victims of inmates under the custody of the Division of Corrections.
Legal Aid of West Virginia, Inc. $216,890.00
These funds will provide for the salaries of three full-time Attorneys to provide emergency legal services to victims of crime in West Virginia.
Mothers Against Drunk Driving West Virginia $39,453.00
These funds will provide for a portion of the salary of a full-time statewide Victim Advocate to provide direct services and support to victims of Driving Under the Influence cases throughout the State of West Virginia.
Juvenile Justice & Delinquency Grants:
BARBOUR
Barbour County Commission $20,000.00
These funds will be utilized to support the position of a Prevention Resource Officer (PRO) in Philip Barbour High School.
CABELL
City of Barboursville $20,000.00
These funds will be utilized to support the position of a Prevention Resource Officer (PRO) in Barboursville Middle School.
DODDRIDGE
Doddridge County Commission $40,000.00
These funds will be utilized to support the Prevention Resource Officer (PRO) positions in Doddridge County High and Dordddridge County Middle Schools.
HARDY
Hardy County Commission $20,000.00
These funds will be utilized to support the position of a Prevention Resource Officer (PRO) in East Hardy High School.
HARRISON
Harrison County Commission $20,000.00
These funds will be utilized to support the position of a Prevention Resource Officer (PRO) in South Harrison High School.
KANAWHA
HOPE Community Development Corporation $60,000.00
These funds will be utilized to implement the Disproportionate Minority Reduction Cycle in Kanawha County.
Kanawha County Commission $25,000.00
These funds will be utilzed to support the Project INTER-CEPT Program (Interventions Needed To End Recidivism-Critical Entry Point Treatment) in Kanawha County.
Partnership of African American Churches $60,000.00
These funds will be utilized to decrease Disproportionate MinortyContact in Kanawha County by expanding current initiatives between law enforcement, clergy, youth and families, including public defenders and prosecuting attorneys.
LOGAN
Logan County Commission $20,000.00
These funds will be utilized to support the position of a Prevention Resource Officer (PRO) in Man High School.
MONONGALIA
Monongalia County Commission $20,000.00
These funds will be utilized to support the VOICES II, a deliquency prevention program that focuses on at-risk and delinquent female teens.
Monongalia County Child Advocacy Center $18,612.00
These funds will be utilized to provide Trauma Focused Cognitive Behavioral Therapy to child vicitims of abuse in Monongalia County.
Monongalia County Commission $60,000.00
These funds will be utilized to support a countywide Disproportionate Minorty Contact Reduction Initiative by utlizing an evidence-based intervention model to prevent at-risk minority youth’s involvement in the criminal justice system.
Morgantown Police Department $20,000.00
These funds will be utilized to support the position of a Prevention Resource Officer (PRO) in Mountaineer Middle School.
Mountaineer Boys and Girls Club $45,000.00
These funds will be utilized to implement the Disproportionate Minorty Reduction Cycle in Monongalia County.
MORGAN
Morgan County Commission $20,000.00
These funds will be utilized to support a school and community based program that provides a school-based violence prevention curriculum and a developmental asset program to cultivate youth strengths and self-esteem.
Morgan County Commission $20,000.00
These funds will be utilized to support the position of a Prevention Resource Officer (PRO) in Berkeley Springs High School.
STATEWIDE
West Virginia Child Advocacy Network $23,592.00
These funds will be utilized to assess and improve the data tracking and evaluation on both a statewide and local program level, and assist local Child Advocacy centers with data-informed strategic planning, interrupting the cycle of abuse and preventing adverse lifetime outcomes.
West Virginia Supreme Court of Appeals $31,018.00
These funds will be utilized to provide current juvenile justice probation data to the State of West Virginia, the Federal Government, West Virginia Division of Justice and Community Services, the State Advisory Group and the citizens of West Virginia through the maintenance and daily management of the Juvenile Section of the Offender Case Management System. Funding will also provide analysis and a statewide report on the Juvenile Justice system as well as the collection of juvenile data and analysis to provide the numbers to create the DMC ratio.
Justice Assistance Grants:
BRAXTON
Braxton County Commission $20,000.00
Funds will provide one Prevention Resource Officer (PRO) at Braxton County High School.
CABELL
Cabell County Commission $69,000.00
Funds will provide for officer salaries to continue a multi-jurisdictional drug and violent crime task force.
GREENBRIER
Greenbrier County Commission $23,000.00
Funds will provide for officer salaries to continue a multi-jurisdictional drug and violent crime task force.
HAMPSHIRE
Hampshire County Commission $20,000.00
Funds will provide one Prevention Resource Officer (PRO) at Hampshire County High School.
HANCOCK
Hancock County Commission $40,000.00
Funds will provide for two Prevention Resource Officers (PRO) at Oak Glen High School and Weir High School.
Hancock County Commission $46,000.00
Funds will provide for officer salaries to continue a multi-jurisdictional drug and violent crime task force.
HARRISON
City of Bridgeport $20,000.00
Funds will provide one Prevention Resource Officer (PRO) at Bridgeport High School.
City of Bridgeport $46,000.00
Funds will provide for officer salaries to continue a multi-jurisdictional drug and violent crime task force.
City of Clarksburg $20,000.00
Funds will provide for one Prevention Resource Officer (PRO) at Robert C. Byrd High School.
JACKSON
City of Ripley $20,000.00
Funds will provide one Prevention Resource Officer (PRO) at Ripley High School.
City of Ravenswood $20,000.00
Funds will provide one Prevention Resource Officer (PRO) at Ravenswood High School.
KANAWHA
City of South Charleston $20,000.00
Funds will provide one Prevention Resource Officer (PRO) at South Charleston High School.
City of Charleston $69,000.00
Funds will provide for officer salaries to continue a multi-jurisdictional drug and violent crime task force.
City of Dunbar $20,000.00
Funds will provide one Prevention Resource Officer (PRO) at Dunbar Middle School.
City of Charleston $40,000.00
Funds will provide for two Prevention Resource Officers (PRO) at Capitol High School and Stonewall Jackson Middle School.
LEWIS
Lewis County Commission $20,000.00
Funds will provide one Prevention Resource Officer (PRO) at Lewis County High School.
LOGAN
Logan County Commission $46,000.00
Funds will provide for officer salaries to continue a multi-jurisdictional drug and violent crime task force and salary for one Prosecutor to work closely with the Drug Task Force.
MARSHALL
Marshall County Commission $23,000.00
Funds will provide for officer salaries to continue a multi-jurisdictional drug and violent crime task force.
MERCER
City of Bluefield $46,000.00
Funds will provide for officer salaries to continue a multi-jurisdictional drug and violent crime task force.
MINERAL
Mineral County Commission $20,000.00
Funds will provide one Prevention Resource Officer (PRO) at Frankfort High School.
MONROE
Monroe County Commission $20,000.00
Funds will provide one Prevention Resource Officer (PRO) at James Monroe High School.
OHIO
Ohio County Commission $46,000.00
Funds will provide for officer salaries to continue a multi-jurisdictional drug and violent crime task force.
City of Wheeling $40,000.00
Funds will provide for two Prevention Resource Officers (PRO) at Bridge Street Middle School and Triadelphia Middle School.
PUTNAM
Putnam County Commission $20,000.00
Funds will provide one Prevention Resource Officer (PRO) at Poca High School.
City of Winfield $20,000.00
Funds will provide one Prevention Resource Officer (PRO) at Winfield High School.
City of Nitro $20,000.00
These funds will be utilized to support a Prevention Resource Officer (PRO) at Nitro High School.
RALEIGH
City of Beckley Police Department $20,000.00
Funds will provide one Prevention Resource Officer (PRO) at Woodrow Wilson High School.
ROANE
Roane County Commission $20,000.00
Funds will provide one Prevention Resource Officer (PRO) at Roane County High School.
TAYLOR
City of Grafton $20,000.00
Funds will provide one Prevention Resource Officer (PRO) at Grafton High School.
UPSHUR
Upshur County Commission $20,000.00
Funds will provide one Prevention Resource Officer (PRO) at Buckhannon-Upshur Middle School.
WETZEL
Wetzel County Commission $20,000.00
Funds will provide one Prevention Resource Officer (PRO) at Valley High School.
WOOD
City of Vienna $46,000.00
Funds will provide for officer salaries for a multi-jurisdictional drug and violent crime task force.
City of Williamstown $20,000.00
Funds will provide one Prevention Resource Officer (PRO) at Williamstown High School.
STATEWIDE
West Virginia State Police $223,175.00
Funds will provide for officer overtime to continue a multi-jurisdictional drug and violent crime task force.
Justice Reinvestment Treatment Supervision Grants:
BERKELEY, JEFFERSON, MORGAN
Jefferson Day Report Center, Inc. $140,998.00
These funds will be utilized to support the ongoing work through the Justice Reinvestment Treatment Supervision Program.
CABELL
Prestera Center for Mental HealthServices, Inc. $134,514.00
These funds will be utilized to support the ongoing work through the Justice Reinvestment Treatment Supervision Program.
HARRISON
Harrison County Commission $125,000.00
These funds will be utilized to support the ongoing work through the Justice Reinvestment Treatment Supervision Program.
United Summit Center, Inc. $118,753.00
These funds will be utilized to support the ongoing work through the JusticGOVERNOR TOMBLIN PRESENTS $9.3 MILLION IN GRANTS
TO LOCAL GROUPS, COMMUNITY JUSTICE PROGRAMS
CHARLESTON, W.Va. (September 9, 2016) – Gov. Earl Ray Tomblin today presented more than $9.3 million in grant funding to community support groups and justice programs across the state. This funding will be used to develop new programming and enhance existing initiatives to support West Virginia’s communities and state justice system.
“With this needed funding, community programs from all corners of our state will be better equipped to serve children and families and further strengthen West Virginia’s justice system.” Gov. Tomblin said. “We are expanding direct services to victims of crime, putting programs in place to help at-risk youth get back on track and preparing parents with the life skills they need to foster a healthy, nurturing environment to raise their families.”
The total grant funding was allocated as follows:
$7,023,255 in Victims of Crime Act/Victim Assistance Grants - 75 grantees;
$529, 254 in Justice Reinvestment Treatment Supervision Grants - 4 grantees;
$1,203,175 in Justice Assistance Grants - 34 grantees;
$543,222 in Juvenile Justice & Delinquency Grants - 18 grantees.
Photos available for media use. All photos should be attributed “Photo courtesy of Office of the Governor.”
It is a matter of huge pride that the #SAD led Government of Punjab has played a pivotal role in setting up of Indian School of Business (ISB) campus in Mohali. With Punjabi youth aiming for the world, we will surely bring more such world-class education institutions in Punjab in times to come.
#ShiromaniAkaliDal #ProudtobeAkali #SADDelivered #SADCommittted #SADforPunjab #SukhbirSinghBadal #ISBMohali
The Boeing B-29 was developed in 1942 at the height of World War 2...while the Boeing 787 made its first flight in 2009...in this one photo we have two aircraft from the same maker separated by 67 years....
The 787 is back taxiing for departure on runway 36, while Fifi is headed back to Conoco-Phillips Square for display.
Copyright
All my photographic images are copyrighted. All rights are reserved. Please do not use, copy or edit any of my photographs without my written permission. If you want to use my photo for commercial or private use, please contact me.
Exif data auto added by theGOOD Uploadr
File Size : 0.6 mb
Camera Make : Canon
Camera Model : Canon EOS 50D
Software : Adobe Photoshop CS2 Windows
+++ DISCLAIMER +++
Nothing you see here is real, even though the conversion or the presented background story might be based historical facts. BEWARE!
In July 1967, the first Swedish Air Force student pilots started training on the Saab 105, a Swedish high-wing, twin-engine trainer aircraft developed in the early sixties as a private venture by Saab AB. The Swedish Air Force procured the type for various roles and issued the aircraft with the designation Sk 60.
The Sk 60 entered service in 1967, replacing the aging De Havilland Vampire fleet, and had a long-lasting career. But in the late Eighties, by which point the existing engines of the Swedish Air Force's Sk 60 fleet were considered to be towards the end of their technical and economic lifespan and the airframes started to show their age and wear of constant use, the Swedish Air Force started to think about a successor and/or a modernization program.
Saab suggested to replace the Saab 105’s Turbomeca Aubisque engines with newly-built Williams International FJ44 engines, which were lighter and less costly to operate, but this was only regarded as a stop-gap solution. In parallel, Saab also started work for a dedicated new jet trainer that would prepare pilots for the Saab 39 Gripen – also on the drawing boards at the time – and as a less sophisticated alternative to the promising but stillborn Saab 38.
The Saab 38 (also known as B3LA or A 38/Sk 38) was a single-engine jet trainer and attack aircraft planned by Saab during the 1970s and actually a collaboration between Saab and the Italian aircraft manufacturer Aermacchi (the aircraft resembled the AMX a lot). It was to replace the older Saab 105 jet trainer in the Swedish Air Force, too, but the aircraft never got past the drawing board and was canceled in 1979 in favor of the more advanced Saab JAS 39 Gripen multi-role fighter.
Anyway, this decision left Sweden without a replacement for the Sk 60 as transitional trainer and as a light attack and reconnaissance aircraft.
In 1991, Saab presented its new trainer design, internally called "FSK900", to the Swedish Air Force. The aircraft was a conservative design, with such a configurational resemblance to the Dassault-Dornier Alpha Jet that it is hard to believe Saab engineers didn't see the Alpha Jet as a model for what they wanted to do. However, even if that was the case, the FSK900 was by no means a copy of the Alpha Jet, and the two machines can be told apart at a glance. FSK900 had a muscular, rather massive appearance, while the Alpha Jet was more wasp-like and very sleek. The FSK900 was also bigger in length and span and had an empty weight about 10% greater.
The FSK900 was mostly made of aircraft aluminum alloys, with some control surfaces made of carbon-fiber / epoxy composite, plus very selective use of titanium. It had high-mounted swept wings, with a supercritical airfoil section and a leading-edge dogtooth; a conventional swept tail assembly; tricycle landing gear; twin engines, one mounted in a pod along each side of the fuselage; and a tandem-seat cockpit with dual controls.
The wings had a sweep of 27.5°, an anhedral droop of 7°, and featured ailerons for roll control as well as double slotted flaps. The tailplanes were all-moving, and also featured an anhedral of 7°. An airbrake was mounted on each side of the rear fuselage. Flight controls were hydraulic, and hydraulic systems were dual redundant.
The instructor and cadet sat in tandem, both on zero-zero ejection seats, with the instructor's seat in the rear raised 27 centimeters (10.6 inches) to give a good forward view. The cockpit was pressurized and featured a one-piece canopy, hinged open to the right, that provided excellent visibility.
The landing gear assemblies all featured single wheels, with the nose gear retracting forward and the main gear retracting forward and into the fuselage, featuring an antiskid braking system. The twin engines were two Williams International FJ44-4M turbofans without reheat, each rated at 16.89 kN (3,790 lbst). These were the same engines, that Saab had also proposed for Saab’s Sk 60 modernization program, even though a less powerful variant for the lighter aircraft.
The FSK900 could be fitted with two pylons under each wing and under the fuselage centerline, for a total of five hardpoint. The inner wing pylons were wet and could be used to carry 450 liter (119 US gallon) external tanks, a total external payload of 2,500 kg (5,500 lb) could be carried.
External stores included a centerline target winch for the target tug role, an air-sampling pod for detection of fallout or other atmospheric pollutants, jammer or chaff pods for electronic warfare training, a camera/sensor pod and a baggage pod for use in the liaison role. The aircraft also featured a baggage compartment in the center fuselage, which also offered space for other special equipment or future updates.
Potential armament comprised a conformal underfuselage pod with a single 27 mm Mauser BK-27 revolver cannon with 120 rounds (the same weapon that eventually went into the Saab Gripen).
Other weapons included various iron and cluster bombs of up to 454 kg (1.000 lb) caliber, unguided missiles of various calibers and the Rb.74 (AIM-9L Sidewinder) AAM. A radar was not mounted, but the FSK900’s nose section offered enough space for a radome.
The Swedish Air Force accepted the Saab design, leading to a contract for two nonflying static-test airframes and four flying prototypes. Detail design was complete by the end of 1993 and prototype construction began in the spring of 1994, leading to first flight of the initial prototype on 29 July 1994. The first production "Sk 90 A", how the basic trainer type was officially dubbed, was delivered to the Swedish Air Force in 1996.
In parallel, a contract was signed for the re-engining of 115 Saab Sk 60 aircraft in 1993; the number of aircraft to be upgraded was subsequently reduced as a result of cuts to the defense budget and the advent of the FSK900, of which 60 were ordered initially.
The Sk 90 was regarded as strong, agile, and pleasant to fly, while being cheap to operate. Sk 90 As flying in the training role typically painted in the unique “Fields & Meadows” splinter camouflage, although decorative paint jobs showed up on occasion and many aircraft received additional dayglow markings.
Some of the few aircraft given to operational squadrons, which used them for keeping up flight hours and as hacks, had apparently been painted in all-grey camouflage to match the combat aircraft they shared the flight line with.
With the Sk 90 S a new variant was soon introduced, replacing the Sk 60 C, two-seat ground attack/reconnaissance version for the Swedish Air Force with an extended camera nose. It featured a similar camera arrangement to the Sk 60 C with a panoramic camera, plus an avionics palet in the baggage compartment for a modular DICAST (Digital Camera And Sensor Tray) pod under the fuselage. Unlike the Sk 60 C, which was converted from existing Sk 60 A trainers, the Sk 90 S was an original design. 20 were delivered until 1997, together with the standard trainers, which were kept on the production lines at slow pace until 1999.
A total of 108 production Sk 90s were built, and the Swedish Air Force has no further requirement for new Sk 90s at present. Upgrades are in planning, including fit of at least some Sk 90s with a modern "glass cockpit" to provide advanced training for the Saab Gripen (which had entered service in June 1992), and a full authority digital engine control (FADEC) for the FJ44-4M turbofans. Integration of the Rb.75 (the AGM-65A/B Maverick in Swedish service) together with a pod-mounted FLIR camera system was also suggested, improving the Sk 90’s attack capability dramatically. These updates were started in 2000. The modified aircraft received the designation Sk 90 B and Sk 90 SB, respectively, and until 2006 the whole fleet was updated.
Tests were also made with reinforced underwing pylons that would allow the carriage of the RBS-15 anti-ship missile. Even though the Sk 90 did not carry a radar, the missile-armed trainers were considered as a linked multiplicators for Saab 39s with the appropriate avionics, so that salvoes of multiple missiles could be launched in order to overload ship defences and improve hit probability. While the latter assumption was proved as correct during field trials with two modified Sk 90s, the missiles’ extra drag and the consequent loss in agility, speed and range made the concept unpractical, since the armed Sk 90 could not keep up with the Saab 39, limit reaction time and would offer an easy target.
Another plan was the Sk 90 C, a two-seater with enhanced attack capabilities. Its most distict feature was a simplified PS-05/A pulse-Doppler X band multi-mode radar, developed by Ericsson and GEC-Marconi for the JAS 39 Gripen.
The system was based on the Blue Vixen radar for the Sea Harrier that also served as the basis for the Eurofighter's CAPTOR radar, and it would allow a highly improved air-to-air and air-to-ground capability, also in better concunction with the Saab Gripen as lead aircraft. Two technology demonstrators were converted from Sk 90 A trainers, but the project was shelved - due to budget restrictions and simply through the fact that the JAS 39 Gripen offered anything the Swedish Air Force had called for in just one, single weapon system, so that the Sk 90 remained in its advanced trainer and tactical recce role. The technology package was offered to foreign customers, though.
Despite its qualities and development potential, the Sk 90 did not attain much foreign interest. It suffered from bad timing and from the focus on domestic demands. It came effectively 10 years too late to be serious export success, and the Sk 90 was very similar to the Dassault/Dornier Alpha Jet (even though it was cheaper to operate) - at a time when the German Luftwaffe started to prematurely phaze out its attack variant and flooded the market with cheap second hand aircraft in excellent condition. Besides, the Saab Sk 90 had, with the BAe Hawk, another proven competitor with a long operational track record all over the world.
Modest foreign sales could be secured, though: Austria procured 36 Sk 90 Ö in 2002 (basically comparable with the updated Sk 90 B), replacing its Saab 105 fleet and keeping up its close connection with Saab since the Seventies. Malaysia showed interest, too, as well as Singapore, Myanmar, Finland, Poland and Hungary.
The latest interest came from the Republic of Scotland in late 2017 – after the country’s separation from the United Kingdom and building an independent air force with a supplier from a neutral country.
The Republic of Scotland’s Air Corps (RoScAC) started negotiations with Saab and the Swedish government over either eight newly built or refurbished, older Sk 90 As that were updated to C standard with the PS-05/A radar.
Scotland additionally showed interest in a small fleet of 1st generation Saab 39 interceptors that would replace the RAF fighters based on Scottish ground.
General characteristics:
Crew: two pilots in tandem
Length incl. pitot: 13.0 m (42 ft 8 in) for the A trainer, 13.68 m (44 ft 10 in) for the S variant
Wingspan: 9.94 m (32 ft 7 in)
Height: 4.6 m (15 ft 1 in)
Empty weight: 3,790 kg (8,360 lb)
Max. takeoff weight: 7,500 kg (16,530 lb)
Powerplant:
2× Williams International FJ44-4M turbofans without reheat, rated at 16.89 kN (3,790 lbst) each
Performance:
Maximum speed: 1,038 km/h (645 mph)
Range: 1,670 km (900 nm)
Armament:
No internal gun; five hardpoints for 2,500 kg (5,500 lb) of payload and a variety of ordnance
The kit and its assembly:
A simple kit travesty! This is basically the 1:72 Kawasaki T-4 from Hasegawa, with little modifications.
Originally, I wondered what an overdue Saab 105 replacement could or would look like? The interesting Saab 38 never saw the light, as mentioned above, there was also an A-10-style light attack aircraft (maybe to be built as a kitbashing some day...) and I assume that neutral Sweden would rather develop its own aircraft than procure a foreign product.
Consideration of the BAe Hawk, Alpha Jet and the L-39 Albatros as inspirations for this project, I eventually came across the modern but rather overlooked Japanese Kawasaki T-4 trainer – and found that it had a certain Swedish look about it? Hmm... And coupled with a very characteristic paint scheme, like “Fields & Meadows”, maybe…?
I wanted to keep things simple, though, so the T-4 was mostly built OOB. A pleasant experience. The kit is relatively simple and fit is very good, with only minimal PSR necessary.
The only changes are the underwings hardpoints, which come from a Heller SEPECAT Jaguar, the pair of drop tanks (from an Academy F-5E, IIRC), a scratched recce pod for the ventral hardpoint and a modified bow section. This camera nose is a transplant from a Marivox Saab 105, assuming that the new trainer would be employed in similar roles as the Sk 60. The respective Swedish kit comes with a lot of optional parts, including the extended Sk 60 C’s camera nose - and it fits very well onto the T-4's rounded nose.
Painting and markings:
Well, when building a kit is not a true challenge, maybe the paint job is? The T-4 in a "Fields & Meadows" livery was the initial inspiration for this build, so I tried to stick with the concept as far as possible, even though I'd assume that Swedish aircraft in the kit's time frame would rather be grey with subdued markings. But there's hardly anything as Swedish and spectacular as "Fields & Meadows", and this scheme would also be perfect for the tactical recce role of this build.
The pattern was loosely inspired by the Saab Viggens’ scheme (I found pictures of Sk 60 in Fields & Meadows, but could not puzzle together a complete view) as benchmark.
Painting was done with a fine brush (size 2), free-handedly. Even the waterline was created without masking tape - a clean, bigger brush (size 6) was enough to create the sharp edge. This sounds bizarre and maybe suggest a masochistic touch, but it actually worked better than expected - and I was in the lucky situation that I did not have to slavishly copy and recreate the splinter pattern on a real-world model. ;-)
Finding proper tones for the famous and very characteristic Swedish paint scheme was not easy, though. Pictures of real aircraft vary largely, light conditions and weathering make a proper identification difficult, to say the least. Since I wanted a simple solution (a lot of corrections during the painting process was expected), I settled upon the following enamel tones:
• Modelmaster 2060, RAF Dark Green
• Humbrol 150, Forest Green FS 34127
• Humbrol 72, Khaki Drill, for the earth tone
• A 1:1 mix of Humbrol 33 (Flat Black) + Modelmaster 2094 (RAL 7021) for a very dark grey
• Humbrol 247 (RLM 76) for the undersides
Painting was done from black (starting here because it was the only mixed tone), then the earth tone, light green and finally the dark green - a slow (2 full days) but rather uncomplicated process. But I think that the effort paid out, and helps selling the fictional Sk 90 idea.
The cockpit was painted in neutral grey, while the landing gear and the air intakes became white. A very Swedish touch are the bright green headrests - seen on Saab 37.
The markings were kept simple, puzzled together from various sources. Tactical codes come from a Heller Saab 37 Viggen sheet, while the roundels come from an RBD Models sheet (great stuff!) from Sweden - they actually belong to a Saab 32, but since the roundel sizes are normed the transplant onto the smaller aircraft here was easy and even plausible.
Some stencils were taken from the T-4 OOB sheet or gathered together from the scrap box, e .g. the "FARA" warnings.
The silver trim at the flaps and the fin rudder were made with generic 0.5mm decal stripes in silver. Similar strips in black were used to create the de-icers on the wings' leading edges.
Finally, the kit was sealed with matt acrylic varnish (Italeri).
Not tough to build, but still a challenge to paint. But the result is spectacular, and the T-4 under foreign flag looks disturbingly plausible. How could Sweden hide this aircraft from the public for so long...?
And it's certainly not the last T-4 I will build. A Scottish aircraft, as mentioned in the background, is a hot candidate - but the aircraft has a lot of OOB whiffing potential...
+++ DISCLAIMER +++
Nothing you see here is real, even though the conversion or the presented background story might be based on historical facts. BEWARE!
Some background:
The Hawker Hunter was a transonic British jet-powered fighter aircraft that was developed by Hawker Aircraft for the Royal Air Force (RAF) during the late 1940s and early 1950s. It was designed to take advantage of the newly developed Rolls-Royce Avon turbojet engine and the swept wing and was the first jet-powered aircraft produced by Hawker to be procured by the RAF. On 7 September 1953, the modified first prototype broke the world air speed record for aircraft, achieving a speed of 727.63 mph (1,171.01 km/h; 632.29 kn).
The single-seat Hunter was introduced to service in 1954 as a maneuverable day interceptor aircraft, quickly succeeding first-generation jet fighters in RAF service such as the Gloster Meteor and the de Havilland Venom. The all-weather/night fighter role was filled by the Gloster Javelin. Successively improved variants of the type were produced, adopting increasingly more capable engine models, and expanding its fuel capacity amongst other modifications being implemented.
The Hunter was exported to many countries all over the world, and one of the first foreign customers was Sweden. In the early 1950s, the Swedish Air Force saw the need for an interceptor that could reach enemy bombers at a higher altitude than the J 29 Tunnan that formed the backbone of the fighter force. A contract for 120 Hawker Hunter Mk 50s (an export version, equivalent to the RAF’s contemporary Mk. 4) was therefore signed on 29 June 1954 and the first aircraft was delivered on 26 August 1955. The model was locally designated J 34 and was assigned to two fighter wings F 8 (Barkaby) and F 18 (Tullinge) near Stockholm to defend the country’s capital as an interim solution before a more modern interceptor in the form of the indigenous Saab J 35 Draken was ready for service.
The J 34 was not fitted with a search radar, it only had a simple ranging radar for the guns and was consequently a pure day fighter aircraft. Its flying characteristics were excellent, though. It was a fast aircraft, with a maximum speed of 1.150 km/h, in spite of the fact that the Rolls-Royce Avon 23 (locally designated RM 5B) engine with a thrust of 4.080 kp lacked an afterburner. The Swedish Hunters’ mission was primarily to intercept enemy bombers, which were expected to attack from high altitudes, and they complemented the Swedish Air Force’s fleet of Saab J 32B, a radar-equipped all-weather/night fighter version of the Saab 32 Lansen fighter-bomber..
The J 34 was initially only armed with four 30 mm (1.18 in) cannon but soon retrofitted with launch rails for two AIM-9 Sidewinders (Swedish designation Rb 24) under the outer wings that markedly improved the interceptor’s effectiveness. A project to improve the performance of the J 34 further resulted in one Hunter being fitted with a Swedish-designed afterburner in 1958. While this significantly increased the engine's thrust, there was little improvement in overall performance, so that the project was shelved.
The Hunters’ career as an interceptor in Swedish service did not last long, though: During the 1960s, the J 34s were gradually replaced by supersonic J 35 Draken and reassigned to less prominent air wings, F 9 in Gothenburg and F 10 in Ängelholm.
At that time the Swedish Air Force was in a critical transitory phase concerning tactical photo reconnaissance. The current standard type for this mission was the Saab S 29C from the late Forties, complemented by the bigger Saab S 32C, which was a photo reconnaissance version developed from the A 32A attack aircraft. 45 of the latter aircraft had been built between 1958 and 1959 and the machines were equipped with a PS-432/A radar with extended range and with six cameras. Additionally, a photo reconnaissance version of the state-of-the-art supersonic Saab 35 Draken was under development, but when its first prototype flew in 1963, it was uncertain when it would become fully operational - the Draken’s interceptor variants had priority, and technology was advancing so fast at that time that upgrades were already in the making while the first production J 35s were delivered. In the meantime, the S 29C had become outdated and the more modern S 32C was rather optimized for maritime patrol. The relatively young surplus of J 34s fighters offered the opportunity to convert several airframes into tactical photo reconnaissance aircraft for low-level use over land, primarily as a replacement for the S 29Cs and as a stopgap until the S 35E would arrive at frontline reconnaissance units.
This led to the S 34B (the J 34s were consequently re-designated J 34A for better differentiation) conversion program. Sixteen airframes with relatively few flying hours were set aside and modified by Saab at Linköping in 1963. The airframe remained at the Hunter Mk. 50/Mk.4s’ standard and retained the type’s original non-afterburner engine and unmodified wings (in the meantime, a dog-toothed wing had been introduced with the Mk.6 that improved handling). The nose section was thoroughly modified to carry a broad array of cameras, and lengthened by about 4'. To compensate for the center of gravity shift through the extra equipment in the nose and create enough space for it, the Hunter’s fuselage-mounted 30 mm guns were completely deleted. The area under the cockpit was widened into a shallow tub with a flat floor, together with an extended, pointed tip which improved low-level flight stability with the now nose but still lacked any radar.
The re-contoured nose/cockpit section contained climatized compartments and windows for a total of six cameras, optimized for low-level reconnaissance and mountable in different angles:
- a long focal-length forward-looking SKA 16b (Vinten F.95) camera in the nose tip
- a sideways-looking wide angle SKA 42-44 camera (facing either to portside or starboard)
- a left oblique/forward infrared camera (various types were used, e.g. an SKA 16a/150 or an SKA 10/92
- a right oblique/forward SKA 16/10
- a vertical SKA 15/15 (F.49 Eagle IX Mk. 2)
- a vertical SKA 16a/150 infrared camera
The Hunter’s four underwing hardpoints were retained, though. All were plumbed to accept drop tanks for long-range missions and the capability to carry a pair of Sidewinders on the outer stations for self-defense was retained, too – even though this option was later in service almost never used. Later during their career, the S 34Bs could alternatively carry defensive equipment like chaff dispensers (e.g. the Motmedelskapsel KB a.k.a. BOZ-100) and early ECM devices like the Petrus/Adrian jamming pods from the Saab 32. However, most of the time the S 34Bs were operated in clean configuration to maximize low-level speed and handling, or just with a pair of drop tanks for long-range patrols along the Swedish borders.
An initial S 34B prototype was built in 1964 and flown late during the same year. Thorough operational tests with the camera installations lasted until mid-1965 at the Swedish Air Force’s Försökscentralen in Linköping. The full conversion program started in June 1964 and the first S 34B conversions were delivered to the Södermanland Wing (F11) in August 1965, where they were exclusively operated and replaced all S 29Cs of the unit’s first squadron, while the second squadron stuck to the S 29C but received four Sk 35C Draken trainers, a measure to prepare the unit for the eventual complete conversion to the S 35D. A total of seventeen Hawker Hunter Mk.50s were modified until 1966, including the prototype, which was brought to the operational S 34B status, too, and integrated into the active fleet. Unlike the J 34A fighters, the recce Hunters received a disruptive and unique three-tone camouflage in dark blue and two shades of dark green on the upper surfaces, reflecting their low-altitude mission profile. Another odd feature of F11’s J 34Bs were their individual tactical codes in the form of colored (red) numeric characters instead of letters, sharing this practice with F11’s contemporary S 32C Lansens.
Overall, the Hunter’s service with the Swedish Air Force was not long, though. The J 34A day fighters were already retired from service in 1969 and partly sold, while the S 34Bs were kept active until 1974, when operations at F11’s home base were expanded: the Swedish Air Force Intelligence School (FV UndS) was relocated to Nyköping and Saab 35 Draken fully replaced the last S 29Cs and the recce Hunters (which both lacked trainer versions). But already a year later, when the Palme government presented its bill 1975:75, a dismantling of two flotilla administrations, Södermanland's air fleet (F 11) and Kalmar air fleet (F 12), was proposed. The background was that the Swedish Defense Forces' peace organization investigation (FFU) in January 1971, tasked with investigating how the air force's peace organization from the mid-1980s could be adapted to the development of the war organization. That the flotilla would be dismantled was a matter of course, as the FFU considered that the reconnaissance divisions should be redistributed to other flotillas, primarily for operational and readiness reasons. Furthermore, the aircraft that the flotilla was armed with, the S 32C Lansen and the S 35D Draken, were to be replaced in the 1980s with the new SH/SF 37 Viggen. This also meant that aerial reconnaissance could then be solved in three aviation divisions, instead of the five reconnaissance aviation divisions that then existed within the Air Force.
General characteristics:
Crew: 1
Length: 49 ft 0.5 in (14.98 m)
Wingspan: 33 ft 8 in (10.26 m)
Height: 13 ft 2 in (4.01 m)
Wing area: 349 sq ft (32.4 m²)
Airfoil: Hawker 8.5% symmetrical
Empty weight: 14,122 lb (6,406 kg)
Gross weight: 17,750 lb (8,051 kg)
Max takeoff weight: 24,600 lb (11,158 kg)
Powerplant:
1× Rolls-Royce RM5B1 (Avon 23) turbojet engine, 9,000 lbf (40.8 kN) thrust
Performance:
Maximum speed: 623 mph (1,003 km/h, 541 kn, Mach 0.94) at 36,000 ft (11,000 m)
715 mph (621 kn; 1,151 km/h) at sea level
Range: 385 mi (620 km, 335 nmi) with internal fuel only,
1,900 mi (3,100 km, 1,700 nmi) ferry range with maximum external fuel
Service ceiling: 50,000 ft (15,000 m)
Rate of climb: 17,200 ft/min (87 m/s)
Wing loading: 51.6 lb/sq ft (252 kg/m²)
Thrust/weight: 0.56
Armament:
No internal guns;
4× underwing hardpoints with a total capacity of 7,400 lb (3,400 kg)
The kit and its assembly:
This fictional converted Hawker Hunter is a submission to the 2022 “Lightning, Canberra & Hunter” group build at whatifmodellers.com. The idea for a recce Hunter came when I wondered why there had not been a more dedicated variant than the FR.10, and when the GB came up I decided to build one from a Revell 1:72 kit. Sweden appeared as a good potential and attractive operator, as the Hunter would fit well between the Tunnan and Draken era – and I also had some donor parts from Swedish aircraft that would find their way into the rhinoplasty.
The kit is Revell’s 1:72 Hawker Hunter F.6 – initially I wanted to use an FGA.9 variant of this kit, but upon close inspection I found out that the Swedish Hunters were of a much earlier standard that made the FGA.9 an unsuitable starting point. While the Mk.4/50’s dog-teeth-less wings would be realized with a conversion set from Wolfpack, the early variants’ non-afterburner jet exhaust would have had to be scratched. It was eventually easier to procure a suitable variant of the Revell kit that offered this nozzle OOB, #04350, the first boxing from 2007 which was subsequently re-issued several times with slightly modified parts/sprues that depict later Hunter variants.
When I started building the kit, however, I found out that the kit was missing two parts – very untypical for Revell?! Apparently, the missing parts had broken off of the sprues during the packaging process, since both box and bag inside were still sealed when I received the kit. One missing piece was one of the separate dog-tooth slat sections for the wings, which could be easily replaced with the parts from the very crisp Wolfpack Hunter F.1/2/4/5 resin conversion set (which also includes a longer metal pitot) that was actually designed for the Revell kit, the other was a main landing gear cover. The latter was replaced by Revell of Germany for free within a couple of days after I had placed a request for a spare part at their service touchpoint. Great service!
The Revell Hunter is nice and probably the best contemporary kit of this aircraft in 1:72, even though it needs some PSR, esp. around the wing attachment seams on the fuselage. Beyond the wing modifications to create a Swedish F.4/Mk. 50 export variant I decided to thoroughly change the nose section, more than the FR.10’s small camera nose tip (which is available as a clear resin piece from Quickboost). I used the Saab 29 as a design benchmark and decided to replace the Hunter’s gun bays with camera compartments, using a leftover optional tray from a Heller S 29C to re-shape the area under the cockpit sides. I wanted to retain the original front landing gear well, though, so that only the “edges” from the Tunnan’s camera ports were transplanted under the Hunter’s front fuselage, creating pronounced “cheeks” and a more or less flat bottom.
To take the photo recce conversion even further I replaced the Hunter’s stub nose with a pointed alternative, a spare SF 37 nose with a forward-facing camera window from a Heller kit that I had received from a good friend a while ago. The Viggen nose was trimmed down to the same diameter as the Hunter’s, and its pitot was removed since the Hunter would retain the original wing-mounted sensor.
This recontoured nose section was blended into the Hunter’s fuselage with several layers/turns of PSR. My initial hope to retain the clear parts’ transparency for the finished S 34B soon evaporated, though, because the body work became so thorough that everything disappeared under layers of putty. At least the parts’ shape was retained, and they thoroughly changed the Hunter’s profile! At times I thought that the modified aircraft had a Soviet touch, and when I installed the landing gear it struck me that the pointed nose gave the Hunter a very F-105-ish look, like a missing link between the Thunderchief and the earlier RF-84G Thunderflash? Well, an idea for a potential future what-if project…
Anything else was taken OOB from the Revell kit, including the cockpit and the short drop tanks on the inner wing pylons.
Painting and markings:
This was a challenge. I did not want to give the fictional recce Hunter the J 34’s simple camouflage with dark green upper surfaces (Olive Green 328M) and grey undersides. The contemporary dark blue/olive green paint scheme was an alternative, but I found it to be quite boring and I also already had some Swedish whiffs with this scheme in my collection.
A suitable alternative eventually came from literature, where I found pictures of privately operated J 32E Lansen target tugs (SE-DCM and -DCN) which carried in the early Nineties a three-tone camouflage on their upper sides, consisting of mörk olivgrön (328M), mörkgrön (326M) and mörkblå (438M). I was not able to find pictures that provided detail information about the aircrafts’ concrete camouflage pattern, though, esp. from above, so that I adapted a pattern from an USN aggressor A-4E Skyhawk with adjusted colors to the Hunter airframe. The blue/green pattern on the contemporary J 32 and J 35 could not simply be expanded to a third shade, since the dark blue forms a kind of net pattern over the green background. The lighter green would always have looked like an enforced foreign matter, so that I rather went for an SEA-ish application in which all three colors appear pari passu. The aggressor pattern yet ensured that the dark blue would still form a kind of “river delta” within a murky green landscape.
The paints I used were Humbrol 77, 163 and 224 – lighter than the original tones, but for better contrast, scale effect and some weathering it turned out O.K. The undersides were painted in standard Swedish grey (058M), and I used Humbrol 165 (RAF Medium Sea Grey) as a proxy. The drop tanks were painted in standard J 34 colors, as a small contrast, in Humbrol 116 (FS 34079) and 165.
The cockpit interior was painted in anthracite, the ejection seat received bright green cushions (seen on a Swedish Hunter on museum display); the landing gear and the respective wells’ interior became aluminum bronze (Humbrol 56), while the interior of the air intakes became shiny aluminum (Revell 99) except for the splitter plates, which received the external camouflage colors. Copying the real J 34s’ look, the area around the jet efflux was painted in Aluminum (Revell 99) and separated from the rest of the hull with a thin 0.5 mm black line (generic decal material). The camera windows were created with black decal material, which had some light reflexes manually added and received a coat with glossy varnish.
The kit received the usual light black ink washing and some post-panel-shading for dramatic effect, and with markedly lightened tones from above to simulate bleached paint.
The decals/marking came mostly from RBD Studio (today Moose Republic, very good stuff!) sheets for Saab 32 Lansen in Swedish service. The unusual tactical code in the form of a number in the squadron’s color (instead of a colored letter or a white or yellow two-digit numeral that came next) was taken over from a real-world F11 S 32C from around 1963 – an exotic option, but it falls into the S 34B’s time frame and was a suitable option for this whiffy model, too. To reflect the 1st squadron’s code color even more and add a small color highlight, I painted the front wheel well cover in red and placed a white “2” on it.
Finally, the model was sealed overall with matt acrylic varnish. The Swedish Hunters’ rather glossy finish was only carried during the aircrafts’ early career years, when the machines still carried the factory finish with British colors under a clear protective coat. When the machines were later re-painted with Swedish paints during overhauls, they received a matt finish.
This modified photo reconnaissance Hunter looks simple, but the nose modifications were more severe and demanding than expected. The result looks pretty strange, esp. the pointed nose takes away the Hunter’s Fifties look. The Swedish markings and the three-tone camouflage suit the Hunter well, though, the S 34B looks quite convincing.
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Praktica L
Super-Multi-Coated Takumar 50mm f/1.4 + Yellow-Green
Ilford FP4+ ISO125
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Developed with Agfa Rondinax 35U in Agfa Rodinal
1-40 10:15 mins at 22c
+++ DISCLAIMER +++
Nothing you see here is real, even though the conversion or the presented background story might be based on historical facts. BEWARE!
Some Background:
During the 1950s, Hindustan Aircraft Limited (HAL) had developed and produced several types of trainer aircraft, such as the HAL HT-2. However, elements within the firm were eager to expand into the then-new realm of supersonic fighter aircraft. Around the same time, the Indian government was in the process of formulating a new Air Staff Requirement for a Mach 2-capable combat aircraft to equip the Indian Air Force (IAF). However, as HAL lacked the necessary experience in both developing and manufacturing frontline combat fighters, it was clear that external guidance would be invaluable; this assistance was embodied by Kurt Tank.
In 1956, HAL formally began design work on the supersonic fighter project. The Indian government, led by Jawaharlal Nehru, authorized the development of the aircraft, stating that it would aid in the development of a modern aircraft industry in India. The first phase of the project sought to develop an airframe suitable for travelling at supersonic speeds, and able to effectively perform combat missions as a fighter aircraft, while the second phase sought to domestically design and produce an engine capable of propelling the aircraft. Early on, there was an explicit adherence to satisfying the IAF's requirements for a capable fighter bomber; attributes such as a twin-engine configuration and a speed of Mach 1.4 to 1.5 were quickly emphasized, and this led to the HF-24 Marut.
On 24 June 1961, the first prototype Marut conducted its maiden flight. It was powered by the same Bristol Siddeley Orpheus 703 turbojets that had powered the Folland Gnat, also being manufactured by HAL at that time. On 1 April 1967, the first production Marut was delivered to the IAF. While originally intended only as an interim measure during testing, HAL decided to power production Maruts with a pair of unreheated Orpheus 703s, meaning the aircraft could not attain supersonic speed. Although originally conceived to operate around Mach 2 the Marut in fact was barely capable of reaching Mach 1 due to the lack of suitably powerful engines.
The IAF were reluctant to procure a fighter aircraft only marginally superior to its existing fleet of British-built Hawker Hunters. However, in 1961, the Indian Government decided to procure the Marut, nevertheless, but only 147 aircraft, including 18 two-seat trainers, were completed out of a planned 214. Just after the decision to build the lukewarm Marut, the development of a more advanced aircraft with the desired supersonic performance was initiated.
This enterprise started star-crossed, though: after the Indian Government conducted its first nuclear tests at Pokhran, international pressure prevented the import of better engines of Western origin, or at times, even spares for the Orpheus engines, so that the Marut never realized its full potential due to insufficient power, and it was relatively obsolescent by the time it reached production.
Due to these restrictions India looked for other sources for supersonic aircraft and eventually settled upon the MiG-21 F-13 from the Soviet Union, which entered service in 1964. While fast and agile, the Fishbed was only a short-range daylight interceptor. It lacked proper range for escort missions and air space patrols, and it had no radar that enabled it to conduct all-weather interceptions. To fill this operational gap, the new indigenous HF-26 project was launched around the same time.
For the nascent Indian aircraft industry, HF-26 had a demanding requirements specification: the aircraft was to achieve Mach 2 top speed at high altitude and carry a radar with a guided missile armament that allowed interceptions in any weather, day and night. The powerplant question was left open, but it was clear from the start that a Soviet engine would be needed, since an indigenous development of a suitable powerplant would take much too long and block vital resources, and western alternatives were out of reach. The mission profile and the performance requirements quickly defined the planned aircraft’s layout: To fit a radar, the air intakes with movable ramps to feed the engines were placed on the fuselage flanks. To make sure the aircraft would fulfill its high-performance demands, it was right from the outset powered by two engines, and it was decided to give it delta wings, a popular design among high-speed aircraft of the time – exemplified by the highly successful Dassault Mirage III (which was to be delivered to Pakistan in 1967). With two engines, the HF-26 would be a heavier aircraft than the Mirage III, though, and it was planned to operate the aircraft from semi-prepared airfields, so that it would receive a robust landing gear with low-pressure tires and a brake parachute.
In 1962 India was able to negotiate the delivery of Tumansky RD-9 turbojet engines from the Soviet Union, even though no afterburner was part of the deal – this had to be indigenously developed by Hindustan Aeronautics Limited (HAL). However, this meant that the afterburner could be tailored to the HF-26, and this task would provide HAL with valuable engineering experience, too.
Now knowing the powerplant, HAL created a single-seater airframe around it, a rather robust design that superficially reminded of the French Mirage III, but there were fundamental differences. The HF-26 had boxy air intakes with movable ramps to control the airflow to the two engines and a relatively wide fuselage to hold them and most of the fuel in tanks between the air ducts behind the cockpit. The aircraft had a single swept fin and a rather small mid-positioned delta-wing with a 60° sweep. The pilot sat under a tight canopy that offered - similar to the Mirage III - only limited all-round vision.
The HF-26's conical nose radome covered an antenna for a ‘Garud’ interception radar – which was in fact a downgraded Soviet ‘Oryol' (Eagle; NATO reporting name 'Skip Spin') system that guided the HF-26’s main armament, a pair of semi-active radar homing (SARH) ‚Saanp’ missiles.
The Saanp missile was developed specifically for the HF-26 in India but used many components of Soviet origin, too, so that they were compatible with the radar. In performance, the Saanp was comparable with the French Matra R.530 air-to-air missile, even though the aerodynamic layout was reversed, with steering fins at the front end, right behind the SARH seaker head - overall the missile reminded of an enlarged AIM-4 Falcon. The missile weighed 180 kg and had a length of 3.5 m. Power came from a two-stage solid rocket that offered a maximum thrust of 80 kN for 2.7 s during the launch phase plus 6.5 s cruise. Maximum speed was Mach 2.7 and operational range was 1.5 to 20 km (0.9 to 12.5 miles). Two of these missiles could be carried on the main wing hardpoints in front of the landing gear wells. Alternatively, infrared-guided R-3 (AA-2 ‘Atoll’) short-range AAMs could be carried by the HF-26, too, and typically two of these were carried on the outer underwing hardpoints, which were plumbed to accept drop tanks (typically supersonic PTB-490s that were carried by the IAF's MiG-21s, too) . Initially, no internal gun was envisioned, as the HF-26 was supposed to be a pure high-speed/high-altitude interceptor that would not engage in dogfights. Two more hardpoints under the fuselage were plumbed, too, for a total of six external stations.
Due to its wing planform, the HF-26 was soon aptly called “Teer” (= Arrow), and with Soviet help the first prototype was rolled out in early 1964 and presented to the public. The first flight, however, would take place almost a year later in January 1965, due to many technical problems, and these were soon complemented by aerodynamic problems. The original delta-winged HF-26 had poor take-off and landing characteristics, and directional stability was weak, too. While a second prototype was under construction in April 1965 the first aircraft was lost after it had entered a spin from which the pilot could not escape – the aircraft crashed and its pilot was killed during the attempt to eject.
After this loss HAL investigated an enlarged fin and a modified wing design with deeper wingtips with lower sweep, which increased wing area and improved low speed handling, too. Furthermore, the fuselage shape had to be modified, too, to reduce supersonic drag, and a more pronounced area ruling was introduced. The indigenous afterburner for the RD-9 engines was unstable and troublesome, too.
It took until 1968 and three more flying prototypes (plus two static airframes) to refine the Teer for serial production service introduction. In this highly modified form, the aircraft was re-designated HF-26M and the first machines were delivered to IAF No. 3 Squadron in late 1969. However, it would take several months until a fully operational status could be achieved. By that time, it was already clear that the Teer, much like the HF-24 Marut before, could not live up to its expectations and was at the brink of becoming obsolete as it entered service. The RD-9 was not a modern engine anymore, and despite its indigenous afterburner – which turned out not only to be chronically unreliable but also to be very thirsty when engaged – the Teer had a disappointing performance: The fighter only achieved a top speed of Mach 1.6 at full power, and with full external load it hardly broke the wall of sound in level flight. Its main armament, the Saanp AAM, also turned out to be unreliable even under ideal conditions.
However, the HF-26M came just in time to take part in the Indo-Pakistani War of 1971 and was, despite its weaknesses, extensively used – even though not necessarily in its intended role. High-flying slow bombers were not fielded during the conflict, and the Teer remained, despite its on-board radar, heavily dependent on ground control interception (GCI) to vector its pilot onto targets coming in at medium and even low altitude. The HF-26M had no capability against low-flying aircraft either, so that pilots had to engage incoming, low-flying enemy aircraft after visual identification – a task the IAF’s nimble MiG-21s were much better suited for. Escorts and air cover missions for fighter-bombers were flown, too, but the HF-26M’s limited range only made it a suitable companion for the equally short-legged Su-7s. The IAF Canberras were frequently deployed on longer range missions, but the HF-26Ms simply could not follow them all the time; for a sufficient range the Teer had to carry four drop tanks, what increased drag and only left the outer pair of underwing hardpoints (which were not plumbed) free for a pair of AA-2 missiles. With the imminent danger of aerial close range combat, though, During the conflict with Pakistan, most HF-26M's were retrofitted with rear-view mirrors in their canopies to improve the pilot's field of view, and a passive IR sensor was added in a small fairing under the nose to improve the aircraft's all-weather capabilities and avoid active radar emissions that would warn potential prey too early.
The lack of an internal gun turned out to be another great weakness of the Teer, and this was only lightly mended through the use of external gun pods. Two of these cigar-shaped pods that resembled the Soviet UPK-23 pod could be carried on the two ventral pylons, and each contained a 23 mm Gryazev-Shipunov GSh-23L autocannon of Soviet origin with 200 rounds. Technically these pods were very similar to the conformal GP-9 pods carried by the IAF MiG-21FLs. While the gun pods considerably improved the HF-26M’s firepower and versatility, the pods were draggy, blocked valuable hardpoints (from extra fuel) and their recoil tended to damage the pylons as well as the underlying aircraft structure, so that they were only commissioned to be used in an emergency.
However, beyond air-to-air weapons, the HF-26M could also carry ordnance of up to 1.000 kg (2.207 lb) on the ventral and inner wing hardpoints and up to 500 kg (1.100 lb) on the other pair of wing hardpoints, including iron bombs and/or unguided missile pods. However, the limited field of view from the cockpit over the radome as well as the relatively high wing loading did not recommend the aircraft for ground attack missions – even though these frequently happened during the conflict with Pakistan. For these tactical missions, many HF-26Ms lost their original overall natural metal finish and instead received camouflage paint schemes on squadron level, resulting in individual and sometimes even spectacular liveries. Most notable examples were the Teer fighters of No. 1 Squadron (The Tigers), which sported various camouflage adaptations of the unit’s eponym.
Despite its many deficiencies, the HF-26M became heavily involved in the Indo-Pakistan conflict. As the Indian Army tightened its grip in East Pakistan, the Indian Air Force continued with its attacks against Pakistan as the campaign developed into a series of daylight anti-airfield, anti-radar, and close-support attacks by fighter jets, with night attacks against airfields and strategic targets by Canberras and An-12s, while Pakistan responded with similar night attacks with its B-57s and C-130s.
The PAF deployed its F-6s mainly on defensive combat air patrol missions over their own bases, leaving the PAF unable to conduct effective offensive operations. Sporadic raids by the IAF continued against PAF forward air bases in Pakistan until the end of the war, and interdiction and close-support operations were maintained. One of the most successful air raids by India into West Pakistan happened on 8 December 1971, when Indian Hunter aircraft from the Pathankot-based 20 Squadron, attacked the Pakistani base in Murid and destroyed 5 F-86 aircraft on the ground.
The PAF played a more limited role in the operations, even though they were reinforced by Mirages from an unidentified Middle Eastern ally (whose identity remains unknown). The IAF was able to conduct a wide range of missions – troop support; air combat; deep penetration strikes; para-dropping behind enemy lines; feints to draw enemy fighters away from the actual target; bombing and reconnaissance. India flew 1,978 sorties in the East and about 4,000 in Pakistan, while the PAF flew about 30 and 2,840 at the respective fronts. More than 80 percent of IAF sorties were close-support and interdiction and about 45 IAF aircraft were lost, including three HF-26Ms. Pakistan lost 60 to 75 aircraft, not including any F-86s, Mirage IIIs, or the six Jordanian F-104s which failed to return to their donors. The imbalance in air losses was explained by the IAF's considerably higher sortie rate and its emphasis on ground-attack missions. The PAF, which was solely focused on air combat, was reluctant to oppose these massive attacks and rather took refuge at Iranian air bases or in concrete bunkers, refusing to offer fights and respective losses.
After the war, the HF-26M was officially regarded as outdated, and as license production of the improved MiG-21FL (designated HAL Type 77 and nicknamed “Trishul” = Trident) and later of the MiG-21M (HAL Type 88) was organized in India, the aircraft were quickly retired from frontline units. They kept on serving into the Eighties, though, but now restricted to their original interceptor role. Beyond the upgrades from the Indo-Pakistani War, only a few upgrades were made. For instance, the new R-60 AAM was introduced to the HF-26M and around 1978 small (but fixed) canards were retrofitted to the air intakes behind the cockpit that improved the Teer’s poor slow speed control and high landing speed as well as the aircraft’s overall maneuverability.
A radar upgrade, together with the introduction of better air-to-ai missiles with a higher range and look down/shoot down capability was considered but never carried out. Furthermore, the idea of a true HF-26 2nd generation variant, powered by a pair of Tumansky R-11F-300 afterburner jet engines (from the license-built MiG-21FLs), was dropped, too – even though this powerplant eventually promised to fulfill the Teer’s design promise of Mach 2 top speed. A total of only 82 HF-26s (including thirteen two-seat trainers with a lengthened fuselage and reduced fuel capacity, plus eight prototypes) were built. The last aircraft were retired from IAF service in 1988 and replaced with Mirage 2000 fighters procured from France that were armed with the Matra Super 530 AAM.
General characteristics:
Crew: 1
Length: 14.97 m (49 ft ½ in)
Wingspan: 9.43 m (30 ft 11 in)
Height: 4.03 m (13 ft 2½ in)
Wing area: 30.6 m² (285 sq ft)
Empty weight: 7,000 kg (15,432 lb)
Gross weight: 10,954 kg (24,149 lb) with full internal fuel
Max takeoff weight: 15,700 kg (34,613 lb) with external stores
Powerplant:
2× Tumansky RD-9 afterburning turbojet engines; 29 kN (6,600 lbf) dry thrust each
and 36.78 kN (8,270 lbf) with afterburner
Performance:
Maximum speed: 1,700 km/h (1,056 mph; 917 kn; Mach 1.6) at 11,000 m (36,000 ft)
1,350 km/h (840 mph, 730 kn; Mach 1.1) at sea level
Combat range: 725 km (450 mi, 391 nmi) with internal fuel only
Ferry range: 1,700 km (1,100 mi, 920 nmi) with four drop tanks
Service ceiling: 18,100 m (59,400 ft)
g limits: +6.5
Time to altitude: 9,145 m (30,003 ft) in 1 minute 30 seconds
Wing loading: 555 kg/m² (114 lb/sq ft)
Armament
6× hardpoints (four underwing and two under the fuselage) for a total of 2.500 kg (5.500 lb);
Typical interceptor payload:
- two IR-guided R-3 or R-60 air-to-air-missiles or
two PTB-490 drop tanks on the outer underwing stations
- two semi-active radar-guided ‚Saanp’ air-to-air missiles or two more R-3 or R-60 AAMs
on inner underwing stations
- two 500 l drop tanks or two gun pods with a 23 mm GSh-23L autocannon and 200 RPG
each under the fuselage
The kit and its assembly:
This whiffy delta-wing fighter was inspired when I recently sliced up a PM Model Su-15 kit for my side-by-side-engine BAC Lightning build. At an early stage of the conversion, I held the Su-15 fuselage with its molded delta wings in my hand and wondered if a shortened tail section (as well as a shorter overall fuselage to keep proportions balanced) could make a delta-wing jet fighter from the Flagon base? Only a hardware experiment could yield an answer, and since the Su-15’s overall outlines look a bit retro I settled at an early stage on India as potential designer and operator, as “the thing the HF-24 Marut never was”.
True to the initial idea, work started on the tail, and I chopped off the fuselage behind the wings’ trailing edge. Some PSR was necessary to blend the separate exhaust section into the fuselage, which had to be reduced in depth through wedges that I cut out under the wings trailing edge, plus some good amount of glue and sheer force the bend the section a bit upwards. The PM Model's jet exhausts were drilled open, and I added afterburner dummies inside - anything would look better than the bleak vertical walls inside after only 2-3 mm! The original fin was omitted, because it was a bit too large for the new, smaller aircraft and its shape reminded a lot of the Suchoj heavy fighter family. It was replaced with a Mirage III/V fin, left over from a (crappy!) Pioneer 2 IAI Nesher kit.
Once the rear section was complete, I had to adjust the front end - and here the kitbashing started. First, I chopped off the cockpit section in front of the molded air intake - the Su-15’s long radome and the cockpit on top of the fuselage did not work anymore. As a remedy I remembered another Su-15 conversion I did a (long) while ago: I created a model of a planned ground attack derivative, the T-58Sh, and, as a part of the extensive body work, I transplanted the slanted nose from an academy MiG-27 between the air intakes – a stunt that was relatively easy and which appreciably lowered the cockpit position. For the HF-26M I did something similar, I just transplanted a cockpit from a Hasegawa/Academy MiG-23 with its ogival radome that size-wise better matched with the rest of the leftover Su-15 airframe.
The MiG-23 cockpit matched perfectly with the Su-15's front end, just the spinal area behind the cockpit had to be raised/re-sculpted to blend the parts smoothly together. For a different look from the Su-15 ancestry I also transplanted the front sections of the MiG-23 air intakes with their shorter ramps. Some mods had to be made to the Su-15 intake stubs, but the MiG-23 intakes were an almost perfect fit in size and shape and easy to integrate into the modified front hill. The result looks very natural!
However, when the fuselage was complete, I found that the nose appeared to be a bit too long, leaving the whole new hull with the wings somewhat off balance. As a remedy I decided at a rather late stage to shorten the nose and took out a 6 mm section in front of the cockpit - a stunt I had not planned, but sometimes you can judge things only after certain work stages. Some serious PSR was necessary to re-adjust the conical nose shape, which now looked more Mirage III-ish than planned!
The cockpit was taken mostly OOB, I just replaced the ejection seat and gave it a trigger handle made from thin wire. With the basic airframe complete it was time for details. The PM Model Su-15s massive and rather crude main landing gear was replaced with something more delicate from the scrap box, even though I retained the main wheels. The front landing gear was taken wholesale from the MiG-23, but had to be shortened for a proper stance.
A display holder adapter was integrated into the belly for the flight scenes, hidden well between the ventral ordnance.
The hardpoints, including missile launch rails, came from the MiG-23; the pylons had to be adjusted to match the Su-15's wing profile shape, the Anab missiles lost their tail sections to create the fictional Indian 'Saanp' AAMs. The R-3s on the outer stations were left over from a MP MiG-21. The ventral pylons belong to Academy MiG-23/27s, one came from the donor kit, the other was found in the spares box. The PTB-490 drop tanks also came from a KP MiG-21 (or one of its many reincarnations, not certain).
Painting and markings:
The paint scheme for this fictional aircraft was largely inspired by a picture of a whiffy and very attractive Saab 37 Viggen (an 1:72 Airfix kit) in IAF colors, apparently a model from a contest. BTW, India actually considered buying the Viggen for its Air Force!
IAF aircraft were and are known for their exotic and sometimes gawdy paint schemes, and with IAF MiG-21 “C 992” there’s even a very popular (yet obscure) aircraft that sported literal tiger stripes. The IAF Viggen model was surely inspired by this real aircraft, and I adopted something similar for my HF-26M.
IAF 1 Squadron was therefore settled, and for the paint scheme I opted for a "stripish" scheme, but not as "tigeresque" as "C 992". I found a suitable benchmark in a recent Libyian MiG-21, which carried a very disruptive two-tone grey scheme. I adapted this pattern to the HA-26M airframe and replaced its colors, similar to the IAF Viggen model, which became a greenish sand tone (a mix of Humbrol 121 with some 159; I later found out that I could have used Humbrol 83 from the beginning, though...) and a very dark olive drab (Humbrol 66, which looks like a dull dark brown in contrast with the sand tone), with bluish grey (Humbrol 247) undersides. With the large delta wings, this turned out to look very good and even effective!
For that special "Indian touch" I gave the aircraft a high-contrast fin in a design that I had seen on a real camouflaged IAF MiG-21bis: an overall dark green base with a broad, red vertical stripe which was also the shield for the fin flash and the aircraft's tactical code (on the original bare metal). The fin was first painted in green (Humbrol 2), the red stripe was created with orange-red decal sheet material. Similar material was also used to create the bare metal field for the tactical code, the yellow bars on the splitter plates and for the thin white canopy sealing.
After basic painting was done the model received an overall black ink washing, post-panel shading and extensive dry-brushing with aluminum and iron for a rather worn look.
The missiles became classic white, while the drop tanks, as a contrast to the camouflaged belly, were left in bare metal.
Decals/markings came primarily from a Begemot MiG-25 kit, the tactical codes on the fin and under the wings originally belong to an RAF post-WWII Spitfire, just the first serial letter was omitted. Stencils are few and they came from various sources. A compromise is the unit badge on the fin: I needed a tiger motif, and the only suitable option I found was the tiger head emblem on a white disc from RAF No. 74 Squadron, from the Matchbox BAC Lightning F.6&F.2A kit. It fits stylistically well, though. ;-)
Finally, the model was sealed with matt acrylic varnish (except for the black radome, which became a bit glossy) and finally assembled.
A spontaneous build, and the last one that I completed in 2022. However, despite a vague design plan the model evolved as it grew. Bashing the primitive PM Model Su-15 with the Academy MiG-23 parts was easier than expected, though, and the resulting fictional aircraft looks sturdy but quite believable - even though it appears to me like the unexpected child of a Mirage III/F-4 Phantom II intercourse, or like a juvenile CF-105 Arrow, just with mid-wings? Nevertheless, the disruptive paint scheme suits the delta wing fighter well, and the green/red fin is a striking contrast - it's a colorful model, but not garish.
Canon A1 with Canon FD f1.2/55mm, Kodak Ektar 100, self developed in Tetenal Colortec C41 kit.
I'll be away for a few weeks, we are going to Buenos Aires to spend the holidays with the family.
I want to thank everybody for share with me their work and for all your kind comments about mine. As I'm kind of new to film photography this has been a fantastic learning year.
Merry Christmas and a Happy New Year to everyone.
See you soon!
Clarence Saunders (August 9, 1881 - October 14, 1953) was a grocer who first developed the modern retail sales model of self service. His ideas have had a massive influence on the development of the modern supermarket. Clarence Saunders worked for most of his life trying to develop a truly automated store, developing Piggly Wiggly, Keedoozle, and Foodelectric store concepts.
After leaving Clarksville, Tennessee, on September 6, 1916, Saunders launched the self-service revolution in America by opening the first self-service Piggly Wiggly store, at 79 Jefferson Street in Memphis, Tennessee, with its characteristic turnstile at the entrance. Customers paid cash and selected their own goods from the shelves.
The store incorporated shopping baskets, self-service branded products, and checkouts at the front. Removing unnecessary clerks, creating elaborate aisle displays, and rearranging the store to force customers to view all of the merchandise were just some of the characteristics of the early Piggly Wiggly stores. The concept of the "Self-Serving Store" was patented by Saunders in 1917.
Though this format of grocery market was drastically different from its competitors, the style became the standard for the modern supermarket, and in 1922 Piggly Wiggly had grown into 1,200 stores in 29 states. By 1932, the chain had grown to 2,660 stores doing over $180 million annually.
In the early 1920s Saunders began construction of a pink marble mansion in Memphis. Then, in early 1923, Merrill Lynch and other ‘bear’ interests on Wall Street tried to hammer down the price of Piggly Wiggly stock. It is alleged, Saunders took a train to New York City with one million dollars in cash in a small bag and bought Piggly Wiggly stock until he had orders for 196,000 of the 200,000 outstanding shares. Pressured by the ‘bears’, the New York Stock Exchange declared a ‘corner’ existed (see cornering the market), and gave the ‘bears’ five days rather than 24 hours to deliver the stock Saunders had bought. Saunders’ bank and his friends were pressured and the price was driven back down; Saunders was forced into bankruptcy and had to sell his stock at a loss. Afterwards, Saunders had no further association with the company.
Because of this financial reversal, Saunders was forced to sell his partly-completed Memphis mansion to the city. The mansion, nicknamed the Pink Palace eventually became the city's historical and natural history museum. Today, the Pink Palace includes a walk-through model of the first Piggly-Wiggly store, complete with 2¢ packets of Kellogg's Cornflakes and 8¢ cans of Campbell's Soup. Some of the grounds of the mansion were sold off to developers who built an upscale residential development, Chickasaw Gardens.
In a move reminiscent of that of J. Walter Scott’s in 1889, he went on to create the "Clarence Saunders Sole Owner of My Name Stores" chain, which went into bankruptcy during the Great Depression.
The Prytania Theatre is one of the last remaining neighborhood theatres in the city of New Orleans, La. camera Nikon F5, lens Zeiss Distagon 25mm, film Fomapan 100, developed in Rodinal 1:100 19 mins 20'C and adjusted in Adobe Lightroom
Decided the other day to work on other things, but I have this one hanging around....
Crease pattern available.
Amazingly, they cut out a section of the egg wall and replace it seamlessly with a clear window. Visitors can then watch the embryonic sharks developing and moving around inside until they hatch normally.
Jeron Classic Motors began to develop a series of miniature ¼-scale cars and engines in the mid 1990’s. Only a few of the cars were sold before the company closed its doors forever and all remaining inventory was sold at auction. Twelve engines were built from the inventory parts by Bennie Vreeman in the Netherlands. One engine was a running model that burned methanol on glow ignition, while the remaining eleven were built for display only. This engine was completed as a running model in 2009 for the Miniature Engineering Museum. It burns methanol, on glow ignition and it is equipped with two oil pumps for dry sump lubrication. All six carburetors function and are linked together for smooth operation.
See Our Model Engine Collection at: www.flickr.com/photos/15794235@N06/sets/72157602933346098/
Visit Our Photo Sets at: www.flickr.com/photos/15794235@N06/sets
Courtesy of Paul and Paula Knapp
Miniature Engineering Museum
"The secret of happiness, you see, is not found in seeking more, but in developing the capacity to enjoy less." ~ Socrates
+++ DISCLAIMER +++
Nothing you see here is real, even though the conversion or the presented background story might be based on historical facts. BEWARE!
Some background:
Due to increasing tensions in Europe which led to World War 2, AVRO Aircraft started developing combat aircraft, and as a subsidiary of Hawker, they had access to the Hurricane plans. At the time that the Hurricane was developed, RAF Fighter Command consisted of just 13 squadrons, each equipped with either the Hawker Fury, Hawker Demon, or the Bristol Bulldog – all of them biplanes with fixed-pitch wooden propellers and non-retractable undercarriages. After the Hurricane's first flight, Avro started working on a more refined and lighter aircraft, resulting in a similar if not higher top speed and improved maneuverability.
The result was Avro’s project 675, also known as the "Swallow". The aircraft’s profile resembled the Hawker Hurricane, but appeared more squatted and streamlined, almost like a race version. Compared with the Hurricane, overall dimensions were reduced and the structure lightened wherever possible. The wings were much thinner, too, and their shape reminded of the Supermarine Spitfire’s famous oval wings. The main landing gear was retractable and had a wide track. The tail wheel was semi-retractable on the prototype, but it was replaced by a simpler, fixed tail wheel on production models.
The Swallow made its first flight on 30th December 1937 and the Royal Air Force was so impressed by its performance against the Hurricane that they ordered production to start immediately, after a few minor tweaks to certain parts of the aircraft had been made.
On 25 July 1939, the RAF accepted their first delivery of Avro Swallow Mk. Is. The first machines were allocated to No.1 Squadron, at the time based in France, where they were used in parallel to the Hurricanes for evaluation. These early machines were powered by a 1.030 hp (770 kW) Rolls-Royce Merlin Mk II liquid-cooled V-12, driving a wooden two-bladed, fixed-pitch propeller. The light aircraft achieved an impressive top speed of 347 mph (301 kn, 558 km/h) in level flight – the bigger and heavier Hurricane achieved only 314 mph (506 km/h) with a similar engine. Like the Hurricane, the Swallow was armed with eight unsynchronized 0.303 in (7.7 mm) Browning machine guns in the outer wings, outside of the propeller disc.
In spring 1940, Avro upgraded the serial production Swallow Mk.I's to Mk.IA standard: the original wooden propeller was replaced by a de Havilland or Rotol constant speed metal propeller with three blades, which considerably improved field performance. Many aircraft were retrofitted with this update in the field workshops in the summer of 1940.
In parallel, production switched to the Swallow Mk. II: This new version, which reached the front line units in July 1940, received an uprated engine, the improved Rolls-Royce Merlin III, which could deliver up to 1,310 hp (977 kW) with 100 octane fuel and +12 psi boost. With the standard 87 Octane fuel, engine performance did not improve much beyond the Merlin II's figures, though.
A redesigned, more streamlined radiator bath was mounted, too, and altogether these measures boosted the Swallow’s top speed to 371 mph (597 km/h) at 20,000 ft (6,096 m). This was a considerable improvement, and the contemporary Hurricane II achieved only 340 mph (547 km/h).
However, several fundamental weak points of the Swallow remained unsolved: its limited range could not be boosted beyond 300 miles (500 km) and the light machine gun armament remained unchanged, because the Swallow’s thin wings hardly offered more space for heavier weapons or useful external stores like drop tanks. Despite these shortcomings, the pilots loved their agile fighter, who described the Swallow as an updated Hawker Fury biplane fighter and less as a direct competitor to the Hurricane.
Nevertheless, Avro kept on working to improve the Swallow, but with limited success. For instance, in early 1941, a Swallow Mk. II was modified to carry a pair of 20mm Hispano cannons instead of the inner pair of machine guns. Due to the aircraft’s thin wings, this update necessitated bulged fairings and a modified internal structure for the cannons' ammunition drums. The prototype was operationally tested at the home defense front and the additional firepower was warmly welcomed by the pilots who flew it, since the cannons allowed them to stay out of the German bombers’ machine gun range of and added more punch against German escort fighters in dogfights.
This innovation directly led to the Swallow Mk. III, introduced in August 1941, the fighter’s final production variant. Beyond the armament changes and the respective structural changes to the wings, the Mk. III was still powered by the Rolls-Royce Merlin III from the swallow Mk. II, but the variant introduced clipped wing tips in order to compensate for the slightly higher weight of the airframe and to improve roll characteristics at low and medium altitude. Otherwise, the Mk. III was virtually identical to the earlier Mk. II.
Another Mk. II was experimentally converted with a lowered spine and a framed bubble canopy for a better all-around field of view (reminiscent of the Hawker Typhoon's design), but this experiment did not reach production status. The Swallow had already reached its limited development potential and was, by mid-1942, outdated.
Since the Supermarine Spitfire had in the meantime proven its worth and promised a much bigger development potential, production of the Avro Swallow already ceased in late 1942 after 435 aircraft had been built. Around the same time, the Swallows were quickly phased out from front-line service, too.
Several machines were retained as trainers, messenger aircraft or instructional airframes. 20 late production Mk. IIs were sold to the Irish Air Corps, and a further 50 aircraft were sent to Canada as advanced fighter trainers, where they served until the end of the hostilities in 1945.
General characteristics:
Crew: 1
Length: 28 ft 1 in (8.57 m)
Wingspan: 33 ft 7 in (10.25 m)
Height: 8 ft 6 in (2.60 m)
Wing area: 153 ft² (16.40 m²)
Empty weight: 3,722 lb (1,720 kg)
Gross weight: 5,100 lb (2,315 kg)
Powerplant:
1× Rolls-Royce Merlin III liquid-cooled V-12, rated at 1,310 hp (977 kW) at 9,000 ft (2,700 m)
Performance:
Maximum speed: 366 mph (590 km/h) at 20,000 ft (6,096 m)
Range: 320 miles (515 km)
Service ceiling: 36,000 ft (10,970 m)
Rate of climb: 2,780 ft/min (14.1 m/s)
Wing loading: 29.8 lb/ft² (121.9 kg/m²)
Power/mass: 0.15 hp/lb (0.25 kW/kg)
Armament:
2× 0.787” (20mm) Hispano Mk II cannon with 60 RPG
4× 0.303” (7,7mm) Browning Mk. II machine guns with 350 RPG
The kit and its assembly:
This is actually a remake of a whif that I have built some time ago for the Battle of Britain Group Build at whatifmodelers.com. This fictional machine – or better: the model – is based on a profile drawing conceived by fellow forum member nighthunter: an Avia B.135, outfitted with a Merlin engine, a ventral radiator in the style of a Hawker Hurricane, and carrying RAF markings.
I had another B.35 kit at hand, as well as other ingredients, so I decided to re-create the same aircraft, just in a later variant that differs in some minor details from the first one. The basis is, once again, a vintage KP Models kit of the early B.35 fighter with a fixed landing gear. It’s a sleek and pretty aircraft, but the kit’s quality is rather so-so (the molds date back to 1974). Details are quite good, esp. on the exterior. You get a mix of engraved and raised surface details, but fit is mediocre, there is lots of flash and the interior is quite bleak. But, with some effort, things can be mended.
Many donation parts for the Swallow, including the Merlin engine, propeller, landing gear and radiator, were taken from an AZ Models Spitfire Mk. I/II/V, from a Joy Pack, which comes with three of these kits without decals.
New landing gear wells had to be carved out of the massive lower wing halves. Since the original Swallow profile did not indicate the landing gear design, I went for an inward-retracting solution, using parts from an early Spitfire. Due to the oil cooler in one of the wing roots, though, the stance ended up a little wide, but it’s still acceptable and I stuck to the same solution as on my first build of the Swallow. But now I know why the real world B.135 prototype had its landing gear retract outwards – it makes more sense.
The Merlin fitted very well onto the B.35 fuselage, diameter and shape match very well, even though the Spitfire Merlin and its respective fuselage intersection is a little too deep for the B.35. As a consequence, some light sculpting with putty was necessary under the fuselage – nothing dramatic, though.
Inside of the cockpit, this time I used more Spitfire material than during my first Swallow build, namely the floor, seat and rear bulkhead/headrest. Like before, I added a tank behind the seat in order to fill the OOB void there, and used the B.35’s OOB headrest struts, as well as the dashboard.
The blurry, single-piece canopy was cut into three pieces for optional open display on the ground, but this was not a smart move since the material turned out to be very thin and, even worse, brittle – cracks were the unfortunate result. L
Since one of the B.35’s wing tips was missing (there’s a deep edge at the tips, and one tip had been broken off and got lost), I reduced the span of both wings, resulting in a square shape that resembles a narrow Hawker Tempest wing.
Another change concerns the armament: trying to beef it up, I added a pair of Hispano cannon to the wings, with the barrels protruding from the wings’ leading edges, reminiscent of the Spitfire’s “B” wing – even though I kept the outer machine guns at the Swallow’s original position.
Finally, I installed my trademark propeller adapter: a styrene tube inside of the fuselage that holds a long metal axis with the propeller, so that it can spin freely.
Painting and markings:
Once again I went for a conservative route, this time I chose the new standard “Day Fighter” camouflage that the RAF introduced in summer 1941: Dark Green/Ocean Grey (using Humbrol 116 and 106, respectively) with Medium Sea Grey (Humbrol 64) undersides.
The typical fuselage ID band and the spinner became Sky (Revell 59) and yellow ID bands were added to the outer wings’ leading edges, created with yellow decal sheet material.
The roundels were chosen to match the 1941 era, with A.1 roundels on the fuselage, B roundels on top of the wings and Type A underneath, they actually belong to P-40s in RAF service and come, including the fin flash, from a Sky Models sheet. The code letters in Sky come from an Xtradecal sheet, the serial number actually belongs to a contemporary RAF P-40C – I was too lazy to create an individual serial number that actually fills a gap in the RAF’s inventory list.
Some light weathering and panel shading was done, as well as some light soot stains around the exhausts and the gun ports on the wings (grinded graphite). Finally, everything sealed under a coat of matt acrylic varnish (Italeri) and wire antennae (stretched sprue material) added.
A simple project, realized in a couple of days – thanks to the experience gathered during the first build of this fictional aircraft. However, the Avro Swallow looked already promising in nighthunter's original profile, almost like a missing link between the sturdy Hurricane and the more glorious Spitfire. The result looks very convincing, and with the clipped wingtips, born as a makeshift solution, it looks even faster than the original build!
I am amazed how good this thing looks overall, with its elegant, slender wings and the sleek fuselage lines. At first glance, it looks like an early Spitfire, but then you notice the different wings, the low canopy and the shorter but deeper tail. Then you can think it was a travestied Yak-3 or LaGG aircraft, but again the details don’t match. It’s a quite subtle creation. Maybe, someday, a third one will join my RAF Swallow duo, but this time in Irish Air Corps colors.
+++ DISCLAIMER +++
Nothing you see here is real, even though the conversion or the presented background story might be based historical facts. BEWARE!
Some background:
The "Entwicklung" tank series (= "development"), more commonly known as the E-Series, was a late-World War II attempt by Germany to produce a standardized series of tank designs. There were to be six standard designs in different weight classes, from which several specialized variants were to be developed. This intended to reverse the trend of extremely complex tank designs that had resulted in poor production rates and mechanical unreliability.
The E-series designs were simpler, cheaper to produce and more efficient than their predecessors; however, their design offered only modest improvements in armor and firepower over the designs they were intended to replace, such as the Jagdpanzer 38(t), Panther Ausf. G or Tiger II. However, the resulting high degree of standardization of German armored vehicles would also have made logistics and maintenance easier. Indeed, nearly all E-series vehicles — up through and including the E-75 — were intended to use what were essentially the Tiger II's 80 cm (31½ in) diameter, steel-rimmed road wheels for their suspension, meant to overlap each other (as on the later production Tiger I-E and Panther designs that also used them), even though in a highly simplified fashion. For instance, while the E-50/75’s running gear resembled outwardly the Tiger II’s, the latter’s torsion bar suspension, which necessitated a complex hull with many openings, was replaced by very compact conical spring coil packages that each held a pair of interleaved road wheels – with the benefit that all suspension elements remained outside of the hull. This considerably simplified production and saved time as well as scarce material.
Focus of initial chassis and combat vehicle development was the E-50/75 Standardpanzer, designed by Adler. These were two mostly identical vehicles and only differed in armor thickness, overall weight and running gear design to cope with the different weights. While the E-50 was the standardized replacement for the medium PzKpfw. V “Panther” and the last operational PzKpfw. VI “Tiger”, with an operational weight of around 50 tons, the E-75 was intended to become the standard heavy tank in the 70 ton class, as a replacement for the Tiger II battle tank and the Jagdtiger SPG. They were to share many components, including the same Maybach HL 234 engine with up to 900 hp output and the drivetrain, as well as running gear elements and almost all peripheral equipment. Both E-50 and E-75 were built on the same production lines for ease of manufacture.
This universal tank chassis would, beyond the primary use for battle tanks, also become the basis for a wide range of specialized support vehicles like self-propelled artillery, assault guns, tank hunters and anti-aircraft weapon carriers, which would gradually replace and standardize the great variety of former support vehicles, dramatically optimizing maintenance and logistics.
The E-50/75 SPAAG sub-family itself was quite diversified and comprised a wide range of vehicles that mainly carried different turrets with the respective weaponry as well as air space surveillance, targeting and command equipment. The range of armament included not only guns of various calibers for short, medium and long range in armored and mostly fully enclosed turrets, there were furthermore armored launch ramps for anti-aircraft missiles, including the guided “Rheintochter”, “Wasserfall” or “Enzian” SAMs as well as batteries with unguided “Taifun” anti-aircraft missiles.
Among this new vehicle family, the heaviest gun that was carried in a fully enclosed turret was the Rheinmetall 8.8 cm Flak 41. This was an improved version of the powerful pre-war 8.8 cm Flak 36/37 that was also developed into an anti-tank gun and became the main armament for Germany’s heavy battle tanks like the Tiger I: the 8.8 cm PaK 43 and KwK 43, respectively.
The 8.8 cm Flak 41 was a mobile field weapon on a new pedestal mounting that lowered its silhouette, and it used a longer barrel and a longer 88 mm cartridge with an increased propellant load. The shells had a weight of 9.4-kilogram (20 lb) and achieved a muzzle velocity of 1,000 m/s (3,280 ft/s), giving the gun an effective ceiling of 11,300 meters (37,100 ft) and a maximum of 14,700 meters (48,200 ft). The barrel initially consisted of three sections and had a length of 74 calibers but was then redesigned to a simpler dual-section barrel with a length of 72 calibers, for easier manufacture. Improvements in reloading raised the manual firing rate, with 20 to 25 rounds a minute being quoted. The Flak 41 could also be used against ground targets and was able to penetrate about 200 mm (7.9 inches) of armor at 1,000 m (3,280 feet), allowing it to defeat the armor of any contemporary tank from a relatively safe distance. Because of the high cost and complexity of this weapon, however, Rheinmetall manufactured relatively few of them, 556 in all. 399 were fielded, the rest went into SPAAG production.
The new pedestal mounting made it easy to adapt the weapon to a vehicle, so that this formidable weapon was immediately earmarked to be combined with a tank chassis to improve its mobility. Since an SPAAG would not need the massive frontal armor of a battle tank, the hull from the lighter E-50 was used (which still had a maximum armor thickness of 60mm at the front at 30°, which was effectively 120 mm vs. the E-75’s 185 mm), but instead of the E-50 MBT’s running gear with six steel wheels per side, the Flak 41 SPAAG used the heavier E-75’s running gear with eight wheels per side and wider tracks, effectively creating a hybrid E-50/75 chassis. This measure was taken to better distribute the vehicle’s overall weight and stabilize the it while moving and firing. In this form the new vehicle received the designation Sd.Kfz. 192/3, also known as “Einheits-Flakpanzer E-50 (88 mm)” or “E-50-41” for short.
The Flak 41 was integrated into Rheinmetall’s standardized SPAAG turret that could carry a wide range of automatic anti-aircraft weapons. It was a spacious, boxy design, optimized for maximum internal space than for effective armor protection, resulting in almost vertical side walls and a high silhouette. However, the level of armor was sufficient to protect the crew and the equipment inside from 20 mm gun shells – the typical armament of Allied fighter bombers of the time like the Hawker Typhoon and Tempest.
A heavy-duty hydraulic gun mount with a reinforced recoil system allowed an elevation of the Flak 41 between +83° and -3°. As a novel feature the weapon received a semi-automatic loading mechanism. This was the attempt to increase the gun’s excellent manual rate of fire even further, and it mimicked the magazine clips of the smaller 37 mm Flak 37 that contained seven rounds for short, continuous bursts of fire. A belt feed for truly continuous fire had been envisioned, but not possible with the long and heavy 88 mm rounds within the turret and chassis limits. A mechanical magazine solution, e. g. a drum with several rounds, was impossible, too. The most practical solution was a spiral-shaped magazine, driven by simple gravitation and directly attached to the Flak 41’s breech. This feeding could – beyond an initial round already in the barrel – hold up to three more rounds, and upon firing and expelling the empty case, a fresh round automatically fell into place. The rounds from the magazine could be fired in a fully automatic mode in a short burst with a rate of 50-55 RPM. The magazine itself had to be filled manually, though, and the gun could alternatively be fed directly, too, so that different types of ammunition could be prepared and the gunner could switch between them on short notice.
To accommodate the weapon’s longer ammunition (the Flak 41’s cartridge was 855 mm long) and a crew of four (commander, gunner and two loaders), the standard Rheinmetall Flak turret had to be extended at the rear. Anti-aircraft aiming was done visually, a stereoscopic rangefinder with a span of 200 cm (78¾ in) was integrated above the gun mount. A secondary ZF.20 scope for ground targets was available, too. Two more crewmen, the driver and a radio operator, sat in the hull in front of the turret, similar to the E-50/75 battle tank’s layout. The radio operator on the right side also acted as a third loader for the ammunition supply stored in the hull’s front.
Initially, no secondary defensive armament was provided since the new SPAAGs were to be operated in specialized anti-aircraft units, the so-called Fla-Züge, in which the SPAAGs’ protection would be taken over by supporting infantry and other dedicated vehicles. However, initial field experience quickly revealed this weak spot in the vehicle’s close-range defense: due to material and personnel shortages the Fla-Züge units could hardly be equipped with everything they needed to operate as planned, so that they were in most cases just an underserved mix of SPAAGs, occasionally augmented by a command vehicle and rarely with the protection these specialized vehicles needed. Most of the time the units’ vehicles had to operate independently and were therefore left to their own devices. As a solution, a commander cupola was soon added to the Sd. Kfz.192/3’s turret that not only improved the field of view around the vehicle to assess the tactical situation and detect approaching infantrymen that tried to attach mines or throw Molotov cocktails, it also featured a remote-controlled MG 42 that could be aimed and fired by the commander from the inside. However, to re-supply the ammunition, the cupola hatch had to be opened and someone had to leave the turret’s cover and manually insert a new box of rounds. Furthermore, a 100 mm grenade launcher, a so-called “Nahverteidigungswaffe”, was mounted into the opposite side of the turret roof, too. It fired SMi 35 leaping mines for close defense against approaching infantry. This made the cramped turret interior even more cluttered, but significantly improved the vehicle’s survivability, especially in a confined, urban combat environment. Updated vehicles reached the frontline units in late 1945 and were immediately thrown into service.
Despite being a powerful weapon, several operational problems with the Sd.Kfz. 192/3 became soon apparent. The complex Flak 41 and its feeding mechanism needed constant proper maintenance and service – otherwise it easily jammed. Spent shell casing also frequently jammed the gun. The high silhouette was an innate tactical problem, but this had already been accepted during the design phase of Rheinmetall’s SPAAG standard turret. However, the tall turret was the source of an additional conceptual weakness of the Sd.Kfz. 192/3: the sheer weight of the large turret with the heavy gun frequently caused imbalances that overstressed the turret bearing and its electric drive (which had been taken over from the E-50/75 battle tanks), resulting in a jammed turret — especially when either fully loaded or when the ammunition supply was depleted. Due to the large and heavy turret, the vehicle’s center of gravity was relatively high, too, so that its off-road handling was limited. Even on paved roads the early Sd.Kfz. 192/3s tended to porpoise in tight corners and upon braking. Stiffer coil springs, introduced during the running production and retrofitted through field kits to existing vehicles, countered this flaw, even though these kits were rare due to material shortages. Sometimes the harder coil springs were distributed between two vehicles, only replacing the suspension on the front and rear pair of wheels.
A different tactical problem was the limited ammunition supply for the Flak 41. While 57 rounds were sufficient for a comparable battle tank, the semi-automatic Flak 41‘s theoretical high rate of fire meant that the Sd.Kfz. 192/3 quickly depleted this supply and could only keep up fire and its position for a very limited period, or it had to save ammunition to a point that its deployment became pointless. After spending its ammunition, the vehicle had to retreat to a safe second line position to re-supply, and this was, due to the vehicle’s limited mobility, size and the heavy and bulky rounds, a risky undertaking and meant tedious manual labor with poor protection for the supply crews. The resulting supply logistics to keep the Sd.Kfz. 192/3 operational and effective were demanding.
Nevertheless, despite these shortcoming, the Sd.Kfz. 192/3 greatly improved the heavy Flak units’ mobility and firepower, and the weapon’s effectiveness was high against both air and ground targets. Until mid-1946, a total of around forty Sd.Kfz. 192/3 were built and put into service, primarily with units that defended vital production sites in Western Germany and Saxonia.
At the time of the Sd.Kfz. 192/3’s introduction, anti-aircraft aiming was already augmented by mobile radar systems like the “Würzburg” device or special command vehicles like the Sd.Kfz. 282 “Basilisk” which combined an autonomous radar system with a powerful visual rangefinder and an integrated analogue range calculator, the Kommandogerät 40. However, fire control development had continued, and at least one Sd.Kfz. 192/3 was used in late 1946 during trials to fully automatize gun aiming and firing remotely through electric drives through “slaving” a turret to an external director. This was a modified Sd.Kfz. 282/1 that successfully controlled the Sd.Kfz. 192/3 via cable from an elevated location 50 m away from the SPAAG’s firing position. The objective of these trials was to connect several anti-aircraft weapons to a single command unit with improved sensors and high accuracy under any weather condition for concentrated and more effective fire and an improved first shot hit probability.
Specifications:
Crew: Sixe (commander, gunner, two loaders, radio operator, driver)
Weight: 64 tonnes (71 short tons)
Length: 7.27 m (23 ft 10 ¾ in) (hull only)
9.57 m (31 ft 4 ½ in) with gun forward
Width: 3.88 m (12 ft 9 in)
Height 3.46 m (11 ft 4 in)
3.81 m (12 ft 6 in) with commander cupola
Ground clearance: 495 to 510 mm (1 ft 7.5 in to 1 ft 8.1 in)
Suspension: Conical spring
Fuel capacity: 720 liters (160 imp gal; 190 US gal)
Armor:
30 – 60 mm (1.2 – 2.4 in)
Performance:
Speed
- Maximum, road: 44 km/h (27.3 mph)
- Sustained, road: 38 km/h (24 mph)
- Cross country: 15 to 20 km/h (9.3 to 12.4 mph)
Operational range: 160 km (99 miles)
Power/weight: 14 PS/tonne (12.5 hp/ton)
Engine:
V-12 Maybach HL 234 gasoline engine with 900 PS (885 hp/650 kW)
Transmission:
ZF AK 7-200 with 7 forward 1 reverse gears
Armament:
1× 8,8 cm Flak 41 L/72 anti-aircraft cannon with 57 rounds in turret and hull
1× 7.92 mm Maschinengewehr 42 with 2.400 rounds, remote-controlled on the commander cupola
The kit and its assembly:
This fictional German SPAAG never existed, not even on the drawing boards. But I wondered, after ModelCollect had released an E-100 SPAAG with a twin 88mm gun some years ago, why there was no lighter vehicle with the powerful 88 mm Flak in a closed turret? There were plans to mount this weapon onto a tracked chassis in real life, but it would have been only lightly armored. Then I recently came across a whiffy aftermarket resin turret with a single 88 mm Flak, based on the Tiger II’s Porsche turret, and I liked the idea – even though the rather MBT-esque aftermarket turret looked rather dubious and too small for my taste – esp. the potential angle of the AA weapon appeared insufficient. From this basis the idea was born to create a personal interpretation of a Flak 41 in a fully enclosed turret on a tank chassis.
The basis became the Trumpeter 1:72 E-75 kit of the twin 55 mm Flak with its boxy turret. While I initially considered a totally different turret shape, I eventually settled on a generic design that would have been used for a variety of weapons. This appeared more realistic to me and so I stuck to the Rheinmetall AA turret. However, due to the heavy weapon its certainly massive mount and bulky recoil system as well as the long rounds and a crew of four, I decided to enlarge the Rheinmetall turret. The turret was cut into a front and rear half and an 8 mm wide plug, made from 1.5 mm styrene sheet, was implanted and PSRed. To keep the turret rotatable, the rear extension had to be raised, so that the “oriel” could move over the air intake fairings on the engine cover.
Due to the longer roof, some details were modified there. The most obvious addition is a commander cupola on the left, taken from an early Panzer IV, together with a MG 42 and a small shield on a swing arm, inspired by the remote-controlled installation on some Jagdpanzer 38(t) Hetzer. A stereoscopic rangefinder was added to the turret flanks and a periscope added to one of the loader’s hatches. A cover for a ventilator was added on the right side of the roof, together with a cover for a vertical grenade launcher underneath.
Using the original turret as base, the model’s movable mount for the twin 55 mm guns was retained and the rear extension would also become a good visual balance for the new main weapon. The armor at barrels’ base was cut off and a 1:72 Flak 41, taken from a Zvezda field gun kit, was glued to it, together with parts of the field gun’s recoil system and styrene bits to blend the new gun into the rest of the turret.
The E-75 chassis was taken OOB, since it would be a standardized vehicle basis. Outwardly the hull did not bear recognizable differences to the lighter E-50, which it is supposed to represent, just with more wheels to better cope with the bulky and heavy new turret.
Thankfully, this Trumpeter kit’s vinyl tracks were molded in black – sometimes they come in a sandy beige, and it’s a PITA to paint them! As another bonus, Trumpeter’s running gear on the 1:72 E-50/75 model is of a more sturdy and simpler construction than the one on the alternative ModelCollect kit(s), making the assembly and esp. the mounting of the tracks much easier. The Trumpeter kit is simpler than the comparable ModelCollect models with the E-50/75 basis, but the result is visually quite similar.
Painting and markings:
The paint scheme uses once more typical German late WWII "Hinterhalt" camouflage colors, namely Dark Yellow, Olive Green and Red Brown. This time, however, to adapt the livery to the boxy hull and the huge turret, the pattern ended up as a kind of a splinter scheme – inspired by a real Panzer V Panther from the Eastern Front in 1943.
The basic colors became Humbrol 57 (Buff) for the RAL 7028 Dunkelgelb, in this case as a rather pale (stretched?) shade, plus large areas of brown (RAL 8017, I used this time Humbrol 98 for a darker and less reddish shade) and Humbrol 86 for the green (RAL 6003), which appears quite pale in contrast to the dark brown. The camouflage was applied over an overall coat of sand brown as a primer coat, with the intention of letting this uniform basis shine through here and there. The distribution of the darker colors is quite unique, concentrating the brown on the vehicle’s edges and the green only to the flanks of hull and turret. However, the pattern works well on the huge E-50/75, and I can imagine that it might have worked well in an urban environment, breaking up the tank’s outlines.
As a match for the upper hull the wheels were painted uniformly in the same standard colors –without any pattern, because this would be very eye-catching while on the move. The many delicate tools on the tank’s hull are molded, and instead of trying to paint them I tried something else: I rubbed over them with graphite, and this worked very well, leaving them with a dark metallic shine. Just some wooden handles were then painted with a reddish brown.
Decals/marking came next, everything was procured from the scrap box. The Balkenkreuze came from a Hasegawa Sd.Kfz. 234/2 “Puma”, the tactical code from a TL-Modellbau sheet and the small unit badges on front and back from an UM Models Bergehetzer. A dry brushing treatment with light grey followed, highlighting surface details and edges, and after painting some details and adding some rust marks with watercolors followed a coat of matt varnish.
The tracks were painted with a cloudy mix of dark grey, red brown and iron acrylic paints, and mounted after hull and running gear had been assembled. The antennae, made from heated spure material, were mounted to the turret and, finally, the tank’s lower areas were dusted with a greyish-brown mineral pigment mix, simulating dust and mud residue.
This project was realized in just two days, made easy through the Trumpeter kit’s simple construction. Most work went into the extended turret and the different main weapon, but all parts mostly fell into place – and the result looks IMHO quite believable. In fact, the E-50/75 with a Flak 41 reminds a bit of the Italian Otomatic 76 mm SPAAG from the late Eighties?
Metcheck said 67 % cloud cover for sunrise , it also said rain would stop 30 minutes before sunrise BANG ON ME WEATHER MAN
Developed this found film from the 60's a couple of years ago in black and white chems, as the proper process for this old slide film disappeared many years ago. I posted a scan at the time, but I always meant to go back and have another go at pulling out more detail.
Developing Models for Cooperative Security
General Tea Banh, Deputy Prime Minister; Minister of National Defense, Cambodia
Richard Marles, Deputy Prime Minister; Minister for Defence, Australia
Dr Ng Eng Hen, Minister for Defence, Singapore
On a walk around the city to catch up on what's been happening while I was on Holiday in Australia August 18, 2015 Christchurch New Zealand.
There were lot more buildings going up and seems to be more people about. The day wasn't good weather wise for shots as it was very dull and gloomy.
A developing Supercell across far Northeast Wisconsin on July 1 2017. Only isolated storms were expected, but this beast began to develop along an old outflow boundary from a storm early in the afternoon. Aiding in the development was a lake breeze boundary. The updraft was so explosive.
+++ DISCLAIMER +++
Nothing you see here is real, even though the conversion or the presented background story might be based on historical facts. BEWARE!
Some background:
The BAC Jet Provost was a British jet trainer aircraft that was in use with the Royal Air Force (RAF) from 1955 to 1993. It was originally developed by Hunting Percival from the earlier piston engine-powered Percival Provost basic trainer, and later produced by the British Aircraft Corporation (BAC). In addition to the multiple RAF orders, the Jet Provost, sometimes with light armament, was exported to many air forces worldwide. The design was also further developed into a more heavily armed ground attack variant under the name BAC Strikemaster, which was not operated by the Royal Air Force but became a worldwide export success.
The Jet Provost was produced for the Royal Air Force in several variants with gradually stronger engines and other detail improvements, the first trainers entered RAF service in 1955. A major development step was the T.5 variant in 1967 with a pressurized cabin, a modified front section and the option for export customers to arm it with machine guns and underwing hardpoints. The T.5 was fitted with the Viper 201 or 202 turbojet engine and its versatility encouraged the RAF to utilize the Jet Provost in more roles besides basic training. With a top speed of 440 mph, excellent maneuverability, mechanical reliability and low operating costs, the Jet Provost was utilized as an aerobatic aircraft, for air warfare and tactical weapons training as well as for advanced training. T.5 deliveries from BAC's Warton factory commenced on 3 September 1969, and operators of the type included the RAFs Central Flying School and No. 1, No. 3, and No. 6 Flying Training Schools. During their career the T.5s were modified with improved avionics and a rough coating on the wing to break up the smooth airflow and give the trainee pilot an early indication of the onset of a stall (the T.5's original clean wing gave the pilot little warning); upgraded aircraft were re- designated T.5A. A sub-variant, unofficially designated T.5B, was a small number of T.5As fitted with wingtip-tanks (so far only used by export customers) and special equipment for long-range low-level navigator training.
During the Mid-Eighties the RAF started to look for a more economical successor for the aging Jet Provost fleet, and this eventually became the turbo-prop Shorts Tucano. The Tucano was selected in 1985 in preference to the Swiss Pilatus PC-9 and the British Hunting Firecracker. The first Tucano flew in Brazil on 14 February 1986, with the first Shorts built production aircraft flying on 30 December 1986. However, problems with the ejection seats delayed the introduction of the aircraft into service until 1989. During this period the Jet Provost remained the RAF’s mainstay trainer, but it was gradually withdrawn from RAF service, mostly due to many airframes’ age. However, late in their career a handful of these robust aircraft eventually saw frontline use and were deployed in a hot conflict during the first Gulf War, in an unexpected but important role that paved the way for new air strike tactics.
When the RAF took part in combat operations during Operation Granby/Desert Storm in 1991, it had been anticipated that complex and fast attack aircraft like the Tornado would autonomously perform air strikes, either with iron bombs against area targets or with precision weapons like laser-guided glide bombs against important or small objects. However, early experience from the front lines showed that deploying precision weapons was not easy: target acquisition and then both target designation and weapon deployment were not feasible with just a single aircraft – it would be exposed to potential enemy fire for too long or require two or more passes over the target, so that any surprise moment was ruined. During the early stages of the RAF’s air raids a strike group of six aircraft would require two of them to act as dedicated target designators, selecting and illuminating targets with laser projectors for other aircraft. Another problem was that these scouts had to fly ahead of the strike force, check out the battlefield and loiter at relatively slow speed in hostile environment until the fast strike aircraft would arrive and drop their weapons. “Wasting” Tornados and their strike capability for these FAC duties was regarded as inefficient, and an alternative aircraft that was better suited for this task was chosen: the vintage but small and nimble Jet Provost T.5A!
Early on, this had been thought to be "unlikely”, but following a short-notice decision to deploy, the first batch of six aircraft were readied to deploy in under 72 hours. These were dedicated long-range navigational trainers, operated by 79(R) Squadron as part of No. 229 Operational Conversion Unit, and the aircraft were hastily prepared for their unusual mission. This included the removal of the aerodynamic wing coating to improve the flight characteristics again, the adoption of desert camouflage, mounting of underwing hardpoints and additional equipment like an encrypted radio with better range and navigation systems (including a GPS sensor in a spinal fairing). As protective measures, Kevlar mats were added to the cockpit floor and lower side walls, as well as a passive radar warning system with sensors on nose and fin and chaff/flare dispensers under the rear fuselage. A fixed refueling probe was considered for the transfer flight and to extend loiter time during missions via air-to-air refueling, but this was not realized due to the lack of time.
To mark their special status the machines were (now officially) designated T(R).5B. They departed from RAF Brawdy in Wales for the Middle Eastern theatre early on 26 January 1991. Upon arrival the machines were immediately thrown into action. It now became common for each attack formation to comprise four Tornados or Jaguars and two Jet Provosts; each Jet Provost carried a 144-inch-long (3.66 m), 420-lb (209 kg) AN/AVQ-23E ‘Pave Spike’ laser designator pod on one of the outer underwing stations and acted as backup to the other in the event of an equipment malfunction. The machines would typically not carry offensive loads, except for occasional unguided SNEB missiles to visually mark potential targets, since they did not have a sufficient load-carrying capacity, but they were frequently equipped with drop tanks to extend their range and loiter time, and “Dash 10” (AN/ALQ-101) ECM pods to counter radar-guided weapons against them.
The first combat mission already took place on 2 February 1991, operating at a medium altitude of roughly 18,000 feet (5,500 m), and successfully attacked the As Suwaira Road Bridge. Operations continued, practically every available day, even though missions did not take place at night as the RAF’s ’Pave Spike’ pods (a simplified version of the American AN/ASQ-153) lacked night-time functionality. After the first missions the Jet Provosts received black anti-glare-panels in front of the windscreen – they had been re-painted in the UK without them, and the black panel markedly reduced the camouflage’s efficiency, but the strong and constant sunshine reflection from the Jet Provosts’ bulged nose frequently blinded the crews. Another retrofitted feature was the addition of a video camera to document the targeting missions, which was mounted in a shallow blister on top of the nose, just above the landing light cluster.
When the tactical separation of target designation and strike missions proved to be successful, more and more potent aircraft were sent into the theatre of operations, namely the RAF’s Blackburn Buccaneer, which replaced the Jet Provosts on long-range missions and also carried out strike and dive-bombing missions. Approximately 20 road bridges were destroyed with the help of the target spotter aircraft, restricting the Iraqi Army's mobility and communications. In conjunction with the advance of Coalition ground forces into Iraq, the Buccaneers switched to airfield bombing missions, targeting bunkers, runways, and any aircraft sighted on the ground, while the Jet Provosts were used over less dangerous terrain and closer to the air bases, primarily acting as artillery spotters. However, the designator pods were still carried to mark targets of opportunity and strike aircraft were then called in to eliminate them.
The Jet Provost T(R).5Bs took part in 186 missions during the Gulf War. Two from the total of eight deployed Jet Provosts were lost during their short active career: One was shot down at low level by a MANPADS (probably an IR-guided 9K38 Igla/SA-18 Grouse), both crew members were lost; the other crashed due a failure of the hydraulic system but could be brought down over friendly terrain and the crew ejected safely.
After their return to Great Britain the worn machines were quickly phased out and all T(R).5Bs were retired when 79(R) Squadron was disbanded in August 1992. The last Jet Provosts in RAF service were retired in 1993.
General characteristics:
Crew: 2
Length: 34 ft 0 in (10.36 m)
Wingspan: 35 ft 4 in (10.77 m) with wingtip tanks
Height: 10 ft 2 in (3.10 m)
Wing area: 213.7 sq ft (19.85 m²)
Airfoil: root: NACA 23015 mod; tip: NACA 4412 mod
Empty weight: 4,888 lb (2,217 kg)
Gross weight: 6,989 lb (3,170 kg)
Max takeoff weight: 9,200 lb (4,173 kg)
Powerplant:
1× Armstrong Siddeley Viper Mk.202 turbojet engine, 2,500 lbf (11,1 kN)
Performance:
Maximum speed: 382 kn (440 mph, 707 km/h) at 25,000 ft (7,620 m)
Range: 780 nmi (900 mi, 1,440 km) with tip tanks
Service ceiling: 36,750 ft (11,200 m)
Rate of climb: 4,000 ft/min (20 m/s)
Wing loading: 32.7 lb/sq ft (160 kg/m²)
Armament:
No internal guns;
4× underwing hardpoints, each capable of carrying 540 lb (245 kg), for a wide range of loads,
including bombs, pods and launch rails with unguided missiles, gun pods;
the inner pair of pylons were plumbed for auxiliary tanks.
The T( R).5B was outfitted with an AN/AVQ-23E Pave Spike laser designator pod and an AN/ALQ-101
ECM pod on the outer stations, plus a pair of 75 Imp gallon (341 liter) drop tanks or pods with 28
unguided SNEB missiles on the inner pylons
The kit and its assembly:
This fictional Gulf War participant was a spontaneous decision to build – actually as a group build submission, but it turned out to be ineligible. After fellow user SPINNERS posted one of his CG skins, a grey RAF low-viz Jet Provost at whatifmodellers.com, I suggested in the respective thread a machine in Desert Pink – and it was promptly realized, including equipment from the Gulf War Buccaneers and LGBs as ordnance. Inspiration enough to dig out an Airfix kit out of The Stash™ for which I had no concrete plan yet and turn the CG rendition into hardware.
The kit is a simple affair and shows its age through (light) flash and shaggy fit around the seams almost everywhere. Nothing dramatic, but you have to invest time and PSR effort. And it features the most complicated landing light arrangement I have ever come across: five(!) single parts if you include the front cover. Why the mold designer did not just provide a single clear piece with three lens-shaped dents at the back - and instead went for a bulkhead, three(!) separate and tiny clear lenses PLUS a clear cover that is supposed to fit in a rather dysmorphic nose opening is beyond me?
The kit was basically built OOB, using the Jet Provost T.5 air intakes and fuselage details but the Strikemaster wing tip tanks and wing pylons. The Pave Spike pod came from a Hasegawa 1:72 aircraft weapon set, the ECM pod from a Revell 1:72 F-16A (the vintage kit of the prototype with the extra engine) – it is shorter than a typical AN/ALQ-101, rather looks like an AN/ALQ-119, but these pods were all modular and could have different lengths/sizes. And I think that the shorter variant suits the Jet provost well, the Pave Spike pod is already quite long for the small aircraft.
Unlike SPINNERS I settled just for drop tanks on the inner wing stations to extend range and loiter time. I also doubt that the Jet Provost had enough carrying capacity and speed for LGBs, and on their target designation missions the RAF Buccaneers did AFAIK not carry much offensive ordnance, either. There’s also not much clearance under a Jet Provost on the ground – I doubt that anything with big fins could safely go under it? However, for a modernized look I replaced the Jet Provost’s OOB teardrop-shaped tanks with cigar-shaped alternatives.
Further mods were only of cosmetic nature: the seats received ejection handles made from thin wire, the characteristic chines under the nose were omitted (the kit’s parts are rather robust, and they were left away on some T.5s in real life, anyway), and I scratched small conformal chaff/flare dispensers from styrene profile and put them under the lower rear fuselage. Fairings for a radar-warning system were scratched from 1.5 mm styrene rods, too, some blade antennae were added around the hull, and sprue material was used to create the GPS antenna “bubble” behind the cockpit. The shallow camera bulge on the nose was created in a similar fashion.
Another problem: the model is seriously tail-heavy. I filled the chamber between the odd landing lights compartment and the cockpit with lead beads, but once the landing gear had been attached the model still sat on its tail. I was lucky that I had not glued the seats into place yet, so I was able to add more ballast in front of the main wheels, therewith creating a bulkhead (which is missing OOB) behind the seats, what was eventually enough to shift the model’s center of gravity forward.
Painting and markings:
Desert Pink was the driving theme for this build (to be correct, it’s FS 30279 “Desert Sand”). While real RAF aircraft from Operation Granby were painted all-over with this tone (and SPINNERS did the same with the CG rendition), I wanted a bit more variety and just painted the upper surfaces and the underside of the leading edges, the inside of the air intakes and the tip tanks in the sand tone, while the undersides were painted in RAF Barley Grey (Humbrol 167), as if an late all-grey low-viz trainer had been painted over just on the upper surfaces.
For the Desert Pink I was able to use the authentic tone, I had a virgin tin of Humbrol 250 in my enamels hoard that now found a good use. After basic painting the kit received an overall black in washing, dry-brushing with Revell 35 (Skin – it’s a perfect match for panel post-shading!) to retain the pinkish hue and, after the decals had been applied, a bit of grinded graphite to simulate wear and dirt and emphasize the raised surface details.
The cockpit interior was painted in Anthracite (Revell 06), the dashboard became medium grey with dark instruments (not painted, thanks to the raised details I simple rubbed some graphite over it, and the effect is nice!). The ejection seats became tar black with grey-green cushions. The landing gear was painted in Medium Sea Grey (Humbrol 165).
The drop tanks became Medium Sea Grey (Humbrol 165) and Barley Grey, as if they had been procured from a different aircraft, while the Pave Spike pod and the ECM pod were both in RAF Dark Green (Humbrol 163), for good contrast to the rest of the model.
Decals/markings come from Xtradecal sheets. The low-viz roundels were taken from a dedicated RAF roundel sheet because I wanted a uniform roundel size (in six positions) and slightly darker print colors. Unit markings and tactical codes came from a Jet Provost/Strikemaster sheet, also from Xtradecal; RAF 79 Squadron actually operated the Jet provost, but AFAIK only the T.4 version, but not the pressurized T.5 or even the T.5A navigator trainers. The nose art at bow side came from a USN EA-6B Prowler.
After some final details (position lights), the model was sealed with matt acrylic varnish.
A quick project, and the Operation Granby Jet Provost looks better than expected. However, I am not sold on the vintage Airfix kit. It clearly shows its age, nothing really went together smoothly, gaps and sinkholes, PSR on every seam. It also required tons of nose weight to keep it on its spindly legs. The alternative Matchbox kit is not much better, though, with even more simple surface and cockpit details, but at least the parts fit together. I might try to hunt down a Sword kit if I should want to build one again, AFAIK the only other IP option? The result looks interesting, though, quite purposeful with its low-viz markings, and the simple livery turns out to be very effective over the desert terrain where it would have been supposed to operate. Furthermore, the model fits well into the Jet Provost’s historic final years of duty with the RAF – even though in an unlikely role!
Developed from the earlier Yakovlev fighters that included the successful Yak-3 and Yak-7, the Yak-9, when it first entered combat in 1942, was simply a lighter version of the former. The Yak-9 eventually was built in many different versions. Most were optimized for ground attack.
The Museum's Yak-9 is a rare, rebuilt original aircraft. Doug Champlin first learned of it during a trip to Russia in 1992. Shortly afterwards, Art Williams was hired to find and acquire it. Williams traveled to Novosibirsk, Siberia, and after consummating the acquisition, arranged for the Yak-9 to be transferred to Moscow via the Siberian railroad. The trip took four days under constant guard.
Once the Yak-9 was safely stored in Moscow, Sergei Kotov arranged for a restoration team to rebuild it. This work took two years to complete. In 1996, the Yak-9 was shipped to The Champlin Museum in Mesa, Arizona.
The Museum's Yak-9 is one of four original aircraft known. It is the only original Yak-9 on display in the West. It is equipped with an original engine and propeller, and all instrumentation and other miscellaneous parts are of original Russian manufacture. The aircraft is painted in the markings of the Russian World War II ace, Gen Maesky.
(C)The Museum of Flight