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Niu Valley Middle School offers band, orchestra and Polynesian music to 6th, 7th and 8th graders of all ability levels. There are currently 420 students enrolled in music at Niu Valley (half of student population). Among these, 260 are in band, 70 in orchestra and 90 in Polynesian music.
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(6400brightlycoloredfakeymastercard) I threw away between 25 and 30 of those fakey credit card offers that say you're approved * or pre-selected* or "We Think You Deserve More Credit". Before I did, I took some pictures, just for fun.
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. . . 2. 3. 2007 - this is the first day of a funeral ceremony in Bori for a High Class Woman. She died on 18. 1. 2007 at the age of 85 years. The ceremony will last for one week. Today we will see the showing of the water buffalos, pigs, cow, horse, deer and chicken. All these animals are offered to be the servants of the died woman in her new life after death in Puya. We will see buffalo fighting. Men bet for the winner of those fightings. Two buffalos fight each other - the one running away lost the fight!
If you wonder why the quality of the pictures is a little less: these are no photographs - it all are snapshots of my videos! So sorry for the less resolution, but I think, they are worth to be shown.
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The Toraja are an ethnic group indigenous to a mountainous region of South Sulawesi, Indonesia. Their population is approximately 1,100,000, of whom 450,000 live in the regency of Tana Toraja ("Land of Toraja"). Most of the population is Christian, and others are Muslim or have local animist beliefs known as aluk ("the way"). The Indonesian government has recognized this animist belief as Aluk To Dolo ("Way of the Ancestors").
The word toraja comes from the Bugis Buginese language term to riaja, meaning "people of the uplands". The Dutch colonial government named the people Toraja in 1909. Torajans are renowned for their elaborate funeral rites, burial sites carved into rocky cliffs, massive peaked-roof traditional houses known as tongkonan, and colorful wood carvings. Toraja funeral rites are important social events, usually attended by hundreds of people and lasting for several days.
Before the 20th century, Torajans lived in autonomous villages, where they practised animism and were relatively untouched by the outside world. In the early 1900s, Dutch missionaries first worked to convert Torajan highlanders to Christianity. When the Tana Toraja regency was further opened to the outside world in the 1970s, it became an icon of tourism in Indonesia: it was exploited by tourism developers and studied by anthropologists. By the 1990s, when tourism peaked, Toraja society had changed significantly, from an agrarian model - in which social life and customs were outgrowths of the Aluk To Dolo - to a largely Christian society. Today, tourism and remittances from migrant Torajans have made for major changes in the Toraja highland, giving the Toraja a celebrity status within Indonesia and enhancing Toraja ethnic group pride.
ETHNIC IDENTITY
The Torajan people had little notion of themselves as a distinct ethnic group before the 20th century. Before Dutch colonization and Christianization, Torajans, who lived in highland areas, identified with their villages and did not share a broad sense of identity. Although complexes of rituals created linkages between highland villages, there were variations in dialects, differences in social hierarchies, and an array of ritual practices in the Sulawesi highland region. "Toraja" (from the coastal languages' to, meaning people; and riaja, uplands) was first used as a lowlander expression for highlanders. As a result, "Toraja" initially had more currency with outsiders - such as the Bugis and Makassarese, who constitute a majority of the lowland of Sulawesi - than with insiders. The Dutch missionaries' presence in the highlands gave rise to the Toraja ethnic consciousness in the Sa'dan Toraja region, and this shared identity grew with the rise of tourism in the Tana Toraja Regency. Since then, South Sulawesi has four main ethnic groups - the Bugis (the majority, including shipbuilders and seafarers), the Makassarese (lowland traders and seafarers), the Mandarese (traders and fishermen), and the Toraja (highland rice cultivators).
HISTORY
From the 17th century, the Dutch established trade and political control on Sulawesi through the Dutch East Indies Company. Over two centuries, they ignored the mountainous area in the central Sulawesi, where Torajans lived, because access was difficult and it had little productive agricultural land. In the late 19th century, the Dutch became increasingly concerned about the spread of Islam in the south of Sulawesi, especially among the Makassarese and Bugis peoples. The Dutch saw the animist highlanders as potential Christians. In the 1920s, the Reformed Missionary Alliance of the Dutch Reformed Church began missionary work aided by the Dutch colonial government. In addition to introducing Christianity, the Dutch abolished slavery and imposed local taxes. A line was drawn around the Sa'dan area and called Tana Toraja ("the land of Toraja"). Tana Toraja was first a subdivision of the Luwu kingdom that had claimed the area. In 1946, the Dutch granted Tana Toraja a regentschap, and it was recognized in 1957 as one of the regencies of Indonesia.
Early Dutch missionaries faced strong opposition among Torajans, especially among the elite, because the abolition of their profitable slave trade had angered them. Some Torajans were forcibly relocated to the lowlands by the Dutch, where they could be more easily controlled. Taxes were kept high, undermining the wealth of the elites. Ultimately, the Dutch influence did not subdue Torajan culture, and only a few Torajans were converted. In 1950, only 10% of the population had converted to Christianity.
In the 1930s, Muslim lowlanders attacked the Torajans, resulting in widespread Christian conversion among those who sought to align themselves with the Dutch for political protection and to form a movement against the Bugis and Makassarese Muslims. Between 1951 and 1965 (following Indonesian independence), southern Sulawesi faced a turbulent period as the Darul Islam separatist movement fought for an Islamic state in Sulawesi. The 15 years of guerrilla warfare led to massive conversions to
CHRISTIANITY
Alignment with the Indonesian government, however, did not guarantee safety for the Torajans. In 1965, a presidential decree required every Indonesian citizen to belong to one of five officially recognized religions: Islam, Christianity (Protestantism and Catholicism), Hinduism, or Buddhism. The Torajan religious belief (aluk) was not legally recognized, and the Torajans raised their voices against the law. To make aluk accord with the law, it had to be accepted as part of one of the official religions. In 1969, Aluk To Dolo ("the way of ancestors") was legalized as a sect of Agama Hindu Dharma, the official name of Hinduism in Indonesia.
SOCIETY
There are three main types of affiliation in Toraja society: family, class and religion.
FAMILY AFFILIATION
Family is the primary social and political grouping in Torajan society. Each village is one extended family, the seat of which is the tongkonan, a traditional Torajan house. Each tongkonan has a name, which becomes the name of the village. The familial dons maintain village unity. Marriage between distant cousins (fourth cousins and beyond) is a common practice that strengthens kinship. Toraja society prohibits marriage between close cousins (up to and including the third cousin) - except for nobles, to prevent the dispersal of property. Kinship is actively reciprocal, meaning that the extended family helps each other farm, share buffalo rituals, and pay off debts.
Each person belongs to both the mother's and the father's families, the only bilateral family line in Indonesia. Children, therefore, inherit household affiliation from both mother and father, including land and even family debts. Children's names are given on the basis of kinship, and are usually chosen after dead relatives. Names of aunts, uncles and cousins are commonly referred to in the names of mothers, fathers and siblings.
Before the start of the formal administration of Toraja villages by the Tana Toraja Regency, each Toraja village was autonomous. In a more complex situation, in which one Toraja family could not handle their problems alone, several villages formed a group; sometimes, villages would unite against other villages. Relationship between families was expressed through blood, marriage, and shared ancestral houses (tongkonan), practically signed by the exchange of water buffalo and pigs on ritual occasions. Such exchanges not only built political and cultural ties between families but defined each person's place in a social hierarchy: who poured palm wine, who wrapped a corpse and prepared offerings, where each person could or could not sit, what dishes should be used or avoided, and even what piece of meat constituted one's share.
CLASS AFFILIATION
In early Toraja society, family relationships were tied closely to social class. There were three strata: nobles, commoners, and slaves (slavery was abolished in 1909 by the Dutch East Indies government). Class was inherited through the mother. It was taboo, therefore, to marry "down" with a woman of lower class. On the other hand, marrying a woman of higher class could improve the status of the next generation. The nobility's condescending attitude toward the commoners is still maintained today for reasons of family prestige.
Nobles, who were believed to be direct descendants of the descended person from heaven, lived in tongkonans, while commoners lived in less lavish houses (bamboo shacks called banua). Slaves lived in small huts, which had to be built around their owner's tongkonan. Commoners might marry anyone, but nobles preferred to marry in-family to maintain their status. Sometimes nobles married Bugis or Makassarese nobles. Commoners and slaves were prohibited from having death feasts. Despite close kinship and status inheritance, there was some social mobility, as marriage or change in wealth could affect an individuals status. Wealth was counted by the ownership of water buffaloes.
Slaves in Toraja society were family property. Sometimes Torajans decided to become slaves when they incurred a debt, pledging to work as payment. Slaves could be taken during wars, and slave trading was common. Slaves could buy their freedom, but their children still inherited slave status. Slaves were prohibited from wearing bronze or gold, carving their houses, eating from the same dishes as their owners, or having sex with free women - a crime punishable by death.
RELIGIOUS AFFILIATION
Toraja's indigenous belief system is polytheistic animism, called aluk, or "the way" (sometimes translated as "the law"). In the Toraja myth, the ancestors of Torajan people came down from heaven using stairs, which were then used by the Torajans as a communication medium with Puang Matua, the Creator. The cosmos, according to aluk, is divided into the upper world (heaven), the world of man (earth), and the underworld. At first, heaven and earth were married, then there was a darkness, a separation, and finally the light. Animals live in the underworld, which is represented by rectangular space enclosed by pillars, the earth is for mankind, and the heaven world is located above, covered with a saddle-shaped roof. Other Toraja gods include Pong Banggai di Rante (god of Earth), Indo' Ongon-Ongon (a goddess who can cause earthquakes), Pong Lalondong (god of death), and Indo' Belo Tumbang (goddess of medicine); there are many more.
The earthly authority, whose words and actions should be cleaved to both in life (agriculture) and death (funerals), is called to minaa (an aluk priest). Aluk is not just a belief system; it is a combination of law, religion, and habit. Aluk governs social life, agricultural practices, and ancestral rituals. The details of aluk may vary from one village to another. One common law is the requirement that death and life rituals be separated. Torajans believe that performing death rituals might ruin their corpses if combined with life rituals. The two rituals are equally important. During the time of the Dutch missionaries, Christian Torajans were prohibited from attending or performing life rituals, but were allowed to perform death rituals. Consequently, Toraja's death rituals are still practised today, while life rituals have diminished.
CULTURE
TONGKONAN
Tongkonan are the traditional Torajan ancestral houses. They stand high on wooden piles, topped with a layered split-bamboo roof shaped in a sweeping curved arc, and they are incised with red, black, and yellow detailed wood carvings on the exterior walls. The word "tongkonan" comes from the Torajan tongkon ("to sit").
Tongkonan are the center of Torajan social life. The rituals associated with the tongkonan are important expressions of Torajan spiritual life, and therefore all family members are impelled to participate, because symbolically the tongkonan represents links to their ancestors and to living and future kin. According to Torajan myth, the first tongkonan was built in heaven on four poles, with a roof made of Indian cloth. When the first Torajan ancestor descended to earth, he imitated the house and held a large ceremony.
The construction of a tongkonan is laborious work and is usually done with the help of the extended family. There are three types of tongkonan. The tongkonan layuk is the house of the highest authority, used as the "center of government". The tongkonan pekamberan belongs to the family members who have some authority in local traditions. Ordinary family members reside in the tongkonan batu. The exclusivity to the nobility of the tongkonan is diminishing as many Torajan commoners find lucrative employment in other parts of Indonesia. As they send back money to their families, they enable the construction of larger tongkonan.
WOOD CARVINGS
To express social and religious concepts, Torajans carve wood, calling it Pa'ssura (or "the writing"). Wood carvings are therefore Toraja's cultural manifestation.
Each carving receives a special name, and common motifs are animals and plants that symbolize some virtue. For example, water plants and animals, such as crabs, tadpoles and water weeds, are commonly found to symbolize fertility. In some areas noble elders claim these symbols refer to strength of noble family, but not everyone agrees. The overall meaning of groups of carved motifs on houses remains debated and tourism has further complicated these debates because some feel a uniform explanation must be presented to tourists. The image to the left shows an example of Torajan wood carving, consisting of 15 square panels. The center bottom panel represents buffalo or wealth, a wish for many buffaloes for the family. The center panel represents a knot and a box, a hope that all of the family's offspring will be happy and live in harmony, like goods kept safe in a box. The top left and top right squares represent an aquatic animal, indicating the need for fast and hard work, just like moving on the surface of water. It also represents the need for a certain skill to produce good results.
Regularity and order are common features in Toraja wood carving (see table below), as well as abstracts and geometrical designs. Nature is frequently used as the basis of Toraja's ornaments, because nature is full of abstractions and geometries with regularities and ordering. Toraja's ornaments have been studied in ethnomathematics to reveal their mathematical structure, but Torajans base this art only on approximations. To create an ornament, bamboo sticks are used as a geometrical tool.
FUNERAL RITES
In Toraja society, the funeral ritual is the most elaborate and expensive event. The richer and more powerful the individual, the more expensive is the funeral. In the aluk religion, only nobles have the right to have an extensive death feast. The death feast of a nobleman is usually attended by thousands and lasts for several days. A ceremonial site, called rante, is usually prepared in a large, grassy field where shelters for audiences, rice barns, and other ceremonial funeral structures are specially made by the deceased family. Flute music, funeral chants, songs and poems, and crying and wailing are traditional Toraja expressions of grief with the exceptions of funerals for young children, and poor, low-status adults.
The ceremony is often held weeks, months, or years after the death so that the deceased's family can raise the significant funds needed to cover funeral expenses. Torajans traditionally believe that death is not a sudden, abrupt event, but a gradual process toward Puya (the land of souls, or afterlife). During the waiting period, the body of the deceased is wrapped in several layers of cloth and kept under the tongkonan. The soul of the deceased is thought to linger around the village until the funeral ceremony is completed, after which it begins its journey to Puya.
Another component of the ritual is the slaughter of water buffalo. The more powerful the person who died, the more buffalo are slaughtered at the death feast. Buffalo carcasses, including their heads, are usually lined up on a field waiting for their owner, who is in the "sleeping stage". Torajans believe that the deceased will need the buffalo to make the journey and that they will be quicker to arrive at Puya if they have many buffalo. Slaughtering tens of water buffalo and hundreds of pigs using a machete is the climax of the elaborate death feast, with dancing and music and young boys who catch spurting blood in long bamboo tubes. Some of the slaughtered animals are given by guests as "gifts", which are carefully noted because they will be considered debts of the deceased's family. However, a cockfight, known as bulangan londong, is an integral part of the ceremony. As with the sacrifice of the buffalo and the pigs, the cockfight is considered sacred because it involves the spilling of blood on the earth. In particular, the tradition requires the sacrifice of at least three chickens. However, it is common for at least 25 pairs of chickens to be set against each other in the context of the ceremony.
There are three methods of burial: the coffin may be laid in a cave or in a carved stone grave, or hung on a cliff. It contains any possessions that the deceased will need in the afterlife. The wealthy are often buried in a stone grave carved out of a rocky cliff. The grave is usually expensive and takes a few months to complete. In some areas, a stone cave may be found that is large enough to accommodate a whole family. A wood-carved effigy, called Tau tau, is usually placed in the cave looking out over the land. The coffin of a baby or child may be hung from ropes on a cliff face or from a tree. This hanging grave usually lasts for years, until the ropes rot and the coffin falls to the ground.
In the ritual called Ma'Nene, that takes place each year in August, the bodies of the deceased are exhumed to be washed, groomed and dressed in new clothes. The mummies are then walked around the village.
DANCE AND MUSIC
Torajans perform dances on several occasions, most often during their elaborate funeral ceremonies. They dance to express their grief, and to honour and even cheer the deceased person because he is going to have a long journey in the afterlife. First, a group of men form a circle and sing a monotonous chant throughout the night to honour the deceased (a ritual called Ma'badong). This is considered by many Torajans to be the most important component of the funeral ceremony. On the second funeral day, the Ma'randing warrior dance is performed to praise the courage of the deceased during life. Several men perform the dance with a sword, a large shield made from buffalo skin, a helmet with a buffalo horn, and other ornamentation. The Ma'randing dance precedes a procession in which the deceased is carried from a rice barn to the rante, the site of the funeral ceremony. During the funeral, elder women perform the Ma'katia dance while singing a poetic song and wearing a long feathered costume. The Ma'akatia dance is performed to remind the audience of the generosity and loyalty of the deceased person. After the bloody ceremony of buffalo and pig slaughter, a group of boys and girls clap their hands while performing a cheerful dance called Ma'dondan.
As in other agricultural societies, Torajans dance and sing during harvest time. The Ma'bugi dance celebrates the thanksgiving event, and the Ma'gandangi dance is performed while Torajans are pounding rice. There are several war dances, such as the Manimbong dance performed by men, followed by the Ma'dandan dance performed by women. The aluk religion governs when and how Torajans dance. A dance called Ma'bua can be performed only once every 12 years. Ma'bua is a major Toraja ceremony in which priests wear a buffalo head and dance around a sacred tree.
A traditional musical instrument of the Toraja is a bamboo flute called a Pa'suling (suling is an Indonesian word for flute). This six-holed flute (not unique to the Toraja) is played at many dances, such as the thanksgiving dance Ma'bondensan, where the flute accompanies a group of shirtless, dancing men with long fingernails. The Toraja have indigenous musical instruments, such as the Pa'pelle (made from palm leaves) and the Pa'karombi (the Torajan version of a jaw harp). The Pa'pelle is played during harvest time and at house inauguration ceremonies.
LANGUAGE
The ethnic Toraja language is dominant in Tana Toraja with the main language as the Sa'dan Toraja. Although the national Indonesian language is the official language and is spoken in the community, all elementary schools in Tana Toraja teach Toraja language.Language varieties of Toraja, including Kalumpang, Mamasa, Tae' , Talondo' , Toala' , and Toraja-Sa'dan, belong to the Malayo-Polynesian language from the Austronesian family. At the outset, the isolated geographical nature of Tana Toraja formed many dialects between the Toraja languages themselves. After the formal administration of Tana Toraja, some Toraja dialects have been influenced by other languages through the transmigration program, introduced since the colonialism period, and it has been a major factor in the linguistic variety of Toraja languages. A prominent attribute of Toraja language is the notion of grief. The importance of death ceremony in Toraja culture has characterized their languages to express intricate degrees of grief and mourning. The Toraja language contains many terms referring to sadness, longing, depression, and mental pain. Giving a clear expression of the psychological and physical effect of loss is a catharsis and sometimes lessens the pain of grief itself.
ECONOMY
Prior to Suharto's "New Order" administration, the Torajan economy was based on agriculture, with cultivated wet rice in terraced fields on mountain slopes, and supplemental cassava and maize crops. Much time and energy were devoted to raising water buffalo, pigs, and chickens, primarily for ceremonial sacrifices and consumption. Coffee was the first significant cash crop produced in Toraja, and was introduced in the mid 19th century, changing the local economy towards commodity production for external markets and gaining an excellent reputation for quality in the international market .
With the commencement of the New Order in 1965, Indonesia's economy developed and opened to foreign investment. In Toraja, a coffee plantation and factory was established by Key Coffee of Japan, and Torajan coffee regained a reputation for quality within the growing international specialty coffee sector Multinational oil and mining companies opened new operations in Indonesia during the 1970s and 1980s. Torajans, particularly younger ones, relocated to work for the foreign companies - to Kalimantan for timber and oil, to Papua for mining, to the cities of Sulawesi and Java, and many went to Malaysia. The out-migration of Torajans was steady until 1985. and has continued since, with remittances sent back by emigre Torajans performing an important role within the contemporary economy.
Tourism commenced in Toraja in the 1970s, and accelerated in the 1980s and 1990s. Between 1984 and 1997, a significant number of Torajans obtained their incomes from tourism, working in and owning hotels, as tour guides, drivers, or selling souvenirs. With the rise of political and economic instability in Indonesia in the late 1990s - including religious conflicts elsewhere on Sulawesi - tourism in Tana Toraja has declined dramatically. Toraja continues to be a well known origin for Indonesian coffee, grown by both smallholders and plantation estates, although migration, remittances and off-farm income is considered far more important to most households, even those in rural areas.
TOURISM AND CULTURAL CHANGE
Before the 1970s, Toraja was almost unknown to Western tourism. In 1971, about 50 Europeans visited Tana Toraja. In 1972, at least 400 visitors attended the funeral ritual of Puang of Sangalla, the highest-ranking nobleman in Tana Toraja and the so-called "last pure-blooded Toraja noble." The event was documented by National Geographic and broadcast in several European countries. In 1976, about 12,000 tourists visited the regency and in 1981, Torajan sculpture was exhibited in major North American museums. "The land of the heavenly kings of Tana Toraja", as written in the exhibition brochure, embraced the outside world.
In 1984, the Indonesian Ministry of Tourism declared Tana Toraja Regency the prima donna of South Sulawesi. Tana Toraja was heralded as "the second stop after Bali". Tourism was increasing dramatically: by 1985, a total number of 150,000 foreigners had visited the Regency (in addition to 80,000 domestic tourists), and the annual number of foreign visitors was recorded at 40,000 in 1989. Souvenir stands appeared in Rantepao, the cultural center of Toraja, roads were sealed at the most-visited tourist sites, new hotels and tourist-oriented restaurants were opened, and an airstrip was opened in the Regency in 1981.
Tourism developers have marketed Tana Toraja as an exotic adventure - an area rich in culture and off the beaten track. Western tourists expected to see stone-age villages and pagan funerals. Toraja is for tourists who have gone as far as Bali and are willing to see more of the wild, "untouched" islands. However, they were more likely to see a Torajan wearing a hat and denim, living in a Christian society. Tourists felt that the tongkonan and other Torajan rituals had been preconceived to make profits, and complained that the destination was too commercialized. This has resulted in several clashes between Torajans and tourism developers, whom Torajans see as outsiders.
A clash between local Torajan leaders and the South Sulawesi provincial government (as a tourist developer) broke out in 1985. The government designated 18 Toraja villages and burial sites as traditional tourist attractions. Consequently, zoning restrictions were applied to these areas, such that Torajans themselves were barred from changing their tongkonans and burial sites. The plan was opposed by some Torajan leaders, as they felt that their rituals and traditions were being determined by outsiders. As a result, in 1987, the Torajan village of Kété Kesú and several other designated tourist attractions closed their doors to tourists. This closure lasted only a few days, as the villagers found it too difficult to survive without the income from selling souvenirs.
Tourism has also transformed Toraja society. Originally, there was a ritual which allowed commoners to marry nobles (puang) and thereby gain nobility for their children. However, the image of Torajan society created for the tourists, often by "lower-ranking" guides, has eroded its traditional strict hierarchy. High status is not as esteemed in Tana Toraja as it once was. Many low-ranking men can declare themselves and their children nobles by gaining enough wealth through work outside the region and then marrying a noble woman.
WIKIPEDIA
Hotel Provincial
In a city distinguished internationally for the charm and hospitality of its venerable French Quarter, there exists a secluded, intimate hotel that offers its guests yet another dimension to the Vieux Carre experience. The Hotel Provincial, although conveniently located near all the desirable historic and tourist attractions of downtown New Orleans, also offers its visitors the serenity and unique style reserved for the private, residential section of the French Quarter.
Listed on the National Register of Historic Places, and locally owned by the Dupepe family since 1961, this hotel is valued as an architectural gem, and features modern amenities housed within a compound of meticulously restored historic structures. The beautifully appointed lobby area, lush tropical courtyards and carefully restored outbuildings offer the perfect place for enjoying a relaxing family vacation, planning a social or corporate event, or celebrating a memorable destination wedding.
Discover New Orleans hospitality at its finest at Hotel Provincial—a special place that successfully combines a welcoming family atmosphere with the amenities only an experienced, professional staff can offer.
•Address: 1020-1022 Chartres St.
•Significance Rating: Orange, unrated 20th century construction
•Building Type: Commercial
•Current Style: Modern / Faux Historical
•Square Number: 20
•National Landmark: No
•Primary/Secondary Use: Primary
•Easement: No
•Square: 20
•Lot Number: 22740
Property Info
•Vieux Carré Commission Evaluation: No change: orange. Provincial Motor Hotel (Nolan, Nolan and Nolan, original architects; Donald Zimmer, addition), constructed c. 1963 on the site of a c. 1903 ice house.
oOrange Portion of Building: Main Material: Masonry
Note: partially of Wood; Provincial Motor Hotel
•Dimensions (Dimensions run CCW)
oFrontage: 33' 4" 4'''
oSide 2: 63' 11" 0'''
oSide 3: 3' 2" 1'''
oSide 4: 63' 11" 3'''
oSide 5: 30' 1" 0'''
oSide 6: 127' 10" 6'''
Chain of Title
Last Update: Wednesday, October 1st 1980
•Wednesday, July 8th 1959
oRecord Source: COB
oVolume: 630
oPage: 285
oRecord Type: [sale?]
oAuthority: Brittmar P. Landry (Notary)
oAuthority Date: Not Given
oFrom: French Market Ice Manufacturing Company of New Orleans, Limited
oTo: Provincial Motels, Inc.
•Wednesday, April 29th 1903
oRecord Source: COB
oVolume: 191
oPage: 321
oRecord Type: [sale?]
oAuthority: P. J. Patorno (Notary)
oAuthority Date: Not Given
oFrom: Marie Ursule Soloy
oTo: French Market Ice Manufacturing Company of New Orleans, Limited
oBrief Description: Original Act: 3/75
•Tuesday, January 4th 1887
oRecord Source: COB
oVolume: 126
oPage: 994
oRecord Type: [sale?]
oAuthority: H. Fourcelle (Notary)
oAuthority Date: Not Given
oFrom: Marie Anne Trope
oTo: Marie Ursule Soloy Guilhauma Francingues
•Wednesday, January 1st 1879
oRecord Source: Unknown
oRecord Type: succession
oAuthority Date: Not Given
oFrom: Pierre Noel Canton
oTo: Marie Ann Trope Canton
oBrief Description: Inherited. [No date given.]
•Monday, July 1st 1878
oRecord Source: COB
oVolume: 111
oPage: 581
oCourt#: 9160
oRecord Type: sheriff’s sale
oAuthority: 5th District Court (Court)
oAuthority Date: Not Given
oFrom: Joseph Girod
oTo: Pierre Noel Canton
oBrief Description: From Joseph Giron in the suit of “Pierre Noel Canton vs. Joseph Girod.”
•Monday, July 12th 1852
oRecord Source: COB
oVolume: 58
oPage: 30
oRecord Type: survey
oAuthority: A. Mazureau (Notary)
oAuthority Date: Not Given
oBrief Description: Original Act: 43/167 Survey-sketch by L. Pilie, dated July 2, 1852, annexed to this act.
•Monday, June 28th 1852
oRecord Source: COB
oVolume: 55
oPage: 696
oRecord Type: [sale?]
oAuthority: A. Mazureau (Notary)
oAuthority Date: Not Given
oFrom: Pierre Laurans
oTo: Joseph Girod
oBrief Description: Original Act: 42/555A Pierre Laurans had three children: William Laurans, Mme. Louisa Laurans, wife of Auguste F. A. Garnier, and Mme. Marie Julie Adele Laurans, wife of Alphonse R. J. Martin Lavalle. The latter daughter died, but left two children: Marie J. A. Martin Lavalle, and Pierre Martin Lavalle. The two living children inherited one-third each of their father’s estate and the two grandchildren inherited each one-half of their deceased mother’s one-third. These same heirs were entitled to the same rights, and in the same proportion in the share and interest of their mother and grandmother, Mme. Julie Beauvais Laurans, wife of Pierre Laurans, by virtue of the donation inter vivos made by her to them by an act passed before Philibert L. Turguet and Philippe A. Beaufeu, Paris Notaries, August 31, 1846.
•Friday, January 19th 1838
oRecord Source: Original Act
oVolume: 63
oPage: 32
oRecord Type: partition
oAuthority: Hortence Hortence T. Hershberg (Notary)
oAuthority Date: Friday, January 19th 1838
oAgent/Single Party Act/Other: Jean Roques Marie Adeline Prudhomme Julie Beauvais Pierre Laurans
oBrief Description: Act of Partition between Mme. Julie Beauvais, wife of/and Pierre Laurans, and Mme. Marie Adeline Prudhomme, wife of/and Jean Roques. With the two houses constructed thereon. There has been constructed, according to this act, a party wall fixing the limits of the properties partitioned which had belonged to Pierre Laurans and his wife Julie Beauvais, and to Jean Roques and his wife, Marie Adeline Prudhomme, to whom the whole of the property partitioned in this act had belonged, one undivided half to each husband and wife. By this act Jean Roques and wife become sole owners of the property fronting on Levee Street, and Pierre Laurans and his wife become sole owners of this property fronting on Conde (Chartres) Street. Plan annexed to this act.
•Tuesday, April 5th 1831
oRecord Source: Original Act
oVolume: 14
oPage: 302
oRecord Type: survey
oAuthority: Hortence Hortence T. Hershberg (Notary)
oAuthority Date: Tuesday, April 5th 1831
oBrief Description: Excellent survey-sketch by L. Pilie, dated March 23, 1831, annexed to this act. Includes Lots No. 22739 and 22740-B. Note: Here this lot becomes part of a larger portion of land running the depth of the entire square from Chartres to Decatur streets, comprising present-day Lots NO. 22740, 22740-B, 22739, 22727, 22723, 22724, 22725 and 22726.
•Monday, January 5th 1829
oRecord Source: Original Act
oVolume: 6
oPage: 14
oRecord Type: [sale?]
oAuthority: Hortence Hortence T. Hershberg (Notary)
oAuthority Date: Monday, January 5th 1829
oRelated Lot: a) 22727
oRel. Lot Note: a) (interior lot)
oFrom: Angelique Pauline Carrick; Adeline Segond
oTo: Jean Roques; Pierre Laurans
oBrief Description: A lot of ground, on Levee Street, opposite in one part to the steam water works and the vegetable market, between St. Philip and Ursuline streets, having frontage on one side on Levee Street, and on the other side fronting on Conde (Chartres) Street, measuring F.M. 90' 2" front on Levee Street, keeping this width for a depth of 177' 10" on the line separating it from the lot belonging to l’Eveche, then widening 1' on the same side on the line that separates it from the property of J. Marcos and the Nuns of the Ursuline Convent, and measuring 165' as far as Conde (Chartres) Street, with a front footage on Conde Street measuring 94' 4" and maintaining this width for a depth of 60' on a line separating it from the property of Soniat Dufossat extending as far as the limits of Mr. Gillet’s property, then closing 3' and continuing this way for 282' 4" along the line that separates the property of Soniat Dufossat and that of Gillet as far as Levee Street; said lot of ground has from one street to the other 342' 10" depth on the line bordering that of l’Eveche, Marcos, and the Ursuline Nuns (Ursuline Street side) and 342' 4" on the line bordering the Widow Visosos, Mr. Cyprien Gros, R. Otero, Blineau, the Succession of Gayarre, Gillet, and Soniat Dufossat. With all buildings thereon constructed. Note: Excellent plan of the whole square, showing ownership as of this date and clearly delineating the area and footage of this lot, drawn by Joseph Pilie, dated December 24, 1827, annexed to this act. “The lot and buildings presently sold belong to the vendors in the following manner: To Mme. Angelique Pauline Carrick, wife of Andrew Lockhart, a portion measuring 32' 3" front on Conde Street by 123' in depth, bounded on one side by the property of the Ursuline Nuns and on the other side by the property of the Widow Carrick, as making part of the payment of the lot that had been constituted by her mother Mme. Carrick, has ascribed access on the rights of heritage in the Succession of the late James Carrick, her father, given to her before his death, thus it belongs to the contract of marriage passed between the said Mme. Lockhart and Andrew Lockhart, before Marc Lafitte, Notary, December 22, 1823, in which marriage contract it had been stipulated by the contracting parties, Article 3, that it would be allowed the future wife, with the authority of her future husband, and the said future husband with the consent of the said future wife, to sell and alienate the properties given in the said contract to the future wife to the tile of the dotal settlement, even as all other that will belong to them in the future with all personal responsibility, who accepts the responsibility. To Mme. Widow Carrick the remainder of the lot and buildings presently described and sold belong, as being part of the goods belonging to the Succession of James Carrick, her late husband, which she inherited jointly with her daughter, Mme. Lockhart, and a small portion of 3' 3" front on Chartres Street by 64' of depth, A.M., by means of the acquisition she made from Mme. Rosalie Segund, widow of Pierre Sauve. Mr. James Carrick had become proprietor of the whole of said lot of ground and buildings, with the exception of the 3' previously mentioned, by means of an acquisition which he had made during his lifetime of M. Elias Beauregard.”
•Thursday, September 27th 1827
oRecord Source: Unknown
oRecord Type: [sale?]
oAuthority: Hortence Hortence T. Hershberg (Notary)
oAuthority Date: Not Given
oFrom: Rosalie Segond
oTo: Adelaide Segond
oBrief Description: Refers to the small strip of land measuring 3' 3" × 64'. A lot measuring, A.M., 3' 3" front on Conde (Chartres) Street by 64' of depth, bounded on one side by property of the purchaser and on the other side by property of Joseph Soniat Dufossat. This property belonged to Mme. Sauve, in common with her children, by virtue of the Succession of her husband, Pierre Sauve, who, during his lifetime, acquired it with a larger lot of ground.
•Saturday, August 3rd 1822
oRecord Source: Court
oRecord Type: succession
oAuthority: Probate Court (Court)
oAuthority Date: Not Given
oFrom: Pierre Sauve
oTo: Rosalie Segond Sauve
oBrief Description: Refers to the small strip of land measuring 3' 3" × 64'. Inherited from the Succession of her husband.
•Tuesday, April 20th 1819
oRecord Source: Original Act
oVolume: 17
oPage: 222
oRecord Type: succession; sale
oAuthority: M. de Armas (Notary)
oAuthority Date: Tuesday, April 20th 1819
oFrom: Lancelot Pearson
oTo: Pierre Sauve
oBrief Description: Refers to the small strip of land measuring 3' 3" × 64'.
•Tuesday, May 7th 1811
oRecord Source: Unknown
oRecord Type: [sale?]
oAuthority: Narcisse Broutin (Notary)
oAuthority Date: Not Given
oFrom: Simon Ducournau
oTo: Lancelot Pearson
oBrief Description: Refers to the small strip of land measuring 3' 3" × 64'. Lot forming the corner of St. Philip and Conde streets, the whole of which tract is bounded by the property of M. Launda [sic] on one side and by the property of the Succession of James Carrick on the other, on which lot is a principal house and two small houses of brick between posts, and with other buildings in the courtyard.
•Monday, December 19th 1808
oRecord Source: Original Act
oPage: 524
oRecord Type: [sale?]
oAuthority: Narcisse Broutin (Notary)
oAuthority Date: Monday, December 19th 1808
oFrom: Edmond Forstall; Edouard Forstall
oTo: Simon Ducournau
oBrief Description: Refers to the small strip of land measuring 3' 3" × 64'.
•Monday, December 19th 1808
oRecord Source: Original Act
oPage: 523
oRecord Type: [sale?]
oAuthority: Narcisse Broutin (Notary)
oAuthority Date: Monday, December 19th 1808
oFrom: Jeanne Darby
oTo: Edmond Forstall Edouard Forstall
oBrief Description: Refers to the small strip of land measuring 3' 3" × 64'. A lot of ground at the corner of Conde and St. Philip streets, bounded by properties of Larionda and heirs to James Carrick, with a principal house and two smaller houses constructed of brick between posts, also other buildings in the courtyard.
•Thursday, January 1st 1807
oRecord Source: Unknown
oRecord Type: succession
oAuthority Date: Not Given
oFrom: Jean de la Villebeuvre
oTo: Jeanne Darby de la Villebeuvre
oBrief Description: Refers to the small strip of land measuring 3' 3" × 64'. Inherited from the Succession of her husband.
•Friday, June 27th 1800
oRecord Source: Original Act
oVolume: 37
oPage: 416
oRecord Type: [sale?]
oAuthority: Pierre Pedesclaux (Notary)
oAuthority Date: Friday, June 27th 1800
oFrom: Elias Beauregard
oTo: Santiago Carrick
oBrief Description: “Lot of ground measuring 89' to 90' in front, all the way to the back, bounded on one side by the property of His Majesty, and on the other by the property of the Widow Visoso. The property belongs to Elias Beauregard by means of an inheritance from the Succession of his mother, Dona Magdaline Cartier.”
•Tuesday, January 1st 1799
oRecord Source: Unknown
oRecord Type: succession
oAuthority Date: Not Given
oFrom: Magdalina Cartier
oTo: Elias Beauregard
oBrief Description: Inherited from the Succession of his mother. [No date given.]
•Wednesday, February 22nd 1775
oRecord Source: Unknown
oRecord Type: [sale?]
oAuthority: Juan B. Garic (Notary)
oAuthority Date: Not Given
oAgent/Single Party Act/Other: Antonio Beauregard
oBrief Description: Neighboring reference, related to Lot No. 22741, states that this property, as part of a larger lot, belonged to Antonio Beauregard. Note: A break occurs here in the record. However, the following continues the chain with two more transactions.
•Wednesday, February 22nd 1775
oRecord Source: Original Act
oRecord Type: [sale?]
oAuthority: Juan B. Garic (Notary)
oAuthority Date: Wednesday, February 22nd 1775
oFrom: Theresa Gallard
oTo: Jean de la Villebeuvre
oBrief Description: Refers to the small strip of land measuring 3' 3" × 64'. One house and lot situated at a corner of Chartres and St. Philip, with other buildings, bounded on one side by property of Mrs. Cecilio Odorundo and on the other by that of Antonio Beauregard.
•Wednesday, September 16th 1772
oRecord Source: Original Act
oPage: 258
oRecord Type: sale
oPrice: $104.00<Pesos
oAuthority: Andres Almonester (Notary)
oAuthority Date: Wednesday, September 16th 1772
oFrom: Augustin Macarty
oTo: Henrique Desprez
oBrief Description: A lot situated on Conde (Chartres) Street, measuring 90' front by 150' of depth, bounded by the house owned by Madame Granpre and by lot owned by the King. Mr. Macarty acquired this lot at a public auction held by the creditors of Claudio Joseph Villars of his properties on March 12 of this year, and sells it mortgage free at a price of 104 pesos.
•Thursday, March 12th 1772
oRecord Source: Unknown
oRecord Type: auction sale
oAuthority Date: Not Given
oFrom: Claudio Joseph Villars
oTo: Augustin Macarty
oBrief Description: Public sale held by the creditors of Claudio Joseph Villars.
•Monday, January 1st 1731
oRecord Source: Map
oRecord Type: land grant
oAuthority: Gonichon Map (Map)
oAuthority Date: Not Given
oAgent/Single Party Act/Other: Company of the West/Company of the Indies
oBrief Description: Lot No. 38 granted to the Company.
•Monday, January 1st 1731
oRecord Source: Map
oRecord Type: [land grant and/or sale and/or succession]
oAuthority: Gonichon Map (Map)
oAuthority Date: Not Given
oAgent/Single Party Act/Other: Trudot
oBrief Description: Refers to the small strip of land measuring 3' 3" × 64'. Lot No. 39 granted to Sieur Trudot.
•Thursday, January 1st 1728
oRecord Source: Map
oRecord Type: vacant
oAuthority: Broutin Map (Map)
oAuthority Date: Not Given
oBrief Description: Unassigned.
•Thursday, January 1st 1728
oRecord Source: Map
oRecord Type: [land grant and/or sale and/or succession]
oAuthority: Broutin Map (Map)
oAuthority Date: Not Given
oAgent/Single Party Act/Other: Trudeau
oBrief Description: Refers to the small strip of land measuring 3' 3" × 64'. Lot No. 46 granted to Sieur Trudeau.
•Thursday, January 1st 1722
oRecord Source: Map
oRecord Type: land grant
oAuthority: de la Tour Map (Map)
oAuthority Date: Not Given
oAgent/Single Party Act/Other: La Loire
oBrief Description: Lot No. 4 granted to Sieur La Loire.
•Thursday, January 1st 1722
oRecord Source: Map
oRecord Type: [land grant and/or sale and/or succession]
oAuthority: de la Tour Map (Map)
oAuthority Date: Not Given
oAgent/Single Party Act/Other: Massy Trudeau
oBrief Description: Refers to the small strip of land measuring 3' 3" × 64'. Lot No. 6 granted to Mr. Massy. “I believe they were not held by Mr. Massy, he not having given ___ on the frontage.” Marginal note: “Granted to the Sieur Trudeau in replacement of the No. 00 which was taken to build a warehouse.”
Citations (Specific to this address)
“NOTICE. FELIX, Ladies Hair dresser…Ladies wishing to have their hair dressed at his house, will please apply to his wife to appoint the hour. The price is two dollars. He also informs that he cuts gentlemen’s hair for a dollar at their houses, and 50¢ at his shop…he lives in Mme. Carrick’s house Conde Street opposite Mr. Moreau’s…”
—Source: Louisiana Courier Date: Wednesday, December 11th 1816
“Fire…6:30, November 5…French Market Ice Manufacturing Company, 1024 Chartres Street…damage chiefly to the building and equipment was estimated at $200,000…fire started in the 3rd floor of the building which is about 30 feet in the rear of the street facing a courtyard…explosions of crude oil storage tank and an ammonia tank…the only two modern buildings in the square are the French Market Branch of the Whitney Bank and the La Stella Manufacturing Company, corner of St. Philip and Chartres.”
—Source: Times-Picayune, p. 1, c. 1 Date: Sunday, November 6th 1927
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A photo or a print of a painting by Kenneth Wyatt showing John Wesley with Thomas Coke, Richard Whatcoat, and Thomas Vasey as they prepare to sail to America.
We are the largest wholesale to the public Trees and Shrub Farm in Bucks County. We offer steep reductions in prices due to the credit crunch. We are having a fire sale due to the credit crunch... We grow special Plants. All our plants are special to us. We have great trees and shrubs that are well suited to NJ and Pa landscapes. This video shows many of our trees and shrubs that we grow. We have many trees including Magnolias. We also grow barriers and buffering trees and shrubs.... We deliver and Plant our trees and shrubs to the Eastern States. Yes consider planting trees and shrubs... Or use the stone and wallstone that we stock. Screens and buffers grow each year. Rocks weather all financial storms with little wear!!! Small Cypresses and Arborvitae for cheap screening. We sell trees wholesale and will also deliver and plant for you. We grow many trees and shrubs commonly found in NJ and Pa. We grow and sell many Evergreens including Arborvitae, Boxwood, Viburnums Dragon Lady Hollies and Skip Laurels as well as many other types of trees and shrubs. Our farm is called Highland Hill Farm. We are open 7days a week from 7am to 6pm. We are located in Bucks County Pa near the NJ boarder north of Phila. Our street address is 5275 West Swamp Rd. Fountainville Pa 18923. We are centrally located to service the NY to Washington DC landscape market. We have 4 trucks on the road and make deliveries of our nursery stock as well as have 2 crews that can install trees and shrubs that we raise.
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The text in this production reads as follows
Second-hand Filters can offer a cheap
introduction to making creative effects
Damaged Filters can create a 'LOOK'
They can also be further modified
Sharp Sun Stars and (Sci-fi) Light Beams,
Soft Focus Beauty, Vintage and Anamorphic
...are just some of the effects available to you
I will try to post some pictures to illustrate this
A Filter can be used to hold patterns of
scratches, or smeared with a lip balm etc.
GOBE filters have amazed me and this second film completes an initial view of the new GOBE filters and mention of how filters can be used and reused beyond their initial intended purpose. Below is a shorter version of the text from the description given to the first film and it is just as relevant here, but had to be cut to fit into this section.
“The Duet Filter Kit 1Peak
Our entry-level Duet Filter Kit includes a UV Filter to protect your lens and sharpen your photos, and a Polarizing Filter to cut glare and boost colours.”
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The GOBE Duet Filter Kit 1Peak is listed as having the following Ingredients, Optical Glass, Aluminium, Magnalium, cotton, microfibre and paper.
The metal front and rear caps to the glass and metal filter set come with a microfibre cleaning cloth, a cotton bag and a desiccant envelope all contained in cardboard tube.
The Filters with front and end caps look work superbly well. The Microfibre Lens Cloth and the
Cotton Drawstring Bag are excellent bonus items. There are 3 levels of quality with corresponding prices. Photography involves costs and photographers expect value and performance. I went for the cheapest as I cannot afford the more expensive ones especially if my increasing clumsy digits drop and scratch the filters. There is debate about how much a filter can detract from the quality of a photograph. The simple answer is to try for yourself. For me I am desperate to protect the lens from myself and I am overjoyed to have a screw on glass protector. More debate still on the Circular Polarizing filter. The Ultra Violet filter has no visible effect on photographs taken with it, though it does reduce the amount of light entering the lens. Overall Ultra Violet filters reduce light by around one third of a stop an ʄ stop. Circular Polarizing filters are said to reduce the amount of light by anywhere 1 and 2 ʄ stops. Above the issue of loss of light Circular Polarizing filters change the image produced through the filter. Circular Polarizing filters are renowned for reducing ad even removing reflection. They also take away highlights and so reduce the brightness of reflection whilst at the same time offer some more, or deeper shadow renditions. The deep blue of polarized skies gives a signature look to the filters when used outside. With care and attention Circular Polarizing filters can bring qualities to pictures. To some perception and on certain images Circular Polarizing filters are seen as detracting from the image this includes on certain lenses such as extreme wide angles outside as the sky scenes captured can include too much difference for the Circular Polarizing filter to give the required effect. The easiest way is to try a Circular Polarizing filters and to judge the results yourself. If you remember to take some pictures with Circular Polarizing filter on and some without of people and scenes then you will always have the comparison available. The effects of a Circular Polarizing filters cannot be easily if at all created in post production. Whether to use filters and whether, or not to use a Circular Polarizing filter is great debate. If you can buy some filters and join the debate using your images and perceptions to as a great lifelong work in progress towards some excellent productions.
This is part of a series of films that I have made to record my decline in mind and body. I am fighting physical and mental challenges that are taking over me in many ways. As a user and fan of technology I am thrilled when some of the medications and therapies I am working with have virtual and online features. I have decided to record some films for me and I happy to share them with others. My aim is to see if there is anything useful to me, or to others in the recordings as they progress. My life outlook is changes day to day and through the climatic conditions of the seasons. My decline and decrepitude in Winter is longer and harder each year. Something in these records might give me hope, insight, a nudge along a path towards a better life. Currently I am failing terribly to make good life choices and to care for my worsening condition as I am not able to monitor, or to realise them.
This film was made on a good day. It was edited over several good days. The out cuts include many mistakes. On bad days filming and editing are not possible. I am very happy to share my perceptions with anyone else battling dementia, arthritis, diabetes, glandular fever, Central Nervous System Diseases & Nerve Disorders, immune deficiency and all the lovely and less than lovely allied complications. Please do send any suggestions you have to further this project. Hopefully this series of films will bring forth some good.
I am very happy to further clarify anything mentioned in this production. The information given here is the best that I can offer at the time of filming. I am always happy to receive questions, corrections, extensions and to include extra information in the comments section. Thank you in advance for any interactions you have with any of my productions.
PHH Sykes ©2020
phhsykes@gmail.com
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DMZ tours offer insights into tensions then, now
By Sgt. 1st Class Jeff Troth
jefferey.l.troth.mil@mail.mil
CAMP BONIFAS, SOUTH KOREA – It’s been six decades since the Korean War of 1950 – 53 left the peninsula charred and devastated. But the Demilitarized Zone that has ever since divided the two Koreas, and the troops – North Korean on one side, South Korean and U.S. on the other – that stand guard there, remain an abiding and visible reminder of the hair-trigger tensions that persist.
The Army’s Family and Morale, Welfare and Recreation in Korea offers regularly scheduled trips to the DMZ, and a group of 41 Soldiers, civilians and family members from Warrior Country boarded a bus Aug. 4 and went to see the famous place for themselves.
The Joint Security Area at the DMZ draws more than 100,000 tourists from around the world each year, according to U.S. military officials there.
“Why would you come to South Korea and not go to visit the line between North Korea and South Korea?” said Rachel Barlow, wife of 1st Sgt. Frank Barlow, first sergeant for the 2nd Infantry Division Band. “I was curious as to what was there.”
One of the tour’s stops was the Joint Security Area, or JSA, where American and South Korean Soldiers work across a courtyard from those of the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea. In this courtyard, straddling the Military Demarcation Line, are buildings that are used for direct talks between the two Koreas.
Tourists are taken into one of the buildings, and can step beyond the point that takes them across the dividing line and thus into North Korea. But they have to leave the same way they came in – on the South Korean side.
One of the stops within the JSA was Checkpoint 3, a building on a hill that is faced on three sides by North Korea.
It was an “interesting” feature of the tour for Sgt. Mario Smith, of Headquarters and Headquarters Company, U.S. Army Garrison Red Cloud. “You look to your left, you see North Korea. You look to your right, you see North Korea. You look in front of you and you see North Korea. And if you look down you can see the concertina wire and the fence going around you.”
From Checkpoint 3, visitors can see Gijong-dong Village, also known as Propaganda Village, in the North’s part of the DMZ. The village was built in the 1950s to encourage South Koreans to defect. Despite massive loud speakers that once broadcast the virtues of North Korea, the village consists of buildings that are mere concrete shells, no windows or doors.
Next stop on the tour was the Bridge of No Return, which was used for repatriation of refugees and prisoners of war. A U.S. Soldier who briefed the tour explained that prisoners of both sides were given the option of being returned to their side or remaining with their captors. But the prisoners were also told that once they crossed over they’d be forbidden to come back.
The Barlow’s favorite part of the trip was the vantage from Dora Observatory, which affords a view of Mount Songhaksan and other North Korean mountains. It reminded them of the mountains in their home state of West Virginia, they said.
At Dora visitors can, for a small price, use binoculars to get a closer look into North Korea and can see as far as the city of Kaesong.
The tour included a stop at one of the infiltration tunnels leading into South Korea that authorities have discovered over the years.
Smith went inside the tunnel for a look and found it “awesome.”
“I have heard people talk about it, but until you walk through it yourself you will never believe the work that they put into it to construct it,” he said.
The next tours to the DMZ are Sept. 8 and 22. For more information on the tour or to sign up, visit your Area I Community Activity Center.
ENAI SWIM offers swimming and survival skills lessons for babies and young children with real results in as little as 4 weeks. Lessonsn offered in Thibodaux and Houma, Louisiana.
ENAI ofrece clases de natacion y sobrevivencia en el agua a bebes y niños con resultados reales en tan poco como 4 semanas. Las clases las damos en Monterrey, NL, Mexico.
All images available for licensing via me. I offer commercial and editorial pet photography on a commissioned basis. And with a pet picture database with thousands of hand-picked images of dogs, cats, as well as horses, I might already have what you are looking for. All pictures here can be licensed.
For licensing and commission requests: info{at}elkevogelsang.com -
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Phoenix Pro Theater Software offers a theatrical experience brought to your living room. Sitting in the comfort of your home, you can sense the real feeling of watching a movie in an enriched theater. Any movie of choice, available in your PC or laptop, can be played in Phoenix Pro Theater.
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Phoenix Pro Theater, elevates you to the ownership of a personal theater. The ambiance excels to that of a real theater. The player is provided with all facilities to choose and play any movie available in your system. It is meticulously designed to cater to your taste, comfort and convenience.
In order to improve the ambiance and magnificence of the theater, facilities have been provided to customize the theater to your liking.
To the viewers’ delight, Phoenix Pro Theater offers surround sound, animated audience captured to visualize real life situation. The theater ambiance light mimics and adjusts to that of the brightness and color tone present in the movie played. The Theater is illuminated with pleasing lights, and movie can be watched either with the lights on or off, as per the liking of the viewers.
An array of choices offered are
(i) Selection of seats, in six Zones viz. Front (Left, Middle or Right) or Rear (Left Middle or Right),
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(iv) Choose from any one of the 6 Colors of lights displayed on Side Walls,
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(vi) Individual Color Theme, wherein the viewer can change the color of the dresses of all the characters in the movie offering a very unique experience not found in any main stream video player.
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Technically, Phoenix Pro Theater supports 12 video formats. It also supports vertical video playback plus video rotation and flip options. It is Full HD, 4K & 8K supported, making it future ready. The Auto resume option, remembers the last played scene and resumes playback from the last played position.
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The Heidelberg Project is an outdoor art project in Detroit, Michigan. It was created in 1986 by artist Tyree Guyton and his grandfather Sam Mackey ("Grandpa Sam") as an outdoor art environment in the McDougall-Hunt neighborhood on the city's east side, just north of the city's historically African-American Black Bottom area. The Heidelberg Project is, in part, a political protest, as Tyree Guyton's childhood neighborhood began to deteriorate after the 1967 riots.
For a while we've wanted to offer workshops for children. At the end of March we had the opportunity to do so by participating in the Artists in Action! series at The Children's School* in San Diego. The school invited local artists to campus to share their work with the students. This was part of the ten-year anniversary of the Great Artists program in which each class spends six weeks studying one artist via activities in language arts, math, science and social studies as wells as art.
During our visit we used a slide show and about three dozen creations to describe the process we go through when creating new work. Then we proposed that the students work in small groups to submit ideas for a class mascot. They sketched individual body parts and faces for four different emotions: happy, sad, surprised, and angry. We also asked the students for suggestions for the color and texture of the fabrics to be used. We spent less than an hour with each class which wasn't enough time to produce a finished product so we decided to take all the drawings, ideas, and suggestions with us.
Back at our studio, we created one plush mascot per class that incorporated some of the drawings from each of the small groups. Every mascot has four faces in the form of double-sided oval discs which allow the students or their teacher to change the face to reflect the mood of the day. Each mascot has a hand embroidered label on one foot with the year and the grade of the class.
You can see them all here:
First Grade (group two): Gaga the 3-Eyed Monster
Fourth Grade: Super Green [or name-to-be-determined-yet]
First Grade (group two): Gaga the 3-Eyed Monster
This class drew a couple of robots, a fish, multiple-eye creatures, a big fat leg, and many faces to choose from. We came up with a Robot Dude in gray with mustard arms and a fin on its back. The two-sided removable faces can be stored in a pocket on the back of its head. See more photos of Gaga the 3-Eyed Monster here.
*TCS is the school where Rob teaches. See his sixth and seventh grade blogs for a better picture.
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ENAI SWIM offers swimming and survival skills lessons for babies and young children with real results in as little as 4 weeks. Lessonsn offered in Thibodaux and Houma, Louisiana.
ENAI ofrece clases de natacion y sobrevivencia en el agua a bebes y niños con resultados reales en tan poco como 4 semanas. Las clases las damos en Monterrey, NL, Mexico.
OMEGA offers the latest and most advanced cervical cancer treatment in India. In fact, it is one of the best oncology services in India which offers cervix cancer treatment. We work with specialists in other areas of cervical cancer when necessary to give you a comprehensive approach to treatment of uterus cervix cancer.
Typically offered during the winter months, this annual series of three monthly lectures covers a variety of topics from important persons and historic places and events to matters of preservation, conservation, and stewardship. Offered on select Sunday afternoons, each of these superb and stimulating programs is open to MHS members and to the public. See www.madisoncthistorical.org/education_program/adult_progr... for more info about these lectures.
See other scenes from this event at flic.kr/s/aHskSeUahL
" if your fuel pump breaks while you're at the sea side, just call us up, and we'll come and fix it for you "
...I'm sure there are stronger arguments to consider 'road side recovery' than if you're lucky enough to have your car fail at the seaside!!
07.04.2011
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All the photography, swimsuits, gold 45 revolver and 45surf logos, clothing designs, and lingerie are composed and designed in accordance with the golden ratio and divine proportion!
Dr. E’s Golden Ratio Principle: The golden ratio exalts beauty because the number is a characteristic of the mathematically and physically most efficient manners of growth and distribution, on both evolutionary and purely physical levels. The golden ratio ensures that the proportions and structure of that which came before provide the proportions and structure of that which comes after, thusly providing symmetry over not only space but time, and exalting life’s foundational dynamic symmetry. Robust, ordered, symmetric growth is naturally associated with health and beauty, and thus we evolved to perceive the golden ratio harmonies as inherently beautiful, as we saw and felt their presence in all vital growth and life. In the salient features and proportions of humans and nature alike, from the distribution of our facial features and bones to the arrangements of petals, leaves, and sunflowers seeds. As ratios between Fibonacci Numbers offer the closest whole-number approximations to the golden ratio, and as seeds, cells, leaves, bones, and other physical entities appear in whole numbers, the Fibonacci Numbers oft appear in the arrangement of nature’s discrete elements as “growth’s numbers.” From the dawn of time, humanity sought to salute their gods in art and temples exalting the same proportion by which they and all their vital sustenance, as well as all the flowers and nature’s epic beauty, had been created—the golden ratio.
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Light Time Dimension Theory's dx4/dt=ic graces all the clothes, swimsuits, and lingerie!
Proof of Light Time Dimension Theory's principle of a fourth expanding dimension:
Proof of ltd’s principle:
1. The velocity of every object through
Spacetime is c.
2. The velocity of light through the
Three spatial dimensions is always c.
3. If light had any velocity through x4,
Light’s total velocity would not be c.
4. Ergo light remains stationary in x4.
5. Thus light tracks and traces the
Movement and character of x4.
6. As light is a spherically-symmetric,
Probabilistic wavefront expanding
At c, x4 expands at the rate of c in a
Spherically-symmetric manner,
Distributing nonlocality.
QED
Quintana Park offers day use facilities perfect for your family outing.
Beginning with a half mile of pedestrian beach for your safety. Shade
palapas are available on the beach and restrooms and outdoor showers
are in close proximity to the beach. New for 2013 are hiking trails and
a shaded jetty overlook. The east end of the beach ends with the Quintana
jetty; the west jetty for the Freeport ship channel. The jetty is popular for fishing,
bird watching or just strolling and watching the ships come in or the dolphins play.
Fermilab offered a behind-the-scenes photowalk today and, thanks to a heads up from Mista Sparkle, a few WSCFIANS were able to sign up.
www.flickr.com/groups/wscf/discuss/72157631422940758/
Fermilab
Batavia, Illinois
September 22, 2012
COPYRIGHT 2012 by JimFrazier All Rights Reserved. This may NOT be used for ANY reason without written consent from Jim Frazier.
120922cd90-1201a800
Discover a world of rich history during your visit to Lincoln castle, nestling in the heart of historic Lincoln.
The castle hosts an exciting events program and offers free guided tours. These provide a fascinating insight into the history of Lincoln and its castle.
The castle is home to the Lincoln Magna Carta, dating back to 1215, as well as the Charter of the Forest. Lincoln castle is the only place where you can see the two documents together in the world.
Join one of the experienced tour guides to discover more about the history of Lincoln Castle. The guides will take you through the ages from the origins of the castle in 1068 to the Victorian times when the castle was used as a prison.
Experience the magnificent views of the cathedral, the city of Lincoln and the surrounding countryside from the extensive wall walks during your visit to the castle.
Find speciality, vintage and retro stores on Steep Hill, voted 'Britain's Best Street 2012'. The Strait, at the bottom end of Steep Hill has a range of fashion and designer stores.
Discover the historic part of Lincoln by shopping on Steep Hill and The strait. These lovely old streets offer a wide variety of independent and speciality shops, a lot of them housed in the oldest buildings of the city. This shopping area provides a great selection of food and drink, exclusive and vintage clothing, old book stores and other speciality shops.
Lincoln Cathedral, one of Europe’s finest Gothic buildings and an icon for Lincoln dominates Lincoln's skyline. Lincoln Cathedral has been the tallest building in the world. Yet, in spite of its size, it is filled with intricate detail. In Lincoln Cathedral the architects of the Gothic style perhaps reached the pinnacle of their art. It is an absolute must see for anyone visiting Lincoln. Floor Tours run from Monday to Saturday, which are suitable for all. They usually last around an hour and cover all aspects of the Cathedral: from architecture, history with a few interesting stories thrown in along the way. Roof Tours are also run throughout the year excluding Sundays. It takes approximately 90 minutes and will give you fantastic views of the inside of one of the Cathedral roofs as well as getting up close to the wonderful stained glass windows. Tower Tours - this tour takes you up the highest tower and once at the top you will get an amazing 360 degree view of the surrounding area.
You can use the photo on your site as long as you give credit and link back to www.bonsoni.com .
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Established in 1981, Lloyd Phillip & Delric has expanded and grown to become one of the market leaders within both the door and furniture industry. Lloyd Phillip & Delric offers an abundance of products that are stylish, contemporary, current and excellent value for money.
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Both the Cruze Eco and Sonic deliver fuel economy of 40 mpg or more on the highway and offer consumers the comfort, safety and advanced technology they expect at a value.
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Said Dana Points Parents editor-in-chief: "At Parents, we know that buying a new car is a big family decision, so we want our guide to make the process easier. The Cruze Eco and the Sonic scored high safety marks, and parents using the vehicles were impressed with the responsiveness and the family friendly features."
The Cruze - Chevrolet's best-selling car around the world - provides the amenities, quietness, safety features, infotainment and roominess expected of a larger, more expensive sedan, but with the efficiency of a compact car. The first car in its class with 10 standard air bags, the Cruze received an overall five-star safety rating from the National Highway Traffic Safety Administration, the highest score possible. The Cruze is available in LS, LT and LTZ trim levels, as well as the Eco model that achieves an EPA-estimated 42 mpg highway.
Cruze Eco achieves its hybrid-like highway fuel economy using a 1.4L Ecotec turbocharged engine, six-speed manual transmission and features that improve its aerodynamics, minimize weight and reduce rolling resistance.
Sonic is proving to be a popular choice among consumers with sales steadily rising to place it among the leaders in the subcompact segment. It delivers an EPA-estimated 40 mpg highway with class-leading acceleration when paired with the 1.4L Turbo and six-speed manual transmission. The Sonic is offered in two body styles: a four-door sedan and a five-door hatchback. Each is designed to deliver outstanding rear-seat roominess and cargo space.
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2012 CHEVROLET CRUZE w/2LS/MH8 - Low-Mileage Lease for Qualified Lessees $159/month 24 month lease. $1,879 due at signing (after all offers). Includes security deposit. Tax, title, license, dealer fees and optional equipment extra. Mileage charge of $0.20 /mile over 24,000 miles. Take delivery by July 2, 2012
. . . 2. 3. 2007 - this is the first day of a funeral ceremony in Bori for a High Class Woman. She died on 18. 1. 2007 at the age of 85 years. The ceremony will last for one week. Today we will see the showing of the water buffalos, pigs, cow, horse, deer and chicken. All these animals are offered to be the servants of the died woman in her new life after death in Puya. We will see buffalo fighting. Men bet for the winner of those fightings. Two buffalos fight each other - the one running away lost the fight!
If you wonder why the quality of the pictures is a little less: these are no photographs - it all are snapshots of my videos! So sorry for the less resolution, but I think, they are worth to be shown.
_____________________________________
The Toraja are an ethnic group indigenous to a mountainous region of South Sulawesi, Indonesia. Their population is approximately 1,100,000, of whom 450,000 live in the regency of Tana Toraja ("Land of Toraja"). Most of the population is Christian, and others are Muslim or have local animist beliefs known as aluk ("the way"). The Indonesian government has recognized this animist belief as Aluk To Dolo ("Way of the Ancestors").
The word toraja comes from the Bugis Buginese language term to riaja, meaning "people of the uplands". The Dutch colonial government named the people Toraja in 1909. Torajans are renowned for their elaborate funeral rites, burial sites carved into rocky cliffs, massive peaked-roof traditional houses known as tongkonan, and colorful wood carvings. Toraja funeral rites are important social events, usually attended by hundreds of people and lasting for several days.
Before the 20th century, Torajans lived in autonomous villages, where they practised animism and were relatively untouched by the outside world. In the early 1900s, Dutch missionaries first worked to convert Torajan highlanders to Christianity. When the Tana Toraja regency was further opened to the outside world in the 1970s, it became an icon of tourism in Indonesia: it was exploited by tourism developers and studied by anthropologists. By the 1990s, when tourism peaked, Toraja society had changed significantly, from an agrarian model - in which social life and customs were outgrowths of the Aluk To Dolo - to a largely Christian society. Today, tourism and remittances from migrant Torajans have made for major changes in the Toraja highland, giving the Toraja a celebrity status within Indonesia and enhancing Toraja ethnic group pride.
ETHNIC IDENTITY
The Torajan people had little notion of themselves as a distinct ethnic group before the 20th century. Before Dutch colonization and Christianization, Torajans, who lived in highland areas, identified with their villages and did not share a broad sense of identity. Although complexes of rituals created linkages between highland villages, there were variations in dialects, differences in social hierarchies, and an array of ritual practices in the Sulawesi highland region. "Toraja" (from the coastal languages' to, meaning people; and riaja, uplands) was first used as a lowlander expression for highlanders. As a result, "Toraja" initially had more currency with outsiders - such as the Bugis and Makassarese, who constitute a majority of the lowland of Sulawesi - than with insiders. The Dutch missionaries' presence in the highlands gave rise to the Toraja ethnic consciousness in the Sa'dan Toraja region, and this shared identity grew with the rise of tourism in the Tana Toraja Regency. Since then, South Sulawesi has four main ethnic groups - the Bugis (the majority, including shipbuilders and seafarers), the Makassarese (lowland traders and seafarers), the Mandarese (traders and fishermen), and the Toraja (highland rice cultivators).
HISTORY
From the 17th century, the Dutch established trade and political control on Sulawesi through the Dutch East Indies Company. Over two centuries, they ignored the mountainous area in the central Sulawesi, where Torajans lived, because access was difficult and it had little productive agricultural land. In the late 19th century, the Dutch became increasingly concerned about the spread of Islam in the south of Sulawesi, especially among the Makassarese and Bugis peoples. The Dutch saw the animist highlanders as potential Christians. In the 1920s, the Reformed Missionary Alliance of the Dutch Reformed Church began missionary work aided by the Dutch colonial government. In addition to introducing Christianity, the Dutch abolished slavery and imposed local taxes. A line was drawn around the Sa'dan area and called Tana Toraja ("the land of Toraja"). Tana Toraja was first a subdivision of the Luwu kingdom that had claimed the area. In 1946, the Dutch granted Tana Toraja a regentschap, and it was recognized in 1957 as one of the regencies of Indonesia.
Early Dutch missionaries faced strong opposition among Torajans, especially among the elite, because the abolition of their profitable slave trade had angered them. Some Torajans were forcibly relocated to the lowlands by the Dutch, where they could be more easily controlled. Taxes were kept high, undermining the wealth of the elites. Ultimately, the Dutch influence did not subdue Torajan culture, and only a few Torajans were converted. In 1950, only 10% of the population had converted to Christianity.
In the 1930s, Muslim lowlanders attacked the Torajans, resulting in widespread Christian conversion among those who sought to align themselves with the Dutch for political protection and to form a movement against the Bugis and Makassarese Muslims. Between 1951 and 1965 (following Indonesian independence), southern Sulawesi faced a turbulent period as the Darul Islam separatist movement fought for an Islamic state in Sulawesi. The 15 years of guerrilla warfare led to massive conversions to
CHRISTIANITY
Alignment with the Indonesian government, however, did not guarantee safety for the Torajans. In 1965, a presidential decree required every Indonesian citizen to belong to one of five officially recognized religions: Islam, Christianity (Protestantism and Catholicism), Hinduism, or Buddhism. The Torajan religious belief (aluk) was not legally recognized, and the Torajans raised their voices against the law. To make aluk accord with the law, it had to be accepted as part of one of the official religions. In 1969, Aluk To Dolo ("the way of ancestors") was legalized as a sect of Agama Hindu Dharma, the official name of Hinduism in Indonesia.
SOCIETY
There are three main types of affiliation in Toraja society: family, class and religion.
FAMILY AFFILIATION
Family is the primary social and political grouping in Torajan society. Each village is one extended family, the seat of which is the tongkonan, a traditional Torajan house. Each tongkonan has a name, which becomes the name of the village. The familial dons maintain village unity. Marriage between distant cousins (fourth cousins and beyond) is a common practice that strengthens kinship. Toraja society prohibits marriage between close cousins (up to and including the third cousin) - except for nobles, to prevent the dispersal of property. Kinship is actively reciprocal, meaning that the extended family helps each other farm, share buffalo rituals, and pay off debts.
Each person belongs to both the mother's and the father's families, the only bilateral family line in Indonesia. Children, therefore, inherit household affiliation from both mother and father, including land and even family debts. Children's names are given on the basis of kinship, and are usually chosen after dead relatives. Names of aunts, uncles and cousins are commonly referred to in the names of mothers, fathers and siblings.
Before the start of the formal administration of Toraja villages by the Tana Toraja Regency, each Toraja village was autonomous. In a more complex situation, in which one Toraja family could not handle their problems alone, several villages formed a group; sometimes, villages would unite against other villages. Relationship between families was expressed through blood, marriage, and shared ancestral houses (tongkonan), practically signed by the exchange of water buffalo and pigs on ritual occasions. Such exchanges not only built political and cultural ties between families but defined each person's place in a social hierarchy: who poured palm wine, who wrapped a corpse and prepared offerings, where each person could or could not sit, what dishes should be used or avoided, and even what piece of meat constituted one's share.
CLASS AFFILIATION
In early Toraja society, family relationships were tied closely to social class. There were three strata: nobles, commoners, and slaves (slavery was abolished in 1909 by the Dutch East Indies government). Class was inherited through the mother. It was taboo, therefore, to marry "down" with a woman of lower class. On the other hand, marrying a woman of higher class could improve the status of the next generation. The nobility's condescending attitude toward the commoners is still maintained today for reasons of family prestige.
Nobles, who were believed to be direct descendants of the descended person from heaven, lived in tongkonans, while commoners lived in less lavish houses (bamboo shacks called banua). Slaves lived in small huts, which had to be built around their owner's tongkonan. Commoners might marry anyone, but nobles preferred to marry in-family to maintain their status. Sometimes nobles married Bugis or Makassarese nobles. Commoners and slaves were prohibited from having death feasts. Despite close kinship and status inheritance, there was some social mobility, as marriage or change in wealth could affect an individuals status. Wealth was counted by the ownership of water buffaloes.
Slaves in Toraja society were family property. Sometimes Torajans decided to become slaves when they incurred a debt, pledging to work as payment. Slaves could be taken during wars, and slave trading was common. Slaves could buy their freedom, but their children still inherited slave status. Slaves were prohibited from wearing bronze or gold, carving their houses, eating from the same dishes as their owners, or having sex with free women - a crime punishable by death.
RELIGIOUS AFFILIATION
Toraja's indigenous belief system is polytheistic animism, called aluk, or "the way" (sometimes translated as "the law"). In the Toraja myth, the ancestors of Torajan people came down from heaven using stairs, which were then used by the Torajans as a communication medium with Puang Matua, the Creator. The cosmos, according to aluk, is divided into the upper world (heaven), the world of man (earth), and the underworld. At first, heaven and earth were married, then there was a darkness, a separation, and finally the light. Animals live in the underworld, which is represented by rectangular space enclosed by pillars, the earth is for mankind, and the heaven world is located above, covered with a saddle-shaped roof. Other Toraja gods include Pong Banggai di Rante (god of Earth), Indo' Ongon-Ongon (a goddess who can cause earthquakes), Pong Lalondong (god of death), and Indo' Belo Tumbang (goddess of medicine); there are many more.
The earthly authority, whose words and actions should be cleaved to both in life (agriculture) and death (funerals), is called to minaa (an aluk priest). Aluk is not just a belief system; it is a combination of law, religion, and habit. Aluk governs social life, agricultural practices, and ancestral rituals. The details of aluk may vary from one village to another. One common law is the requirement that death and life rituals be separated. Torajans believe that performing death rituals might ruin their corpses if combined with life rituals. The two rituals are equally important. During the time of the Dutch missionaries, Christian Torajans were prohibited from attending or performing life rituals, but were allowed to perform death rituals. Consequently, Toraja's death rituals are still practised today, while life rituals have diminished.
CULTURE
TONGKONAN
Tongkonan are the traditional Torajan ancestral houses. They stand high on wooden piles, topped with a layered split-bamboo roof shaped in a sweeping curved arc, and they are incised with red, black, and yellow detailed wood carvings on the exterior walls. The word "tongkonan" comes from the Torajan tongkon ("to sit").
Tongkonan are the center of Torajan social life. The rituals associated with the tongkonan are important expressions of Torajan spiritual life, and therefore all family members are impelled to participate, because symbolically the tongkonan represents links to their ancestors and to living and future kin. According to Torajan myth, the first tongkonan was built in heaven on four poles, with a roof made of Indian cloth. When the first Torajan ancestor descended to earth, he imitated the house and held a large ceremony.
The construction of a tongkonan is laborious work and is usually done with the help of the extended family. There are three types of tongkonan. The tongkonan layuk is the house of the highest authority, used as the "center of government". The tongkonan pekamberan belongs to the family members who have some authority in local traditions. Ordinary family members reside in the tongkonan batu. The exclusivity to the nobility of the tongkonan is diminishing as many Torajan commoners find lucrative employment in other parts of Indonesia. As they send back money to their families, they enable the construction of larger tongkonan.
WOOD CARVINGS
To express social and religious concepts, Torajans carve wood, calling it Pa'ssura (or "the writing"). Wood carvings are therefore Toraja's cultural manifestation.
Each carving receives a special name, and common motifs are animals and plants that symbolize some virtue. For example, water plants and animals, such as crabs, tadpoles and water weeds, are commonly found to symbolize fertility. In some areas noble elders claim these symbols refer to strength of noble family, but not everyone agrees. The overall meaning of groups of carved motifs on houses remains debated and tourism has further complicated these debates because some feel a uniform explanation must be presented to tourists. The image to the left shows an example of Torajan wood carving, consisting of 15 square panels. The center bottom panel represents buffalo or wealth, a wish for many buffaloes for the family. The center panel represents a knot and a box, a hope that all of the family's offspring will be happy and live in harmony, like goods kept safe in a box. The top left and top right squares represent an aquatic animal, indicating the need for fast and hard work, just like moving on the surface of water. It also represents the need for a certain skill to produce good results.
Regularity and order are common features in Toraja wood carving (see table below), as well as abstracts and geometrical designs. Nature is frequently used as the basis of Toraja's ornaments, because nature is full of abstractions and geometries with regularities and ordering. Toraja's ornaments have been studied in ethnomathematics to reveal their mathematical structure, but Torajans base this art only on approximations. To create an ornament, bamboo sticks are used as a geometrical tool.
FUNERAL RITES
In Toraja society, the funeral ritual is the most elaborate and expensive event. The richer and more powerful the individual, the more expensive is the funeral. In the aluk religion, only nobles have the right to have an extensive death feast. The death feast of a nobleman is usually attended by thousands and lasts for several days. A ceremonial site, called rante, is usually prepared in a large, grassy field where shelters for audiences, rice barns, and other ceremonial funeral structures are specially made by the deceased family. Flute music, funeral chants, songs and poems, and crying and wailing are traditional Toraja expressions of grief with the exceptions of funerals for young children, and poor, low-status adults.
The ceremony is often held weeks, months, or years after the death so that the deceased's family can raise the significant funds needed to cover funeral expenses. Torajans traditionally believe that death is not a sudden, abrupt event, but a gradual process toward Puya (the land of souls, or afterlife). During the waiting period, the body of the deceased is wrapped in several layers of cloth and kept under the tongkonan. The soul of the deceased is thought to linger around the village until the funeral ceremony is completed, after which it begins its journey to Puya.
Another component of the ritual is the slaughter of water buffalo. The more powerful the person who died, the more buffalo are slaughtered at the death feast. Buffalo carcasses, including their heads, are usually lined up on a field waiting for their owner, who is in the "sleeping stage". Torajans believe that the deceased will need the buffalo to make the journey and that they will be quicker to arrive at Puya if they have many buffalo. Slaughtering tens of water buffalo and hundreds of pigs using a machete is the climax of the elaborate death feast, with dancing and music and young boys who catch spurting blood in long bamboo tubes. Some of the slaughtered animals are given by guests as "gifts", which are carefully noted because they will be considered debts of the deceased's family. However, a cockfight, known as bulangan londong, is an integral part of the ceremony. As with the sacrifice of the buffalo and the pigs, the cockfight is considered sacred because it involves the spilling of blood on the earth. In particular, the tradition requires the sacrifice of at least three chickens. However, it is common for at least 25 pairs of chickens to be set against each other in the context of the ceremony.
There are three methods of burial: the coffin may be laid in a cave or in a carved stone grave, or hung on a cliff. It contains any possessions that the deceased will need in the afterlife. The wealthy are often buried in a stone grave carved out of a rocky cliff. The grave is usually expensive and takes a few months to complete. In some areas, a stone cave may be found that is large enough to accommodate a whole family. A wood-carved effigy, called Tau tau, is usually placed in the cave looking out over the land. The coffin of a baby or child may be hung from ropes on a cliff face or from a tree. This hanging grave usually lasts for years, until the ropes rot and the coffin falls to the ground.
In the ritual called Ma'Nene, that takes place each year in August, the bodies of the deceased are exhumed to be washed, groomed and dressed in new clothes. The mummies are then walked around the village.
DANCE AND MUSIC
Torajans perform dances on several occasions, most often during their elaborate funeral ceremonies. They dance to express their grief, and to honour and even cheer the deceased person because he is going to have a long journey in the afterlife. First, a group of men form a circle and sing a monotonous chant throughout the night to honour the deceased (a ritual called Ma'badong). This is considered by many Torajans to be the most important component of the funeral ceremony. On the second funeral day, the Ma'randing warrior dance is performed to praise the courage of the deceased during life. Several men perform the dance with a sword, a large shield made from buffalo skin, a helmet with a buffalo horn, and other ornamentation. The Ma'randing dance precedes a procession in which the deceased is carried from a rice barn to the rante, the site of the funeral ceremony. During the funeral, elder women perform the Ma'katia dance while singing a poetic song and wearing a long feathered costume. The Ma'akatia dance is performed to remind the audience of the generosity and loyalty of the deceased person. After the bloody ceremony of buffalo and pig slaughter, a group of boys and girls clap their hands while performing a cheerful dance called Ma'dondan.
As in other agricultural societies, Torajans dance and sing during harvest time. The Ma'bugi dance celebrates the thanksgiving event, and the Ma'gandangi dance is performed while Torajans are pounding rice. There are several war dances, such as the Manimbong dance performed by men, followed by the Ma'dandan dance performed by women. The aluk religion governs when and how Torajans dance. A dance called Ma'bua can be performed only once every 12 years. Ma'bua is a major Toraja ceremony in which priests wear a buffalo head and dance around a sacred tree.
A traditional musical instrument of the Toraja is a bamboo flute called a Pa'suling (suling is an Indonesian word for flute). This six-holed flute (not unique to the Toraja) is played at many dances, such as the thanksgiving dance Ma'bondensan, where the flute accompanies a group of shirtless, dancing men with long fingernails. The Toraja have indigenous musical instruments, such as the Pa'pelle (made from palm leaves) and the Pa'karombi (the Torajan version of a jaw harp). The Pa'pelle is played during harvest time and at house inauguration ceremonies.
LANGUAGE
The ethnic Toraja language is dominant in Tana Toraja with the main language as the Sa'dan Toraja. Although the national Indonesian language is the official language and is spoken in the community, all elementary schools in Tana Toraja teach Toraja language.Language varieties of Toraja, including Kalumpang, Mamasa, Tae' , Talondo' , Toala' , and Toraja-Sa'dan, belong to the Malayo-Polynesian language from the Austronesian family. At the outset, the isolated geographical nature of Tana Toraja formed many dialects between the Toraja languages themselves. After the formal administration of Tana Toraja, some Toraja dialects have been influenced by other languages through the transmigration program, introduced since the colonialism period, and it has been a major factor in the linguistic variety of Toraja languages. A prominent attribute of Toraja language is the notion of grief. The importance of death ceremony in Toraja culture has characterized their languages to express intricate degrees of grief and mourning. The Toraja language contains many terms referring to sadness, longing, depression, and mental pain. Giving a clear expression of the psychological and physical effect of loss is a catharsis and sometimes lessens the pain of grief itself.
ECONOMY
Prior to Suharto's "New Order" administration, the Torajan economy was based on agriculture, with cultivated wet rice in terraced fields on mountain slopes, and supplemental cassava and maize crops. Much time and energy were devoted to raising water buffalo, pigs, and chickens, primarily for ceremonial sacrifices and consumption. Coffee was the first significant cash crop produced in Toraja, and was introduced in the mid 19th century, changing the local economy towards commodity production for external markets and gaining an excellent reputation for quality in the international market .
With the commencement of the New Order in 1965, Indonesia's economy developed and opened to foreign investment. In Toraja, a coffee plantation and factory was established by Key Coffee of Japan, and Torajan coffee regained a reputation for quality within the growing international specialty coffee sector Multinational oil and mining companies opened new operations in Indonesia during the 1970s and 1980s. Torajans, particularly younger ones, relocated to work for the foreign companies - to Kalimantan for timber and oil, to Papua for mining, to the cities of Sulawesi and Java, and many went to Malaysia. The out-migration of Torajans was steady until 1985. and has continued since, with remittances sent back by emigre Torajans performing an important role within the contemporary economy.
Tourism commenced in Toraja in the 1970s, and accelerated in the 1980s and 1990s. Between 1984 and 1997, a significant number of Torajans obtained their incomes from tourism, working in and owning hotels, as tour guides, drivers, or selling souvenirs. With the rise of political and economic instability in Indonesia in the late 1990s - including religious conflicts elsewhere on Sulawesi - tourism in Tana Toraja has declined dramatically. Toraja continues to be a well known origin for Indonesian coffee, grown by both smallholders and plantation estates, although migration, remittances and off-farm income is considered far more important to most households, even those in rural areas.
TOURISM AND CULTURAL CHANGE
Before the 1970s, Toraja was almost unknown to Western tourism. In 1971, about 50 Europeans visited Tana Toraja. In 1972, at least 400 visitors attended the funeral ritual of Puang of Sangalla, the highest-ranking nobleman in Tana Toraja and the so-called "last pure-blooded Toraja noble." The event was documented by National Geographic and broadcast in several European countries. In 1976, about 12,000 tourists visited the regency and in 1981, Torajan sculpture was exhibited in major North American museums. "The land of the heavenly kings of Tana Toraja", as written in the exhibition brochure, embraced the outside world.
In 1984, the Indonesian Ministry of Tourism declared Tana Toraja Regency the prima donna of South Sulawesi. Tana Toraja was heralded as "the second stop after Bali". Tourism was increasing dramatically: by 1985, a total number of 150,000 foreigners had visited the Regency (in addition to 80,000 domestic tourists), and the annual number of foreign visitors was recorded at 40,000 in 1989. Souvenir stands appeared in Rantepao, the cultural center of Toraja, roads were sealed at the most-visited tourist sites, new hotels and tourist-oriented restaurants were opened, and an airstrip was opened in the Regency in 1981.
Tourism developers have marketed Tana Toraja as an exotic adventure - an area rich in culture and off the beaten track. Western tourists expected to see stone-age villages and pagan funerals. Toraja is for tourists who have gone as far as Bali and are willing to see more of the wild, "untouched" islands. However, they were more likely to see a Torajan wearing a hat and denim, living in a Christian society. Tourists felt that the tongkonan and other Torajan rituals had been preconceived to make profits, and complained that the destination was too commercialized. This has resulted in several clashes between Torajans and tourism developers, whom Torajans see as outsiders.
A clash between local Torajan leaders and the South Sulawesi provincial government (as a tourist developer) broke out in 1985. The government designated 18 Toraja villages and burial sites as traditional tourist attractions. Consequently, zoning restrictions were applied to these areas, such that Torajans themselves were barred from changing their tongkonans and burial sites. The plan was opposed by some Torajan leaders, as they felt that their rituals and traditions were being determined by outsiders. As a result, in 1987, the Torajan village of Kété Kesú and several other designated tourist attractions closed their doors to tourists. This closure lasted only a few days, as the villagers found it too difficult to survive without the income from selling souvenirs.
Tourism has also transformed Toraja society. Originally, there was a ritual which allowed commoners to marry nobles (puang) and thereby gain nobility for their children. However, the image of Torajan society created for the tourists, often by "lower-ranking" guides, has eroded its traditional strict hierarchy. High status is not as esteemed in Tana Toraja as it once was. Many low-ranking men can declare themselves and their children nobles by gaining enough wealth through work outside the region and then marrying a noble woman.
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