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me as Patchouli Knowledge from Touhouvania (Koumajou Densetsu II)
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HDR of the knowledge center, the library of Masdar Institute in Masdar City, Abu Dhabi, UAE.
Canon 7D + Sigma 8-16
Tre decided to use his extensive knowledge and years of practice in the ancient art of Qi-Gong. He focused all of his energy, but to no avail he did not levitate to the top of the tree. ( he got this idea that he could levitate from watching the "Kill Bill Movie series" and various Crouching Tiger hidden Dragon Movies.... ) I tried to explain that that is Cinema. But he is certain it shall work for him as well.
I will be away this weekend. Everyone have a great one! Hugs from Cheryl and Tre
ty Darkwood67 for the use of your texture!!
145-15 Bayside Avenue, Flushing, Queens, New York City, New York, United States
Summary
The Fitzgerald/Ginsberg Mansion is a rare 1920s, picturesque Tudor Revival style mansion in Flushing, Queens designed by architect John Oakman. Constructed in 1924, it features rusticated, irregularly shaped fieldstone walls, a multi-colored slate roof, casement and leaded glass windows, and picturesque massing. Large, suburban picturesque revival-style houses from the 1920s were at one time prevalent throughout New York City’s affluent residential outer neighborhoods, but have become increasingly rare. The Fitzgerald house is one of the last great mansions from this period still standing in Flushing.
The house represents the affluence and optimism of the 1920s. It was built immediately adjacent to an extension of Flushing’s Old Country Club and its golf course – a typical suburban pattern of those years. The Old Country Club, founded in 1887, built its golf course in 1902. It is credited as being one of the oldest private country clubs in the United States. The club house and golf course have since been demolished.
The architect of the house, John Oakman worked for Carrere & Hastings and then formed a partnership with W. Powell before starting his own practice in 1909, specializing in picturesque single family houses. The house was built for Charles and Florence Fitzgerald, who sold it in 1926 to Ethel and Morris Ginsberg. Ginsberg made his fortune as part of a family-owned business supplying sash, door and wooden trim for builders. The firm was considered to be one of the leaders in this field in the Long Island region. The Ginsberg family lived in the house for over seventy years.
DESCRIPTION AND ANALYSIS
The Development of Flushing
One of the oldest settlements within what is now the City of New York – and together with Newtown and Jamaica one of the three colonial settlements now comprising the borough of Queens – Flushing traces its roots to English settlers who received a patent in 1654 from Pieter Stuyvesant, governor of the Dutch colony. Early in the town’s history, Flushing residents stood together in support of a local Quaker community against the religious intolerance of Governor Stuyvesant. They lost the immediate battle, but their “Flushing Remonstrance” of 1657 stands as one of the earliest published defenses of religious freedom in the United States.
During the 17th century, Flushing began to develop as a major center for horticulture, an industry brought to the town by French Huguenots who imported fruit trees not native to the country. William Prince established Flushing’s first profitable nursery as early as 1737. In 1838, Samuel Parsons established a nursery that introduced to the United States such plants as the Asiatic rhododendron, the Japanese maple, the Valencia orange, and the weeping beech. Parsons’ nursery also provided trees for the city’s first public parks, including Central Park and Prospect Park.
As in the rest of Queens County, Flushing’s fortunes evolved with improvements in transportation. The introduction of regular train service to New York City in 1854 led to a post-Civil War boom in luxury house construction for wealthy New Yorkers. The extension of trolley lines into Flushing from 1888 to 1899, and the electrification of the Long Island Rail Road, helped turn Flushing into a commuter suburb. With the consolidation of Greater New York in 1898, Flushing became part of the new Borough of Queens.
From the 1890s until the outbreak of World War I, Flushing’s estates were divided up into new suburban developments including Ingleside, Murray Hill, Broadway-Flushing, Bowne Park, Kissena, and Queensborough Hill. Perhaps the biggest impetus to the growth of Flushing in particular and Queens in general was the opening in 1909 of the Queensborough Bridge connecting Queens with midtown Manhattan, followed by the extension of the IRT into the borough during the late 1910s. Over the next two decades, the population of Queens mushroomed by 750%. The boom continued well into the 1920s.
Flushing participated heavily in the borough’s growth, developing as a series of suburban neighborhoods surrounding a town center on Northern Boulevard. In 1910, just a year after the opening of the Queensborough Bridge, the Business Men’s Association of Flushing published Flushing: The Premier Suburban Colony of the City of New York, a typical booster book touting the suburban advantages of Flushing life:
Flushing has long waited to come into its own. Thousands of people who have enjoyed the luxuries of living in a community like this, where the home life, the social life, and the religious life are at their best, where rowing, yachting, fishing, tennis, golfing, baseball, driving, motoring, and other outdoor amusements are easy at hand and universally indulged in, have in the past found homes in Flushing, regardless of its inaccessibility to Manhattan. These people have preferred to put up with the annoyance, loss of time, and trouble in getting to and from their homes rather than suffer the inconveniences and disadvantages of a home in Manhattan or Brooklyn.
Now that the Pennsylvania Tunnels are completed, and a resident of Flushing can go from his home to Herald Square in sixteen minutes, and without change of cars, now that the great Queensboro Bridge is open to traffic, and a Flushing resident can go for a single five-cent fare by trolley in the finest cars in New York over this bridge in thirty minutes, and with the prospect of the Steinway Tunnel being quickly opened, tens of thousands of New York City’s increasing population will take advantage of and enjoy the same invaluable privileges that have previously been the privilege of only thousands.
The book extolled the neighborhood’s advantages in healthfulness, openness, good schools, water supply, and churches, and focused on its character as “a Colony of Homes”:
Flushing is distinctly and pre-eminently a residence place. It is and always has been a colony of homes - homes of detached houses, homes with broad lawns, large gardens, shrubs, trees, flowers, and abundance of God's pure, fresh air and sunshine. It has no apartment houses, neither has it any of the settlements which are characteristic of other places where there is much manufacturing. Flushing is clean, wholesome, and restful to a degree possibly not equaled in any other suburb of New York.
And the book proudly listed the prominent people who now called Flushing home, many of them New York City officials:
In later days many…men of note in various walks of life have established homes in Flushing. It would be well-nigh impossible to enumerate them all, but among those more widely known are Dr. William H. Maxwell, City Superintendent of Schools; Hon. Kingsley L. Martin, Commissioner of Bridges; Mr. J. Vipond Davies, Engineer of the McAdoo Tunnels; Mr. Arthur J. Nash, Superintendent of the Tiffany Studios; Mr. Clarence M. Lowes, Treasurer of the Williamsburg Dime Savings Bank; Mr. William O. Wood, President and General Manager of the New York and Queens County Railway; Mr. Charles G. M. Thomas, General Manager of the New York and Queens Electric Light and Power Company; Mr. Manley M. Gillam of the New York Herald; Mr. George N. Webster of the Wagner Palace Car Company; Mr. Foster Crowell, former Commissioner of Street Cleaning; Mr. David L. Van Nostrand, former County Clerk; Mr. Ellis Parker Butler, the author; Tax Commissioner John J. Halleran; Commissioner of Education Rupert B. Thomas; Mr. Frank A. Collins, Deputy Superintendent of School Buildings; Major Thomas K. Boggs, Capt. F.A. Hinman, U.S.A., retired, Rev. Dr. George R. Van DeWater, rector of St Andrew's Church, Manhattan, and so on indefinitely.
One of Flushing’s major attractions was the great variety of outdoor recreation available to its residents. As recounted in the Business Men’s Association publication of 1910:
Recreation and Entertainment: There is no excuse for any one failing to enjoy himself in Flushing. The place affords every conceivable form of diversion, recreation, and entertainment. Flushing Bay and River provide bathing, fishing, rowing, yachting and motor boating, and skating in winter. The unsurpassed roads, nearly all bordered by great trees, lead to unnumbered picturesque localities. The Shore Road at Whitestone is so close to the water one could toss a biscuit to the decks of the Sound steamers as they sail majestically by.
In particular, the existence of country clubs was considered a major advantage:
The Flushing Country Club [the original name of what became the Old Country Club] has excellent tennis courts and golf links in Whitestone Avenue.
Country clubs and golf clubs in suburban development and in Queens
According to historian James M. Mayo, the first known country club was the Myopia Club organized in 1879 in Winchester, a suburb of Boston. In 1882, several members of the Myopia Club organized the Country Club at Clyde Park in Brookline, Massachusetts. According to the Brookline club’s invitation to members:
The general idea is to have a comfortable clubhouse for the use of members with their families, a simple restaurant, bed-rooms, bowling-alley, lawn tennis grounds, etc.; also, to have race-meetings and, occasionally, music in the afternoon, and it is probable that a few gentlemen will club together to run a coach out every afternoon during the season, to convey members and their friends at a fixed charge.
Mayo lists other early country clubs including “The Buffalo (1889), Powelton (1882), Richmond County (1888), St. Andrew's Golf (1888), and Tuxedo (1886) Country Clubs of New York, and the Town and Country Club (1888) of St. Paul, Minnesota….” By 1900, more than 1,000 such clubs had opened. Initially, their sporting activities focused on horse-racing, polo or lawn tennis. But before long, those sports had been supplanted by golf, which became enormously popular.
The first club in the United States to build a golf course was the St. Andrew’s Golf Club in Yonkers, New York, which opened in 1888. By 1900 there were more than 1,000 golf courses throughout the country. According to Mayo:
Physically well suited for elites, golf was relatively injury-free and most people could play it. The equipment was not overly expensive; also some people wanted the countryside experience but were not enthusiastic about equestrian sports. Thus golf potentially optimized participation of many club members and their families.
Golf clubs and country clubs became major components of new American suburbs. According to Mayo:
The physical connection between the country club and the elite suburb increased as elites sought to relocate to the suburbs and to join a country club…. In the 1880s the country club phenomenon was so new that real estate developers had not recognized its potential relationship to the elite suburb. All the essential ingredients of commuting lines, suburban settlement, and club organizing were coming together, but elites and developers needed a successful experiment to see the possibilities of combining club and suburb.
The first such experiment was the development of Tuxedo Park, New York, planned with a clubhouse. The most influential suburban developer who depended on country clubs as part of his development was J.C. Nichols who, between 1906 and 1950, developed thousands of homes in Kansas City, including the Country Club District. Among his imitators were the developers of the Scioto Country Club (1914) outside Columbus, Ohio, River Oaks (1924) in Houston, Texas, Highland Park in Dallas, and many more.
In the early 20th century, of the five boroughs in the City of Greater New York, Queens was the most suburban in character, and had by far the largest number of golf clubs. A local Queens publication in 1924 described the borough as “Queens Borough - the Golfers' Paradise,” and “Queens Borough the Business Man’s Playground.”
No section of the country is better equipped to satisfy this craving for outdoor sport than Queens Borough, which has more golf courses than all the other boroughs of New York City combined - there being thirteen courses now in actual operation and two in course of making, the total occupying approximately 2,000 acres. The other four boroughs have a total of only six courses.
The same article described the Old Country Club in Flushing as “the oldest course on Long Island.”
The Old Country Club
The Old Country Club was organized in 1887 – just eight years after the pioneering Myopia Club – as the Flushing Athletic Club, making it one of the earliest such clubs in the United States. Though not originally planned with golf in mind, the club was not immune to the attractions of the sport. In the words of the club’s 1927 Year Book:
With the introduction of golf in this country, so many members became interested in the then new game, that golf soon became the principal activity. A Nine-Hole Course was constructed, and in 1902 the name was changed to The Flushing Country Club.
The Flushing Country Club was not part of a specific suburban development, but it played a large role in making the surrounding area desirable for suburban homes. Its nine-hole golf course, however, soon came to seem too small. As described by the Flushing Country Club’s 1927 Year Book:
Seventeen years passed, and in 1919 a majority of members banded together to form a new club on larger grounds. A handful of faithful golfers refused to leave their old course and promptly reorganized, taking the appropriate name of The Old Country Club, thus distinguishing themselves from the new club.
Steps were taken in 1922 to purchase the original Nine-Hole Course and sufficient adjacent property for nine additional holes. The membership was raised to Four Hundred, and The Old Country Club Land Company, Inc., was formed to acquire the desired land. …One year later the Eighteen-Hole Golf Course was ready.
The original site on which the Flushing Country Club was built had been acquired from the Mitchell estate, a large tract of land. The land purchased in 1922 by the Old Country Club Land Company, adjoining the original club grounds, was part of the estate of Cornelia Mitchell Wickham. Wickham’s heirs, members of the Mitchell family, owned a large plot, and sold land to other buyers as well. New York City in 1923 had already adopted a zoning code regulating land use, but the Mitchells must have had an eye to the value of their remaining parcels, and included very specific 50-year covenants in their deeds. The sale of the new plot to the Old Country Club Land Company included a detailed description not just of its potential club buildings, but also of potential residential development. The covenant occupied several pages of the deed, and noted that permission was granted for the construction of “churches and buildings for ordinary parochial activities, private schools and private social clubs other than clubs promoting boxing and wrestling matches.” Apparently the Mitchells foresaw the eventual sale and redevelopment of the golf club into yet another suburban development. And indeed, in 1936, just 13 years later, the Old Country Club Land Company sold the plot to Parsons Old Country Club Properties, Inc., for residential development.
The Fitzgerald Home
Barely six months before the Old Country Club Land Company acquired its new property from the Mitchells, the Mitchells sold a plot 100x200 feet directly adjoining the Club’s property to Charles and Florence Fitzgerald, formerly of Malba Drive. The Mitchells included 50-year restrictive covenants in this deed as well:
And the party of the second part covenants, for herself [Florence Fitzgerald], her heirs and assigns that no building shall be erected on the land conveyed other than private dwellings, to cost not less than $8000 each and one private garage for each such dwelling. Not more than two such dwellings shall be erected on the land conveyed. No such dwelling shall be erected nearer than 30 feet from the northerly line of Bayside Avenue and no such garage shall be nearer to Bayside Avenue than the rear line of the dwelling which it serves. Said lands, or any building erected thereon, shall not be used for any manufacturing or business purpose whatever, but the boarding or lodging of other persons in connection with the occupancy of the owner or lessee of the premises for dwelling purposes shall not be deemed a business, which covenant shall run with the land hereby conveyed for a period of 50 years.
Despite the covenant’s permission for the construction of two houses, the Fitzgeralds built only one house on the property, which became No. 290 Bayside Avenue (the address later changed to 145-15 Bayside Avenue). They hired architect John Oakman to design a handsome, Tudor-style mansion of the type that had become common in suburban developments.
John Oakman, architect
John Oakman (1878-1963) earned his B.A. at Williams College (1899) and went on to study architecture in Paris at the Ecole des Beaux-Arts (Architecte Diplome, 1906). He returned to America to enter architectural practice.
Available knowledge of Oakman’s career is sketchy. In 1906, on returning to the United States, Oakman joined the office of Carrere & Hastings as a draughtsman. From 1907 to 1911 he was in a partnership with W. Powell Robins, in the firm of Robins & Oakman. In 1907 and 1908, he renovated several buildings on the campus of his alma mater. In 1907, Robins & Oakman received a major commission to design train terminals and a powerhouse for the Hudson & Manhattan Railroad (now PATH). The Christopher Street station is still extant. Judging from his design for the H&M Powerhouse in New Jersey, Oakman had a strong sense both of historical styles and of dramatic massing.
In 1914 Oakman returned to France, where he served during World War I. After the war, he opened a practice in Manhattan. He is known to have designed a war memorial in 1925 for Westchester Square, in the Bronx, as well as the Knickerbocker Hospital and Nurses Residence at Amsterdam Avenue at West 131st Street (1920). He described his work in 1949 as:
Extensive practice, mostly residential and institutional buildings in N.Y. State and vicinity. Hospital design. Industrial work.
He listed examples of his work as:
Power House, Hudson & Manhattan Railway
Sub-Station, Hudson & Manhattan Railway
Protestant Episcopal Orphans’ Home, N.Y.C.
Williams College, Currier Hall, Dormitory & Commons Building (Competition)
Knickerbocker Hospital, N.Y.C. (Competition) Nurses Home, Knickerbocker Hospital, (N.Y.C.) (Competition) Numerous City and Country Residences.
Oakman’s very brief obituary in the New York Times described Oakman as specializing “in designing homes.” Oakman retired in 1940, and moved back to France, but spent the last five years of his life in Alabama.
Suburban Housing in the Early Twentieth Century
By the end of the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries, American suburbs were being filled with huge numbers of single-family homes, built to provide housing for the growing middle-class. Historian Alan Gowans calls this type of building the “Comfortable House.” These houses had evolved from the early picturesque rural cottages promoted by landscape architect Alexander Jackson Downing and his followers into something new, a “combination of country and city home.” They were not strictly country houses because they were situated on small lots rather than large estates, but they were not attached city houses either. With three fully articulated facades, they related to others on the street in terms of size and scale, but were not identical to each other as row houses are. They also broke away from the vertical orientation and boxy internal divisions seen in rowhouses and earlier Italianate and Queen Anne style houses, and were composed to be more horizontal, relating better to the streetscape, and with interior spaces that easily flowed from one to another.
The styles that were dominant for suburban houses during this period usually related to an historical style previously developed in America or Europe. These styles provided a sense of security for their residents, a sense of the familiar in a world that was rapidly changing because of an influx of immigrants, increasing industrialization and its resultant change in work patterns, and the country’s new and expanding role in the world at large. Going back to the past for visual metaphors was a way of expressing society’s roots, and they became symbols of shared cultural values. Additionally, since the family was seen as the basis of moral values, its stability was of utmost importance, and its center, the home itself, became the focus of much concern. On a practical level, the “Comfortable House” was appealing because it also included the latest technological developments to make life easier for its inhabitants: indoor plumbing, central heating, electricity and gas lines and laundry facilities.
Homes in this period used a variety of historical styles, but refined and rearranged them to meet contemporary design requirements. Popular styles included Beaux-Arts, Colonial Revival, Arts and Crafts, Tudor Revival, and Spanish Revival, among others. Although it would seem that these are very different types, they were linked by common attitudes among their designers, including “a willingness to use applied ornament, generous scale, systematically disciplined adaptation of past styles; and a vague, generalized sort of associationism,” along with a self-consciousness about what they were creating. Through the use of ornament, designers of the period helped maintain a sense of continuity with the past that was reassuring to their clients and to the community as a whole.
In domestic architecture, historically-based styles reinforced the status quo by confirming the pretensions of the emerging middle and upper class, with proportionally large and heavily elements, from fireplaces to columns and high ceilings. From Fifth Avenue mansions to revival style suburban houses, filtering down to working class bungalows, these details allowed homeowners to associate themselves with the history and culture of countries that had long and distinguished histories.
Suburbs from coast to coast soon filled with houses in a variety of historical revival styles. These buildings were publicized in architectural magazines and available from mail order companies. They were designed by individual architects or ordered from catalogues and constructed in all localities. Whether built on a grand scale or highly simplified, houses with historical references became the norm in American suburban life.
The Fitzgerald-Ginsberg house: Suburban Tudor
The house that John Oakman designed for Charles and Florence Fitzgerald is a handsome, large and unusually picturesque example of the 1920s Tudor Revival suburban home – a type sometimes referred to as “Stockbroker Tudor.” Tudor is one of the various medieval revival styles much in vogue in the early 20th century. In particular, it represents the residential side of that vogue; in that period, religious and educational buildings – and occasionally commercial as well – preferred a more academic Gothic Revival. Tudor appealed to architects of the day as a picturesque style appropriate to the suburbs, one that could make use of a variety of materials, shapes and textures, as well as a large natural site suitable for plantings.
The Tudor also suggested dignified prosperity. Typical elements of a Tudor house include full-length French doors, and numerous windows connecting the inside with the natural world outside. Windows – often grouped together – could be decorative, leaded windows, casements, bays or oriels. Larger buildings were often faced with masonry or decorative brick but could also have stucco contrasting with areas of dark wood framing or stone. The massing was usually irregular and was emphasized by large and prominent gables, chimneys with multiple stacks, or side-swept catslide roofs over entryways.
The house designed by John Oakman for the Fitzgeralds fits this description. A large two-story mansion with basement and attic, it sits on a plot 100 feet by 200 feet. Well set back from the property line, the house is approached by a curving drive. Most of the house is faced in large blocks of irregularly shaped fieldstone of varying color, meant to suggest the rustic qualities of the countryside. The house has a pitched roof, with multi-colored slate shingles, and two tall chimneys with multiple chimney pots. Many of the windows – in groups of two, three or four – are of leaded glass with diamond-shaped panes. The overall impression is one of grand, picturesque, prosperous suburban comfort.
Just two years after its construction, when the Fitzgeralds sold the property to the Ginsberg family, the New York Times singled out the house for praise in an article about recent real estate transactions:
Long Island provided several excellent transactions, especially in the Queens Borough section. At Flushing, where the realty demand has been steadily increasing, one of the finest residences was purchased by Morris Ginsberg from Charles Fitzgerald through the Halleran Agency and Arthur Knapp. The dwelling occupies a plot 200 by 100 feet at 290 Bayside Avenue. It is of stone construction with slate roof and was erected two years ago under the supervision of John Oakman of New York.
Later History
In 1926, the Fitzgeralds sold the house to Morris and Ethel Ginsberg. Morris Ginsberg was one of three sons of Hyman Ginsberg, proprietor of D. Ginsberg and Sons, a prominent Queens manufacturer of sash, door and trim. As described in an account in 1929:
The firm occupies considerable quarters in Corona…. In Corona their building is a landmark. The firm has business throughout Queens, and outside of it, and is conceded as one of the outstanding concerns in its field. D. Ginsberg and Sons are also interested in real estate, notably the mortgage end of it.
….Morris E. Ginsberg is in charge of the business end. The maturity of his business judgment found recognition in the fact that he is one of the youngest vice presidents of a national bank, being Vice President of the Woodside National Bank. Morris E. attended public school and high school in Queens, graduated and entered business immediately after. He is a forward-looking, well-informed, capable young businessman and is held in high regard by the builders who have on many occasions demonstrated the complete confidence they have in him. Morris E. is active in the civic and philanthropic affairs of the community, and is a member of a number of organizations.
The Ginsberg family lived in the house for over seventy years, during which few changes were made to the exterior.
During that time, however, the surrounding neighborhood changed dramatically. Flushing as a whole became heavily redeveloped with new homes and apartment houses, as well as new commercial buildings. The immediate area around the Fitzgerald mansion is occupied with much smaller houses, on small lots, built after the sale of the Old Country Club.
Today, because of its size and proportions, its deep setback on its lot, its entrance drive, its handsome rustic materials, and its carefully designed picturesque massing and details – all remarkably intact – the Fitzgerald/Ginsberg Mansion stands as an unusual survivor from the early 20th century history of Flushing and of Queens.
Description
The Fitzgerald-Ginsberg house is a substantial, two-story tall (plus basement and attic), Tudor Revival style mansion on a 100’ x 200’ lot, facing onto Bayside Avenue, with an attached garage at the rear. The house is substantially set back from the sidewalk, and approached by a curving gravel drive. Main façade: The main façade, facing Bayside Avenue, is a long, asymmetrically massed, picturesque composition, organized around two major gable-end sections. Each gabled section is two-and-a-half stories tall, with the gable forming the top half-story, and each is faced with irregular fieldstone blocks of varying shape (generally rectangular) and color. The gables have flared eaves. The roof is a graduated slate roof, with larger, thicker slate at the eaves, and narrower, thinner slate at the ridge line.
Windows are slightly recessed, with projecting lintels, and enframed by the fieldstone blocks. The gabled section to the east has a tripartite window at the ground floor level, each with small diamond panes, and at the second story level a smaller window with four tall, narrow casements. The gabled section to the west has two irregularly placed windows at the ground floor level, and a window at the second story level.
Between the two gabled sections, the pitched roof slopes down to a one-story section with the house’s main entrance; there is a small double dormer window set into the roof, but not directly over the entrance. The entrance is approached by two levels of flagstone; it is outlined by a finished stone surround that is curved at each of the upper corners of the entrance; a small period lantern is attached and centered just above the entranceway; the entrance is shaded by the roof eave which extends slightly over it. There is a historic wooden door, with vertical panels and a small light near the center top, at eye-level, and a non-historic storm door.
To the east of the eastern gabled section, there is a two-story section with a steeply sloping roof above; this section is faced not in stone but in stucco. The ground level is taken up almost entirely by a large four-part casement window with a painted wood frame. At the second story level, there is a smaller, four-part casement window, shaded by the roof eave which extends slightly over it.
To the west of the western gabled section, the roofline dips below the gable, though not as low as the roofline over the main entrance; there is a four-part casement window with a painted wood frame at the ground floor level, and a basement level below it, partly below-grade – where the ground slopes downward towards the west – with a similar four-part casement window; a retaining wall, constructed of the same unfinished fieldstone as the house, projects perpendicularly from the house just east of this window.
At the western edge of the façade, the ground slopes downward fully exposing the basement level of the façade. The house ends here in a two-story porch-like section corresponding to the ground-floor level and the basement level of the rest of the house. On the eastern half of this section, a stone stairway at the basement level leads to a ground-floor level doorway; the roof extends further down over this section, forming a separate pent-roof over the entrance; this roof section is supported by a wooden beam extending down to the second step of the stone staircase. On the western half of this section, the basement portion of the façade is faced in fieldstone, while the ground-level portion is almost entirely taken up by a large multipaned wooden window. East façade: The east façade is comprised of two sections: to the front of the house, a two-story-and-attic gabled section slightly shorter than the main section of the house but projecting out, eastward, from it; and to the rear a small, one-story, separately roofed area. Its ground-level story is faced in fieldstone in its lower portion, with a central doorway with six panels in its lower half and a nine-light window in its upper half, with a four-light transom above; the doorway is flanked on either side by two tall casement windows. The second-story and attic levels are faced in stucco, with a large five-part casement window at the second story. The small, separately roofed area towards the rear of the house is largely occupied by casement windows with diamond-shaped panes. West façade: The western façade has three sections: the projecting porch near the main façade, a stone wall behind it, and an attached garage. Porch: This is the porch-like section at the far western end of the main façade and continues its design, with a fieldstone lower portion and windowed section above, with a roughly stuccoed section of wall at its eastern end, where the porch meets the main portion of the house. The wall area behind it (to its north) is faced in fieldstone, and has a ground-floor level window and a second-floor level two-part casement window. A small square dormer window projects from the roof above. Attached garage: The attached garage has a gable end in rough stucco, a roof similar to the roof of the house, and one large wooden garage door. The driveway is paved in large rough masonry blocks. Rear façade: The rear façade to some extent mirrors the general layout of the front façade, with two major gable-end sections. Most of the façade is of irregular fieldstone, but the upper story of the gable to the west is faced in rough stucco.
The easternmost gable end has a double window at the ground-floor level with diamond-shaped panes, and a three-part casement window at the second-floor level; the attic level gable has one small square window.
The westernmost gable end has four windows at the ground floor level, and four casement windows with diamond panes at the second floor level. Beyond it is the rear of an attached garage.
Between the two gabled sections, the pitched roof slopes down to a one-and-a-half-story section with a second entrance, with casement windows above. The entrance is outlined by a finished stone surround that is curved at each of the upper corners of the entrance. The historic wood door is similar in design to the front door, and has a screen door as well. In the roof above this section, there is one small square dormer window. Above and to the east rises a four-part brick chimney.
- From the 1995 NYCLPC Landmark Designation Report
With this photo today the Knowledge series finishes. With her it wanted to trasmit the experiences and wisdom that are acquired single with the glance. This in the Eastern countries values much. But in the West we have as much haste that no longer we stop in observing. If we granted a little to him but time we would learn to hear without words (corporal language). All my archives, my love and knowledge for all the good people of the world.
At least I think those are the ones that grow new towers.
The model is a custom Nui Stone made by KingK
The word Allah
The Semitic language which is spoken in the celestial spheres, is the language in which the angels and God address each other. Adam Safi-Allah spoke the same language in paradise. Adam and eve then came into the world and settled in Arabia. Their children also spoke the same language. Then as a result of the descendants of Adam spreading in the world, this language passed from Arabic, Persian, Latin and into English and God was then known by different names in the different languages. As Adam lived in Arabia, there are many words of the Semitic language which are still found in the Arabic language. God addressed the Prophets, Adam as Adam Safi-Allah, Noah as Nuh Nabi-Allah, Abraham as Ibraheem Khalil-Allah, Moses as Musa Kalim-Allah, Jesus as I’sa Ruh-Allah and Mohammed Rasul-Allah. All these titles, in the Semitic language were written on the Tablet before the arrival of the Prophets. This is why the Prophet Mohammed said: “I was a Prophet even before I came in to this world.”
Many people believe that the word Allah is a name given by Muslims, this is not so.
The Prophet Mohammed’s fathers name was Abd-Allah, at a time when Islam did not exist. Prior to the advent of Islam the Name Allah was announced with the title of every Prophet. When the souls were created, the first Name on their tongue was Allah and when the soul entered the body of Adam, it said, Ya-Allah, and only then it entered the body. Many religions understand this enigma and chant the Name Allah and many others because of doubt are deprived of the Name.
Any name which is used to point towards God is worthy of respect.
In other words, which points towards God. The mystical effect of the Name of God has been diversified due to the different names. Every letter of the alphabet has a separate numeric value. This is also a celestial knowledge. All the numeric values are connected with all of the human race. Occasionally the numeric values do not agree with the astronomical calculations as a result of which people become afflicted. Many people go to astrologers and experts of this knowledge and have charts prepared based on the stars. They name their children on this basis.
Just as the letters (a, b, j, d,) (1, 2, 3, 4) when added have the numerical value of ten. Similarly every name has a separate numeric value. As God has been given so many different names, this has caused a conflict between the numeric value of the different names. If all the people called upon God by the same name, then despite the fact that they would all have separate religions, they would all be united inwardly. They too, like Nanak Sahib and Baba Farid would then say:
“All the souls have been created by the light of God, even though their environment and communities are separate.”
The angels that are assigned tasks in the world are also taught the languages of the people of the world.
It is important for the people of every Prophet that they recite, chant and affirm the Title of their Prophet which was granted by God to the Prophet at his time, for the recognition, spiritual grace and purification of his people. The recital and affirmation should be in the same method and in the language of their Prophet.
The entry of any individual into any religion is subject to the condition that the individual accepts and affirms the Title of the Prophet of that religion. Just as the affirmation and the verbal vows are a condition of any marriage.
Entry into the heavens has been made subject to the acceptance and affirmation of the Titles of the Prophets. In the western world many Muslims and Christians have no knowledge of their Prophet’s Title furthermore many do not even know their Prophets original name (in the original language of the Prophet.)
People who only verbalize the affirmation of their Prophet’s Title rely upon their good deeds. Those that reject and do not affirm their Prophet’s Title are refused entry to paradise. Those individuals in whose hearts the affirmation of their Prophet’s Title has descended (entered) they will enter paradise without any accountability.
The revealed celestial Scriptures, whichever language they are in so long as they are in the original form, are a means to finding God. Where the texts and the translations that have been adulterated, just as adulterated flour is harmful for the stomach, the adulterated books have become harmful and people of the same religion and the same of Prophet have divided into so many sects.
To be sure of the straight and guided path it is better that you are guided by the Light (of God) also.
The method of producing light.
In prehistoric times stones would be rubbed together to make fire. Whereas a spark can also be produced by rubbing two metals together. In a similar way electricity is made from water. Similarly by the friction of the blood inside the human body, in other words electric energy is produced by the vibrating heartbeat. In every human being there is present, approximately one and a half volts of electricity due to which the body is energetic. As the heartbeat slows in old age, this reduces the electricity in the body and this in turn also causes a reduction of the energy level in the body.
Firstly, the heartbeat has to be made vibrant and pronounced. Some do this by dancing, some by sports and exercise and some people try to do this by meditating and chanting the Name of God Allah.
When the heartbeat becomes vibrant and pronounced then by chanting the Name Allah try to synchronize it with every heartbeat. Alternatively try to synchronize Allah with one heartbeat and Hu with the other. Some time by placing your hand on the heart and when you feel your heartbeat, again try to synchronize the Name Allah by chanting it with the rythm of the heartbeat and imagine that the Name Allah is entering the heart.
The chanting of Allah Hu is better and more effective but if anyone has an objection, or a fear of chanting Hu, then instead of being deprived one should solely use the Name Allah, repetitively in the chanting. It is beneficial for people who chant and practice this discipline and who read mantras to physically remain as clean as possible as the:
“disrespectful are unfulfilled and the respectful are fulfilled.”
The first method for producing light.
Write Allah on a paper in black ink, and do this exercise for as long as you wish on a daily basis. Soon thereafter, the Word Allah will be transported from the paper and hover over the eyes. Then with one-pointed concentration, attempt to transport the word from the eyes to the heart.
The second method for producing light.
Write Allah on a zero watt bulb, in yellow. Whilst you are awake or just before sleep, concentrate and try to absorb it into the eyes. When it appears on the eyes then try to transport it to the heart.
The third method for producing light.
This method is for those people who have perfect spiritual guides and teachers and who due to their spiritual connection are spiritually assisted by them.
Sit alone and imagine that your index finger is a pen. Using your finger and with your concentration, attempt to write Allah on your heart. Call upon your spiritual teacher (spiritually), so that he too may, hold your finger, and write Allah on your heart. Continue to do this exercise everyday, until you see Allah written on your heart.
By the first and second method, the Name Allah becomes inscribed on the heart, just as it was written and seen by you but when it becomes synchronized with the heartbeat, then it slowly starts to shine. In the synchronized method, the assistance of the spiritual teacher is provided and for this reason it is seen shining and well written on the heart right from the beginning.
Many Prophets and Saints have come into the world, and just for the sake of testing this, if you feel it appropriate, concentrate or call upon all of them when you are practicing your meditation.
Whilst concentrating on any Prophet or Saint, during your meditating practice, if the rhythm of your heartbeat increases, in its vibration or you feel an improvement then this means that your destiny (spiritual fruits) lies with that Prophet or Saint.
Thereafter it is beneficial to concentrate on that same person whenever you practice your meditation as spiritual grace is transferred in this way, because every Saint is spiritually connected to a Prophet, even if that Prophet is not physically living.
The spiritual fruit (grace) of every illuminated person is in the hands of one Saint or another. It is essential that the Saint is living. Sometimes a very fortunate person is gifted with celestial spiritual grace by a perfect Saint who is not living, but this is very rare. However Saints not living in our human realm can provide worldly spiritual grace and assistance to people from their tombs. This is known as Owaisi spiritual grace.
The recipients of such spiritual grace often get entangled in their spiritual insights, visions and dreams because the spiritual guide providing the assistance is in the spiritual realm and so too is Satan and the recognition of the two becomes difficult.
Along with the spiritual grace it is important to have knowledge, for which a living Saint is more appropriate. If a person (Saint) possesses spiritual grace but is without knowledge, that person is known as a Majzoob (Godly but abstracted due to the complete absorption into the Essence of God and who is not in full control of his faculties).
A person (Saint) having spiritual grace and knowledge is known as a Mehboob (literally, loved one). Such people (Saints) as a result of their knowledge provide worldly spiritual assistance as well as spiritual grace and benefit. Whereas the Majzoobs are known to provide worldly spiritual assistance to people by their unusual but accepted practices of shouting obscenities and poking people with their wooden sticks.
If any (Prophet or Saint) appears but does not help or assist you then put Gohar Shahi to the test.
You may belong to any religion, there is no condition in this respect as long as the individual is not eternally ill-fated.
Many people have received the spiritual grace of Qalb meditation from the Moon. This is obtained when there is a full Moon from the East. Look at it with concentration and when you see the image of Gohar Shahi on it say Allah, Allah, Allah three times and you will be blessed with this spiritual grace. Thereafter without any fear or reservation practice the meditation as described.
Believe (the fact) that the image on the Moon has spoken to many people in many different languages. You can try looking and speaking to it also.
About Muraqba
(transcendental meditation)
(Literally. journey. Meditation in which the soul leaves the human body)
Many people without having acquired the illumination of the spiritual entities (‘Lata’if/Shaktian’) and without attaining spiritual strength and prowess try to engage in this meditation. They either fail to reach the meditative state or become the subject of Satanic interference. This type of meditation is for illuminated people, whose spiritual entity of the self has been purified and the Qalb has been cleansed. The practice or attempt at this type of meditation is foolish no matter what type of physical worship is used to achieve this. To collect and gather the strength of the soul and the spiritual entities and then to travel to a place is what is known as meditation.
Sainthood is the one fourtieth part of Prophecy.
Every dream, meditative journey, inspiration or revelation of a Prophet is accurate and authentic and does not need verification. Only fourty out of a hundred dreams, meditative journeys, inspirations and revelations of Saints are accurate the remaining sixty percent are inaccurate.
God cannot be understood without knowledge
The lowest type of meditative journey is started only after the illumination and awakening of the spiritual entity of the Qalb. This is impossible without first achieving the meditation of the Qalb (meditation with the vibrating heartbeat synchronized with the Name Allah). It takes one jerk or shake to bring the person out of this meditative state and back to consciousness. The faculty of the augury (foretelling the future by reading verses or looking into designated books) is also connected to the Qalb.
The next stage is the meditative journey of the soul. It takes three jerks or shakes to return a person back to normality from this meditative state.
The third stage of the meditative journey is done by the spiritual entity, Anna and the soul together. The soul travels along with the spiritual entity Anna, to the realm of souls just as the Archangel Gabriel accompanied the Prophet Mohammed to the realm of souls.
People who are in this meditative state are sometimes even taken to be buried in their graves and they are unaware of this happening to them. Such a meditative state and journey was taken by the “Companions of the Cave” as a result of which they remained asleep in the cave for more than three hundred years.
When this meditative state and journey was undertaken by the Sheikh, Abdul-Qadir al-Jilani, in the jungle, the occupants of the jungle would regard the Sheikh as dead and would take him to a grave for burial but the meditative journey would break just before the burial (the Sheikh would return to consciousness).
How to recognize a special inspiration and revelation from God.
When a person has awakened and illuminated the spiritual entities in the chest and is worthy of receiving the rays of the Grace of God, then at that point God communicates with that person. God is All-Powerful and can do as he pleases and thus communicate with the human being in any way fit, but he has made a special method for his recognition so that his friends can be saved from the deception of Satan.
Firstly, text in the Semitic language appears on the seekers heart and its translation is seen in the language of the seekers mother-tongue. The text is white and shiny and the eyes close automatically and look at the text (internally). The text then passes the Qalb and moves towards the spiritual entity Sirri as a result of which it shines even more. Then the text moves towards the spiritual entity, Akhfa and from here it shines more and then moves onto the tongue. The voice then spontaneously starts to repeat that text.
If this inspiration is from Satan then an illuminated heart will dull the text and if the text is strong and prominent then the spiritual entities Sirri or Akhfa destroy that text. Further if due to the weakness of the spiritual entities the text does arrive at the tongue, then the voice will prevent it from being spoken into words.
This type of inspiration is for special types of Saints, whereas in respect of ordinary Saints, God sends messages to them through the angels or other spiritual entities. When the Archangel Gabriel accompanies the special and inspired text, this is known as revelation which is confined to the Prophets.
For more detail visit www.goharshahi.org or visit asipk.com and for videos visit HH rags
The Thirty-Second Session Session of WIPO's Intergovernmental Committee on Intellectual Property and Genetic Resources, Traditional Knowledge and Folklore (IGC) took place in Geneva, Switzerland from November 28 to December 2, 2016.
Copyright: WIPO. Photo: Emmanuel Berrod. This work is licensed under a Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial-NoDerivs 3.0 IGO License.
Nah... Not really. Just another tree.
Taken at Tsurugaoka Hachiman-gū (鶴岡八幡宮?) , the most important Shinto shrine in the city of Kamakura, Kanagawa Prefecture, Japan.
Click on above link to view more information.
Tsurugaoka Hachimangu
Kamakura, Japan
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Please check my mini-site here ...
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THE LIGHT OF THE WORLD by Mary Alice
Even though the world has grown dark
And the people perish for lack of knowledge
He still holds out his hand
To whosoever will
All over this land
Even in the darkness night
God’s light still shines
It will never grow dim
As long as one soul
Wanders out in sin
So let’s spread the Word
Jesus is coming
It won’t be very long!
I can almost hear the sound of the trumpet
As he calls his children home
Knowledge once bestowed upon Aaron regarding picking up women lol. It always makes me laugh :) And Crescent, boy does he have some eyebrows! I love watching them form his expressions.
me as Patchouli Knowledge from Touhouvania (Koumajou Densetsu II)
photo by Catspassion
THIS PHOTO IS UNDER COPYRIGHT!
DO NOT USE WITHOUT PERMISSION!
Sharing just with FULL credit of cosplayer's and photographer's name and website link !!!!
ONE OF THE WAY TO TRAIN THE "THE AWARENESS MUSCLE
is the critical run
and other emergency art format
CRITICAL RUN / Debate Format
Critical Run is an Art Format created by Thierry Geoffroy/Colonel
debate while running .
Debate and Run together,Now,before it is too late.
www.emergencyroomscanvas todo .org/criticalrun.html
The Art Format Critical Run has been activated in 30 differents countries with 120 different burning debates
New York,Cairo,London,Istanbul,Athens,Hanoi,Paris,Munich,Amsterdam Siberia,Copenhagen,Johanesburg,Moskow,Napoli,Sydney,
Wroclaw,Bruxelles,Rotterdam,Barcelona,Venice,Virginia,Stockholm,Århus,Kassel,Lyon,Trondheim, Berlin ,Toronto,Hannover ...
CRITICAL RUN happened on invitation from institution like Moma/PS1, Moderna Muset Stockholm ,Witte de With Rotterdam,ZKM Karlsruhe,Liverpool Biennale;Sprengel Museum etc..or have just happened on the spot because
a debate was necessary here and now.
In 2020 the Energy Room was an installation of 40 Critical Run at Museum Villa Stuck /Munich
part of Colonel solo show : The Awareness Muscle Training Center
----
Interesting publication for researches on running and art
www.emergencyrooms.org/formats.html
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Spieker, Sven. The Big Archive: Art from Bureaucracy. Cambridge: MIT Press, 2008. Stepišnik, Drago. Oris Zgodovine Telesne Kulture na Slovenskem. Ljubljana: Dražavna založba
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Stipančić, Branka. “‘Zame je resničnost umetnost,’ Intervju s Tomislavom Gotovcem.” Vijenac, Number 123/VI (8 Oct. 1998).
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Sutil, Nicolás Salazar. Motion and Representation: The Language of Human Movement. Cambridge: MIT Press, 2015.
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------------about Venice Biennale history from wikipedia ---------
curators previous
* 1948 – Rodolfo Pallucchini
* 1966 – Gian Alberto Dell'Acqua
* 1968 – Maurizio Calvesi and Guido Ballo
* 1970 – Umbro Apollonio
* 1972 – Mario Penelope
* 1974 – Vittorio Gregotti
* 1978 – Luigi Scarpa
* 1980 – Luigi Carluccio
* 1982 – Sisto Dalla Palma
* 1984 – Maurizio Calvesi
* 1986 – Maurizio Calvesi
* 1988 – Giovanni Carandente
* 1990 – Giovanni Carandente
* 1993 – Achille Bonito Oliva
* 1995 – Jean Clair
* 1997 – Germano Celant
* 1999 – Harald Szeemann
* 2001 – Harald Szeemann
* 2003 – Francesco Bonami
* 2005 – María de Corral and Rosa Martinez
* 2007 – Robert Storr
* 2009 – Daniel Birnbaum
* 2011 – Bice Curiger
* 2013 – Massimiliano Gioni
* 2015 – Okwui Enwezor
* 2017 – Christine Macel[19]
* 2019 – Ralph Rugoff[20]
----------
#art #artist #artistic #artists #arte #artwork
Pavilion at the Venice Biennale #artcontemporain contemporary art Giardini arsenal
venice Veneziako VenecijaVenècia Venedig Venetië Veneetsia Venetsia Venise Venecia VenedigΒενετία( Venetía Hungarian Velence Feneyjar Venice Venezia Venēcija Venezja Venezia Wenecja Veneza VenețiaVenetsiya BenátkyBenetke Venecia Fenisוועניס Վենետիկ ভেনি স威尼斯 (wēinísī) 威尼斯 ვენეციისવે નિસवेनिसヴェネツィアವೆನಿಸ್베니스வெனிஸ்వెనిస్เวนิซوینس Venetsiya
art umjetnost umění kunst taide τέχνη művészetList ealaín arte māksla menasarti Kunst sztuka artă umenie umetnost konstcelfקונסטարվեստincəsənətশিল্প艺术(yìshù)藝術 (yìshù)ხელოვნებაकलाkos duabアートಕಲೆសិល្បៈ미술(misul)ສິນລະປະകലकलाအတတ်ပညာकलाකලාවகலைఆర్ట్ศิลปะ آرٹsan'atnghệ thuậtفن (fan)אומנותهنرsanat artist
other Biennale :(Biennials ) :
Venice Biennial , Documenta Havana Biennial,Istanbul Biennial ( Istanbuli),Biennale de Lyon ,Dak'Art Berlin Biennial,Mercosul Visual Arts Biennial ,Bienal do Mercosul Porto Alegre.,Berlin Biennial ,Echigo-Tsumari Triennial .Yokohama Triennial Aichi Triennale,manifesta ,Copenhagen Biennale,Aichi Triennale .Yokohama Triennial,Echigo-Tsumari Triennial.Sharjah Biennial ,Biennale of Sydney, Liverpool , São Paulo Biennial ; Athens Biennale , Bienal do Mercosul ,Göteborg International Biennial for Contemporary Art ,DOCUMENTA KASSEL ATHENS
* Dakar
kritik [edit] kritikaria kritičar crític kritiker criticus kriitik kriitikko critique crítico Kritiker κριτικός(kritikós) kritikus Gagnrýnandi léirmheastóir critico kritiķis kritikas kritiku krytyk crítico critic crítico krytyk beirniad קריטיקער
Basque Veneziako Venecija [edit] Catalan Venècia Venedig Venetië Veneetsia Venetsia Venise Venecia Venedig Βενετία(Venetía) Hungarian Velence Feneyjar Venice Venezia Latvian Venēcija Venezja Venezia Wenecja Portuguese Veneza Veneția Venetsiya Benátky Benetke Venecia Fenis וועניס Վենետիկ ভেনিস 威尼斯 (wēinísī) 威尼斯 Georgian ვენეციის વેનિસ वेनिस ヴェネツィア ವೆನಿಸ್ 베니스 வெனிஸ் వెనిస్ เวนิซ وینس Venetsiya
Thierry Geoffroy / Colonel
#thierrygeoffroy #geoffroycolonel #thierrygeoffroycololonel #lecolonel #biennalist
#artformat #formatart
#emergencyart #urgencyart #urgentart #artofthenow #nowart
emergency art emergency art urgency artist de garde vagt alarm emergency room necessityart artistrole exigencyart predicament prediction pressureart
#InstitutionalCritique
#venicebiennale #venicebiennale2017 #venicebiennale2015
#venicebiennale2019
#venice #biennale #venicebiennale #venezia #italy
#venezia #venice #veniceitaly #venicebiennale
#pastlife #memory #venicebiennale #venice #Venezia #italy #hotelveniceitalia #artexhibit #artshow #internationalart #contemporaryart #themundane #summerday
#biennalevenice
Institutional Critique
Identity Politics Post-War Consumerism, Engagement with Mass Media, Performance Art, The Body, Film/Video, Political, Collage, , Cultural Commentary, Self as Subject, Color Photography, Related to Fashion, Digital Culture, Photography, Human Figure, Technology
Racial and Ethnic Identity, Neo-Conceptualism, Diaristic
Contemporary Re-creations, Popular Culture, Appropriation, Contemporary Sculpture,
Culture, Collective History, Group of Portraits, Photographic Source
, Endurance Art, Film/Video,, Conceptual Art and Contemporary Conceptualism, Color Photography, Human Figure, Cultural Commentary
War and Military, Political Figures, Social Action, Racial and Ethnic Identity, Conflict
Personal Histories, Alter Egos and Avatars
Use of Common Materials, Found Objects, Related to Literature, Installation, Mixed-Media, Engagement with Mass Media, Collage,, Outdoor Art, Work on Paper, Text
Appropriation (art) Art intervention Classificatory disputes about art Conceptual art Environmental sculpture Found object Interactive art Modern art Neo-conceptual art Performance art Sound art Sound installation Street installations Video installation Conceptual art Art movements Postmodern art Contemporary art Art media Aesthetics Conceptualism
Post-conceptualism Anti-anti-art Body art Conceptual architecture Contemporary art Experiments in Art and Technology Found object Happening Fluxus Information art Installation art Intermedia Land art Modern art Neo-conceptual art Net art Postmodern art Generative Art Street installation Systems art Video art Visual arts ART/MEDIA conceptual artis
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CRITICAL RUN is an art format developed by Thierry Geoffroy / COLONEL, It follows the spirit of ULTRACONTEMPORARY and EMERGENCY ART as well as aims to train the AWARENESS MUSCLE.
Critical Run has been activated on invitation from institutions such as Moderna Muset Stockholm, Moma PS1 ,Witte de With Rotterdam, ZKM Karlsruhe, Liverpool Biennale, Manifesta Biennial ,Sprengel Museum,Venice Biennale but have also just happened on the spot because a debate was necessary here and now.
It has been activated in Beijing, Cairo, London, Istanbul, Athens, Kassel, Sao Paolo, Hanoi, Istanbul, Paris, Copenhagen, Moskow, Napoli, Sydney, Wroclaw, Bruxelles, Rotterdam, Siberia, Karlsruhe, Barcelona, Aalborg, Venice, Virginia, Stockholm, Aarhus, Rio de Janeiro, Budapest, Washington, Lyon, Caracas, Trondheim, Berlin, Toronto, Hannover, Haage, Newtown, Cartagena, Tallinn, Herning, Roskilde;Mannheim ;Munich etc...
The run debates are about emergency topics like Climate Change , Xenophobia , Wars , Hyppocrisie , Apathy ,etc ...
Participants have been very various from Sweddish art critics , German police , American climate activist , Chinese Gallerists , Brasilian students , etc ...
Critical Run is an art format , like Emergency Room or Biennalist and is part of Emergency Art ULTRACONTEMPORARY and AWARENESS MUSCLE .
www.emergencyrooms.org/criticalrun.html
www.emergencyrooms.org/formats.html
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In 2020 a large exhibition will show 40 of the Critical Run at the Museum Villa Stuck in Munich / part of the Awareness Muscle Training Center
------
for activating the format or for inviting the installation
please contact 1@colonel.dk
-----
critical,run,art,format,debate ,artformat,formatart,moment,clarity,emergency,kunst,
Sport,effort,curator,artist,urgency,urgence,criticalrun,emergencies,ultracontemporary
,rundebate,sport,art,activism, critic,laufen,Thierry Geoffroy , Colonel,kunstformat
,now art,copenhagen,denmark
Firefighters have been heading back to college in Wisbech to take up a unique training opportunity at the College of West Anglia.
The crew from Wisbech Fire Station turned the former C Block at the college site, on Ramnoth Road, into a training ground during the past few months to deliver challenging exercise scenarios to test firefighters from across the county.
The site was chosen as it is due for demolition over the coming months and at the time of proposal was not being used. It was also a large and complicated design with many unusual features that offered the chance to conduct many different training scenarios for Cambridgeshire Fire and Rescue Service staff.
Staff from Wisbech Fire Station and the College of West Anglia health and safety department worked closely together to ensure that guidelines and procedures were put in place to enable the use of the college buildings and to provide extremely valuable training opportunities for firefighters from Wisbech and other stations across Cambridgeshire.
Wisbech Station Commander Brett Mills said: “The day crew identified an excellent training opportunity using their local knowledge and networking. This supported vital critical safety training for both whole-time and on-call firefighters. I would like to thank Firefighter Gary Reach, Crew Commander Clive Griffin from Cambridgeshire Fire and Rescue Service, and Richard Heron and Amanda Marshall from the College Of West Anglia for their hard work in organising this and continuing the excellent partnership working between CFRS and CWA.”
Various different ladder drills were conducted around the buildings as it offered different conditions and opportunities that cannot be replicated in the firefighters’ usual drill yard. Breathing apparatus search and rescue drills were also conducted inside the building during both day and night time sessions.
The buildings were also used to hold an on-call training support day to provide further training for firefighters from across Cambridgeshire. During these sessions firefighters wore obscuration masks to replicate heavy smoke logging of the building without the college fire alarm system being affected.
The College of West Anglia is one of the largest providers of education and training in Norfolk and Cambridgeshire with an exceptional track record of developing the skills and talents of its students.
The Wisbech campus was transformed over the summer of 2015, following extensive investment to improve its facilities in the form of a £6.5million flagship learning building. This adds to the £7.2million technology centre, which opened in April 2013. Older buildings such as the C Block are now set for demolition as they are no longer fit for purpose.
The 1400m2 new teaching centre which opened in September, and 2000 m2 of refurbished space with its state-of-the-art teaching and IT facilities, is host to health & social care, hair & beauty in their brand new salons, foundation studies, computing, and uniformed and public services courses. There are also new facilities for teaching in English, maths and ESOL (English for speakers of other languages). The new main atrium entrance and reception area, teamed with the expansion of the restaurant, social areas and learning resource centre, is now a welcoming hub for students and staff alike.
Mark Reavell, Executive Director Partnerships at CWA, said: “We were pleased to be able offer the old buildings to the fire service for them to use as part of their training. It is understandably difficult for them to get access to facilities to carry out this sort of simulated exercise and it all seemed to work out perfectly prior to the start of demolition. We will however be pleased to see the old buildings disappear forever!"
Hello friends !
I am very happy to show you this peace of my work.
I'm a traveling photographer who devours the world with as guide my curiosity. Camera in hand to capture all the magic moment available to me.
You can join me on :
and on the social networks :
www.facebook.com/amauryparisphotographer/
www.tumblr.com/blog/amaury217-blog
and if you want some print, look at :
www.ebay.com/sch/voyageur2172009/m.html?item=172091768682...
Have a nice day … and never forget to take your camera with you and shoot.
Have a nice day.
Museum Fünf Kontinente, Munich, Germany.
The Sican (also Sicán) culture is the name that archaeologist Izumi Shimada gave to the culture that inhabited what is now the north coast of Peru between about 750 and 1375. According to Shimada, Sican means "temple of the Moon".[1]
The Sican culture is also referred to as Lambayeque culture, after the name of the region in Peru. It succeeded the Moche culture.
There is still controversy among archeologists and anthropologists over whether the two are separate cultures.
The Sican culture is divided into three major periods based on cultural changes as evidenced in archeological artifacts.[2]
Archaeologist Izumi Shimada, founder of the Sican Archaeological Project, named the prehistoric culture which he discovered in northwestern Peru. They succeeded the Moche and preceded the Inca Empire, the historical civilization that encountered the Spanish explorers and conquistadors.
The Sican inhabited a coastal territory near the La Leche and Lambayeque Rivers. The archaeological sites span the Lambayeque region, including the Motupe, La Leche, Lambayeque, and Zaña valleys, near modern-day Chiclayo.[2] Numerous sites have been identified in the Batán Grande area of the La Leche Valley.
The climate of the area during Sican occupation was similar to the current climate, despite changes in landscape accumulated in the last 600 years. The drought-and-flood cycles seen in the region for the past 1500 years did not spare the Sican culture. (Goldstein and Shimada 2007, p. 49)
The Early Sican period began around 750 and lasted until 900. The lack of artifacts has limited the development of knowledge about this early period.
The Sican were probably descendants of the Moche culture, which fell around 800. Their works shows shared motifs in the artifacts recovered.[3]
Similar groups include Cajamarca, Wari and Pachacamac. From remains found in the archaeological locations, researchers have determined that this culture maintained commercial exchange with people from present-day Ecuador (shells and snails), Colombia to the north (emeralds and amber), Chile to the south (blue stone), and the eastern basin of the Marañón River (seeds of gold).
The Lambayeque culture may have been a separate trading people as well.
Around 800, the Sican created the city of Poma, located at Batán Grande, in La Leche Valley. Few other Early Sican sites have been discovered.
The Early Sican culture is known for the highly polished, black-finish ceramics found in the La Leche Valley. This black-finish ceramic style began in the Moche culture prior to the Early Sican, and shows the sharing of cultures in the region.
Much of the ceramics were examples of a single spout, loop-handle bottle, featuring an anthropomorphic-avian (bird) face at the spout base. The face consisted of bulging eyes, a hooked beak or triangular projection instead of a nose, stylized ears, and no mouth.
It appeared to be a predecessor to the related faces of the Sican Deity and the Sican Lord of the Middle Sican culture. (Shimada 2000, p. 51)
Aside from the shared ceramic styles, much of the Early Sican defines a distinguishable culture. While the ceramic styles and iconography show some continuity with previous cultures, the combination of all the influences is Sican.
The changing ceramic styles, iconography, and funerary practices reflect a change in religious ideology and cosmology that expressed the Sican culture. Most importantly, the late Early Sican period saw the accumulation of these changes in art style and iconography, coupled with other changes in organization, by which the Sican constructed monumental adobe structures, developed large-scale copper alloy smelting and metalworking, and developed the elaborate funerary tradition that would come to characterize the Middle Sican (Shimada 1985, p. 361).
Such changes have been seen by researchers at sites in Batán Grande, including the Huaca del Pueblo site, dated to around 850-900.
The Middle Sican period lasted from 900 to 1100 . This is the period of the Sican's “cultural florescence,” and is marked by the emergence of various cultural innovations, some of which were unprecedented in the local area.[3]
The decline of the Wari Empire and the Middle Cajamarca polity enabled the resurgence in local political and religious identity and autonomy.[3]
The Middle Sican culture is marked by distinctive characteristics in six areas: art and ideology, crafts and technology, funerary customs, long-distance trade, religious cities and monumental temples, and the structure and authority of the state (Shimada 2000, p. 52-61; Shimada 1985, p. 365-369).
Together, these characteristics provide evidence that the Sicán culture had a highly productive economy, clear social differentiation, and an influential religious ideology. The religious ideology was the underpinning of the structure of their theocratic state.[3]
Sicán art is representational in style and religious in nature. Features such as sculptural representation and the minimization of number of colors (one to three), were common among the art of many earlier cultures that flourished on the north coast of Peru.[3] Sicán art reconfigured the motifs, conventions, and concepts of these antecedent cultures (mainly the Wari and Moche) into an overall new and unique style. The references to the old ideas, images and ways of antecedent cultures in Sicán art would have been useful in providing prestige and legitimacy to the new Sicán religion which was emerging.[3]
Sicán iconography is dominated by the Sican Deity[4][5] It decorates all artistic media of the Sicán, including ceramics, metal works, and textiles.[3] The icon is most commonly represented with a mask face and upturned eyes.[2]
Sometimes it may be shown with avian features, such as beaks, wings, and talons, which are evident in Early Sicán ceramics.[3]
These avian features are related to Naylamp, the key figure in Sicán mythology. The name "Naylamp" was first mentioned by the Spanish chronicler Miguel Cabello Valboa, who referred to the Moche figure "Naymlap" in his 1586 Miscelánea Antártica.
Later authors believe the form is Mochica Ñañlap, of which the first part is ñañ "waterfowl"; a connexion has been made between the Moche and Chimú cultures and the empire of Chimor and the Mochica language.
Sican gold cup, 850-1050
Naylamp was said to be the founder of the first dynasty of prehistoric kings in La Leche and Lambayeque valleys. In The Legend of Naylamp, first recorded in the 16th century by the Spanish chronicler Miguel Cabello de Balboa, Naylamp is said to have traveled on a balsa raft by sea to the Lambayeque shores. He founded a large city, and the 12 sons of his eldest son each founded a new city in the Lambayeque region.
When Naylamp died, he sprouted wings and flew off to another world (Nickle Arts Museum 2006, p. 18 and 65).
Middle Sicán art did not change the concept or representation of the icon of the Sicán Deity. Both the preceding Moche and Wari cultures feature a single dominant male figure, and the upturned eyes characteristic of the Sicán Deity are common to the art and iconography of other Pre-Hispanic societies.
The iconography accompanying the Sicán Deity was unique and significant (Nickle Arts Museum 2006, p. 66).
Iconography of the moon and the ocean may symbolize the Sicán Deity's involvement in the wellbeing of marine life and fishermen. Iconography related to water signifies the importance of irrigation and agriculture to the Sicán.
Other iconography, such as of the sun and moon, symbolizes the importance of duality in both human and celestial life.
Depictions of the Sicán Deity with tumi knives and trophy heads may indicate his omnipotent control in both human life and the celestial world (Nickle Arts Museum 2006, p. 66; Shimada 2000, p. 52-53). Through the iconography which the Sicán associated with the icon, anthropologists theorize that the Sicán Deity may have been attributed with power to control all of the celestial forces fundamental to life and abundance (Shimada 2000, p. 53).
The lack of representation of humans in Middle Sicán art emphasizes the omnipresence of the Sicán Deity in Sicán iconography.
The only exceptions are representations of the Sicán Lord, the male elite personage, and his entourage. (Shimada 2000, p. 53)
Iconography of the Sicán Lord is almost identical to the Sicán Deity, except that he is shown in natural settings and does not have avian features.[2][5] The Sicán Lord was probably meant to represent an earthly alter-ego of the
The population of Batán Grande included many skilled artisans. Craft production during the Middle Sican flourished and became one of the leading characteristics of the period.
The highly polished black finish ceramics from the Early Sican bloomed in this later phase, along with metallurgy; however, the ceramic technology used in the Middle Sican developed over 2500 years from local pottery production techniques (Shimada and Wagner 2001, p. 26).
Workshops, such as the one found at Huaca Sialupe to the west of Batán Grande, likely had both pottery and metalworking production sites (Goldsmith and Shimada 2007, p. 45).
Ceramics allowed for a medium to convey political and religious ideology in the forms of storage vessels, architectural ornaments, cooking vessels, sculptures of the Deity or animals, and other types proliferated during this period.[2][5]
The potters likely worked separately from one another, rather than in assembly-line type production. Huaca Sialupe excavations produced clusters of similar kilns using local hardwood for charcoal.
Field experiments indicated that the kilns were used either for ceramics or metallurgy (Shimada and Wagner 2001, p. 28).
The Paleteada ceramics used the paddle-and-anvil technique to form and decorate pottery, primarily with geometric designs (Cleland and Shimada 1998, p. 112).
The monochrome black pottery became widely popular across the region during the Middle Sican as the Sican themselves began to emphasize the black pottery, with the help of the Middle Sican religious prestige.
Only the geometric designs continued on the pottery into the Late Sican.[2]
Metallurgy is one of the Sican's greatest legacies, lasting nearly 600 years at Batán Grande (Shimada and Merkel 1991, p. 83). Some Middle Sican workshops showed multicraft production and it is likely the crafts competed for resources, such as fuel for kilns.
Middle- and high-status burials both contained the black ceramics, while only the social elite had access to the precious metal object; therefore, metalworking probably was given production preference by the elites (Goldsmith and Shimada 2007, p. 47).
The greatness of Middle Sican metallurgy was the large scale smelting and diverse use of arsenical copper, which was more ductile and corrosion-resistant than pure copper.[2][5]
The great amounts of smelting and/or metalworking sites found in the Lambayeque region point to the convergence of major factors to allow such an occurrence: accessible ore deposits, extensive forests for hardwood to make charcoal, pottery making tradition using efficient kilns, gold working tradition that formed the basis for later metalworking technology, and a demand for goods by the elites (Shimada, Goldstein, Wagner, Bezur 2007, p. 339).
The large number of smelting sites also point to the amount of labor required by using their method. In modern standards, their copper-alloy smelting was inefficient, which could have led to the high number of workshops with multiple furnaces (Shimada and Merkel 1991, p. 85).
The precious metal objects found in Middle Sican sites reveal the unprecedented scale of their production and use.
Metal objects permeated all levels of society. Tumbaga, a thin sheet of low karat gold alloy, was used to wrap ceramic vessels for the lower elites, while the upper elites had high karat gold alloys.
Common laborers only had arsenical copper objects. The precious metal objects then clearly demonstrate a hierarchy within the society (Shimada 2000, p. 56).
No evidence of metalworking at the large sites has been uncovered, such as the Middle Sican capital Sican or elsewhere in the Batán Grande area, but the precious metal objects were clearly for the elites.
From their high status sites, the elites supervised the manufacturing of their precious metal objects for ritual or funerary purposes (Shimada and Merkel 1991, p. 86).
Excavations of religious sites have revealed much about the funerary practices of the Sicán people.
These funerary practices have helped anthropologists understand the broader organization and structure of Sicán society and religion.
Most of the evidence for these funerary practices has been based on excavations carried out at the Huaca Loro site in Poma by Izumi Shimada and the SAP.
First of all, the funerary practices at Huaca Loro reflect the social differentiation and hierarchy present Sicán society. This social stratification is revealed in varying burial types and practices, along with accompanying grave goods.
The most obvious difference in burial type based on social hierarchy was that commoners were buried in simple, shallow graves on the peripheries of the monumental mounds while the elite of Sicán society were buried in deep shaft tombs beneath monumental mounds, as shown in the East and West tombs at Huaca Loro.[5][6]
Secondly, it was found that one's social status was also a determinant of the burial position of the body; seated, extended, or flexed. For example, bodies of the High Elite were always buried in the seated position, while commoners could be buried in a seated, extended, or flexed position (Nickle Arts Museum 2006, p. 87; Shimada et al. 2004).
Furthermore, social differentiation is manifested even within the elite tombs at Huaca Loro, through the grouping and placement of bodies.
The complex internal organization of both East and West Tombs was designed according to specific social and kinship relationships (Shimada et al. 2004).
Recent studies that included the use of MtDNA (systematic mitochondrial DNA) analysis and inherited dental traits analysis revealed that women in the West Tomb were grouped according to their kinship ties to the principal personage and each other (Shimada et al. 2005; Shimada et al. 2004).
The grouping of women in the south part of the West Tomb were found to be maternally related to one another, as well as the principal personage; the grouping of women in the north part of the West Tomb were found to not only be unrelated to one another, but also unrelated to the principal personage.
Further, ceramics in the south part were found to be of typical Middle Sicán style, while the ceramics in the North part were of a Mochica style (Shimada et al. 2005; Shimada et al. 2004).
'
This evidence suggests that while the women of the South part of the West tomb were grouped and placed according to their kinship ties with the principal personage, the women of the North part of the West tomb had no kinship ties with the principal personage or each other therefore were placed and grouped according to some other distinct relationship to the principal personage.
This genetic evidence and along with the differing styles of ceramics suggests that the North-niche women of the West Tomb were perhaps descendants of a different ethnic group, the Moche, who had been integrated into Sicán society under political domination (Shimada et al. 2004).
While these relationships have not been proved definitively, it shows the great complexity itself of elite burial practices based on social differentiation.
Social stratification and hierarchy is also evidenced through the variation in quantity and quality of grave goods associated with those of different social status.
The elite East Tomb at Huaca Loro, contained over a ton of diverse grave goods, over two-thirds of which were objects of arsenical bronze, tumbaga (low-karat gold), silver and copper alloys, and high-karat gold alloys.[7][8]
Other grave goods of the elite included semi-precious stone objects, amber, feathers, textiles, imported shells (such as conus and spondylus), shell beads, and double spout bottles. (Nickle Arts Museum 2006, p. 87; Shimada 2000, p. 56; Bruhns 1994, p. 290)
On the other hand, commoner burials had a significantly less amount of grave goods of different types, made of less valuable materials.
For example, commoner grave goods at Huaca Loro were usually restricted to single-spout bottles, utilitarian plain and/or paddle decorated pottery, and copper-arsenic objects, instead of the precious metal objects of the elite tombs. (Nickle Arts Museum 2006, p. 87, Shimada et al. 2004)
The power of the elite of Sicán society is demonstrated not only by the amount, quality, and diversity of exotic and status goods accumulated in the tombs, but also by the amount of time and labor that would have gone into making and acquiring them. (Shimada 2000, p. 56)
All together, the construction of the monumental mound at Huaca Loro, the preparation of the East and West Tombs and performance of the associated rituals required careful and complex planning, and considerable material, labor resources and time, and suggests the elite's control and monopoly of power in society.[2]
Secondly, the funerary practices of the Sicán suggest the existence of an elite lineage that used the new Sicán religion to demonstrate and maintain their power (Shimada et al. 2004).
The Sicán elite used funerary practices as a way to symbolize their relationship to the divine. The sheer size and grandeur of the monumental mounds built above the elite tombs would have been awe-inspiring to Sicán citizens and a symbol the divine nature of the figures buried below. (Shimada et al. 2004)
Colorful murals with religious iconography decorated ceremonial precincts in the temples of the mounds, establishing the sanctity of the ritual space, and reaffirming this connection of the buried elite below to the divine. (Nickle Arts Museum 2006, Shimada et al. 2004)
Also, the principal personage of the East Tomb at Huaca Loro wears a mask identical to the Sicán Deity, which is another reference to his relationship to the Deity and the divine. (Shimada et al. 2004, p. 389)
The construction itself of these monumental mounds served as a reminder of the elite's power and endurance, and combined with the symbolic use of Sicán religious iconography to justify the divine merits of the elite lineage, was an attempt by the Sicán elite to “preserve the status quo of inherited rights.” (Shimada et al. 2004, p. 370)
The funerary rites and rituals performed by the living lineage members served to further reinforce their lineage identity and the three-way relationship between the divine, the dead, and the living elite. (Shimada et al. 2004, p. 389)
The variety of grave goods suggests the wide range of power of the Middle Sican elite.
They not only received the most grave offerings, but also the best quality and exotic offerings.
None of the metalworking sites showed evidence of on-site mining of any of the materials.
In addition, the spondylus shell, emeralds, feathers, and other minerals were imported to the area. Their materials came from mainly the northern Andes, such as Ecuador (from the Manteno and Milagro cultures), Peru, Colombia, but could have also reached as far south as the Tiwanaku empire in the south-central Andes and east to the Marañón River, a major tributary of the Amazon River.[2][5][9]
The Middle Sican trade networks appear to be unprecedented in range and goods involved, which helped to insure the spread of Sican religion and polity outside of the Lambayeque and La Leche valleys (Shimada 2000, p. 58).
They also could have controlled the transport methods in addition to the goods being traded. The breeding and herding of llamas on the North Coast since the time of the Moche could have been utilized by the Sican to provide the goods as well as a caravan of llamas to transport the goods considerable distances (Shimada 1985, p. 391).
The Sicán culture is characterized by the establishment of religious cities with monumental temples.[2][5]
The religious capital city and cultural center of the Middle Sicán is referenced as the Sicán Precinct. (Bruhns 1994, p. 293).
This T-shaped area is defined by monumental mounds of Huaca Loro, El Moscón, Las Ventanas, La Merced, and Abejas built between around AD 900 and 1050.[5][10] The pyramidal monumental mounds were used as both burials sites for the elite and places of worship and ritual.[2][10]
The construction of the monumental mounds required considerable material, labor resources and time, indicating the Sicán elite's control and monopoly over the society's resources and manpower.
They are a dramatic symbol of the power, wealth and permanence of the Middle Sicán elite and their theocratic state that dominated much of the north coast.[2]
Two types of mounds are found in the Lambayeque Valley dating to the Sicán. The first type is the T-shaped mound, which is a relatively low mound with a short, central ramp providing direct access to the top of the mound.
The second type is a relatively tall mound with steep sides and a zig-zagging ramp to provide circuitous access to the mound top. This second type also featured an enclosed structure at the top of the mound, likely for private rituals, whereas the first type of mound was likely for public rituals (Shimada 2000, p. 60; Shimada, Shinoda, Farnum, Corruccini, Watanabe 2004, p. 388).
The mounds also covered and protected the shafts of tombs of elites underneath.
The Sicán used a walled-chamber-and-fill technique (which first appeared on the North Coast during Moche V) for constructing the monumental mound where the walls were created by adobe bricks and mortar in conjunction with chambers of superimposed lattices filled with refuse and other readily available materials.[2][5][11]
Marks on the adobe bricks used to make the mounds are indications of the patrons donating materials and/or labor for the construction of the temples (Shimada 2000, p. 60).
This construction technique required “large-scale, unified construction with centrally pooled materials and labor force” (Shimada 2000 p. 60). It allowed for rapid erection of monumental buildings while minimizing labor and material investment and promoted the centralization of political and religious power in order to plan and complete these monumental mounds.[2][12]
Agriculture and canals
While the Sican ceramics and metallurgy are vastly studied, agriculture during the Middle to Late Sican may have been linked to their increasing craft production.
Shimada suggests that the canals at Pampa de Chaparri were developed by the Sican as part of an agro-industrial complex marked by an increase in mining and smelting operations, settlement growth, and the expansion of agriculture.[13] Along the canals, 39
Middle Sican sites and 76 Late Sican sites were identified; however, few sites were located in the irrigation fields.
This Sican occupation at the irrigation system points to its construction during the Middle Sican. The construction of this irrigation system, as well as the association of hierarchical social units and canal branches, coincides with the rapid and dramatic growth of the Middle Sican. Irrigation for agriculture was a necessity for the Sican elite to produce a surplus of food to feed artisans and laborers, who in turn support the elites.[14]
The Late Sican period began around 1100 and ended with the conquest of the Lambayeque region by the Chimú kingdom of Chimor circa 1375.
Around 1020, a major drought lasting 30 years occurred at Sican. At the time of the drought, the Sican Deity, so closely tied to the ocean and water in general, was at the center of Sican religion. The catastrophic changes in weather were thus linked to the Sican Deity, mainly to the failure of the Sican Deity to mediate nature for the Sican people.[15]
The Sican ceremonies (and temples/mounds on which they were performed) were supposed to ensure that there was an abundance of nature for the people.
The elites were the mediators between the common people and the Sican Deity, as the Sican Deity was the mediator between nature and the Sican people.[15]
After 30 years of uncertainty in respect to nature, the temples that were the center of Middle Sican religion and elite power were burned and abandoned between 1050 and 1100.
Perhaps the ancestor cult and aggrandizing of the elites caused too much resentment. Coupled with the drought that surely weakened agriculture in the area, the tolerance of the common population plummeted, forcing the removal of the political and religious leadership at Sican to save the people.[2]
There was little or no repair of the destruction of Sican, and further damage was inflicted by El Nino floods around 1100.
The burning and abandonment of the previous capital meant that a new capital needed to be built. Túcume or "el Purgatorio" was constructed as the new Late Sican capital at the juncture of the La Leche and Lambayeque Valleys.
Túcume became the new religious and ceremonial center of the Sican. The religious and iconographic legacies of the Middle Sican abruptly disappeared. It is at this juncture, when the Sican Deity and Sican Lord disappear from art, is when the Late Sican begins.
Other mythical depictions from the Middle Sican continued in the Late Sican and reflect the revitalization of the religion going back to tradition relationships with nature. Icons include felines, fish, and birds that were secondary to the Sican Deity during the previous era, but were also linked to previous cultures in the area.
Sican material culture, such as ceramics and metallurgy, unrelated to religion or politics did not suffer a severe change during the Middle Sican to Late Sican transition.[2][5][15][16]
Agriculture and irrigation were also not affected by the transition of political and religious power, as evidenced by the lack of effects on Pampa de Chaparri and numerous large urban hill-side settlements.[14][17]
Túcume took on the religious and ceremonial prestige as the site of Sican claimed during the Middle Sican. The mounds and temples from the Middle Sican were continued into the Late Sican since the idea of mounds were not associated with the fall of the Middle Sican, only those mounds in Batán Grande.
The same types of ceremonial and religious artifacts made from the same materials were found at Túcume.
The site grew enormously during its 250-year Late Sican occupation. By the time of the Chimú conquest of the Lambayeque region in 1375, there were 26 major mounds and enclosures.
The site is built on 220 hectares around the La Raya Mountain. Túcume is seen as the reorganization and reunification of the Sican elite and Sican population as a whole until the fall of the Sican to the Chimú.[17]
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HIDDEN KNOWLEDGE, Revealing the Hidden Nature of Human Being as a bridge in the Awakening of the Consciousness of the Universe is a knowledge that was hidden from the human race all through history.This blog is dedicated to the awakening of self-knowledge of the universe manifested in us that will reveal our hidden powers that can help the man to discover his true identity and to save THE EARTH and our civilization from self-annihilation. In acest site sunt evidentiate traditiile prin care omul redevine puntea prin care universul redevine constient de el insusi si isi descopera adevarata sa identitate de fiinta spirituala manifestata in corp material;acest proces de trezire a universului conduce la manifestarea puterilor divine ale omului care poate sa restabileasca armonia si sa repare matricea energetica si informationala a Terrei si a universului.The greatest of all religious teaching is inside you,in your Heart;You can discover your treasure using love and awareness to awake yourself.This process of awakening to our true identity is taking place in a state beyond duality known as mystic trance or samadhi(trance,that state of mind which remains with its object without distractions; superconscious state, ecstasy, meditative or concentrative absorption, union).The term trance is defined as an altered state of consciousness which individuals can enter through a variety of techniques, including hypnotism, drugs (aushadhi, potions, herbs, consecrated plants;see the Nahuatl– Maya’s traditions revealed by Carlos Castaneda or The Shamanic Traditions revealed by Dr. Andrija Puharich in “The Sacred Mushroom (pub. 1959),sound (particularly music ,percussive drumming-remember Mantras,(recitation of incantations,words of power, chanting,sacred chants, prayer, auto and hetero suggestions;see the King Arthur's instruction"in chant,spells and incantations" received from the druid Merlin etc.), sensory deprivation, physical hardships (eg. flagellation, starvation, exhaustion, tapas:intense desire, ascetic disciplines,purificatory acts ,austerities) and vigorous continuous rhythmic exercise (particularly dance).People can also use trance, particularly in the context of ‘ritual’ events, to learn new strategies of thinking or of relating to one another.There are different types of learning: for example what Eric Jantsch calls ‘conscious learning’ is a transaction between consciousness, the environment and memory. Jantsch also identifies ‘superconscious learning’, which takes place with the addition of ‘outer’ and ‘inner’ ways of learning. These arise through the interaction of consciousness with transpersonal mass/collective consciousness (eg. Jung’s "collective unconscious")There are other techniques which can be used for such ‘tuning in’, for example magical or shamanic practices such as visualisations, breathing techniques and ritual. Particular technologies can also be used to enhance such learning capacities, for example the ASCID (Altered States of Consciousness Induction Device) developed by Robert Masters and Jean Houston (1973). The modern electronic music dance party is one such ‘pscycho- technology’ because it is an information system, consisting of visual, auditory and sensual elements.Princeton
The Seven Habits of Highly Effective People, first published in 1989, is a self-help book written by Stephen R. Covey. It has sold over 15 million copies in 38 languages since first publication, which was marked by the release of a 15th anniversary edition in 2004. The book lists seven principles that, if established as habits, are supposed to help a person achieve true interdependent effectiveness. Covey argues this is achieved by aligning oneself to what he calls "true north" principles of a character ethic that he believes to be universal and timeless.
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