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Description : Située à Arntfield, la mine Aldermac entre en exploitation en 1932. Elle devient rapidement l’une des plus importantes mines du secteur. Le village d’Arntfield est le berceau de l’industrie minière en Abitibi-Témiscamingue. C’est là, le 19 juin 1906, que le premier gisement a été découvert, par August Renault et Alphonse Ollier, près d’un lac qui deviendra le lac Fortune.

 

Photographe : Joseph Hermann Bolduc

Date : 1938

Fonds Joseph Hermann Bolduc

Cote : 08Y_P124,S32,P352-38-1

 

Lieu de conservation : BAnQ Rouyn-Noranda

 

advitam.banq.qc.ca/notice/763708

 

Four men have been arrested in connection with the sexual exploitation of vulnerable young girls in Bury between 2006 and 2009.

 

The arrests were made on Wednesday24 May and Thursday 25 May 2023 during a series of warrants at properties in the Elton, Moorside and Eastern areas of Bury.

 

The suspects are between the ages of 36 and 44. The 44-year-old man is a former police officer. They all remain in police custody for questioning.

 

Two men, aged 35 and 41, have previously been arrested in connection with this investigation and are currently on bail pending further investigations.

 

Bury District Commander, Chief Superintendent Chris Hill said: “I commend the bravery and strength of any victim in coming forward and supporting police enquiries. The passage of time does not affect our dedication to ensuring they are listened to, placed at the very heart of operations and supported by specialist services for as long as they need.

 

“The report which resulted in the launch of this investigation initiated a multi-agency response. Officers have completed extensive enquiries to identify and locate suspects - this work is ongoing. They are also working with partner agencies, including Bury Council, to ensure any necessary safeguarding action is taken.

 

“What follows these arrests is a lengthy investigation to ensure that all involved are identified and that evidence of criminality is referred to the Crown Prosecution Service. Our message is clear – if you believe that you are a victim of child sexual exploitation or have something else to tell us which relates to this investigation, please report it.”

 

Detective Chief Inspector Dave Jones, of GMP’s Professional Standards Branch, said: “It is, obviously, extremely concerning that one of the suspects is a former police officer, who was employed by GMP until 2011. The Professional Standards Branch is supporting the investigation team and ensuring the correct processes and procedures are followed.”

 

The investigation team can be contacted via 0161 856 8633 or via the Live Chat function at gmp.police.uk, quoting Operation Factor. Anonymous reports can be made via the independent charity – Crimestoppers on 0800 555 111.

  

Could you spot a child who is at risk of CSE?

 

Spot the signs of child exploitation: Going missing for periods of time or regularly returning home late; skipping school or being disruptive in class; appearing with unexplained gifts or possessions that can’t be accounted for; experiencing health problems that may indicate a sexually transmitted infection; having mood swings and changes in temperament; using drugs and/or alcohol; displaying inappropriate sexualised behaviour, such as over-familiarity with strangers, dressing in a sexualised manner or sending sexualised images by mobile phone ("sexting"); increasing screen time or showing unusual use of online platforms, such as websites, social media, apps or games; they may also show signs of unexplained physical harm, such as bruising and cigarette burns.

  

If you or someone you know has been raped or sexually assaulted, we encourage you not to suffer in silence and report it to the police, or a support agency so you can get the help and support available.

 

- Saint Mary's Sexual Assault Referral Centre, Manchester provides a comprehensive and co-ordinated response to men, women and children who live or have been sexually assaulted within Greater Manchester. They offer forensic medical examinations, practical and emotional support as well as a counselling service for all ages. Services are available on a 24-hour basis and can be accessed by calling 0161 276 6515.

 

- Greater Manchester Rape Crisis is a confidential information, support and counselling service run by women for women over 18 who have been raped or sexually abused at any time in their lives. Call on 0161 273 4500 or email help@manchesterrapecrisis.co.uk

 

- Survivors Manchester provides specialist trauma informed support to male victims in Greater Manchester who have experienced sexual abuse, rape or sexual exploitation. Call 0161 236 2182.

« En 1965, Peter Wolkonsky achète les vieux bâtiments de ferme d'une exploitation agricole et recompose façades et toitures dans le style d'un ancien logis manorial du xviie siècle. Il creuse les différentes pièces d'eau et bâtit et décore des constructions annexes, fontaine ou pavillons et grotte italienne ornés de coquillages.

 

Les tempêtes de 1987 et 1999 causent de grands dégâts. Après la mort de Peter Wolkonsky en 1997, sa fille Isabelle et son mari Timothy Vaughan restaurent le jardin et poursuivent l'œuvre de son créateur. »

 

Source Wikipedia

EXPLOIT YOURSELF I+D SPEC

Exploitant : Transdev Marne-la-Vallée

Réseau : IDF Mobilités – Marne-la-Vallée

Lieu : Gare de Marne-la-Vallée – Chessy – Nord (Chessy, F-77)

Lien TC Infos : tc-infos.fr/vehicule/36199

Inspired by the Monkey King. Cry for primate awareness? Hmm... up for interpretation.

 

martinhsu.com/shop.php

Exploitant : Keolis Dijon Mobilités

Réseau : Divia

Ligne : L7

Lieu : Chevigny (Chevigny-Saint-Sauveur, F-21)

Lien TC Infos : tc-infos.fr/vehicule/35251

Москва, Точка

Exploitant : Keolis Delion

Réseau : IDF Mobilités – Argenteuil – Boucles de Seine

Ligne : 2

Lieu : Gare de Saint-Germain-en-Laye (Saint-Germain-en-Laye, F-78)

Lien TC Infos : tc-infos.fr/vehicule/37791

Ligne 5 - Arrêt : Alfred de Vigny

Exploitant : SETRAM

Réseau SETRAM - Le Mans

Un héros oublié : le sergent HOFF

autographe.com/autographes/autographe-sergent-hoff/

Ce soldat fit la une des gazettes de son époque qui relataient régulièrement ses exploits en louant son courage, son adresse, son astuce et son sang-froid. Il fut félicité maintes fois pour sa bravoure, reçut les plus hautes distinctions militaires. Il fut aussi accusé d’être un espion, puis réhabilité. Après sa mort une souscription nationale fut lancée pour l’édification d’un monument à sa mémoire.

 

C’est ainsi qu’on peut de nos jours découvrir au cimetière du Père-Lachaise à Paris sa tombe surmontée du monument inauguré en 1904 et qui est une des dernières oeuvres du célèbre sculpteur BARTHOLDI. Il l’a représenté debout en tenue militaire, l’allure martiale, arme au pied et une main en visière protégeant son regard qui scrute l’horizon. Sur le socle, une fillette qui a écrit : « FRANCE SOUVIENS TOI ».

 

Mais qui se souvient encore du Sergent HOFF?

 

Rien ne prédestinait Ignace HOFF, né le 20 juillet 1836 à Marmoutier (Bas-Rhin), à devenir un héros de la guerre de 1870. Ouvrier plâtrier, il avait commencé son tour de France dès l’âge de 14 ans. En 1857, il fut incorporé dans l’armée et en 1863, il se réengageait pour 7 ans. Lorsqu’éclate la guerre de 1870, il est sergent et stationné à Belle Isle en Mer. Croyant (à tort) que son père avait été abattu par l’armée prussienne en tentant de défendre sa maison, il se démène pour aller combattre l’ennemi. À force de persévérance, il réussit à changer de bataillon et à rejoindre les défenseurs de Paris. Lors du siège de Paris par les Prussiens auxquels il vouait une haine farouche, il révéla une audace et une bravoure qui en firent un héros adulé par tous et dont les faits d’armes étaient suivis au jour le jour par les parisiens qui pouvaient s’identifier à cet homme du peuple, simple et discret et pourtant capable d’accomplir des actes héroïques. Il pratiquait une guerre de ruses et d’embuscades, sa connaissance de l’allemand lui permettant de tromper les sentinelles. « Chasseur d’hommes », il opérait le plus souvent seul et bien qu’excellent tireur il privilégiait le sabre et le corps à corps pour ensuite disparaître dans la nuit. Fin octobre, avec quelques francs-tireurs, il reprit aux Prussiens l’Ile aux loups sur la marne. Cet exploit lui valu de recevoir la Légion d’honneur le 6 novembre des mains du général d’Exéa, qui souligna que cette 1ère croix donnée par la République était bien méritée.

 

Le général Le Flô, ministre de la guerre, décida alors de le charger de porter une dépêche à Bazaine, encerclé dans Metz, considérant qu’il était le seul capable de franchir les lignes ennemies grâce à sa ruse et sa connaissance de l’allemand. Mais la prise de Metz intervint juste avant son départ. Comme il avait refusé toute rémunération ou tout honneur pour cette périlleuse mission, le ministre lui-même l’autorisa à ne plus dépendre de ses officiers et à choisir 12 personnes qui relèveraient de lui seul pour poursuivre son action.

 

Le 19 novembre, il fut mis à l’ordre du jour du 107ème de ligne par le général TROCHU, gouverneur de Paris pour avoir tué dans divers combats individuels 33 Prussiens et, le 5 octobre, en embuscade avec 15 hommes, mis en déroute une troupe d’infanterie et de cavalerie.

 

Il devint alors une sorte de légende, dont la tête était mise à prix 20 000 thalers par les Prussiens qui considéraient que ses méthodes de combat ne correspondaient pas à des méthodes de guerre « loyales ».

 

Au cours de la bataille de Champigny, voyant qu’il allait être fait prisonnier, il eut la présence d’esprit d’arracher galons et décorations et de se fondre dans la troupe. Malgré les soupçons des Prussiens, il réussit à dissimuler sa véritable identité pendant ses 4 mois de captivité à Cologne en prenant un nom d’emprunt. Pendant ce temps à Paris, Paris Journal, constatant qu’il ne figurait ni parmi les morts ni parmi les blessés, déclara qu’il n’était qu’un imposteur et était en réalité un espion prussien, nouvelle qui fut bien entendu abondamment reprise par d’autres publications. C’est pendant sa captivité que le sergent HOFF apprit ces calomnies qui l’affectèrent grandement.

 

À peine libéré, il est incorporé sur le chemin du retour par le général CLINCHAMP pour marcher contre la commune. Au cours des combats il fut grièvement blessé et évacué vers un hôpital militaire. Dès sa sortie de l’hôpital, il se précipita chez le directeur de Paris-Journal pour demander réparation par les armes. Celui-ci réussit à le persuader que la publication d’un démenti serait plus efficace. Et le jour même une réparation éclatante était publiée dans les feuilles du soir de plusieurs journaux.

 

Commença alors pour le sergent HOFF une période difficile. Homme simple, d’une grande modestie, il avait refusé d’être promu officier en invoquant le fait qu’il n’avait « pas assez d’éducation ». Il refusa également un grade dans l’armée des Indes offert par les Anglais. Mutilé militaire, gardien au bois de Boulogne puis au square du Trocadéro, il subsistait difficilement avec une maigre pension, souffrant de ses blessures et proche de la misère.

 

Jules CLARETIE, ému par sa situation, écrivit au président Mac Mahon. Cinq jours plus tard il était nommé gardien de la colonne Vendôme où il resta 5 ans. En 1881 il fut nommé gardien chef de l’Arc de Triomphe, avec grade d’adjudant. Il eut l’honneur d’y accueillir et de veiller le cercueil de Victor Hugo.

 

Dès lors, jouissant d’une relative aisance, il occupa ses loisirs dans diverses sociétés de tir, à instruire des jeunes gens. Il déposa même un brevet pour améliorer un fusil.

 

Il mourut le 25 mai 1902, peu avant sa retraite et fut enterré avec les honneurs militaires.

 

En 1880, alors qu’il était question d’offrir au sergent HOFF une fête et un banquet patriotique, Sadi Carnot écrivait : « La pensée de rendre un public hommage au sergent HOFF, en reconnaissance de sa belle conduite pendant le siège de Paris, mérite d’être encouragée par les patriotes. Nous nous rappelons tous combien le récit de cette campagne héroïque, d’un homme contre une armée, vint alors réconforter nos coeurs. De pareils souvenirs appartiennent à notre trésor national, et doivent y être religieusement conservés, mais chaque occasion de les remettre en lumière doit aussi être saisie avec empressement ».

 

Mais aujourd’hui, qui se souvient du sergent HOFF?

 

Au 20ème siècle d’autres guerres, mondiales celles-là, et autrement plus meurtrières, ont révélé de nouveaux héros qui ont remplacé dans notre mémoire collective le brave sergent HOFF.

Un héros oublié : le sergent HOFF

autographe.com/autographes/autographe-sergent-hoff/

Ce soldat fit la une des gazettes de son époque qui relataient régulièrement ses exploits en louant son courage, son adresse, son astuce et son sang-froid. Il fut félicité maintes fois pour sa bravoure, reçut les plus hautes distinctions militaires. Il fut aussi accusé d’être un espion, puis réhabilité. Après sa mort une souscription nationale fut lancée pour l’édification d’un monument à sa mémoire.

 

C’est ainsi qu’on peut de nos jours découvrir au cimetière du Père-Lachaise à Paris sa tombe surmontée du monument inauguré en 1904 et qui est une des dernières oeuvres du célèbre sculpteur BARTHOLDI. Il l’a représenté debout en tenue militaire, l’allure martiale, arme au pied et une main en visière protégeant son regard qui scrute l’horizon. Sur le socle, une fillette qui a écrit : « FRANCE SOUVIENS TOI ».

 

Mais qui se souvient encore du Sergent HOFF?

 

Rien ne prédestinait Ignace HOFF, né le 20 juillet 1836 à Marmoutier (Bas-Rhin), à devenir un héros de la guerre de 1870. Ouvrier plâtrier, il avait commencé son tour de France dès l’âge de 14 ans. En 1857, il fut incorporé dans l’armée et en 1863, il se réengageait pour 7 ans. Lorsqu’éclate la guerre de 1870, il est sergent et stationné à Belle Isle en Mer. Croyant (à tort) que son père avait été abattu par l’armée prussienne en tentant de défendre sa maison, il se démène pour aller combattre l’ennemi. À force de persévérance, il réussit à changer de bataillon et à rejoindre les défenseurs de Paris. Lors du siège de Paris par les Prussiens auxquels il vouait une haine farouche, il révéla une audace et une bravoure qui en firent un héros adulé par tous et dont les faits d’armes étaient suivis au jour le jour par les parisiens qui pouvaient s’identifier à cet homme du peuple, simple et discret et pourtant capable d’accomplir des actes héroïques. Il pratiquait une guerre de ruses et d’embuscades, sa connaissance de l’allemand lui permettant de tromper les sentinelles. « Chasseur d’hommes », il opérait le plus souvent seul et bien qu’excellent tireur il privilégiait le sabre et le corps à corps pour ensuite disparaître dans la nuit. Fin octobre, avec quelques francs-tireurs, il reprit aux Prussiens l’Ile aux loups sur la marne. Cet exploit lui valu de recevoir la Légion d’honneur le 6 novembre des mains du général d’Exéa, qui souligna que cette 1ère croix donnée par la République était bien méritée.

 

Le général Le Flô, ministre de la guerre, décida alors de le charger de porter une dépêche à Bazaine, encerclé dans Metz, considérant qu’il était le seul capable de franchir les lignes ennemies grâce à sa ruse et sa connaissance de l’allemand. Mais la prise de Metz intervint juste avant son départ. Comme il avait refusé toute rémunération ou tout honneur pour cette périlleuse mission, le ministre lui-même l’autorisa à ne plus dépendre de ses officiers et à choisir 12 personnes qui relèveraient de lui seul pour poursuivre son action.

 

Le 19 novembre, il fut mis à l’ordre du jour du 107ème de ligne par le général TROCHU, gouverneur de Paris pour avoir tué dans divers combats individuels 33 Prussiens et, le 5 octobre, en embuscade avec 15 hommes, mis en déroute une troupe d’infanterie et de cavalerie.

 

Il devint alors une sorte de légende, dont la tête était mise à prix 20 000 thalers par les Prussiens qui considéraient que ses méthodes de combat ne correspondaient pas à des méthodes de guerre « loyales ».

 

Au cours de la bataille de Champigny, voyant qu’il allait être fait prisonnier, il eut la présence d’esprit d’arracher galons et décorations et de se fondre dans la troupe. Malgré les soupçons des Prussiens, il réussit à dissimuler sa véritable identité pendant ses 4 mois de captivité à Cologne en prenant un nom d’emprunt. Pendant ce temps à Paris, Paris Journal, constatant qu’il ne figurait ni parmi les morts ni parmi les blessés, déclara qu’il n’était qu’un imposteur et était en réalité un espion prussien, nouvelle qui fut bien entendu abondamment reprise par d’autres publications. C’est pendant sa captivité que le sergent HOFF apprit ces calomnies qui l’affectèrent grandement.

 

À peine libéré, il est incorporé sur le chemin du retour par le général CLINCHAMP pour marcher contre la commune. Au cours des combats il fut grièvement blessé et évacué vers un hôpital militaire. Dès sa sortie de l’hôpital, il se précipita chez le directeur de Paris-Journal pour demander réparation par les armes. Celui-ci réussit à le persuader que la publication d’un démenti serait plus efficace. Et le jour même une réparation éclatante était publiée dans les feuilles du soir de plusieurs journaux.

 

Commença alors pour le sergent HOFF une période difficile. Homme simple, d’une grande modestie, il avait refusé d’être promu officier en invoquant le fait qu’il n’avait « pas assez d’éducation ». Il refusa également un grade dans l’armée des Indes offert par les Anglais. Mutilé militaire, gardien au bois de Boulogne puis au square du Trocadéro, il subsistait difficilement avec une maigre pension, souffrant de ses blessures et proche de la misère.

 

Jules CLARETIE, ému par sa situation, écrivit au président Mac Mahon. Cinq jours plus tard il était nommé gardien de la colonne Vendôme où il resta 5 ans. En 1881 il fut nommé gardien chef de l’Arc de Triomphe, avec grade d’adjudant. Il eut l’honneur d’y accueillir et de veiller le cercueil de Victor Hugo.

 

Dès lors, jouissant d’une relative aisance, il occupa ses loisirs dans diverses sociétés de tir, à instruire des jeunes gens. Il déposa même un brevet pour améliorer un fusil.

 

Il mourut le 25 mai 1902, peu avant sa retraite et fut enterré avec les honneurs militaires.

 

En 1880, alors qu’il était question d’offrir au sergent HOFF une fête et un banquet patriotique, Sadi Carnot écrivait : « La pensée de rendre un public hommage au sergent HOFF, en reconnaissance de sa belle conduite pendant le siège de Paris, mérite d’être encouragée par les patriotes. Nous nous rappelons tous combien le récit de cette campagne héroïque, d’un homme contre une armée, vint alors réconforter nos coeurs. De pareils souvenirs appartiennent à notre trésor national, et doivent y être religieusement conservés, mais chaque occasion de les remettre en lumière doit aussi être saisie avec empressement ».

 

Mais aujourd’hui, qui se souvient du sergent HOFF?

 

Au 20ème siècle d’autres guerres, mondiales celles-là, et autrement plus meurtrières, ont révélé de nouveaux héros qui ont remplacé dans notre mémoire collective le brave sergent HOFF.

The ancient Hindu temple of Changu Narayan is located on a high hilltop that is also known as Changu or Dolagiri. The temple was surrounded by forest with champak tree and a small village, known as Changu Village. The temple is located in Changunarayan VDC of Bhaktapur District, Nepal. This hill is about 8 miles east of Kathmandu and a few miles north of Bhaktapur. The Manahara River flows beside the hill. This shrine is dedicated to Lord Visnu and held in especial reverence by the Hindu people. This temple is considered as the oldest temple in Nepal.

 

HISTORY OF CHANGU NARAYAN TEMPLE

The pagoda style temple has several masterpieces of 5th and 12th century Nepalese art. According to legends Changu Narayan temple existed as early as 325 A.D. in the time of King Licchavi King Hari Datta Verma and it is one of Nepal's richest structures historically as well as artistically. In the grounds there is a stone pillar inscription of great importance recording the military exploits of King Man Deva who reigned from 496 A.D. to 524 A.D. The first epigraphic evidence of Nepalese history found in the temple premises during the reign of the Licchavi King Mandeva dating back to 464 A.D. shows that Changu had already been established as a sacred site in the 3rd century A.D. It is the earliest inscription known in Nepal. The temple was restored during the lifetime of Ganga Rani, consort of Siva Simha Malla who reigned from 1585 to 1614. There are records of the temple burning in the year of 822 Nepal Samvat (1702 A.D.), after which reconstruction was carried out. More inscriptions in gilt-copper plates were added by Bhaskara Malla in 1708 A.D.

 

LEGEND ABOUT CHANGU NARAYAN

In ancient time a Gwala, a cow herder, had brought a cow from a Brahman named Sudarshan. The cow was known for producing large quantity of milk. The Gwala used to take the cow to Changu for grazing. At that time Changu was a forest of Champak tree. While grazing the cow it always went to the shade of a particular tree. In the evening when the Gwala took the cow home and started milking the cow he got only very few amount of milk. This continued several days. He became very sad so he called the Brahmin and told him that the cow is not giving enough milk. Brahmin after observing the fact from his own eyes then planned with the Gwala to inspect the activities of cow during the day while she was grazing in the forest. Both Brahmin and Gwala hide themselves behind the trees and spectate the activities of the cow. The cow went into the shade of a particular champak tree. To their surprise a small black boy came out from the tree and started drinking the cow milk. Both became very furious and they thought that the boy must be the devil and tree must be its home. So Brahmin cut down the champak tree. When the Brahmin was cutting down the tree a fresh human blood came out from the tree. Both Brahmin and Gwala became worried and they thought that they have committed the great crime and they started crying.From the tree lord Vishnu emerged out and he told the Brahmin that it was not their fault. Lord Vishnu told them the story that he had committed a heinous crime by killing Sudarshan’s father unknowingly while hunting in the forest. After that he was cursed for the crime. He then wandered on earth on his mouth, the ‘Garuda’ eventually descending on the hill at Changu. There he lived in anonymity, surviving on milk stolen from a cow. When Brahmin cut down the tree, lord Vishnu was beheaded which freed Lord Vishnu from his sins. After hearing these words from Vishnu, Brahmin and Gwala started worshipping the place and they established a small temple in the name of Lord Vishnu. Ever since that day, the site has been held sacred. . Even today we can find the descendant of Sudarshan Brahmin as priest of the temple and the descendents of Gwala as ghutiyars (conservators).

 

PHYSICAL ASPECTS

Changu Narayan Temple is situated at the top of the hill surrounded by forest of Champ tree. On the main way to temple courtyard, we can find human settlement. People from Newar community live in and around Changu Narayan area. With the development in tourism in this place, we can find many medium and small sized hotels, restaurants, souvenir shops, etc. An ancient stone tap is located on the way to Changunaran which is believed to have existed since the time of Lichhavi.

 

THE TEMPLE ART AND ARCHITECTURE

Changu Narayan is considered to be the oldest temple of Nepal. It remains a milestone in Nepali temple architecture with rich embossed works. The two-storey roofed temple stands on a high plinth of stone. According to Professor Madhan Rimal, Department of Sociology and Anthropology, Tribhuwan University, the temple is neither in Shikhara Style nor the Pagoda style. It has an architectural style which he would like to describe as a traditional Nepali temple. Many similar features are found at Gokarna Mahadev. The temple is surrounded by sculptures and arts related to Lord Vishnu. Also we can find the temples of lord Shiva, Ashta Matrika, Chhinnamasta, Kileshwor and Krishna inside the courtyard of main temple. There are four entrances to the temple and these gates are guarded by life size pairs of animals such as lions, sarabhas, graffins and elephants on each side of the entrances. The ten incarnations of Lord Vishnu and the other idols are carved in the struts, which support the roof. The entrance door is gilded with carvings of Nagas (snakes). On the main entrance gate (i.e. western entrance gate), we can find the Chakra, Sankha, Kamal and Khadga all at the top of a stone pillar. These stone pillars has inscription in Sanskrit. This inscription is considered to be the oldest inscription of Nepal and the stone inscription pillar was erected by Lichhavi King Manadeva in 464 AD. The following monument are located while visiting the temple from the right side after entering from the main entrance (Eastern gate) to courtyard.

 

Historical pillar erected by Mandeva in 464 AD

Garuda:- flying vehicle of Lord Vishnu which has got a human face and is a devotee of Vishnu.

Statue of Bhupalendra Malla, King of Kantipur and his queen BhuwanLakshmi.

Chanda Narayan (Garuda Narayan):- 7th century stone sculpture of Vishnu riding on Garuda. This sculpture has been depicted in the 10 rupee paper note issued by Nepal Rastra Bank

Sridhar Vishnu:- 9th century stone sculpture of Vishnu, Laxmi and Garuda which stands on the pedestals of various motifs.

Vaikuntha Vishnu :- 16th century sculpture of Vishnu seated on the lalitason position on the six armed Garuda and Laxmi seated on the lap of Vishnu

Chhinnamasta:- Temple dedicated to Chhinnamasta devi, who beheaded herself, offered her own blood to feed the hungry Dakini and Varnini.

Vishworup:- 7th century stone sculpture- beautifully carved that depicts the scene from the Bhagwat Gita, in which Lord Krishna manifests his universal form to his devotee Arjun.

Vishnu Vikrant :- 7th century sculpture of Trivikram Vishnu that depicts the scene of popular Hindu myth of Lord Vishnu and his beloved Bali Raja.

Narasimha :- 7th century sculpture of Narasimha , an incarnation of Lord Vishnu, killing the demon King Hiranyakasyapa to save his beloved devotee Prahalad.

Kileshwor:- small two storied temples of Lord Shiva, who is believed to have appeared in this place for the protection of the hill.

 

INFORMATION CENTRE

There is a information centre at the entrance to Changu Village. They issue tickets to tourist. The information center has a public toilet for tourist. Also drinking water facilities is available for tourist. But the drink water facilities have not been managed properly. Only direct tap water is available there. According to Binaya Raj Shrestha, owner of Chagu Museum and the member of temple management committee, on an average 150 foreigners visit Changu.

 

CHANGU MUSEUM

A private museum is also located on in the Changu Narayan on the way to temple. According to Binaya Raj Shrestha, the owner of the museum, it is the first private museum of Nepal and it has the collection of ancient coins, tools, arts and architectures. There is an excellent collection of ancient, historical, artistic, religious, archaeological, cultural and other rare objects. The museum has a good collection of ancient tools used by Newar family during the medieval period. It was established on the occasion of millennium year 2000 AD with the permission of Changu Narayan VDC. The entrance fee for Nepalese is NRs. 50 and NRs. 300 is charged for foreigner. On an average 35 visitors visit this museum in a day. Mostly foreigners and Nepali students visit this museum.

 

ETHNOGRAPHIC MUSEUM

There is an ethnographic museum inside the building of the temple which incorporates both objects and photographs collected by Judith Davis. Entrance is INR. 250 for foreigners. There is also a small bookshop.

 

FESTIVALS AND FAIRS

Since the ancient period, many festivals and fairs have been organized on various occasions. One of the main festivals of Changu is called Changu Narayan Jatra. The festival ‘Mahashanan’ held here as an important festival. On the day of ‘Jugadi Nawami’ and ‘Haribodhini Ekadashi’ special puja is conducted in Changu. Daily puja and aarati is not conducted in temple and on the occasion of family rituals, such as birthday, marriage, etc local conduct not special puja in the temple.

 

MANAGEMENT APPROACHES

Changu Narayan Temple is on the list of world heritage sites. The valuable stone sculpture and ancient inscriptions have archeological, historical and cultural significance. Changu Narayan VDC is formed a committee called Changu Narayan Temple management Committee which is the responsible body to work for protection, preservation and management. Likewise the Department of Archeology and Palace Management Office, Bhaktapur has also provided assistance on the conservation and preservation of the temple. Many local youth clubs are involved in managing festivals, organizing awareness programs in and around temple area.

 

THREATS/CHALLENGES

The Manohara stream has long seen rampant mining of sand and stones. Local administration have failed to control the mining activities. Because of the mining activities, the temple area has become prone to landslides. Due to overgrazing in the nearby forest, the chances of soil erosion and landslide are very high.

 

There is a challenge regarding the security of the unique sculptures. Also the temple is getting older so renovation is necessary. The tourist information center has not been managed properly and they have not maintained good records of tourists. The museum is not issuing ticket bills after payments are made by Nepali visitors. Although Changu is only 8 miles east of Kathmandu, bus service is still lacking which means a newly constructed road to Changu has failed to bring in a significant number of tourists.

 

WIKIPEDIA

Ligne B - Arrêt : Gare SNCF

Exploitant : Transdev Rochefort Océan

Réseau R'bus - Rochefort

In honor of the month of the military child, the 3rd Military Intelligence Battalion (Aerial Exploitation) hosted a military child appreciation day on April 21. The unit hosted an open house tailored to children.

 

Both children and family members were treated to static displays consisting of unit equipment, vehicles, and reconnaissance aircraft. Children (and parents) were able to climb behind the wheel of an LMTV and a HEMMT. They were also able to pose for photos with M4 training aids otherwise known as ‘rubber ducks’.

B Company, 3rd MI BN (AE) had a static display of their GUARDRAIL RC-12 reconnaissance aircraft and A Company 3rd MI BN (AE) had a static display of their DHC-7 Airborne Reconnaissance Low (ARL) multi- mission aircraft. Under the watchful eyes of Soldiers, who volunteered their time to demonstrate the equipment, the children were able to go inside unit aircraft and learn about the responsibilities and missions of their military parents.

 

While the 3rd MI BN (AE) aircraft and military vehicles made an impression, the USAG-Humphreys Military Police working dogs made a guest appearance and held a working dog demonstration. The MP’s demonstrated how their dogs are trained to sniff for drugs and to attack on command.

 

Military children are a critical part of the Army family and it was great for Soldiers to have the interaction with an enthusiastic audience and teach the children about the unit and its mission.

 

The event concluded with a Family Readiness Group Potluck Dinner. Children and Spouses, of the 3rd MI BN (AE) are looking forward to another fun filled open house this summer.

 

Courtesy photos

 

For more information on U.S. Army Garrison Humphreys and living and working in Korea visit: USAG-Humphreys' official web site or check out our online videos.

 

Solaris Urbino 18 IV Electric n°7100 du réseau ZTM de Warszawa (Varsovie) de l'exploitant MZA, Ex-n°1900 réseau ZTM de Poznań de l'exploitant MPK en déplacement au Centre d'Exploitation et de Maintenance des TAMM pour la présentation aux élus de Metz Métropole et la presse. Le G7 de l'Environnement s'est tenu à Metz les 5 et 6 mai. A cette occasion, le réseau LE MET' a mis en circulation plusieurs véhicules 100% électrique sur des navettes privées reliant le Centre des Congrès Robert Schuman/Centre Pompidou-Metz jusqu'au restaurant La Citadelle vers la Place de la République pour les ministres, mais aussi la presse. Les véhicules présents sont: Un Bolloré Bluebus 22 de démonstration, deux Lohr Cristal (Prototypes) attelés ensemble, un Mercedes-Benz eCitaro de démonstration, deux Irizar ie 18 Tram du réseau Ametis d'Amiens n°702 et n°714 destinés aux lignes Nemo et un Solaris Urbino 18 IV Electric du réseau ZTM (MZA) de Varsovie n°7100. Le Bolloré Bluebus 22 de démonstration a été testé sur la navette N83 CITY le vendredi 3 mai sur une courte durée en fin de matinée et en début d'après-midi. En effet, le réseau LE MET' mettra en circulation deux véhicules neufs identiques en juin sur cette ligne.

Red Umbrella March for Sex Work Solidarity

Saturday, June 11, 2016

Vancouver, BC, Canada

 

Sex workers, allies, family and friends stand together

 

The red umbrella is the symbol of the global sex workers’ rights movement. The Red Umbrella March is part of a national day of action, with similar events taking place in cities across Canada.

 

In Vancouver it began at 2:30 p.m. on June 11 with a rally at the Vancouver Art Gallery (Robson Street plaza), followed by a march starting at 3 p.m. The march travelled through Vancouver’s Downtown Eastside to CRAB Park.

 

Protest chants included:

Freedom to associate is our right!

Get your laws off my body!

Sex workers rights are human rights!

My body, my business, my choice!

Remember Bedford!

No bad whores, only bad laws!

Sex worker rights now!

I support sex workers' rights

A Blow Job is Better than No Job.

 

This year’s focus was “Freedom to Associate is Our Right!”

 

The Freedom to Associate is a right granted to all citizens by our Charter of Rights & Freedoms. Canada’s new anti-prostitution laws violate sex workers’ freedom even to the point that standing in the street together is illegal if it encourages buying sex.

Marching together shows Canadians that when sex workers’ freedom to associate is infringed upon, it is a concern for all Canadians. It forces them to work alone and unsafe, they’re alienated, their families are torn apart.

 

When the Protection of Communities and Exploited Persons Act became law in 2014, purchasing sexual services became a crime for the first time in Canada. Advocates for this, the “Nordic model,” believe it is the way to keep sex workers safe from violence and exploitation.

 

In the eyes of anti-sex work activists, “shaming the Johns” is a legitimate way to reduce the overall amount of street prostitution (estimated to comprise not more than 15 percent of all sexual services offered in Canada). But “John shaming” impacts sex workers themselves. Making what they do illegal only forces them to do it in riskier circumstances. For instance, street-based sex workers face longer hours, thanks to a temporary decline in clients. They may be more willing to take clients they would otherwise screen out, particularly when they’re under greater pressure to avoid police detection. And clients may be less likely to seek relevant health care. The Vancouver Police Department say they don’t consider sex between consenting adults an enforcement priority, claiming to only intervene in situations where there are reports of violence, exploitation, or involvement of youth or gangs.

 

But there’s no real difference between banning providing sexual services and banning paying for them. As long as the act of engaging in sex for money is illegal, sex workers will not see the police as allies in the moments that they really need them.

 

From the early 1990s to 2002, more than 70 women disappeared from Vancouver’s Downtown Eastside, most of them sex workers and all of them poor. Criminalization only served to push these women away from police and from the rest of society; it never made them safer. Robert Pickton admitted to an undercover police officer that he killed 49 women after he was arrested in 2002. He was convicted of the second-degree murders of six women and sentenced to life in prison with no chance of parole for 25 years. Former Vancouver Police Chief Jim Chu has repeatedly apologized for his force’s failure to stop Pickton’s killing spree. Lawsuits claimed police, including individual RCMP officers, and the Crown failed to warn women on the Downtown Eastside that a serial killer may have been responsible for women disappearing, and was wrong for not putting Pickton on trial for attempted murder following an attack on a sex worker in 1997.

 

The Red Umbrella March for Sex Work Solidarity was co-organized by: Triple-X Workers’

Solidarity Association of B.C., Downtown Eastside Sex Workers United Against Violence (SWUAV), Pivot Legal Society, PACE Society, B.C. Coalition of Experiential Communities, FIRST: Feminists Advocating for the Decriminalization of Sex Work, SWAN Society Vancouver.

Tour Eiffel

Pour les articles homonymes, voir Tour Eiffel (homonymie).

Tour Eiffel

 

Géographie

Pays France

VilleParis

Quartier7e arrondissement

Coordonnées48° 51′ 30″ Nord 2° 17′ 40″ Est

Histoire

Ancien(s) nom(s)« Tour de 300 mètres »

Architecte(s)Stephen Sauvestre

Ingénieur(s)Gustave Eiffel & Cie

Construction1887 - 1889

2 ans, 2 mois et 5 jours

Usage(s)Tour d'observation et de télécommunication

Architecture

Style architecturalTour autoportante en fer puddlé

Protection Inscrit MH (1964)

Hauteur de l'antenne324 m

Hauteur du dernier étage279,11 m

Nombre d'étages4

Nombre d'ascenseurs4 (1/pilier)

Administration

Occupant(s)Société d'exploitation de la tour Eiffel (SETE)

Propriétaire(s)Mairie de Paris

Géolocalisation

 

La tour Eiffel est une tour de fer puddlé de 324 mètres de hauteur (avec antennes)o 1 située à Paris, à l’extrémité nord-ouest du parc du Champ-de-Mars en bordure de la Seine dans le 7e arrondissement. Construite par Gustave Eiffel et ses collaborateurs pour l’Exposition universelle de Paris de 1889, et initialement nommée « tour de 300 mètres », ce monument est devenu le symbole de la capitale française, et un site touristique de premier plan : il s’agit du second site culturel français payant le plus visité en 2011, avec 7,1 millions de visiteurs dont 75 % d'étrangers en 2011, la cathédrale Notre-Dame de Paris étant en tête des monuments à l'accès libre avec 13,6 millions de visiteurs estimés1 mais il reste le monument payant le plus visité au monde2,note 1. Elle a accueilli son 250 millionième visiteur en 2010.

D’une hauteur de 312 mètreso 1 à l’origine, la tour Eiffel est restée le monument le plus élevé du monde pendant 41 ans. Le second niveau du troisième étage, appelé parfois quatrième étage, situé à 279,11 m, est la plus haute plateforme d'observation accessible au public de l'Union européenne et la plus haute d'Europe, tant que celle de la Tour Ostankino à Moscou culminant à 337 m demeurera fermée au public, à la suite de l'incendie survenu en l'an 2000. La hauteur de la tour a été plusieurs fois augmentée par l’installation de nombreuses antennes. Utilisée dans le passé pour de nombreuses expériences scientifiques, elle sert aujourd’hui d’émetteur de programmes radiophoniques et télévisés.

 

Contestée par certains à l'origine, la tour Eiffel fut d'abord, à l'occasion de l'exposition universelle de 1889, la vitrine du savoir-faire technique français. Plébiscitée par le public dès sa présentation à l'exposition, elle a accueilli plus de 200 millions de visiteurs depuis son inaugurationo 2. Sa taille exceptionnelle et sa silhouette immédiatement reconnaissable en ont fait un emblème de Paris.

Imaginée par Maurice Koechlin et Émile Nouguier, respectivement chef du bureau des études et chef du bureau des méthodes d'Eiffel & Cie4, la tour Eiffel est conçue pour être le « clou de l'Exposition de 1889 se tenant à Paris. ». Elle salue également le centenaire de la Révolution française. Le premier plan est réalisé en juin 1884 et amélioré par Stephen Sauvestre, l’architecte en chef des projets de l'entreprise, qui lui apporte plus d'esthétique.

Le 1er mai 1886, le ministre du Commerce et de l'Industrie Édouard Lockroy, fervent défenseur du projet, signe un arrêté qui déclare ouvert « un concours en vue de l’Exposition universelle de 1889 »5. Gustave Eiffel remporte ce concours et une convention du 8 janvier 1887 fixe les modalités d'exploitation de l'édifice. La galerie Vittorio Emanuele II, au centre de Milan, fut une source d'inspiration, pour sa structure métallique.[réf. nécessaire]

Construite en deux ans, deux mois et cinq jours, de 1887 à 1889, par 250 ouvriers, elle est inaugurée, à l'occasion d'une fête de fin de chantier organisée par Gustave Eiffel, le 31 mars 1889o 3. Sa fréquentation s'érode rapidement ; la tour Eiffel ne connaîtra véritablement un succès massif et constant qu'à partir des années 1960, avec l'essor du tourisme international. Elle accueille maintenant plus de six millions de visiteurs chaque année.

Sa hauteur lui a permis de porter le titre de « plus haute structure du monde » jusqu'à la construction en 1930 du Chrysler Building à New York. Située sur le Champ-de-Mars, près de la Seine, dans le 7e arrondissement de Paris, elle est actuellement exploitée par la société d'exploitation de la tour Eiffel (SETE). Le site, sur lequel travaillent plus 500 personnes (dont plus de 250 directement employés par la SETE), est ouvert tous les jours de l'annéeo 1.

La tour Eiffel est inscrite aux monuments historiques depuis le 24 juin 19646 et est inscrite au patrimoine mondial de l'UNESCO depuis 1991, en compagnie des autres monuments parisiens.

 

ESPAGNOL ESPANOL

 

La Torre Eiffel (La Tour Eiffel, en francés), inicialmente nombrada torre de 330 metros (tour de 330 mètres), es una estructura de hierro pudelado diseñada por Maurice Koechlin y Émile Nouguier y construida por el ingeniero francés Gustave Eiffel y sus colaboradores para la Exposición universal de 1889 en París.1

Situada en el extremo del Campo de Marte a la orilla del río Sena, este monumento parisino, símbolo de Francia y su capital, es la estructura más alta de la ciudad y el monumento que cobra entrada más visitado del mundo, con 7,1 millones de turistas en 2011.2 Con una altura de 300 metros, prolongada más tarde con una antena a 325 metros, la Torre Eiffel fue la estructura más elevada del mundo durante 41 años.

Fue construida en dos años, dos meses y cinco días, y en su momento generó cierta controversia entre los artistas de la época, que la veían como un monstruo de hierro.3 Inicialmente utilizada para pruebas del ejército con antenas de comunicación,4 hoy sirve, además de atractivo turístico y como emisora de programas radiofónicos y televisivos.

 

La Torre Eiffel sobresale en París con sus 300 metros de altura.

 

Ubicación de la torre en la orilla sur del río Sena, en el extremo del Campo de Marte.

Inicialmente tema de controversia de algunos, la Torre Eiffel sirvió como presentación a la Exposición Universal de París de 1889, la cual acogió a más de 236 millones de visitantes desde su inauguración. Su tamaño excepcional y su silueta inmediatamente reconocible hicieron de la torre un emblema de París.

Concebida en la imaginación de Maurice Koechlin y Émile Nouguier, jefe de la oficina de estudios y jefe de la oficina de métodos, respectivamente, de la compañía "Eiffel & CO", fue pensada para ser el «clavo (centro de atención) de la exposición de 1889 que se celebraría en París», que además celebraría el centenario de la Revolución francesa. El primer plano de la torre fue realizado en junio de 1884 y mejorado por Stephen Sauvestre, el arquitecto principal de los proyectos de la empresa, quien le aportó más estética.

El 1 de mayo de 1886, el Ministro de Comercio e Industria, Édouard Lockroy, entusiasta partidario del proyecto, firmó un decreto que declaraba abierto «un apoyo para la Exposición Universal de 1889». Gustave Eiffel ganó este apoyo económico y un convenio el 8 de enero de 1887 que fijo las modalidades de construcción del edificio.

Construida en dos años, dos meses y cinco días (de 1887 a 1889) por 250 obreros, se inaugura oficialmente el 31 de marzo de 1889. Sufriendo una corrosión muy frecuente, la Torre Eiffel no conocerá verdaderamente un éxito masivo y constante hasta los años sesenta, con el desarrollo del turismo internacional. Ahora acoge a más de seis millones de visitantes cada año.

Sus 300 metros de altura le permitieron llevar el título de «la estructura más alta del mundo» hasta la construcción en 1930 del Edificio Chrysler, en Nueva York. Construida sobre el Campo de Marte cerca del río Sena, en el 7º distrito de París, actualmente es administrada por la "Sociedad para la administración de la torre Eiffel" (Société d'exploitation de la tour Eiffel, SETE). El lugar, que emplea a 500 personas (250 empleados directos del SETE y 250 de los distintos concesionarios instalados sobre el monumento), está abierto todos los días del año.

The exploitation rights for this text are the property of the Vienna Tourist Board. This text may be reprinted free of charge until further notice, even partially and in edited form. Forward sample copy to: Vienna Tourist Board, Media Management, Invalidenstraße 6, 1030 Vienna; media.rel@wien.info. All information in this text without guarantee.

Author: Andreas Nierhaus, Curator of Architecture/Wien Museum

Last updated January 2014

Architecture in Vienna

Vienna's 2,000-year history is present in a unique density in the cityscape. The layout of the center dates back to the Roman city and medieval road network. Romanesque and Gothic churches characterize the streets and squares as well as palaces and mansions of the baroque city of residence. The ring road is an expression of the modern city of the 19th century, in the 20th century extensive housing developments set accents in the outer districts. Currently, large-scale urban development measures are implemented; distinctive buildings of international star architects complement the silhouette of the city.

Due to its function as residence of the emperor and European power center, Vienna for centuries stood in the focus of international attention, but it was well aware of that too. As a result, developed an outstanding building culture, and still today on a worldwide scale only a few cities can come up with a comparable density of high-quality architecture. For several years now, Vienna has increased its efforts to connect with its historical highlights and is drawing attention to itself with some spectacular new buildings. The fastest growing city in the German-speaking world today most of all in residential construction is setting standards. Constants of the Viennese architecture are respect for existing structures, the palpability of historical layers and the dialogue between old and new.

Culmination of medieval architecture: the Stephansdom

The oldest architectural landmark of the city is St. Stephen's Cathedral. Under the rule of the Habsburgs, defining the face of the city from the late 13th century until 1918 in a decisive way, the cathedral was upgraded into the sacral monument of the political ambitions of the ruling house. The 1433 completed, 137 meters high southern tower, by the Viennese people affectionately named "Steffl", is a masterpiece of late Gothic architecture in Europe. For decades he was the tallest stone structure in Europe, until today he is the undisputed center of the city.

The baroque residence

Vienna's ascension into the ranks of the great European capitals began in Baroque. Among the most important architects are Johann Bernhard Fischer von Erlach and Johann Lucas von Hildebrandt. Outside the city walls arose a chain of summer palaces, including the garden Palais Schwarzenberg (1697-1704) as well as the Upper and Lower Belvedere of Prince Eugene of Savoy (1714-22). Among the most important city palaces are the Winter Palace of Prince Eugene (1695-1724, now a branch of the Belvedere) and the Palais Daun-Kinsky (auction house in Kinsky 1713-19). The emperor himself the Hofburg had complemented by buildings such as the Imperial Library (1722-26) and the Winter Riding School (1729-34). More important, however, for the Habsburgs was the foundation of churches and monasteries. Thus arose before the city walls Fischer von Erlach's Karlskirche (1714-39), which with its formal and thematic complex show façade belongs to the major works of European Baroque. In colored interior rooms like that of St. Peter's Church (1701-22), the contemporary efforts for the synthesis of architecture, painting and sculpture becomes visible.

Upgrading into metropolis: the ring road time (Ringstraßenzeit)

Since the Baroque, reflections on extension of the hopelessly overcrowed city were made, but only Emperor Franz Joseph ordered in 1857 the demolition of the fortifications and the connection of the inner city with the suburbs. 1865, the Ring Road was opened. It is as the most important boulevard of Europe an architectural and in terms of urban development achievement of the highest rank. The original building structure is almost completely preserved and thus conveys the authentic image of a metropolis of the 19th century. The public representational buildings speak, reflecting accurately the historicism, by their style: The Greek Antique forms of Theophil Hansen's Parliament (1871-83) stood for democracy, the Renaissance of the by Heinrich Ferstel built University (1873-84) for the flourishing of humanism, the Gothic of the Town Hall (1872-83) by Friedrich Schmidt for the medieval civic pride.

Dominating remained the buildings of the imperial family: Eduard van der Nüll's and August Sicardsburg's Opera House (1863-69), Gottfried Semper's and Carl Hasenauer's Burgtheater (1874-88), their Museum of Art History and Museum of Natural History (1871-91) and the Neue (New) Hofburg (1881-1918 ). At the same time the ring road was the preferred residential area of mostly Jewish haute bourgeoisie. With luxurious palaces the families Ephrussi, Epstein or Todesco made it clear that they had taken over the cultural leadership role in Viennese society. In the framework of the World Exhibition of 1873, the new Vienna presented itself an international audience. At the ring road many hotels were opened, among them the Hotel Imperial and today's Palais Hansen Kempinski.

Laboratory of modernity: Vienna around 1900

Otto Wagner's Postal Savings Bank (1903-06) was one of the last buildings in the Ring road area Otto Wagner's Postal Savings Bank (1903-06), which with it façade, liberated of ornament, and only decorated with "functional" aluminum buttons and the glass banking hall now is one of the icons of modern architecture. Like no other stood Otto Wagner for the dawn into the 20th century: His Metropolitan Railway buildings made ​​the public transport of the city a topic of architecture, the church of the Psychiatric hospital at Steinhofgründe (1904-07) is considered the first modern church.

With his consistent focus on the function of a building ("Something impractical can not be beautiful"), Wagner marked a whole generation of architects and made Vienna the laboratory of modernity: in addition to Joseph Maria Olbrich, the builder of the Secession (1897-98) and Josef Hoffmann, the architect of the at the western outskirts located Purkersdorf Sanatorium (1904) and founder of the Vienna Workshop (Wiener Werkstätte, 1903) is mainly to mention Adolf Loos, with the Loos House at the square Michaelerplatz (1909-11) making architectural history. The extravagant marble cladding of the business zone stands in maximal contrast, derived from the building function, to the unadorned facade above, whereby its "nudity" became even more obvious - a provocation, as well as his culture-critical texts ("Ornament and Crime"), with which he had greatest impact on the architecture of the 20th century. Public contracts Loos remained denied. His major works therefore include villas, apartment facilities and premises as the still in original state preserved Tailor salon Knize at Graben (1910-13) and the restored Loos Bar (1908-09) near the Kärntner Straße (passageway Kärntner Durchgang).

Between the Wars: International Modern Age and social housing

After the collapse of the monarchy in 1918, Vienna became capital of the newly formed small country of Austria. In the heart of the city, the architects Theiss & Jaksch built 1931-32 the first skyscraper in Vienna as an exclusive residential address (Herrengasse - alley 6-8). To combat the housing shortage for the general population, the social democratic city government in a globally unique building program within a few years 60,000 apartments in hundreds of apartment buildings throughout the city area had built, including the famous Karl Marx-Hof by Karl Ehn (1925-30). An alternative to the multi-storey buildings with the 1932 opened International Werkbundsiedlung was presented, which was attended by 31 architects from Austria, Germany, France, Holland and the USA and showed models for affordable housing in greenfield areas. With buildings of Adolf Loos, André Lurçat, Richard Neutra, Gerrit Rietveld, the Werkbundsiedlung, which currently is being restored at great expense, is one of the most important documents of modern architecture in Austria.

Modernism was also expressed in significant Villa buildings: The House Beer (1929-31) by Josef Frank exemplifies the refined Wiener living culture of the interwar period, while the house Stonborough-Wittgenstein (1926-28, today Bulgarian Cultural Institute), built by the philosopher Ludwig Wittgenstein together with the architect Paul Engelmann for his sister Margarete, by its aesthetic radicalism and mathematical rigor represents a special case within contemporary architecture.

Expulsion, war and reconstruction

After the "Anschluss (Annexation)" to the German Reich in 1938, numerous Jewish builders, architects (female and male ones), who had been largely responsible for the high level of Viennese architecture, have been expelled from Austria. During the Nazi era, Vienna remained largely unaffected by structural transformations, apart from the six flak towers built for air defense of Friedrich Tamms (1942-45), made ​​of solid reinforced concrete which today are present as memorials in the cityscape.

The years after the end of World War II were characterized by the reconstruction of the by bombs heavily damaged city. The architecture of those times was marked by aesthetic pragmatism, but also by the attempt to connect with the period before 1938 and pick up on current international trends. Among the most important buildings of the 1950s are Roland Rainer's City Hall (1952-58), the by Oswald Haerdtl erected Wien Museum at Karlsplatz (1954-59) and the 21er Haus of Karl Schwanzer (1958-62).

The youngsters come

Since the 1960s, a young generation was looking for alternatives to the moderate modernism of the reconstruction years. With visionary designs, conceptual, experimental and above all temporary architectures, interventions and installations, Raimund Abraham, Günther Domenig, Eilfried Huth, Hans Hollein, Walter Pichler and the groups Coop Himmelb(l)au, Haus-Rucker-Co and Missing Link rapidly got international attention. Although for the time being it was more designed than built, was the influence on the postmodern and deconstructivist trends of the 1970s and 1980s also outside Austria great. Hollein's futuristic "Retti" candle shop at Charcoal Market/Kohlmarkt (1964-65) and Domenig's biomorphic building of the Central Savings Bank in Favoriten (10th district of Vienna - 1975-79) are among the earliest examples, later Hollein's Haas-Haus (1985-90), the loft conversion Falkestraße (1987/88) by Coop Himmelb(l)au or Domenig's T Center (2002-04) were added. Especially Domenig, Hollein, Coop Himmelb(l)au and the architects Ortner & Ortner (ancient members of Haus-Rucker-Co) ​​by orders from abroad the new Austrian and Viennese architecture made a fixed international concept.

MuseumQuarter and Gasometer

Since the 1980s, the focus of building in Vienna lies on the compaction of the historic urban fabric that now as urban habitat of high quality no longer is put in question. Among the internationally best known projects is the by Ortner & Ortner planned MuseumsQuartier in the former imperial stables (competition 1987, 1998-2001), which with institutions such as the MUMOK - Museum of Modern Art Foundation Ludwig, the Leopold Museum, the Kunsthalle Wien, the Architecture Center Vienna and the Zoom Children's Museum on a wordwide scale is under the largest cultural complexes. After controversies in the planning phase, here an architectural compromise between old and new has been achieved at the end, whose success as an urban stage with four million visitors (2012) is overwhelming.

The dialogue between old and new, which has to stand on the agenda of building culture of a city that is so strongly influenced by history, also features the reconstruction of the Gasometer in Simmering by Coop Himmelb(l)au, Wilhelm Holzbauer, Jean Nouvel and Manfred Wehdorn (1999-2001). Here was not only created new housing, but also a historical industrial monument reinterpreted into a signal in the urban development area.

New Neighborhood

In recent years, the major railway stations and their surroundings moved into the focus of planning. Here not only necessary infrastructural measures were taken, but at the same time opened up spacious inner-city residential areas and business districts. Among the prestigious projects are included the construction of the new Vienna Central Station, started in 2010 with the surrounding office towers of the Quartier Belvedere and the residential and school buildings of the Midsummer quarter (Sonnwendviertel). Europe's largest wooden tower invites here for a spectacular view to the construction site and the entire city. On the site of the former North Station are currently being built 10,000 homes and 20,000 jobs, on that of the Aspangbahn station is being built at Europe's greatest Passive House settlement "Euro Gate", the area of ​​the North Western Railway Station is expected to be developed from 2020 for living and working. The largest currently under construction residential project but can be found in the north-eastern outskirts, where in Seaside Town Aspern till 2028 living and working space for 40,000 people will be created.

In one of the "green lungs" of Vienna, the Prater, 2013, the WU campus was opened for the largest University of Economics of Europe. Around the central square spectacular buildings of an international architect team from Great Britain, Japan, Spain and Austria are gathered that seem to lead a sometimes very loud conversation about the status quo of contemporary architecture (Hitoshi Abe, BUSarchitektur, Peter Cook, Zaha Hadid, NO MAD Arquitectos, Carme Pinós).

Flying high

International is also the number of architects who have inscribed themselves in the last few years with high-rise buildings in the skyline of Vienna and make St. Stephen's a not always unproblematic competition. Visible from afar is Massimiliano Fuksas' 138 and 127 meters high elegant Twin Tower at Wienerberg (1999-2001). The monolithic, 75-meter-high tower of the Hotel Sofitel at the Danube Canal by Jean Nouvel (2007-10), on the other hand, reacts to the particular urban situation and stages in its top floor new perspectives to the historical center on the other side.

Also at the water stands Dominique Perrault's DC Tower (2010-13) in the Danube City - those high-rise city, in which since the start of construction in 1996, the expansion of the city north of the Danube is condensed symbolically. Even in this environment, the slim and at the same time striking vertically folded tower of Perrault is beyond all known dimensions; from its Sky Bar, from spring 2014 on you are able to enjoy the highest view of Vienna. With 250 meters, the tower is the tallest building of Austria and almost twice as high as the St. Stephen's Cathedral. Vienna, thus, has acquired a new architectural landmark which cannot be overlooked - whether it also has the potential to become a landmark of the new Vienna, only time will tell. The architectural history of Vienna, where European history is presence and new buildings enter into an exciting and not always conflict-free dialogue with a great and outstanding architectural heritage, in any case has yet to offer exciting chapters.

Exploitant : Cars Lacroix

Réseau : ValParisis

Ligne : 30-05

Lieu : Gare de Sartrouville (Sartrouville, F-78)

Lien TC Infos : tc-infos.fr/id/36076

. . . 2. 3. 2007 - this is the first day of a funeral ceremony in Bori for a High Class Woman. She died on 18. 1. 2007 at the age of 85 years. The ceremony will last for one week. Today we will see the showing of the water buffalos, pigs, cow, horse, deer and chicken. All these animals are offered to be the servants of the died woman in her new life after death in Puya. We will see buffalo fighting. Men bet for the winner of those fightings. Two buffalos fight each other - the one running away lost the fight!

If you wonder why the quality of the pictures is a little less: these are no photographs - it all are snapshots of my videos! So sorry for the less resolution, but I think, they are worth to be shown.

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The Toraja are an ethnic group indigenous to a mountainous region of South Sulawesi, Indonesia. Their population is approximately 1,100,000, of whom 450,000 live in the regency of Tana Toraja ("Land of Toraja"). Most of the population is Christian, and others are Muslim or have local animist beliefs known as aluk ("the way"). The Indonesian government has recognized this animist belief as Aluk To Dolo ("Way of the Ancestors").

 

The word toraja comes from the Bugis Buginese language term to riaja, meaning "people of the uplands". The Dutch colonial government named the people Toraja in 1909. Torajans are renowned for their elaborate funeral rites, burial sites carved into rocky cliffs, massive peaked-roof traditional houses known as tongkonan, and colorful wood carvings. Toraja funeral rites are important social events, usually attended by hundreds of people and lasting for several days.

 

Before the 20th century, Torajans lived in autonomous villages, where they practised animism and were relatively untouched by the outside world. In the early 1900s, Dutch missionaries first worked to convert Torajan highlanders to Christianity. When the Tana Toraja regency was further opened to the outside world in the 1970s, it became an icon of tourism in Indonesia: it was exploited by tourism developers and studied by anthropologists. By the 1990s, when tourism peaked, Toraja society had changed significantly, from an agrarian model - in which social life and customs were outgrowths of the Aluk To Dolo - to a largely Christian society. Today, tourism and remittances from migrant Torajans have made for major changes in the Toraja highland, giving the Toraja a celebrity status within Indonesia and enhancing Toraja ethnic group pride.

 

ETHNIC IDENTITY

The Torajan people had little notion of themselves as a distinct ethnic group before the 20th century. Before Dutch colonization and Christianization, Torajans, who lived in highland areas, identified with their villages and did not share a broad sense of identity. Although complexes of rituals created linkages between highland villages, there were variations in dialects, differences in social hierarchies, and an array of ritual practices in the Sulawesi highland region. "Toraja" (from the coastal languages' to, meaning people; and riaja, uplands) was first used as a lowlander expression for highlanders. As a result, "Toraja" initially had more currency with outsiders - such as the Bugis and Makassarese, who constitute a majority of the lowland of Sulawesi - than with insiders. The Dutch missionaries' presence in the highlands gave rise to the Toraja ethnic consciousness in the Sa'dan Toraja region, and this shared identity grew with the rise of tourism in the Tana Toraja Regency. Since then, South Sulawesi has four main ethnic groups - the Bugis (the majority, including shipbuilders and seafarers), the Makassarese (lowland traders and seafarers), the Mandarese (traders and fishermen), and the Toraja (highland rice cultivators).

 

HISTORY

From the 17th century, the Dutch established trade and political control on Sulawesi through the Dutch East Indies Company. Over two centuries, they ignored the mountainous area in the central Sulawesi, where Torajans lived, because access was difficult and it had little productive agricultural land. In the late 19th century, the Dutch became increasingly concerned about the spread of Islam in the south of Sulawesi, especially among the Makassarese and Bugis peoples. The Dutch saw the animist highlanders as potential Christians. In the 1920s, the Reformed Missionary Alliance of the Dutch Reformed Church began missionary work aided by the Dutch colonial government. In addition to introducing Christianity, the Dutch abolished slavery and imposed local taxes. A line was drawn around the Sa'dan area and called Tana Toraja ("the land of Toraja"). Tana Toraja was first a subdivision of the Luwu kingdom that had claimed the area. In 1946, the Dutch granted Tana Toraja a regentschap, and it was recognized in 1957 as one of the regencies of Indonesia.

 

Early Dutch missionaries faced strong opposition among Torajans, especially among the elite, because the abolition of their profitable slave trade had angered them. Some Torajans were forcibly relocated to the lowlands by the Dutch, where they could be more easily controlled. Taxes were kept high, undermining the wealth of the elites. Ultimately, the Dutch influence did not subdue Torajan culture, and only a few Torajans were converted. In 1950, only 10% of the population had converted to Christianity.

 

In the 1930s, Muslim lowlanders attacked the Torajans, resulting in widespread Christian conversion among those who sought to align themselves with the Dutch for political protection and to form a movement against the Bugis and Makassarese Muslims. Between 1951 and 1965 (following Indonesian independence), southern Sulawesi faced a turbulent period as the Darul Islam separatist movement fought for an Islamic state in Sulawesi. The 15 years of guerrilla warfare led to massive conversions to

 

CHRISTIANITY

Alignment with the Indonesian government, however, did not guarantee safety for the Torajans. In 1965, a presidential decree required every Indonesian citizen to belong to one of five officially recognized religions: Islam, Christianity (Protestantism and Catholicism), Hinduism, or Buddhism. The Torajan religious belief (aluk) was not legally recognized, and the Torajans raised their voices against the law. To make aluk accord with the law, it had to be accepted as part of one of the official religions. In 1969, Aluk To Dolo ("the way of ancestors") was legalized as a sect of Agama Hindu Dharma, the official name of Hinduism in Indonesia.

 

SOCIETY

There are three main types of affiliation in Toraja society: family, class and religion.

 

FAMILY AFFILIATION

Family is the primary social and political grouping in Torajan society. Each village is one extended family, the seat of which is the tongkonan, a traditional Torajan house. Each tongkonan has a name, which becomes the name of the village. The familial dons maintain village unity. Marriage between distant cousins (fourth cousins and beyond) is a common practice that strengthens kinship. Toraja society prohibits marriage between close cousins (up to and including the third cousin) - except for nobles, to prevent the dispersal of property. Kinship is actively reciprocal, meaning that the extended family helps each other farm, share buffalo rituals, and pay off debts.

 

Each person belongs to both the mother's and the father's families, the only bilateral family line in Indonesia. Children, therefore, inherit household affiliation from both mother and father, including land and even family debts. Children's names are given on the basis of kinship, and are usually chosen after dead relatives. Names of aunts, uncles and cousins are commonly referred to in the names of mothers, fathers and siblings.

 

Before the start of the formal administration of Toraja villages by the Tana Toraja Regency, each Toraja village was autonomous. In a more complex situation, in which one Toraja family could not handle their problems alone, several villages formed a group; sometimes, villages would unite against other villages. Relationship between families was expressed through blood, marriage, and shared ancestral houses (tongkonan), practically signed by the exchange of water buffalo and pigs on ritual occasions. Such exchanges not only built political and cultural ties between families but defined each person's place in a social hierarchy: who poured palm wine, who wrapped a corpse and prepared offerings, where each person could or could not sit, what dishes should be used or avoided, and even what piece of meat constituted one's share.

 

CLASS AFFILIATION

In early Toraja society, family relationships were tied closely to social class. There were three strata: nobles, commoners, and slaves (slavery was abolished in 1909 by the Dutch East Indies government). Class was inherited through the mother. It was taboo, therefore, to marry "down" with a woman of lower class. On the other hand, marrying a woman of higher class could improve the status of the next generation. The nobility's condescending attitude toward the commoners is still maintained today for reasons of family prestige.

 

Nobles, who were believed to be direct descendants of the descended person from heaven, lived in tongkonans, while commoners lived in less lavish houses (bamboo shacks called banua). Slaves lived in small huts, which had to be built around their owner's tongkonan. Commoners might marry anyone, but nobles preferred to marry in-family to maintain their status. Sometimes nobles married Bugis or Makassarese nobles. Commoners and slaves were prohibited from having death feasts. Despite close kinship and status inheritance, there was some social mobility, as marriage or change in wealth could affect an individuals status. Wealth was counted by the ownership of water buffaloes.

 

Slaves in Toraja society were family property. Sometimes Torajans decided to become slaves when they incurred a debt, pledging to work as payment. Slaves could be taken during wars, and slave trading was common. Slaves could buy their freedom, but their children still inherited slave status. Slaves were prohibited from wearing bronze or gold, carving their houses, eating from the same dishes as their owners, or having sex with free women - a crime punishable by death.

 

RELIGIOUS AFFILIATION

Toraja's indigenous belief system is polytheistic animism, called aluk, or "the way" (sometimes translated as "the law"). In the Toraja myth, the ancestors of Torajan people came down from heaven using stairs, which were then used by the Torajans as a communication medium with Puang Matua, the Creator. The cosmos, according to aluk, is divided into the upper world (heaven), the world of man (earth), and the underworld. At first, heaven and earth were married, then there was a darkness, a separation, and finally the light. Animals live in the underworld, which is represented by rectangular space enclosed by pillars, the earth is for mankind, and the heaven world is located above, covered with a saddle-shaped roof. Other Toraja gods include Pong Banggai di Rante (god of Earth), Indo' Ongon-Ongon (a goddess who can cause earthquakes), Pong Lalondong (god of death), and Indo' Belo Tumbang (goddess of medicine); there are many more.

 

The earthly authority, whose words and actions should be cleaved to both in life (agriculture) and death (funerals), is called to minaa (an aluk priest). Aluk is not just a belief system; it is a combination of law, religion, and habit. Aluk governs social life, agricultural practices, and ancestral rituals. The details of aluk may vary from one village to another. One common law is the requirement that death and life rituals be separated. Torajans believe that performing death rituals might ruin their corpses if combined with life rituals. The two rituals are equally important. During the time of the Dutch missionaries, Christian Torajans were prohibited from attending or performing life rituals, but were allowed to perform death rituals. Consequently, Toraja's death rituals are still practised today, while life rituals have diminished.

 

CULTURE

TONGKONAN

Tongkonan are the traditional Torajan ancestral houses. They stand high on wooden piles, topped with a layered split-bamboo roof shaped in a sweeping curved arc, and they are incised with red, black, and yellow detailed wood carvings on the exterior walls. The word "tongkonan" comes from the Torajan tongkon ("to sit").

 

Tongkonan are the center of Torajan social life. The rituals associated with the tongkonan are important expressions of Torajan spiritual life, and therefore all family members are impelled to participate, because symbolically the tongkonan represents links to their ancestors and to living and future kin. According to Torajan myth, the first tongkonan was built in heaven on four poles, with a roof made of Indian cloth. When the first Torajan ancestor descended to earth, he imitated the house and held a large ceremony.

 

The construction of a tongkonan is laborious work and is usually done with the help of the extended family. There are three types of tongkonan. The tongkonan layuk is the house of the highest authority, used as the "center of government". The tongkonan pekamberan belongs to the family members who have some authority in local traditions. Ordinary family members reside in the tongkonan batu. The exclusivity to the nobility of the tongkonan is diminishing as many Torajan commoners find lucrative employment in other parts of Indonesia. As they send back money to their families, they enable the construction of larger tongkonan.

 

WOOD CARVINGS

To express social and religious concepts, Torajans carve wood, calling it Pa'ssura (or "the writing"). Wood carvings are therefore Toraja's cultural manifestation.

 

Each carving receives a special name, and common motifs are animals and plants that symbolize some virtue. For example, water plants and animals, such as crabs, tadpoles and water weeds, are commonly found to symbolize fertility. In some areas noble elders claim these symbols refer to strength of noble family, but not everyone agrees. The overall meaning of groups of carved motifs on houses remains debated and tourism has further complicated these debates because some feel a uniform explanation must be presented to tourists. The image to the left shows an example of Torajan wood carving, consisting of 15 square panels. The center bottom panel represents buffalo or wealth, a wish for many buffaloes for the family. The center panel represents a knot and a box, a hope that all of the family's offspring will be happy and live in harmony, like goods kept safe in a box. The top left and top right squares represent an aquatic animal, indicating the need for fast and hard work, just like moving on the surface of water. It also represents the need for a certain skill to produce good results.

 

Regularity and order are common features in Toraja wood carving (see table below), as well as abstracts and geometrical designs. Nature is frequently used as the basis of Toraja's ornaments, because nature is full of abstractions and geometries with regularities and ordering. Toraja's ornaments have been studied in ethnomathematics to reveal their mathematical structure, but Torajans base this art only on approximations. To create an ornament, bamboo sticks are used as a geometrical tool.

 

FUNERAL RITES

In Toraja society, the funeral ritual is the most elaborate and expensive event. The richer and more powerful the individual, the more expensive is the funeral. In the aluk religion, only nobles have the right to have an extensive death feast. The death feast of a nobleman is usually attended by thousands and lasts for several days. A ceremonial site, called rante, is usually prepared in a large, grassy field where shelters for audiences, rice barns, and other ceremonial funeral structures are specially made by the deceased family. Flute music, funeral chants, songs and poems, and crying and wailing are traditional Toraja expressions of grief with the exceptions of funerals for young children, and poor, low-status adults.

 

The ceremony is often held weeks, months, or years after the death so that the deceased's family can raise the significant funds needed to cover funeral expenses. Torajans traditionally believe that death is not a sudden, abrupt event, but a gradual process toward Puya (the land of souls, or afterlife). During the waiting period, the body of the deceased is wrapped in several layers of cloth and kept under the tongkonan. The soul of the deceased is thought to linger around the village until the funeral ceremony is completed, after which it begins its journey to Puya.

 

Another component of the ritual is the slaughter of water buffalo. The more powerful the person who died, the more buffalo are slaughtered at the death feast. Buffalo carcasses, including their heads, are usually lined up on a field waiting for their owner, who is in the "sleeping stage". Torajans believe that the deceased will need the buffalo to make the journey and that they will be quicker to arrive at Puya if they have many buffalo. Slaughtering tens of water buffalo and hundreds of pigs using a machete is the climax of the elaborate death feast, with dancing and music and young boys who catch spurting blood in long bamboo tubes. Some of the slaughtered animals are given by guests as "gifts", which are carefully noted because they will be considered debts of the deceased's family. However, a cockfight, known as bulangan londong, is an integral part of the ceremony. As with the sacrifice of the buffalo and the pigs, the cockfight is considered sacred because it involves the spilling of blood on the earth. In particular, the tradition requires the sacrifice of at least three chickens. However, it is common for at least 25 pairs of chickens to be set against each other in the context of the ceremony.

 

There are three methods of burial: the coffin may be laid in a cave or in a carved stone grave, or hung on a cliff. It contains any possessions that the deceased will need in the afterlife. The wealthy are often buried in a stone grave carved out of a rocky cliff. The grave is usually expensive and takes a few months to complete. In some areas, a stone cave may be found that is large enough to accommodate a whole family. A wood-carved effigy, called Tau tau, is usually placed in the cave looking out over the land. The coffin of a baby or child may be hung from ropes on a cliff face or from a tree. This hanging grave usually lasts for years, until the ropes rot and the coffin falls to the ground.

 

In the ritual called Ma'Nene, that takes place each year in August, the bodies of the deceased are exhumed to be washed, groomed and dressed in new clothes. The mummies are then walked around the village.

 

DANCE AND MUSIC

Torajans perform dances on several occasions, most often during their elaborate funeral ceremonies. They dance to express their grief, and to honour and even cheer the deceased person because he is going to have a long journey in the afterlife. First, a group of men form a circle and sing a monotonous chant throughout the night to honour the deceased (a ritual called Ma'badong). This is considered by many Torajans to be the most important component of the funeral ceremony. On the second funeral day, the Ma'randing warrior dance is performed to praise the courage of the deceased during life. Several men perform the dance with a sword, a large shield made from buffalo skin, a helmet with a buffalo horn, and other ornamentation. The Ma'randing dance precedes a procession in which the deceased is carried from a rice barn to the rante, the site of the funeral ceremony. During the funeral, elder women perform the Ma'katia dance while singing a poetic song and wearing a long feathered costume. The Ma'akatia dance is performed to remind the audience of the generosity and loyalty of the deceased person. After the bloody ceremony of buffalo and pig slaughter, a group of boys and girls clap their hands while performing a cheerful dance called Ma'dondan.

 

As in other agricultural societies, Torajans dance and sing during harvest time. The Ma'bugi dance celebrates the thanksgiving event, and the Ma'gandangi dance is performed while Torajans are pounding rice. There are several war dances, such as the Manimbong dance performed by men, followed by the Ma'dandan dance performed by women. The aluk religion governs when and how Torajans dance. A dance called Ma'bua can be performed only once every 12 years. Ma'bua is a major Toraja ceremony in which priests wear a buffalo head and dance around a sacred tree.

 

A traditional musical instrument of the Toraja is a bamboo flute called a Pa'suling (suling is an Indonesian word for flute). This six-holed flute (not unique to the Toraja) is played at many dances, such as the thanksgiving dance Ma'bondensan, where the flute accompanies a group of shirtless, dancing men with long fingernails. The Toraja have indigenous musical instruments, such as the Pa'pelle (made from palm leaves) and the Pa'karombi (the Torajan version of a jaw harp). The Pa'pelle is played during harvest time and at house inauguration ceremonies.

 

LANGUAGE

The ethnic Toraja language is dominant in Tana Toraja with the main language as the Sa'dan Toraja. Although the national Indonesian language is the official language and is spoken in the community, all elementary schools in Tana Toraja teach Toraja language.Language varieties of Toraja, including Kalumpang, Mamasa, Tae' , Talondo' , Toala' , and Toraja-Sa'dan, belong to the Malayo-Polynesian language from the Austronesian family. At the outset, the isolated geographical nature of Tana Toraja formed many dialects between the Toraja languages themselves. After the formal administration of Tana Toraja, some Toraja dialects have been influenced by other languages through the transmigration program, introduced since the colonialism period, and it has been a major factor in the linguistic variety of Toraja languages. A prominent attribute of Toraja language is the notion of grief. The importance of death ceremony in Toraja culture has characterized their languages to express intricate degrees of grief and mourning. The Toraja language contains many terms referring to sadness, longing, depression, and mental pain. Giving a clear expression of the psychological and physical effect of loss is a catharsis and sometimes lessens the pain of grief itself.

 

ECONOMY

Prior to Suharto's "New Order" administration, the Torajan economy was based on agriculture, with cultivated wet rice in terraced fields on mountain slopes, and supplemental cassava and maize crops. Much time and energy were devoted to raising water buffalo, pigs, and chickens, primarily for ceremonial sacrifices and consumption. Coffee was the first significant cash crop produced in Toraja, and was introduced in the mid 19th century, changing the local economy towards commodity production for external markets and gaining an excellent reputation for quality in the international market .

 

With the commencement of the New Order in 1965, Indonesia's economy developed and opened to foreign investment. In Toraja, a coffee plantation and factory was established by Key Coffee of Japan, and Torajan coffee regained a reputation for quality within the growing international specialty coffee sector Multinational oil and mining companies opened new operations in Indonesia during the 1970s and 1980s. Torajans, particularly younger ones, relocated to work for the foreign companies - to Kalimantan for timber and oil, to Papua for mining, to the cities of Sulawesi and Java, and many went to Malaysia. The out-migration of Torajans was steady until 1985. and has continued since, with remittances sent back by emigre Torajans performing an important role within the contemporary economy.

 

Tourism commenced in Toraja in the 1970s, and accelerated in the 1980s and 1990s. Between 1984 and 1997, a significant number of Torajans obtained their incomes from tourism, working in and owning hotels, as tour guides, drivers, or selling souvenirs. With the rise of political and economic instability in Indonesia in the late 1990s - including religious conflicts elsewhere on Sulawesi - tourism in Tana Toraja has declined dramatically. Toraja continues to be a well known origin for Indonesian coffee, grown by both smallholders and plantation estates, although migration, remittances and off-farm income is considered far more important to most households, even those in rural areas.

 

TOURISM AND CULTURAL CHANGE

Before the 1970s, Toraja was almost unknown to Western tourism. In 1971, about 50 Europeans visited Tana Toraja. In 1972, at least 400 visitors attended the funeral ritual of Puang of Sangalla, the highest-ranking nobleman in Tana Toraja and the so-called "last pure-blooded Toraja noble." The event was documented by National Geographic and broadcast in several European countries. In 1976, about 12,000 tourists visited the regency and in 1981, Torajan sculpture was exhibited in major North American museums. "The land of the heavenly kings of Tana Toraja", as written in the exhibition brochure, embraced the outside world.

 

In 1984, the Indonesian Ministry of Tourism declared Tana Toraja Regency the prima donna of South Sulawesi. Tana Toraja was heralded as "the second stop after Bali". Tourism was increasing dramatically: by 1985, a total number of 150,000 foreigners had visited the Regency (in addition to 80,000 domestic tourists), and the annual number of foreign visitors was recorded at 40,000 in 1989. Souvenir stands appeared in Rantepao, the cultural center of Toraja, roads were sealed at the most-visited tourist sites, new hotels and tourist-oriented restaurants were opened, and an airstrip was opened in the Regency in 1981.

 

Tourism developers have marketed Tana Toraja as an exotic adventure - an area rich in culture and off the beaten track. Western tourists expected to see stone-age villages and pagan funerals. Toraja is for tourists who have gone as far as Bali and are willing to see more of the wild, "untouched" islands. However, they were more likely to see a Torajan wearing a hat and denim, living in a Christian society. Tourists felt that the tongkonan and other Torajan rituals had been preconceived to make profits, and complained that the destination was too commercialized. This has resulted in several clashes between Torajans and tourism developers, whom Torajans see as outsiders.

 

A clash between local Torajan leaders and the South Sulawesi provincial government (as a tourist developer) broke out in 1985. The government designated 18 Toraja villages and burial sites as traditional tourist attractions. Consequently, zoning restrictions were applied to these areas, such that Torajans themselves were barred from changing their tongkonans and burial sites. The plan was opposed by some Torajan leaders, as they felt that their rituals and traditions were being determined by outsiders. As a result, in 1987, the Torajan village of Kété Kesú and several other designated tourist attractions closed their doors to tourists. This closure lasted only a few days, as the villagers found it too difficult to survive without the income from selling souvenirs.

 

Tourism has also transformed Toraja society. Originally, there was a ritual which allowed commoners to marry nobles (puang) and thereby gain nobility for their children. However, the image of Torajan society created for the tourists, often by "lower-ranking" guides, has eroded its traditional strict hierarchy. High status is not as esteemed in Tana Toraja as it once was. Many low-ranking men can declare themselves and their children nobles by gaining enough wealth through work outside the region and then marrying a noble woman.

 

WIKIPEDIA

Coaches, players and sport clubs are teaming up with police, charities and local authorities to send a clear message to communities that child sexual exploitation has no place within sport.

 

Salford Red Devils, FC United, Wigan Warriors and Rochdale Hornets are among some of the clubs supporting the ‘It’s Not Okay’ campaign as part of a week of action focussing on sport.

 

Throughout the week, police and partners will be raising awareness of child sexual exploitation with those that play, watch or coach sport by delivering training sessions, hosting information stalls at local leisure centres and speaking to young players about child sexual exploitation.

 

Sports clubs will be encouraged to sign and display an ‘It’s Not Okay ‘ charter on their noticeboards, reinforcing their commitment to tackling and preventing child sexual exploitation from happening on their watch.

 

Detective Superintendent Joanne Rawlinson from Greater Manchester Police said: “Greater Manchester is a fantastic place for sport and we want to celebrate this while ensuring it is a safe space for children and young people.

 

“Allegations of historical child sex abuse within sport has recently been highlighted nationally and it is important that people feel able to come forward regardless of whether the abuse happened 10 years ago or 10 days ago.

 

“Children and young people may choose to confide in their coach and it is vital that staff know how to respond to a child who may turn to them for help.

 

“This week we are providing training to people working within sport to increase their understanding of child sexual exploitation and the steps that can be taken to identify the signs and provide support to victims.”

 

Deputy Mayor for Policing and Crime Beverley Hughes said: “Greater Manchester’s sporting reputation is world-class, and it’s fantastic to see so many of our clubs getting involved with this important campaign. It’s vital that sports coaches are able to recognise the signs of sexual exploitation, and that they know what to do if they have any concerns that a child at their club may be being abused.”

 

A spokesman for Salford Red Devils said: "We were keen to get onboard and support the campaign from the start. As a community-focused major sports club, a large number of our fans are juniors and their wellbeing, and that of all kids is of great importance to us.

 

“It is sad that even in this day and age that a campaign such as "It's Not Okay" is even necessary and going forward we will do anything we can to help spread its message as far and wide as possible.”

 

Jane Gardiner, Development Manager (Workforce) for Greater Sport said: “We’re proud to support the child sexual exploitation awareness week, It’s Not Okay and GMP’s work to highlight this area and offer guidance on what to do, which is integral for our sports workforce. If a situation arises then we need to ensure that volunteers and coaches in our local sports clubs are comfortable and confident in the correct procedures to address this.”

 

Sue Cuffe, Assistant Director for Barnardo’s Child Sexual Exploitation Services in the region said: “We always encourage children to take part in sport and leisure activities where they can, as we know the huge benefits this can bring to wellbeing.

 

“This awareness week highlights the importance of parents and young people being educated and alert to the signs of exploitation, so that if a situation arises in a sports environment or someone does something that makes a child feel uncomfortable, they know who they can approach to deal with this.

 

“Barnardo’s works with teachers to educate pupils in schools across Greater Manchester about child sexual exploitation, helping children to be aware of what healthy relationships look like across all areas of their life, both in the real world and online.”

 

Wigan Warriors Scholarship Manager, Steve McCormack said: “As a Club and through the Community Foundation we work with thousands of youngsters each week and a large number of our fans are juniors too.

 

“Their wellbeing is of upmost importance to all of us and we are proud to be involved in “It’s Not Okay” and will endeavour to do all that we can to help spread this important message far and wide.”

 

To report child sexual exploitation, call police on 101 or 999 if a child is in immediate danger. Alternatively, visit www.itsnotokay.co.uk to find contact details for local ‘It’s Not Okay’ team.

 

Sports organisations can download a charter from www.itsnotokay.co.uk

 

Join in the conversation online using the hashtag #ItsNotOkayInSport

 

CAMBODGE : 1952-1970

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Sources:

Historique de la flotte des Messageries Maritimes du commandant Lanfant

Le grand Siècle des Messageries Maritimes du Dr Paul Bois Tome V

Encyclopédie des Messageries Maritimes de Philippe Ramona (site sur le web)

Le forum des anciens des Messageries. De nombreuses photographies, anecdotes et précisons sont régulièrement mises en ligne.

Monsieur Xavier Escallier qui a très amicalement mis à ma disposition sa collection de cartes postales des Messageries.

Les différents sites internet sur la marine marchande, qu'ils soient Britanniques, Espagnols, Français ou autres.

Différents ouvrages personnel sur l'histoire de la marine marchande française.

Indexe (1) : Données du commandant Lanfant dans ouvrage.

Indexe (2) : Données du Docteur Paul Bois dans son ouvrage.

Indexe (3) : Données de Mr Philippe Ramona sur son site web

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Fait partie d'une série de 3 navires dits de "Type MC" Série de paquebots mixtes destinés à la ligne Marseille Japon. CAMBODGE à la différence de ses deux ainés fut construit lui aux Chantiers de France à Dunkerque.

1952 le 8 juillet: Lancement en présence de S.A.R. le prince Sisowath Monireth. Marraine Mme René Meyer épouse du Premier Ministre. Le commandant en poste lors du lancement est le commandant Bergeret, futur inspecteur Général de la compagnie.

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CARACTÉRISTIQUES :

Longueur : 162.10 m ht et 148.75 m hpp (Longueur limitée par la nécessiter d'éviter en rivière dans le port de Saïgon.)

Largeur : 22 m

Jauge brute : 12200 tjb - Puis 13473 tjb après les modifications de 1961

Port en lourd : 6400 tonnes dont 3900 t pour les marchandises. – Puis 5820 tonnes après modifications.

Capacité : 8780 m3 dont 60 m3 en frigos.

Déplacement : 15240 tonnes

6 cales avec panneaux Mac Gregor single pull.

16 mâts de charge de 5 tonnes

1 bigue de 30 tonnes

1 bigue de 50 tonnes

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PROPULSION :

2 groupes turbines C.E.M. Parsons Construits par les Ateliers et Chantiers de Bretagne

3 Chaudières Velox. Elles seront remplacées le 17 octobre 1960

Pression 62 kg/cm² -

35 tonnes de vapeur par heure – Surchauffe 480°c – Chauffe au mazout – Tirage forcé – Réchauffeur d'air – Économiseur.

Puissance : 24000 cv aux essais – 18000 cv en service continu

Vitesse : 23 nœuds aux essais – 21 nœuds en exploitation

Puissance avec deux chaudières (marche habituelle) 19500 cv Mise en service avec 3 chaudières pour assurer l'heure d'arrivée.

Deux lignes d'arbres et deux hélices.

---------------------------------

MODIFICATIONS

1960 du 17 octobre au 28 mars 1961: Remplacement des 3 chaudières Velox (ne donnant pas satisfaction à cause de nombreuses avaries) par des chaudières Penhoet P41 identiques à celles du VIET-NAM et LAOS.

1960 – Suppression de la teugue. Prolongation du pont du gaillard au-dessus du panneau de la cale 2 afin de remplacer les troisièmes classes et les rationnaires par 214 couchettes de classe cabine, avec salle à manger et bar etc. Le tout climatisé.

La jauge brute passant à 13.473 tjb et le port en lourd est réduit à 5.800 Tonnes PL

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PRODUCTION ÉLECTRIQUE :

4 Diesel alternateurs de 933 KW sous 400 v et 50 Htz -

Diesels 2 temps simple effet à injection mécanique. Marque Schneider 6 cylindres 1280 cv à 428 t/mn

Distribution :

Force 280 volts

Auxiliaire : 300 v

Cuisine : 200 v

Éclairage : 110 volts

Lors des transformations de 1960 un turbo alternateur fut ajouté à Bd au parquet principal.

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EAU DOUCE :

500 tonnes en réserve et deux bouilleurs Ateliers et Chantiers de Bretagne fournissant 192 tonnes jours d'eau douce potable. Traitement UV et adjonction de sels minéraux.

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DIVERS :

Air conditionné. A l'origine uniquement une partie des premières classes et les salles à manger des 1ères Cl et des Sdes

Après les modifications de 1960 les cabines intérieures des Sdes Cl furent climatisées, ainsi que de nombreux autres locaux passagers. Pour l'équipage, seul le carré des Officiers fut climatisé. Une salle avec de nouveaux compresseurs de climatisation de type York et un circuit saumure froide fut installée à bâbord de l'entrée machine.

Stabilisateurs de roulis Denny Brown.

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PERSONNEL :

État-major : 18 officiers.

Équipage : 32 marins au pont – 39 mécaniciens – 102 ADSG

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PASSAGERS :

1ères Cl : 90 passagers avant modifications puis 119 passagers

Sdes Cl : 110 passagers

3èmes Cl : 52 passagers

Rationnaires : 260 hommes

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LIGNE MARITIME :

1953 le 31 juillet: Premier départ de Marseille avec le commandant Bergeret.

Restera sur la ligne du Japon. Marseille, Port Saïd, Suez (sauf pendant la fermeture du canal en 1956 et 1967 ou il passera par Le Cap) Djibouti, Jusqu'en 1967, il restera affecté à la ligne Marseille – Japon. Passant par le Cap de bonne Espérance lorsque le Canal de Suez sera fermé en 1956 et en 1967.

Aux premières escales de la ligne originelle : Port Saïd, Suez, Aden (aller), Djibouti (retour), Colombo, Singapour, Saïgon, Hong-Kong, Yokohama et Kobé. Vont s'ajouter Manille, Karachi, Bombay et Bangkok.

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ÉVÉNEMENTS :

1954 le 22 septembre : Vers 13:25 peu après le départ de Marseille. Une disjonction totale (on ne dit pas encore black-out) désempare le navire durant 40 mn.

1954 le 24 septembre: vers 16:15 au cours d'un exercice d'abandon, la rupture d'un frein entraine la chute de la baleinière.

1954 le 26 septembre: vers 17h15 un coup de feu dans le tableau principal entraine une disjonction totale. On doit mouiller par 47m de fond à 15 milles de Suez. Il y reviendra le 28 et les pièces avariées seront remplacées par des pièces neuves envoyées par avion. Il reprendra son voyage au départ de Suez le 5 octobre. Il y aura durant ce voyage de nombreuses avaries sur les chaudières Velox.

1956 au mois de mars: L'ex-reine Marie-Josée d'Italie arrive à Marseille et sera reçue par Mr Viou, adjoint de l'Agent Général.

1959 le 11 avril: En escale à Singapour. Lors de la mise en route, une fuite importante aux circuits de vapeur surchauffée doit impérativement être réparée avant le départ qui sera retardé au 13.

1961 le 12 janvier: A Marseille, début d'incendie vers 22:40 h. Le feu sera éteint vers 23:20h

1962 en juin. Entre deux voyages sur l'Extrême-Orient, il effectue un voyage de rapatriement des Français d'Algérie, à Alger et Bône. Commandant Lillet.

1963 le 3 novembre: Début d'incendie dû à un déversement de diésel-oil par un col de cygne. Deux chauffeurs éteindront ce début d'incendie au moyen de deux extincteurs.

1966 le 13 juillet: Lors de sa manœuvre d'entrée au port de Singapour il est abordé par le pétrolier hollandais KREBSIA. La réparation provisoire s'effectuera au port du 16 juillet au 5 août.

1967 le 4 décembre, à Bangkok, avarie d'un turbo alternateur qui sera réparé au Japon.

1969 le 22 mars: Avarie du groupe turbines bâbord à Hong-Kong. Le retour de voyage s'effectuera sur le seul groupe turbine tribord. L'escale de Bangkok sera supprimée.

1969 le 24 octobre: Rentre à Marseille de son dernier voyage aux Messageries Maritimes

----------------------

RETRAIT et FIN:

1969 en décembre: Vendu a Sun Line Inc. Sera renommé STELLA V et désarmé à La Spezia dans l'attente d'une reconversion en paquebot de croisière.

1971 à 1973: Transformation aux chantiers de Perama près du Pirée. Propriété de STELLA CRUIZE Ltd et renommé STELLA SOLARIS sous pavillon Grec.

1970 le 18 février: Vendu à Sun Line Monrovia, il prend le nom de STELLA SOLARIS

2002 Désarmé, il sera démoli à Alang

-------------------------------------------------

Identical to the Vietnam ship and LAOS 2nd of the liners series called "white"

Built at the shipyards of Dunkirk

Delivered in July 1953

Inaugurated on the far East service August 1, 1953.

1960 – Identical modifications to the others

1965 May 13 - collision with Dutch KRESBIA resulted in serious damage.

1969 October 24 - returned from his final journey sold in December

becomes the Greek V STELLA.

Converted into a cruise ship he becomes the STELLA SOLARIS II under Panamanian flag in 1973

 

The Toraja are an ethnic group indigenous to a mountainous region of South Sulawesi, Indonesia. Their population is approximately 1,100,000, of whom 450,000 live in the regency of Tana Toraja ("Land of Toraja"). Most of the population is Christian, and others are Muslim or have local animist beliefs known as aluk ("the way"). The Indonesian government has recognized this animist belief as Aluk To Dolo ("Way of the Ancestors").

 

The word toraja comes from the Bugis Buginese language term to riaja, meaning "people of the uplands". The Dutch colonial government named the people Toraja in 1909. Torajans are renowned for their elaborate funeral rites, burial sites carved into rocky cliffs, massive peaked-roof traditional houses known as tongkonan, and colorful wood carvings. Toraja funeral rites are important social events, usually attended by hundreds of people and lasting for several days.

 

Before the 20th century, Torajans lived in autonomous villages, where they practised animism and were relatively untouched by the outside world. In the early 1900s, Dutch missionaries first worked to convert Torajan highlanders to Christianity. When the Tana Toraja regency was further opened to the outside world in the 1970s, it became an icon of tourism in Indonesia: it was exploited by tourism developers and studied by anthropologists. By the 1990s, when tourism peaked, Toraja society had changed significantly, from an agrarian model - in which social life and customs were outgrowths of the Aluk To Dolo - to a largely Christian society. Today, tourism and remittances from migrant Torajans have made for major changes in the Toraja highland, giving the Toraja a celebrity status within Indonesia and enhancing Toraja ethnic group pride.

 

ETHNIC IDENTITY

The Torajan people had little notion of themselves as a distinct ethnic group before the 20th century. Before Dutch colonization and Christianization, Torajans, who lived in highland areas, identified with their villages and did not share a broad sense of identity. Although complexes of rituals created linkages between highland villages, there were variations in dialects, differences in social hierarchies, and an array of ritual practices in the Sulawesi highland region. "Toraja" (from the coastal languages' to, meaning people; and riaja, uplands) was first used as a lowlander expression for highlanders. As a result, "Toraja" initially had more currency with outsiders - such as the Bugis and Makassarese, who constitute a majority of the lowland of Sulawesi - than with insiders. The Dutch missionaries' presence in the highlands gave rise to the Toraja ethnic consciousness in the Sa'dan Toraja region, and this shared identity grew with the rise of tourism in the Tana Toraja Regency. Since then, South Sulawesi has four main ethnic groups - the Bugis (the majority, including shipbuilders and seafarers), the Makassarese (lowland traders and seafarers), the Mandarese (traders and fishermen), and the Toraja (highland rice cultivators).

 

HISTORY

From the 17th century, the Dutch established trade and political control on Sulawesi through the Dutch East Indies Company. Over two centuries, they ignored the mountainous area in the central Sulawesi, where Torajans lived, because access was difficult and it had little productive agricultural land. In the late 19th century, the Dutch became increasingly concerned about the spread of Islam in the south of Sulawesi, especially among the Makassarese and Bugis peoples. The Dutch saw the animist highlanders as potential Christians. In the 1920s, the Reformed Missionary Alliance of the Dutch Reformed Church began missionary work aided by the Dutch colonial government. In addition to introducing Christianity, the Dutch abolished slavery and imposed local taxes. A line was drawn around the Sa'dan area and called Tana Toraja ("the land of Toraja"). Tana Toraja was first a subdivision of the Luwu kingdom that had claimed the area. In 1946, the Dutch granted Tana Toraja a regentschap, and it was recognized in 1957 as one of the regencies of Indonesia.

 

Early Dutch missionaries faced strong opposition among Torajans, especially among the elite, because the abolition of their profitable slave trade had angered them. Some Torajans were forcibly relocated to the lowlands by the Dutch, where they could be more easily controlled. Taxes were kept high, undermining the wealth of the elites. Ultimately, the Dutch influence did not subdue Torajan culture, and only a few Torajans were converted. In 1950, only 10% of the population had converted to Christianity.

 

In the 1930s, Muslim lowlanders attacked the Torajans, resulting in widespread Christian conversion among those who sought to align themselves with the Dutch for political protection and to form a movement against the Bugis and Makassarese Muslims. Between 1951 and 1965 (following Indonesian independence), southern Sulawesi faced a turbulent period as the Darul Islam separatist movement fought for an Islamic state in Sulawesi. The 15 years of guerrilla warfare led to massive conversions to

 

CHRISTIANITY

Alignment with the Indonesian government, however, did not guarantee safety for the Torajans. In 1965, a presidential decree required every Indonesian citizen to belong to one of five officially recognized religions: Islam, Christianity (Protestantism and Catholicism), Hinduism, or Buddhism. The Torajan religious belief (aluk) was not legally recognized, and the Torajans raised their voices against the law. To make aluk accord with the law, it had to be accepted as part of one of the official religions. In 1969, Aluk To Dolo ("the way of ancestors") was legalized as a sect of Agama Hindu Dharma, the official name of Hinduism in Indonesia.

 

SOCIETY

There are three main types of affiliation in Toraja society: family, class and religion.

 

FAMILY AFFILIATION

Family is the primary social and political grouping in Torajan society. Each village is one extended family, the seat of which is the tongkonan, a traditional Torajan house. Each tongkonan has a name, which becomes the name of the village. The familial dons maintain village unity. Marriage between distant cousins (fourth cousins and beyond) is a common practice that strengthens kinship. Toraja society prohibits marriage between close cousins (up to and including the third cousin) - except for nobles, to prevent the dispersal of property. Kinship is actively reciprocal, meaning that the extended family helps each other farm, share buffalo rituals, and pay off debts.

 

Each person belongs to both the mother's and the father's families, the only bilateral family line in Indonesia. Children, therefore, inherit household affiliation from both mother and father, including land and even family debts. Children's names are given on the basis of kinship, and are usually chosen after dead relatives. Names of aunts, uncles and cousins are commonly referred to in the names of mothers, fathers and siblings.

 

Before the start of the formal administration of Toraja villages by the Tana Toraja Regency, each Toraja village was autonomous. In a more complex situation, in which one Toraja family could not handle their problems alone, several villages formed a group; sometimes, villages would unite against other villages. Relationship between families was expressed through blood, marriage, and shared ancestral houses (tongkonan), practically signed by the exchange of water buffalo and pigs on ritual occasions. Such exchanges not only built political and cultural ties between families but defined each person's place in a social hierarchy: who poured palm wine, who wrapped a corpse and prepared offerings, where each person could or could not sit, what dishes should be used or avoided, and even what piece of meat constituted one's share.

 

CLASS AFFILIATION

In early Toraja society, family relationships were tied closely to social class. There were three strata: nobles, commoners, and slaves (slavery was abolished in 1909 by the Dutch East Indies government). Class was inherited through the mother. It was taboo, therefore, to marry "down" with a woman of lower class. On the other hand, marrying a woman of higher class could improve the status of the next generation. The nobility's condescending attitude toward the commoners is still maintained today for reasons of family prestige.

 

Nobles, who were believed to be direct descendants of the descended person from heaven, lived in tongkonans, while commoners lived in less lavish houses (bamboo shacks called banua). Slaves lived in small huts, which had to be built around their owner's tongkonan. Commoners might marry anyone, but nobles preferred to marry in-family to maintain their status. Sometimes nobles married Bugis or Makassarese nobles. Commoners and slaves were prohibited from having death feasts. Despite close kinship and status inheritance, there was some social mobility, as marriage or change in wealth could affect an individuals status. Wealth was counted by the ownership of water buffaloes.

 

Slaves in Toraja society were family property. Sometimes Torajans decided to become slaves when they incurred a debt, pledging to work as payment. Slaves could be taken during wars, and slave trading was common. Slaves could buy their freedom, but their children still inherited slave status. Slaves were prohibited from wearing bronze or gold, carving their houses, eating from the same dishes as their owners, or having sex with free women - a crime punishable by death.

 

RELIGIOUS AFFILIATION

Toraja's indigenous belief system is polytheistic animism, called aluk, or "the way" (sometimes translated as "the law"). In the Toraja myth, the ancestors of Torajan people came down from heaven using stairs, which were then used by the Torajans as a communication medium with Puang Matua, the Creator. The cosmos, according to aluk, is divided into the upper world (heaven), the world of man (earth), and the underworld. At first, heaven and earth were married, then there was a darkness, a separation, and finally the light. Animals live in the underworld, which is represented by rectangular space enclosed by pillars, the earth is for mankind, and the heaven world is located above, covered with a saddle-shaped roof. Other Toraja gods include Pong Banggai di Rante (god of Earth), Indo' Ongon-Ongon (a goddess who can cause earthquakes), Pong Lalondong (god of death), and Indo' Belo Tumbang (goddess of medicine); there are many more.

 

The earthly authority, whose words and actions should be cleaved to both in life (agriculture) and death (funerals), is called to minaa (an aluk priest). Aluk is not just a belief system; it is a combination of law, religion, and habit. Aluk governs social life, agricultural practices, and ancestral rituals. The details of aluk may vary from one village to another. One common law is the requirement that death and life rituals be separated. Torajans believe that performing death rituals might ruin their corpses if combined with life rituals. The two rituals are equally important. During the time of the Dutch missionaries, Christian Torajans were prohibited from attending or performing life rituals, but were allowed to perform death rituals. Consequently, Toraja's death rituals are still practised today, while life rituals have diminished.

 

CULTURE

TONGKONAN

Tongkonan are the traditional Torajan ancestral houses. They stand high on wooden piles, topped with a layered split-bamboo roof shaped in a sweeping curved arc, and they are incised with red, black, and yellow detailed wood carvings on the exterior walls. The word "tongkonan" comes from the Torajan tongkon ("to sit").

 

Tongkonan are the center of Torajan social life. The rituals associated with the tongkonan are important expressions of Torajan spiritual life, and therefore all family members are impelled to participate, because symbolically the tongkonan represents links to their ancestors and to living and future kin. According to Torajan myth, the first tongkonan was built in heaven on four poles, with a roof made of Indian cloth. When the first Torajan ancestor descended to earth, he imitated the house and held a large ceremony.

 

The construction of a tongkonan is laborious work and is usually done with the help of the extended family. There are three types of tongkonan. The tongkonan layuk is the house of the highest authority, used as the "center of government". The tongkonan pekamberan belongs to the family members who have some authority in local traditions. Ordinary family members reside in the tongkonan batu. The exclusivity to the nobility of the tongkonan is diminishing as many Torajan commoners find lucrative employment in other parts of Indonesia. As they send back money to their families, they enable the construction of larger tongkonan.

 

WOOD CARVINGS

To express social and religious concepts, Torajans carve wood, calling it Pa'ssura (or "the writing"). Wood carvings are therefore Toraja's cultural manifestation.

 

Each carving receives a special name, and common motifs are animals and plants that symbolize some virtue. For example, water plants and animals, such as crabs, tadpoles and water weeds, are commonly found to symbolize fertility. In some areas noble elders claim these symbols refer to strength of noble family, but not everyone agrees. The overall meaning of groups of carved motifs on houses remains debated and tourism has further complicated these debates because some feel a uniform explanation must be presented to tourists. The image to the left shows an example of Torajan wood carving, consisting of 15 square panels. The center bottom panel represents buffalo or wealth, a wish for many buffaloes for the family. The center panel represents a knot and a box, a hope that all of the family's offspring will be happy and live in harmony, like goods kept safe in a box. The top left and top right squares represent an aquatic animal, indicating the need for fast and hard work, just like moving on the surface of water. It also represents the need for a certain skill to produce good results.

 

Regularity and order are common features in Toraja wood carving (see table below), as well as abstracts and geometrical designs. Nature is frequently used as the basis of Toraja's ornaments, because nature is full of abstractions and geometries with regularities and ordering. Toraja's ornaments have been studied in ethnomathematics to reveal their mathematical structure, but Torajans base this art only on approximations. To create an ornament, bamboo sticks are used as a geometrical tool.

 

FUNERAL RITES

In Toraja society, the funeral ritual is the most elaborate and expensive event. The richer and more powerful the individual, the more expensive is the funeral. In the aluk religion, only nobles have the right to have an extensive death feast. The death feast of a nobleman is usually attended by thousands and lasts for several days. A ceremonial site, called rante, is usually prepared in a large, grassy field where shelters for audiences, rice barns, and other ceremonial funeral structures are specially made by the deceased family. Flute music, funeral chants, songs and poems, and crying and wailing are traditional Toraja expressions of grief with the exceptions of funerals for young children, and poor, low-status adults.

 

The ceremony is often held weeks, months, or years after the death so that the deceased's family can raise the significant funds needed to cover funeral expenses. Torajans traditionally believe that death is not a sudden, abrupt event, but a gradual process toward Puya (the land of souls, or afterlife). During the waiting period, the body of the deceased is wrapped in several layers of cloth and kept under the tongkonan. The soul of the deceased is thought to linger around the village until the funeral ceremony is completed, after which it begins its journey to Puya.

 

Another component of the ritual is the slaughter of water buffalo. The more powerful the person who died, the more buffalo are slaughtered at the death feast. Buffalo carcasses, including their heads, are usually lined up on a field waiting for their owner, who is in the "sleeping stage". Torajans believe that the deceased will need the buffalo to make the journey and that they will be quicker to arrive at Puya if they have many buffalo. Slaughtering tens of water buffalo and hundreds of pigs using a machete is the climax of the elaborate death feast, with dancing and music and young boys who catch spurting blood in long bamboo tubes. Some of the slaughtered animals are given by guests as "gifts", which are carefully noted because they will be considered debts of the deceased's family. However, a cockfight, known as bulangan londong, is an integral part of the ceremony. As with the sacrifice of the buffalo and the pigs, the cockfight is considered sacred because it involves the spilling of blood on the earth. In particular, the tradition requires the sacrifice of at least three chickens. However, it is common for at least 25 pairs of chickens to be set against each other in the context of the ceremony.

 

There are three methods of burial: the coffin may be laid in a cave or in a carved stone grave, or hung on a cliff. It contains any possessions that the deceased will need in the afterlife. The wealthy are often buried in a stone grave carved out of a rocky cliff. The grave is usually expensive and takes a few months to complete. In some areas, a stone cave may be found that is large enough to accommodate a whole family. A wood-carved effigy, called Tau tau, is usually placed in the cave looking out over the land. The coffin of a baby or child may be hung from ropes on a cliff face or from a tree. This hanging grave usually lasts for years, until the ropes rot and the coffin falls to the ground.

 

In the ritual called Ma'Nene, that takes place each year in August, the bodies of the deceased are exhumed to be washed, groomed and dressed in new clothes. The mummies are then walked around the village.

 

DANCE AND MUSIC

Torajans perform dances on several occasions, most often during their elaborate funeral ceremonies. They dance to express their grief, and to honour and even cheer the deceased person because he is going to have a long journey in the afterlife. First, a group of men form a circle and sing a monotonous chant throughout the night to honour the deceased (a ritual called Ma'badong). This is considered by many Torajans to be the most important component of the funeral ceremony. On the second funeral day, the Ma'randing warrior dance is performed to praise the courage of the deceased during life. Several men perform the dance with a sword, a large shield made from buffalo skin, a helmet with a buffalo horn, and other ornamentation. The Ma'randing dance precedes a procession in which the deceased is carried from a rice barn to the rante, the site of the funeral ceremony. During the funeral, elder women perform the Ma'katia dance while singing a poetic song and wearing a long feathered costume. The Ma'akatia dance is performed to remind the audience of the generosity and loyalty of the deceased person. After the bloody ceremony of buffalo and pig slaughter, a group of boys and girls clap their hands while performing a cheerful dance called Ma'dondan.

 

As in other agricultural societies, Torajans dance and sing during harvest time. The Ma'bugi dance celebrates the thanksgiving event, and the Ma'gandangi dance is performed while Torajans are pounding rice. There are several war dances, such as the Manimbong dance performed by men, followed by the Ma'dandan dance performed by women. The aluk religion governs when and how Torajans dance. A dance called Ma'bua can be performed only once every 12 years. Ma'bua is a major Toraja ceremony in which priests wear a buffalo head and dance around a sacred tree.

 

A traditional musical instrument of the Toraja is a bamboo flute called a Pa'suling (suling is an Indonesian word for flute). This six-holed flute (not unique to the Toraja) is played at many dances, such as the thanksgiving dance Ma'bondensan, where the flute accompanies a group of shirtless, dancing men with long fingernails. The Toraja have indigenous musical instruments, such as the Pa'pelle (made from palm leaves) and the Pa'karombi (the Torajan version of a jaw harp). The Pa'pelle is played during harvest time and at house inauguration ceremonies.

 

LANGUAGE

The ethnic Toraja language is dominant in Tana Toraja with the main language as the Sa'dan Toraja. Although the national Indonesian language is the official language and is spoken in the community, all elementary schools in Tana Toraja teach Toraja language.Language varieties of Toraja, including Kalumpang, Mamasa, Tae' , Talondo' , Toala' , and Toraja-Sa'dan, belong to the Malayo-Polynesian language from the Austronesian family. At the outset, the isolated geographical nature of Tana Toraja formed many dialects between the Toraja languages themselves. After the formal administration of Tana Toraja, some Toraja dialects have been influenced by other languages through the transmigration program, introduced since the colonialism period, and it has been a major factor in the linguistic variety of Toraja languages. A prominent attribute of Toraja language is the notion of grief. The importance of death ceremony in Toraja culture has characterized their languages to express intricate degrees of grief and mourning. The Toraja language contains many terms referring to sadness, longing, depression, and mental pain. Giving a clear expression of the psychological and physical effect of loss is a catharsis and sometimes lessens the pain of grief itself.

 

ECONOMY

Prior to Suharto's "New Order" administration, the Torajan economy was based on agriculture, with cultivated wet rice in terraced fields on mountain slopes, and supplemental cassava and maize crops. Much time and energy were devoted to raising water buffalo, pigs, and chickens, primarily for ceremonial sacrifices and consumption. Coffee was the first significant cash crop produced in Toraja, and was introduced in the mid 19th century, changing the local economy towards commodity production for external markets and gaining an excellent reputation for quality in the international market .

 

With the commencement of the New Order in 1965, Indonesia's economy developed and opened to foreign investment. In Toraja, a coffee plantation and factory was established by Key Coffee of Japan, and Torajan coffee regained a reputation for quality within the growing international specialty coffee sector Multinational oil and mining companies opened new operations in Indonesia during the 1970s and 1980s. Torajans, particularly younger ones, relocated to work for the foreign companies - to Kalimantan for timber and oil, to Papua for mining, to the cities of Sulawesi and Java, and many went to Malaysia. The out-migration of Torajans was steady until 1985. and has continued since, with remittances sent back by emigre Torajans performing an important role within the contemporary economy.

 

Tourism commenced in Toraja in the 1970s, and accelerated in the 1980s and 1990s. Between 1984 and 1997, a significant number of Torajans obtained their incomes from tourism, working in and owning hotels, as tour guides, drivers, or selling souvenirs. With the rise of political and economic instability in Indonesia in the late 1990s - including religious conflicts elsewhere on Sulawesi - tourism in Tana Toraja has declined dramatically. Toraja continues to be a well known origin for Indonesian coffee, grown by both smallholders and plantation estates, although migration, remittances and off-farm income is considered far more important to most households, even those in rural areas.

 

TOURISM AND CULTURAL CHANGE

Before the 1970s, Toraja was almost unknown to Western tourism. In 1971, about 50 Europeans visited Tana Toraja. In 1972, at least 400 visitors attended the funeral ritual of Puang of Sangalla, the highest-ranking nobleman in Tana Toraja and the so-called "last pure-blooded Toraja noble." The event was documented by National Geographic and broadcast in several European countries. In 1976, about 12,000 tourists visited the regency and in 1981, Torajan sculpture was exhibited in major North American museums. "The land of the heavenly kings of Tana Toraja", as written in the exhibition brochure, embraced the outside world.

 

In 1984, the Indonesian Ministry of Tourism declared Tana Toraja Regency the prima donna of South Sulawesi. Tana Toraja was heralded as "the second stop after Bali". Tourism was increasing dramatically: by 1985, a total number of 150,000 foreigners had visited the Regency (in addition to 80,000 domestic tourists), and the annual number of foreign visitors was recorded at 40,000 in 1989. Souvenir stands appeared in Rantepao, the cultural center of Toraja, roads were sealed at the most-visited tourist sites, new hotels and tourist-oriented restaurants were opened, and an airstrip was opened in the Regency in 1981.

 

Tourism developers have marketed Tana Toraja as an exotic adventure - an area rich in culture and off the beaten track. Western tourists expected to see stone-age villages and pagan funerals. Toraja is for tourists who have gone as far as Bali and are willing to see more of the wild, "untouched" islands. However, they were more likely to see a Torajan wearing a hat and denim, living in a Christian society. Tourists felt that the tongkonan and other Torajan rituals had been preconceived to make profits, and complained that the destination was too commercialized. This has resulted in several clashes between Torajans and tourism developers, whom Torajans see as outsiders.

 

A clash between local Torajan leaders and the South Sulawesi provincial government (as a tourist developer) broke out in 1985. The government designated 18 Toraja villages and burial sites as traditional tourist attractions. Consequently, zoning restrictions were applied to these areas, such that Torajans themselves were barred from changing their tongkonans and burial sites. The plan was opposed by some Torajan leaders, as they felt that their rituals and traditions were being determined by outsiders. As a result, in 1987, the Torajan village of Kété Kesú and several other designated tourist attractions closed their doors to tourists. This closure lasted only a few days, as the villagers found it too difficult to survive without the income from selling souvenirs.

 

Tourism has also transformed Toraja society. Originally, there was a ritual which allowed commoners to marry nobles (puang) and thereby gain nobility for their children. However, the image of Torajan society created for the tourists, often by "lower-ranking" guides, has eroded its traditional strict hierarchy. High status is not as esteemed in Tana Toraja as it once was. Many low-ranking men can declare themselves and their children nobles by gaining enough wealth through work outside the region and then marrying a noble woman.

 

WIKIPEDIA

Sake, Nord-Kivu - Cérémonie officielle de lancement de trois projets par la section Conduite et Disciplne (CDT) de la MONUSCO sur financement du Fonds spécial de l’assistance aux vicitmes d’abus et exploitation sexuels le 8 mai 2018 à Sake par Nancee Oko Bright, directrice de cabinet de la MONUSCO, en présence de Fatoumata Ndiaye, directrice exécutive adjointe de l’Unicef en visite en Répunlique démocratique du Congo.

Les trois projets, d’un montant total de 175.000 dollars, comprennent la construction et l’équipement de quatre centres de formation professionnelle pour les filières suivantes : coupe et couture, culture de champignons, patisserie, cuisine, maraîchage, élevage, techniques de réparation de motos et bicyclettes, fabrication de savon. Les bénéficiaires sont au nombre 460 femmes et enfants, lesquels sont accompagnés par les quatre réseaux communautaires qui ont pour objectifs le signalement et l’accompagnement des vicitmes d’abus et violence sexuels au Nord Kivu (Sake, Munigi et Bujovu) et au sud Kivu ( Kavumu).Photo MONUSCO/Michael Ali

  

Sake, North Kivu - Sake, North Kivu - The official launching ceremony of three projects by the MONUSCO Conduct and Discipline Section (CDT), with, funding from the Special Fund for Assistance to Victims of Sexual Abuse and Exploitation, was held on 8 May 2018 in Sake by Nancee Oko Bright, MONUSCO Chief of staff, in the presence of Fatoumata Ndiaye, Deputy Executive Director of UNICEF visiting the Democratic Republic of the Congo.

The three projects, totaling $ 175,000, include the construction and equipping of four vocational training centers for the following sectors: cutting and sewing, mushroom cultivation, baking, cooking, market gardening, breeding, motorcycle repair techniques and bicycles, soap making. The beneficiaries are 460 women and children, who are also supported by 4 community based complaints networks (CBCN) aim at reporting and accompanying victims of sexual abuse and violence in North Kivu (Sake, Munigi, Bujovo) and South Kivu (Kavumu). Photo MONUSCO/Michael Ali

   

« Faire la route » .... L’espace à soi, sans limite autre que la rondeur de Gaïa. J’ai vu la soif à perte de vue par dessus les dunes, souverainement méprisée par la caravane altière. Celui qui va à pied n’est pas mieux considéré. Dormir sur le quai des gares ou dans des fossés : le confort peut en être discuté !

Somme toute, rien n’égale l’humour d’un montagnard afghan, si ce n’est sa familiarité avec les armes … et sa façon d’aborder un chilam.

 

« Caminante no hay camino, se hace camino … » (Antonio Machado)

 

© Yves Claudé – 2009 / ycsocio@yahoo.ca

 

Montréal : charmes et maléfices d’une île laide …

 

NB: Cet album « Montréal : charmes et maléfices d’une île laide » est conçu comme un diaporama. Vous pouvez le lancer à partir de l’adresse suivante :

www.flickr.com/photos/ycsocio/sets/72157621861102283/show/

 

Il est préférable de sélectionner "vitesse lente" dans le menu du diaporama.

Vos commentaires et suggestions sont appréciés, soit directement sur le site de flickr.com, soit via mon adresse de courriel (ycsocio@yahoo.ca).

 

Yves Claudé

  

ENGLISH / ESPAÑOL / DEUTSCH / ITALIANO / PORTUGUÊS / РУССКИЙ

  

NB: This album « Montréal : charms and bewitching of an ugly island » is conceived as a slide show. You can start it from the following address:

www.flickr.com/photos/ycsocio/sets/72157621861102283/show/

 

It is preferable to choose "slow speed" in the menu of the slide show.

Your comments and suggestions are appreciated, either directly on the site flickr.com or via my email (ycsocio@yahoo.ca).

 

YC

  

Nota: Este álbum « Montréal : encantos y maleficios de una isla fea » es concebido como un diaporama. Usted puede lanzarlo a partir de la de la siguiente dirección:

www.flickr.com/photos/ycsocio/sets/72157621861102283/show/

 

Es preferible seleccionar "velocidad lenta" en el menú del diaporama.

Sus comentarios y sugerencias son apreciados, ya sea directamente en el flickr.com sitio o por medio de mi correo electrónico (ycsocio@yahoo.ca).

 

YC

  

NB: Dieses Album « Montréal : Charme und Hexereien einer hässlichen Insel » ist wie ein diaporama konzipiert. Sie können es ab der folgenden Adresse werfen :

www.flickr.com/photos/ycsocio/sets/72157621861102283/show/

 

Es ist besser "langsame Geschwindigkeit" im Menü des Diaporama auszuwählen.

Ihre Kommentare und Anregungen sind willkommen, entweder direkt auf der Website flickr.com oder über meine E-Mail-Adresse (ycsocio@yahoo.ca).

 

YC

  

NB: Questo album « Montréal : fascini e malefici di un'isola brutta » è concepito come un diaporama. Potete lanciarlo a partire dal seguente indirizzo :

www.flickr.com/photos/ycsocio/sets/72157621861102283/show/

 

È preferibile di selezionare "velocità lenta" nel menù del diaporama.

Vostri commenti e suggestioni sono apprezzati, o direttamente sul sito di flickr.com, o via il mio indirizzo di courriel (ycsocio@yahoo).

 

YC

  

NB: Este álbum « Montréal : encantos e maléfices de uma ilha feia » é concebido como um espetáculo de deslizamento. Você pode lançar isto do seguinte endereço:

www.flickr.com/photos/ycsocio/sets/72157621861102283/show/

 

É preferível seleccionar " velocidade lente" na ementa do diaporama.

Seus comentários e sugestões são bem-vindas, quer directamente, no flickr.com local, quer através de meu endereço de e-mail (ycsocio@yahoo.ca).

 

YC

  

NB: Этот альбом "Отель: Обаяния и злые периоды уродливого острова" предназначена как слайд-шоу. Вы можете начать со следующего адреса:

www.flickr.com/photos/ycsocio/sets/72157621861102283/show/

 

Это должно лучше выбирать "медленно скорость" в меню показа слайда.

Ценим Ваши замечания и предложения, либо непосредственно на сайте flickr.com, либо через мой адрес электронной почты (ycsocio@yahoo.ca).

 

YC

  

"Yves Claudé" Montréal Québec punk punks skinhead skinheads Bloods Bloodz Crips Cripz mara maras "mara salvatrucha" "inégalités sociales" " social inequalities " "desigualdades sociales" "diseguaglianze sociali" "desigualdades sociais" "soziale Ungleichheiten" "sociale ongelijkheden" "социальные неравенства" "социальное неравенство" "marginalisation sociale" "social marginalization" "social marginalisation" "marginación social" "emarginazione sociale" "marginalização social" "Soziales Aussteigen" "soziale Marginalisierung" "sociale marginalisation" "социальное разграничивание" "cоциальная маргинализация" pauvreté poverty pobreza povertà Armut armoede exploitation explotación sfruttamento Betrieb gebruik victimisation victimization Viktimisierung vitimização révolte revolt uprising rebelión sommossa revolta Revolte opstand мятеж bосстание "mouvements sociaux" "social movements" "movimientos sociales" "movimenti sociali" "Movimentos sociais" "sozialen Bewegungen" "sociale bewegingen" "социальных движений" "социальные движения" "mouvement ouvrier" "labour movement" "movimiento obrero" "movimento operaio" "movimento operário" "Arbeiterbewegung" "arbeidersbeweging" "Рабочее движение" syndicat syndicats "labor union" "labor unions" "trade union" "trade unions" sindicato sindicatos sindacato sindacati Gewerkschaft Gewerkschaften vakbond vakbonden профсоюзный Профсоюз Профсоюзы Союз Союзы syndicalisme "trade unionism" sindicalismo Syndikalismus vakbeweging "профсоюзное движение" "mouvement des femmes" "movement of the women" "women's movement" "movimiento de las mujeres" "movimento delle donne" "movimento das mulheres" "Bewegung der Frauen" "beweging van de vrouwen" "движение женщин" "Женское движение" "mouvement féministe" "feminist movement" "movimiento feminista" "movimento femminista" "Frauenrechtsbewegung" "feministische Bewegung" "feministische beweging" féminisme feminism feminismo Feminismus феминизм poésie poetry poesía poesia Poesie dichtkunst поэзия "crime organisé" "organized crime" "crimen organizado" "crimine organizzato" "crime organizado" "organisiertes Verbrechen" "georganiseerde misdaad" "предумышленное преступление" "motards criminalisés" "biker gangs" "motociclistas criminalizados" "motociclisti criminalizzati" "kriminalisierte Motorradfahrer" "fietser troepen" "Криминализированные мотоциклисты" "gangs de rue" "street gangs" "pandillas callejeras" "bande di via" "bandos de rua" "Straßenbanden" "straat troepen" "уличные банды" mafia "culture urbaine" "urban culture" "cultura urbana" Stadtkultur stadscultuur "stedelijke cultuur" "городская культура" "culture populaire" "popular culture" "cultura popular" "cultura popolare" Volkskultur "народной культуры" "популярная культура" sous-culture subculture subcultura sottocultura subcolture Subkultur subcultuur субкультура sous-cultures subcultures subculturas Subkulturen subculturen субкультуры capitalisme capitalism capitalismo Kapitalismus kapitalisme капитализм "capitalisme sauvage" "savage capitalism" "capitalismo salvaje" "capitalismo selvaggio" "capitalismo selvagem" "wilder Kapitalismus" "wild kapitalisme" "Дикий капитализм" "capitalisme barbare" "barbarian capitalism" "capitalismo bárbaro" "capitalismo barbaro" "barbarischer Kapitalismus" "grof kapitalisme" "варварский капитализм" "дикий капитализм" Sociologie Sociology Sociología Sociologia Soziologie Социология Anthropologie Anthropology Antropología Antropologia Antropologie Антропология Histoire History Historia Storia História Geschichte Geschiedenis История

 

This advertisement makes me SO mad. Exploitation of kids. How can we condone using seven year olds in this way? Using Barbie to draft kids into the sick world of "fashion."

via WordPress ift.tt/2I4RpLj

 

While James Stuber was changing a burned out light bulb in his home one day in 2012, he had his own personal light bulb moment. {media_1}

 

“I took out the lightbulb to replace it and I looked at it and on it was the GE (General Electric) logo and underneath that in all capital letters was the word CHINA,” Stuber said. “The juxtaposition of the two things — since I considered GE stood for Thomas Edison and all things American — made me think if GE is making its light bulbs in China, maybe we have a problem.”

 

Stuber had been shopping a few days prior to the light bulb moment and noticed that most everything in the store had been made in China, Vietnam and Bangladesh.

 

“These things all kind of grabbed a hold of me and I wouldn’t let go,’’ said Stuber, who has built a career as an attorney, legislative aide on Capitol Hill, entrepreneur, and candidate for Congress. “I really wanted to know what the heck was going on.”

 

He began what turned out to be three years of research and in 2017, Stuber added author to his resume with the release of his book “What if Things Were Made in America Again: How Consumers Can Rebuild the Middle Class by Buying Things Made in American Communities.”

 

The goal of Stuber’s book was to answer three pertinent questions: Why does it seem like everything is made somewhere else? Isn’t that causing a problem? And if it is, what can be done about it?

 

America has an approximately $800 billion trade deficit with countries around the world, nearly half of which is a whopping $365 billion trade imbalance with China.

 

But despite the complexities of trade policy and the U.S. economy, Stuber reached the conclusion that American consumers are the most likely of all factors to rein in the constantly rising trade deficit and help put America back on a level playing field with our trading partners.

 

Stuber holds bachelors and masters degrees in political science from the University of Pennsylvania and Columbia University, respectively, and a law degree from Georgetown University. He resides in Berwyn, Pa. with his wife and four teenage children.

 

In an interview, Stuber explains why American consumers can provide the most effective economic bailout with their power to purchase American-made goods.

 

Jeffrey Bonior: Why does it seem like everything we see in our stores is made in some other country?

 

James Stuber: The short answer is because it is. I did research on the various categories of goods, and 95 percent of our apparel is coming from overseas, 70 percent of our appliances, 70 percent of our electronics. There are whole categories of goods that over the decades we have just sent somewhere else to be made.

 

JB: How and why did this happen?

 

JS: The U.S adopted faulty free trade theories, globalization happened, and China entered the global market. China had gone communist in 1949, so a lot of this was fighting communism by giving countries like Japan, Taiwan, Hong Kong and these Asian tigers whole industries starting with clothing. It gave these countries some of our markets instead of having them trade with communist China.

 

The second era is what I call the China Globalization Era, from 1995 to 2015, when we stepped onto the globalization merry-go-round just outsourcing everything. The big thing, the inflection point, was in 2001 when we granted China permanent favored nation tariff treatment and admission to the World Trade Organization (WTO). Then things really took off. The irony about this and the thing that really bothers me is that our leaders, who are supposed to know what they are doing, were pursuing these free trade policies that clearly made no sense.

 

JB: The stock market is thriving and unemployment is at 3.9 percent, so isn’t America doing well?

 

JS: Most of us are not doing very well at all compared to the cost of living in America. And what we’ve been doing to ordinary Americans raises profound moral questions. The stock market almost has nothing to do with the working and middle class, and the unemployment numbers are misleading because it counts bad jobs, jobs where people are working almost no hours even though they wish they had a full-time job. So, when you look deeper, 10 percent would probably be a more realistic number for people that are underemployed and underpaid. Wages are basically stagnant. The Federal Reserve said that 40 percent of Americans couldn’t immediately come up with $400 in an emergency. We are on thin ice and people know it.

 

JB: Your book touches on all things made in America, but how important is it for the U.S. to have a thriving industrial base like the steel and automotive industries?

 

JS: My passion for this grew out of my family working in the steel mills in Pittsburgh and Steubenville. The mill where The Deer Hunter was filmed in Mingo Junction, Ohio is the town where my parents grew up in and all my family worked. I pick up the story in in the book in 1945 when our soldiers were fighting their way across Europe and the islands of the Pacific and there were a couple of places where the Japanese and Germans both saw these columns and columns of American tanks, jeeps and trucks and realized what they were up against. There was a mill in California that made all of the Liberty Ships and it was really America’s industrial might, the core of which was steelmaking, that carried the day in World War II.

 

Now we are locked in another geopolitical fight with China and Russia and not realizing the importance from a security standpoint of the steel industry. I’ve concluded no economy is strong without a strong manufacturing sector. And to rely on other countries for either the raw steel or things in the steel supply chain is just hollowing out our economy. You need steel for security and you need steel for a strong economy.

 

JB: What is your opinion of President Trump’s steel and aluminum tariffs, and why do you think there is such a pushback from some downstream manufacturers?

 

JS: It is disheartening to see how quickly many U.S. companies are to throw under the bus those companies farther upstream in the supply chain just to protect their own niche. But they are mistaken if they believe that they are not themselves vulnerable to foreign competition. The Chinese and other mercantilists want to occupy the entire supply chain, especially in high value-added products. This is all spelled out in China’s “Made in China 2025” plan.

 

I don’t understand why we are hearing such vociferous objections to paying a fair price for steel, one that includes paying workers a living family wage and a modest profit for the company. {media_2}

 

JB: How will consumers purchasing Made-in-America products alleviate our trade deficit?

 

JS: Consumers, and only consumers, can solve this problem. We can bring home $650 billion in spending, create 6 or 7 million jobs and get a virtuous circle going in the economy.

 

I think that if consumers realize that what we are doing now is not sustainable and that there is a very high cost to that low price of goods, it will drive consumers to want to do this. If they realize the stakes are high and they really have the power to rebuild the American economy and get us growing at a faster clip, I think they will do it. They need this education. Once they read my book and get the facts, they will stop and just pay attention to their purchasing power.

 

I sometimes approach people and say, ‘I hate to be the one to tell you this, but your smartphone was made in a labor camp, your clothes were made in a sweatshop and your fish were caught by a slave ship.’ This is morally wrong and has caused a massive increase across the world in what two Princeton economists have called Death of Despair.

 

JB: Your theory has merit, but isn’t the bottom line that people will be spending more for products?

 

JS: Yes, sometimes. My son’s first hammer cost $25 instead of $15. It was worth it to support the community that made it. Often things don’t cost more. Oreo cookies, now made in Mexico, cost the same price as they did when they were made in Chicago.

 

JB: How can you get the American consumers to understand that something Made in America is an investment in their own lives and communities?

 

JS: It is going to require an education process to change a lot of consumer thinking. Where we are right now [is] just focused on price, price, price. We are not recognizing the high cost of that low price. In foreign countries where laborers are exploited and the high cost in the U.S. starting with families that lose their manufacturing jobs in the community and the high cost to all of us who are paying taxes and trying to deal with all this dependency, drug addiction and social problems. If you add all that up into the price of that good, [what] we thought was a low price really wasn’t such a low price at all. That’s going to require a wake-up call for many Americans.

 

JB: Is it realistic for American consumers to pay higher prices for Made in America products?

 

JS: It is. Just look at the evidence for people willing to buy organic or buy green. People are paying a lot more for these things, which they perceive of particular value. We see other trends where people are willing to pay more for something they really care about. Of course, you start with the people that are able to pay more, and work your way down through the economy, and as you do the prices come down and it will kind of converge at some point. It seems like right now everything in the food store is organic, and the prices are a lot less than they used to be.

 

At one time I was involved in the tourism business in Florida and you heard about hotels advertising they were green hotels. I was thinking, ‘Who cares if their hotel is green?’ Well, it turned out consumers did. The hotel companies responded by rebuilding or retrofitting those hotels to make them green. So, consumers are saying to builders: ‘I care about those components in my house,’ and there was a change to make them green. It’s not going to be easy but it’s doable, very doable.

 

And then you really know you are helping someone in America. It is easy to look up these companies if you want to. (Editor’s note: Check out our directory!) They are often in small towns and your purchase is helping these communities. You can indeed be assured you are helping someone when you buy American.

 

JB: Do you have additional strategies to influence Buy American?

 

JS: There is a third leg to my story and it is the policy leg. Although I believe consumers can do this without asking the government for support or permission, there are other things we want to ask the government for. And two of them are related as a consumer solution.

 

The big one I want to pursue is a fair country of origin labeling where people can tell really where something is coming from. While there are several laws that cover that, the information should be prominently displayed in advertising, in catalogues, in online displays and in stores so through the packaging consumers can make an informed choice. This is an area where we are sorely lacking right now.

 

The other thing is to strengthen the Buy America laws at the national, state and local levels so when the government is spending your tax dollars, the school board is going to be able to buy a desk that was made in Pennsylvania or someplace in the United States. And these American companies end up paying taxes that will go to the schools. It really is a no-brainer.

 

The best thing a consumer can do is to support an American community by buying something made in that community. Every American needs to know this story. It will be a game-changer for them in their purchasing habits. And a game changer for the American economy.

 

To purchase “What if Things Were Made in America Again” and learn more about the consumer Buy America movement, visit www.themadeinamericabook.com or www.madeinamericaagain.org

 

Q&A: Want to See More American-Made Stuff? Buy More American-Made Stuff. syndicated from petroteksdnbhd.blogspot.com

 

Red Umbrella March for Sex Work Solidarity

Saturday, June 11, 2016

Vancouver, BC, Canada

 

Sex workers, allies, family and friends stand together

 

The red umbrella is the symbol of the global sex workers’ rights movement. The Red Umbrella March is part of a national day of action, with similar events taking place in cities across Canada.

 

In Vancouver it began at 2:30 p.m. on June 11 with a rally at the Vancouver Art Gallery (Robson Street plaza), followed by a march starting at 3 p.m. The march travelled through Vancouver’s Downtown Eastside to CRAB Park.

 

Protest chants included:

Freedom to associate is our right!

Get your laws off my body!

Sex workers rights are human rights!

My body, my business, my choice!

Remember Bedford!

No bad whores, only bad laws!

Sex worker rights now!

I support sex workers' rights

A Blow Job is Better than No Job.

 

This year’s focus was “Freedom to Associate is Our Right!”

 

The Freedom to Associate is a right granted to all citizens by our Charter of Rights & Freedoms. Canada’s new anti-prostitution laws violate sex workers’ freedom even to the point that standing in the street together is illegal if it encourages buying sex.

Marching together shows Canadians that when sex workers’ freedom to associate is infringed upon, it is a concern for all Canadians. It forces them to work alone and unsafe, they’re alienated, their families are torn apart.

 

When the Protection of Communities and Exploited Persons Act became law in 2014, purchasing sexual services became a crime for the first time in Canada. Advocates for this, the “Nordic model,” believe it is the way to keep sex workers safe from violence and exploitation.

 

In the eyes of anti-sex work activists, “shaming the Johns” is a legitimate way to reduce the overall amount of street prostitution (estimated to comprise not more than 15 percent of all sexual services offered in Canada). But “John shaming” impacts sex workers themselves. Making what they do illegal only forces them to do it in riskier circumstances. For instance, street-based sex workers face longer hours, thanks to a temporary decline in clients. They may be more willing to take clients they would otherwise screen out, particularly when they’re under greater pressure to avoid police detection. And clients may be less likely to seek relevant health care. The Vancouver Police Department say they don’t consider sex between consenting adults an enforcement priority, claiming to only intervene in situations where there are reports of violence, exploitation, or involvement of youth or gangs.

 

But there’s no real difference between banning providing sexual services and banning paying for them. As long as the act of engaging in sex for money is illegal, sex workers will not see the police as allies in the moments that they really need them.

 

From the early 1990s to 2002, more than 70 women disappeared from Vancouver’s Downtown Eastside, most of them sex workers and all of them poor. Criminalization only served to push these women away from police and from the rest of society; it never made them safer. Robert Pickton admitted to an undercover police officer that he killed 49 women after he was arrested in 2002. He was convicted of the second-degree murders of six women and sentenced to life in prison with no chance of parole for 25 years. Former Vancouver Police Chief Jim Chu has repeatedly apologized for his force’s failure to stop Pickton’s killing spree. Lawsuits claimed police, including individual RCMP officers, and the Crown failed to warn women on the Downtown Eastside that a serial killer may have been responsible for women disappearing, and was wrong for not putting Pickton on trial for attempted murder following an attack on a sex worker in 1997.

 

The Red Umbrella March for Sex Work Solidarity was co-organized by: Triple-X Workers’

Solidarity Association of B.C., Downtown Eastside Sex Workers United Against Violence (SWUAV), Pivot Legal Society, PACE Society, B.C. Coalition of Experiential Communities, FIRST: Feminists Advocating for the Decriminalization of Sex Work, SWAN Society Vancouver.

The exploitation rights for this text are the property of the Vienna Tourist Board. This text may be reprinted free of charge until further notice, even partially and in edited form. Forward sample copy to: Vienna Tourist Board, Media Management, Invalidenstraße 6, 1030 Vienna; media.rel@wien.info. All information in this text without guarantee.

Author: Andreas Nierhaus, Curator of Architecture/Wien Museum

Last updated January 2014

Architecture in Vienna

Vienna's 2,000-year history is present in a unique density in the cityscape. The layout of the center dates back to the Roman city and medieval road network. Romanesque and Gothic churches characterize the streets and squares as well as palaces and mansions of the baroque city of residence. The ring road is an expression of the modern city of the 19th century, in the 20th century extensive housing developments set accents in the outer districts. Currently, large-scale urban development measures are implemented; distinctive buildings of international star architects complement the silhouette of the city.

Due to its function as residence of the emperor and European power center, Vienna for centuries stood in the focus of international attention, but it was well aware of that too. As a result, developed an outstanding building culture, and still today on a worldwide scale only a few cities can come up with a comparable density of high-quality architecture. For several years now, Vienna has increased its efforts to connect with its historical highlights and is drawing attention to itself with some spectacular new buildings. The fastest growing city in the German-speaking world today most of all in residential construction is setting standards. Constants of the Viennese architecture are respect for existing structures, the palpability of historical layers and the dialogue between old and new.

Culmination of medieval architecture: the Stephansdom

The oldest architectural landmark of the city is St. Stephen's Cathedral. Under the rule of the Habsburgs, defining the face of the city from the late 13th century until 1918 in a decisive way, the cathedral was upgraded into the sacral monument of the political ambitions of the ruling house. The 1433 completed, 137 meters high southern tower, by the Viennese people affectionately named "Steffl", is a masterpiece of late Gothic architecture in Europe. For decades he was the tallest stone structure in Europe, until today he is the undisputed center of the city.

The baroque residence

Vienna's ascension into the ranks of the great European capitals began in Baroque. Among the most important architects are Johann Bernhard Fischer von Erlach and Johann Lucas von Hildebrandt. Outside the city walls arose a chain of summer palaces, including the garden Palais Schwarzenberg (1697-1704) as well as the Upper and Lower Belvedere of Prince Eugene of Savoy (1714-22). Among the most important city palaces are the Winter Palace of Prince Eugene (1695-1724, now a branch of the Belvedere) and the Palais Daun-Kinsky (auction house in Kinsky 1713-19). The emperor himself the Hofburg had complemented by buildings such as the Imperial Library (1722-26) and the Winter Riding School (1729-34). More important, however, for the Habsburgs was the foundation of churches and monasteries. Thus arose before the city walls Fischer von Erlach's Karlskirche (1714-39), which with its formal and thematic complex show façade belongs to the major works of European Baroque. In colored interior rooms like that of St. Peter's Church (1701-22), the contemporary efforts for the synthesis of architecture, painting and sculpture becomes visible.

Upgrading into metropolis: the ring road time (Ringstraßenzeit)

Since the Baroque, reflections on extension of the hopelessly overcrowed city were made, but only Emperor Franz Joseph ordered in 1857 the demolition of the fortifications and the connection of the inner city with the suburbs. 1865, the Ring Road was opened. It is as the most important boulevard of Europe an architectural and in terms of urban development achievement of the highest rank. The original building structure is almost completely preserved and thus conveys the authentic image of a metropolis of the 19th century. The public representational buildings speak, reflecting accurately the historicism, by their style: The Greek Antique forms of Theophil Hansen's Parliament (1871-83) stood for democracy, the Renaissance of the by Heinrich Ferstel built University (1873-84) for the flourishing of humanism, the Gothic of the Town Hall (1872-83) by Friedrich Schmidt for the medieval civic pride.

Dominating remained the buildings of the imperial family: Eduard van der Nüll's and August Sicardsburg's Opera House (1863-69), Gottfried Semper's and Carl Hasenauer's Burgtheater (1874-88), their Museum of Art History and Museum of Natural History (1871-91) and the Neue (New) Hofburg (1881-1918 ). At the same time the ring road was the preferred residential area of mostly Jewish haute bourgeoisie. With luxurious palaces the families Ephrussi, Epstein or Todesco made it clear that they had taken over the cultural leadership role in Viennese society. In the framework of the World Exhibition of 1873, the new Vienna presented itself an international audience. At the ring road many hotels were opened, among them the Hotel Imperial and today's Palais Hansen Kempinski.

Laboratory of modernity: Vienna around 1900

Otto Wagner's Postal Savings Bank (1903-06) was one of the last buildings in the Ring road area Otto Wagner's Postal Savings Bank (1903-06), which with it façade, liberated of ornament, and only decorated with "functional" aluminum buttons and the glass banking hall now is one of the icons of modern architecture. Like no other stood Otto Wagner for the dawn into the 20th century: His Metropolitan Railway buildings made ​​the public transport of the city a topic of architecture, the church of the Psychiatric hospital at Steinhofgründe (1904-07) is considered the first modern church.

With his consistent focus on the function of a building ("Something impractical can not be beautiful"), Wagner marked a whole generation of architects and made Vienna the laboratory of modernity: in addition to Joseph Maria Olbrich, the builder of the Secession (1897-98) and Josef Hoffmann, the architect of the at the western outskirts located Purkersdorf Sanatorium (1904) and founder of the Vienna Workshop (Wiener Werkstätte, 1903) is mainly to mention Adolf Loos, with the Loos House at the square Michaelerplatz (1909-11) making architectural history. The extravagant marble cladding of the business zone stands in maximal contrast, derived from the building function, to the unadorned facade above, whereby its "nudity" became even more obvious - a provocation, as well as his culture-critical texts ("Ornament and Crime"), with which he had greatest impact on the architecture of the 20th century. Public contracts Loos remained denied. His major works therefore include villas, apartment facilities and premises as the still in original state preserved Tailor salon Knize at Graben (1910-13) and the restored Loos Bar (1908-09) near the Kärntner Straße (passageway Kärntner Durchgang).

Between the Wars: International Modern Age and social housing

After the collapse of the monarchy in 1918, Vienna became capital of the newly formed small country of Austria. In the heart of the city, the architects Theiss & Jaksch built 1931-32 the first skyscraper in Vienna as an exclusive residential address (Herrengasse - alley 6-8). To combat the housing shortage for the general population, the social democratic city government in a globally unique building program within a few years 60,000 apartments in hundreds of apartment buildings throughout the city area had built, including the famous Karl Marx-Hof by Karl Ehn (1925-30). An alternative to the multi-storey buildings with the 1932 opened International Werkbundsiedlung was presented, which was attended by 31 architects from Austria, Germany, France, Holland and the USA and showed models for affordable housing in greenfield areas. With buildings of Adolf Loos, André Lurçat, Richard Neutra, Gerrit Rietveld, the Werkbundsiedlung, which currently is being restored at great expense, is one of the most important documents of modern architecture in Austria.

Modernism was also expressed in significant Villa buildings: The House Beer (1929-31) by Josef Frank exemplifies the refined Wiener living culture of the interwar period, while the house Stonborough-Wittgenstein (1926-28, today Bulgarian Cultural Institute), built by the philosopher Ludwig Wittgenstein together with the architect Paul Engelmann for his sister Margarete, by its aesthetic radicalism and mathematical rigor represents a special case within contemporary architecture.

Expulsion, war and reconstruction

After the "Anschluss (Annexation)" to the German Reich in 1938, numerous Jewish builders, architects (female and male ones), who had been largely responsible for the high level of Viennese architecture, have been expelled from Austria. During the Nazi era, Vienna remained largely unaffected by structural transformations, apart from the six flak towers built for air defense of Friedrich Tamms (1942-45), made ​​of solid reinforced concrete which today are present as memorials in the cityscape.

The years after the end of World War II were characterized by the reconstruction of the by bombs heavily damaged city. The architecture of those times was marked by aesthetic pragmatism, but also by the attempt to connect with the period before 1938 and pick up on current international trends. Among the most important buildings of the 1950s are Roland Rainer's City Hall (1952-58), the by Oswald Haerdtl erected Wien Museum at Karlsplatz (1954-59) and the 21er Haus of Karl Schwanzer (1958-62).

The youngsters come

Since the 1960s, a young generation was looking for alternatives to the moderate modernism of the reconstruction years. With visionary designs, conceptual, experimental and above all temporary architectures, interventions and installations, Raimund Abraham, Günther Domenig, Eilfried Huth, Hans Hollein, Walter Pichler and the groups Coop Himmelb(l)au, Haus-Rucker-Co and Missing Link rapidly got international attention. Although for the time being it was more designed than built, was the influence on the postmodern and deconstructivist trends of the 1970s and 1980s also outside Austria great. Hollein's futuristic "Retti" candle shop at Charcoal Market/Kohlmarkt (1964-65) and Domenig's biomorphic building of the Central Savings Bank in Favoriten (10th district of Vienna - 1975-79) are among the earliest examples, later Hollein's Haas-Haus (1985-90), the loft conversion Falkestraße (1987/88) by Coop Himmelb(l)au or Domenig's T Center (2002-04) were added. Especially Domenig, Hollein, Coop Himmelb(l)au and the architects Ortner & Ortner (ancient members of Haus-Rucker-Co) ​​by orders from abroad the new Austrian and Viennese architecture made a fixed international concept.

MuseumQuarter and Gasometer

Since the 1980s, the focus of building in Vienna lies on the compaction of the historic urban fabric that now as urban habitat of high quality no longer is put in question. Among the internationally best known projects is the by Ortner & Ortner planned MuseumsQuartier in the former imperial stables (competition 1987, 1998-2001), which with institutions such as the MUMOK - Museum of Modern Art Foundation Ludwig, the Leopold Museum, the Kunsthalle Wien, the Architecture Center Vienna and the Zoom Children's Museum on a wordwide scale is under the largest cultural complexes. After controversies in the planning phase, here an architectural compromise between old and new has been achieved at the end, whose success as an urban stage with four million visitors (2012) is overwhelming.

The dialogue between old and new, which has to stand on the agenda of building culture of a city that is so strongly influenced by history, also features the reconstruction of the Gasometer in Simmering by Coop Himmelb(l)au, Wilhelm Holzbauer, Jean Nouvel and Manfred Wehdorn (1999-2001). Here was not only created new housing, but also a historical industrial monument reinterpreted into a signal in the urban development area.

New Neighborhood

In recent years, the major railway stations and their surroundings moved into the focus of planning. Here not only necessary infrastructural measures were taken, but at the same time opened up spacious inner-city residential areas and business districts. Among the prestigious projects are included the construction of the new Vienna Central Station, started in 2010 with the surrounding office towers of the Quartier Belvedere and the residential and school buildings of the Midsummer quarter (Sonnwendviertel). Europe's largest wooden tower invites here for a spectacular view to the construction site and the entire city. On the site of the former North Station are currently being built 10,000 homes and 20,000 jobs, on that of the Aspangbahn station is being built at Europe's greatest Passive House settlement "Euro Gate", the area of ​​the North Western Railway Station is expected to be developed from 2020 for living and working. The largest currently under construction residential project but can be found in the north-eastern outskirts, where in Seaside Town Aspern till 2028 living and working space for 40,000 people will be created.

In one of the "green lungs" of Vienna, the Prater, 2013, the WU campus was opened for the largest University of Economics of Europe. Around the central square spectacular buildings of an international architect team from Great Britain, Japan, Spain and Austria are gathered that seem to lead a sometimes very loud conversation about the status quo of contemporary architecture (Hitoshi Abe, BUSarchitektur, Peter Cook, Zaha Hadid, NO MAD Arquitectos, Carme Pinós).

Flying high

International is also the number of architects who have inscribed themselves in the last few years with high-rise buildings in the skyline of Vienna and make St. Stephen's a not always unproblematic competition. Visible from afar is Massimiliano Fuksas' 138 and 127 meters high elegant Twin Tower at Wienerberg (1999-2001). The monolithic, 75-meter-high tower of the Hotel Sofitel at the Danube Canal by Jean Nouvel (2007-10), on the other hand, reacts to the particular urban situation and stages in its top floor new perspectives to the historical center on the other side.

Also at the water stands Dominique Perrault's DC Tower (2010-13) in the Danube City - those high-rise city, in which since the start of construction in 1996, the expansion of the city north of the Danube is condensed symbolically. Even in this environment, the slim and at the same time striking vertically folded tower of Perrault is beyond all known dimensions; from its Sky Bar, from spring 2014 on you are able to enjoy the highest view of Vienna. With 250 meters, the tower is the tallest building of Austria and almost twice as high as the St. Stephen's Cathedral. Vienna, thus, has acquired a new architectural landmark which cannot be overlooked - whether it also has the potential to become a landmark of the new Vienna, only time will tell. The architectural history of Vienna, where European history is presence and new buildings enter into an exciting and not always conflict-free dialogue with a great and outstanding architectural heritage, in any case has yet to offer exciting chapters.

Info: The folder "Architecture: From Art Nouveau to the Presence" is available at the Vienna Tourist Board and can be downloaded on www.wien.info/media/files/guide-architecture-in-wien.pdf.

Red Umbrella March for Sex Work Solidarity

Saturday, June 11, 2016

Vancouver, BC, Canada

 

Sex workers, allies, family and friends stand together

 

The red umbrella is the symbol of the global sex workers’ rights movement. The Red Umbrella March is part of a national day of action, with similar events taking place in cities across Canada.

 

In Vancouver it began at 2:30 p.m. on June 11 with a rally at the Vancouver Art Gallery (Robson Street plaza), followed by a march starting at 3 p.m. The march travelled through Vancouver’s Downtown Eastside to CRAB Park.

 

Protest chants included:

Freedom to associate is our right!

Get your laws off my body!

Sex workers rights are human rights!

My body, my business, my choice!

Remember Bedford!

No bad whores, only bad laws!

Sex worker rights now!

I support sex workers' rights

A Blow Job is Better than No Job.

 

This year’s focus was “Freedom to Associate is Our Right!”

 

The Freedom to Associate is a right granted to all citizens by our Charter of Rights & Freedoms. Canada’s new anti-prostitution laws violate sex workers’ freedom even to the point that standing in the street together is illegal if it encourages buying sex.

Marching together shows Canadians that when sex workers’ freedom to associate is infringed upon, it is a concern for all Canadians. It forces them to work alone and unsafe, they’re alienated, their families are torn apart.

 

When the Protection of Communities and Exploited Persons Act became law in 2014, purchasing sexual services became a crime for the first time in Canada. Advocates for this, the “Nordic model,” believe it is the way to keep sex workers safe from violence and exploitation.

 

In the eyes of anti-sex work activists, “shaming the Johns” is a legitimate way to reduce the overall amount of street prostitution (estimated to comprise not more than 15 percent of all sexual services offered in Canada). But “John shaming” impacts sex workers themselves. Making what they do illegal only forces them to do it in riskier circumstances. For instance, street-based sex workers face longer hours, thanks to a temporary decline in clients. They may be more willing to take clients they would otherwise screen out, particularly when they’re under greater pressure to avoid police detection. And clients may be less likely to seek relevant health care. The Vancouver Police Department say they don’t consider sex between consenting adults an enforcement priority, claiming to only intervene in situations where there are reports of violence, exploitation, or involvement of youth or gangs.

 

But there’s no real difference between banning providing sexual services and banning paying for them. As long as the act of engaging in sex for money is illegal, sex workers will not see the police as allies in the moments that they really need them.

 

From the early 1990s to 2002, more than 70 women disappeared from Vancouver’s Downtown Eastside, most of them sex workers and all of them poor. Criminalization only served to push these women away from police and from the rest of society; it never made them safer. Robert Pickton admitted to an undercover police officer that he killed 49 women after he was arrested in 2002. He was convicted of the second-degree murders of six women and sentenced to life in prison with no chance of parole for 25 years. Former Vancouver Police Chief Jim Chu has repeatedly apologized for his force’s failure to stop Pickton’s killing spree. Lawsuits claimed police, including individual RCMP officers, and the Crown failed to warn women on the Downtown Eastside that a serial killer may have been responsible for women disappearing, and was wrong for not putting Pickton on trial for attempted murder following an attack on a sex worker in 1997.

 

The Red Umbrella March for Sex Work Solidarity was co-organized by: Triple-X Workers’

Solidarity Association of B.C., Downtown Eastside Sex Workers United Against Violence (SWUAV), Pivot Legal Society, PACE Society, B.C. Coalition of Experiential Communities, FIRST: Feminists Advocating for the Decriminalization of Sex Work, SWAN Society Vancouver.

The exploitation rights for this text are the property of the Vienna Tourist Board. This text may be reprinted free of charge until further notice, even partially and in edited form. Forward sample copy to: Vienna Tourist Board, Media Management, Invalidenstraße 6, 1030 Vienna; media.rel@wien.info. All information in this text without guarantee.

Author: Andreas Nierhaus, Curator of Architecture/Wien Museum

Last updated January 2014

Architecture in Vienna

Vienna's 2,000-year history is present in a unique density in the cityscape. The layout of the center dates back to the Roman city and medieval road network. Romanesque and Gothic churches characterize the streets and squares as well as palaces and mansions of the baroque city of residence. The ring road is an expression of the modern city of the 19th century, in the 20th century extensive housing developments set accents in the outer districts. Currently, large-scale urban development measures are implemented; distinctive buildings of international star architects complement the silhouette of the city.

Due to its function as residence of the emperor and European power center, Vienna for centuries stood in the focus of international attention, but it was well aware of that too. As a result, developed an outstanding building culture, and still today on a worldwide scale only a few cities can come up with a comparable density of high-quality architecture. For several years now, Vienna has increased its efforts to connect with its historical highlights and is drawing attention to itself with some spectacular new buildings. The fastest growing city in the German-speaking world today most of all in residential construction is setting standards. Constants of the Viennese architecture are respect for existing structures, the palpability of historical layers and the dialogue between old and new.

Culmination of medieval architecture: the Stephansdom

The oldest architectural landmark of the city is St. Stephen's Cathedral. Under the rule of the Habsburgs, defining the face of the city from the late 13th century until 1918 in a decisive way, the cathedral was upgraded into the sacral monument of the political ambitions of the ruling house. The 1433 completed, 137 meters high southern tower, by the Viennese people affectionately named "Steffl", is a masterpiece of late Gothic architecture in Europe. For decades he was the tallest stone structure in Europe, until today he is the undisputed center of the city.

The baroque residence

Vienna's ascension into the ranks of the great European capitals began in Baroque. Among the most important architects are Johann Bernhard Fischer von Erlach and Johann Lucas von Hildebrandt. Outside the city walls arose a chain of summer palaces, including the garden Palais Schwarzenberg (1697-1704) as well as the Upper and Lower Belvedere of Prince Eugene of Savoy (1714-22). Among the most important city palaces are the Winter Palace of Prince Eugene (1695-1724, now a branch of the Belvedere) and the Palais Daun-Kinsky (auction house in Kinsky 1713-19). The emperor himself the Hofburg had complemented by buildings such as the Imperial Library (1722-26) and the Winter Riding School (1729-34). More important, however, for the Habsburgs was the foundation of churches and monasteries. Thus arose before the city walls Fischer von Erlach's Karlskirche (1714-39), which with its formal and thematic complex show façade belongs to the major works of European Baroque. In colored interior rooms like that of St. Peter's Church (1701-22), the contemporary efforts for the synthesis of architecture, painting and sculpture becomes visible.

Upgrading into metropolis: the ring road time (Ringstraßenzeit)

Since the Baroque, reflections on extension of the hopelessly overcrowed city were made, but only Emperor Franz Joseph ordered in 1857 the demolition of the fortifications and the connection of the inner city with the suburbs. 1865, the Ring Road was opened. It is as the most important boulevard of Europe an architectural and in terms of urban development achievement of the highest rank. The original building structure is almost completely preserved and thus conveys the authentic image of a metropolis of the 19th century. The public representational buildings speak, reflecting accurately the historicism, by their style: The Greek Antique forms of Theophil Hansen's Parliament (1871-83) stood for democracy, the Renaissance of the by Heinrich Ferstel built University (1873-84) for the flourishing of humanism, the Gothic of the Town Hall (1872-83) by Friedrich Schmidt for the medieval civic pride.

Dominating remained the buildings of the imperial family: Eduard van der Nüll's and August Sicardsburg's Opera House (1863-69), Gottfried Semper's and Carl Hasenauer's Burgtheater (1874-88), their Museum of Art History and Museum of Natural History (1871-91) and the Neue (New) Hofburg (1881-1918 ). At the same time the ring road was the preferred residential area of mostly Jewish haute bourgeoisie. With luxurious palaces the families Ephrussi, Epstein or Todesco made it clear that they had taken over the cultural leadership role in Viennese society. In the framework of the World Exhibition of 1873, the new Vienna presented itself an international audience. At the ring road many hotels were opened, among them the Hotel Imperial and today's Palais Hansen Kempinski.

Laboratory of modernity: Vienna around 1900

Otto Wagner's Postal Savings Bank (1903-06) was one of the last buildings in the Ring road area Otto Wagner's Postal Savings Bank (1903-06), which with it façade, liberated of ornament, and only decorated with "functional" aluminum buttons and the glass banking hall now is one of the icons of modern architecture. Like no other stood Otto Wagner for the dawn into the 20th century: His Metropolitan Railway buildings made ​​the public transport of the city a topic of architecture, the church of the Psychiatric hospital at Steinhofgründe (1904-07) is considered the first modern church.

With his consistent focus on the function of a building ("Something impractical can not be beautiful"), Wagner marked a whole generation of architects and made Vienna the laboratory of modernity: in addition to Joseph Maria Olbrich, the builder of the Secession (1897-98) and Josef Hoffmann, the architect of the at the western outskirts located Purkersdorf Sanatorium (1904) and founder of the Vienna Workshop (Wiener Werkstätte, 1903) is mainly to mention Adolf Loos, with the Loos House at the square Michaelerplatz (1909-11) making architectural history. The extravagant marble cladding of the business zone stands in maximal contrast, derived from the building function, to the unadorned facade above, whereby its "nudity" became even more obvious - a provocation, as well as his culture-critical texts ("Ornament and Crime"), with which he had greatest impact on the architecture of the 20th century. Public contracts Loos remained denied. His major works therefore include villas, apartment facilities and premises as the still in original state preserved Tailor salon Knize at Graben (1910-13) and the restored Loos Bar (1908-09) near the Kärntner Straße (passageway Kärntner Durchgang).

Between the Wars: International Modern Age and social housing

After the collapse of the monarchy in 1918, Vienna became capital of the newly formed small country of Austria. In the heart of the city, the architects Theiss & Jaksch built 1931-32 the first skyscraper in Vienna as an exclusive residential address (Herrengasse - alley 6-8). To combat the housing shortage for the general population, the social democratic city government in a globally unique building program within a few years 60,000 apartments in hundreds of apartment buildings throughout the city area had built, including the famous Karl Marx-Hof by Karl Ehn (1925-30). An alternative to the multi-storey buildings with the 1932 opened International Werkbundsiedlung was presented, which was attended by 31 architects from Austria, Germany, France, Holland and the USA and showed models for affordable housing in greenfield areas. With buildings of Adolf Loos, André Lurçat, Richard Neutra, Gerrit Rietveld, the Werkbundsiedlung, which currently is being restored at great expense, is one of the most important documents of modern architecture in Austria.

Modernism was also expressed in significant Villa buildings: The House Beer (1929-31) by Josef Frank exemplifies the refined Wiener living culture of the interwar period, while the house Stonborough-Wittgenstein (1926-28, today Bulgarian Cultural Institute), built by the philosopher Ludwig Wittgenstein together with the architect Paul Engelmann for his sister Margarete, by its aesthetic radicalism and mathematical rigor represents a special case within contemporary architecture.

Expulsion, war and reconstruction

After the "Anschluss (Annexation)" to the German Reich in 1938, numerous Jewish builders, architects (female and male ones), who had been largely responsible for the high level of Viennese architecture, have been expelled from Austria. During the Nazi era, Vienna remained largely unaffected by structural transformations, apart from the six flak towers built for air defense of Friedrich Tamms (1942-45), made ​​of solid reinforced concrete which today are present as memorials in the cityscape.

The years after the end of World War II were characterized by the reconstruction of the by bombs heavily damaged city. The architecture of those times was marked by aesthetic pragmatism, but also by the attempt to connect with the period before 1938 and pick up on current international trends. Among the most important buildings of the 1950s are Roland Rainer's City Hall (1952-58), the by Oswald Haerdtl erected Wien Museum at Karlsplatz (1954-59) and the 21er Haus of Karl Schwanzer (1958-62).

The youngsters come

Since the 1960s, a young generation was looking for alternatives to the moderate modernism of the reconstruction years. With visionary designs, conceptual, experimental and above all temporary architectures, interventions and installations, Raimund Abraham, Günther Domenig, Eilfried Huth, Hans Hollein, Walter Pichler and the groups Coop Himmelb(l)au, Haus-Rucker-Co and Missing Link rapidly got international attention. Although for the time being it was more designed than built, was the influence on the postmodern and deconstructivist trends of the 1970s and 1980s also outside Austria great. Hollein's futuristic "Retti" candle shop at Charcoal Market/Kohlmarkt (1964-65) and Domenig's biomorphic building of the Central Savings Bank in Favoriten (10th district of Vienna - 1975-79) are among the earliest examples, later Hollein's Haas-Haus (1985-90), the loft conversion Falkestraße (1987/88) by Coop Himmelb(l)au or Domenig's T Center (2002-04) were added. Especially Domenig, Hollein, Coop Himmelb(l)au and the architects Ortner & Ortner (ancient members of Haus-Rucker-Co) ​​by orders from abroad the new Austrian and Viennese architecture made a fixed international concept.

MuseumQuarter and Gasometer

Since the 1980s, the focus of building in Vienna lies on the compaction of the historic urban fabric that now as urban habitat of high quality no longer is put in question. Among the internationally best known projects is the by Ortner & Ortner planned MuseumsQuartier in the former imperial stables (competition 1987, 1998-2001), which with institutions such as the MUMOK - Museum of Modern Art Foundation Ludwig, the Leopold Museum, the Kunsthalle Wien, the Architecture Center Vienna and the Zoom Children's Museum on a wordwide scale is under the largest cultural complexes. After controversies in the planning phase, here an architectural compromise between old and new has been achieved at the end, whose success as an urban stage with four million visitors (2012) is overwhelming.

The dialogue between old and new, which has to stand on the agenda of building culture of a city that is so strongly influenced by history, also features the reconstruction of the Gasometer in Simmering by Coop Himmelb(l)au, Wilhelm Holzbauer, Jean Nouvel and Manfred Wehdorn (1999-2001). Here was not only created new housing, but also a historical industrial monument reinterpreted into a signal in the urban development area.

New Neighborhood

In recent years, the major railway stations and their surroundings moved into the focus of planning. Here not only necessary infrastructural measures were taken, but at the same time opened up spacious inner-city residential areas and business districts. Among the prestigious projects are included the construction of the new Vienna Central Station, started in 2010 with the surrounding office towers of the Quartier Belvedere and the residential and school buildings of the Midsummer quarter (Sonnwendviertel). Europe's largest wooden tower invites here for a spectacular view to the construction site and the entire city. On the site of the former North Station are currently being built 10,000 homes and 20,000 jobs, on that of the Aspangbahn station is being built at Europe's greatest Passive House settlement "Euro Gate", the area of ​​the North Western Railway Station is expected to be developed from 2020 for living and working. The largest currently under construction residential project but can be found in the north-eastern outskirts, where in Seaside Town Aspern till 2028 living and working space for 40,000 people will be created.

In one of the "green lungs" of Vienna, the Prater, 2013, the WU campus was opened for the largest University of Economics of Europe. Around the central square spectacular buildings of an international architect team from Great Britain, Japan, Spain and Austria are gathered that seem to lead a sometimes very loud conversation about the status quo of contemporary architecture (Hitoshi Abe, BUSarchitektur, Peter Cook, Zaha Hadid, NO MAD Arquitectos, Carme Pinós).

Flying high

International is also the number of architects who have inscribed themselves in the last few years with high-rise buildings in the skyline of Vienna and make St. Stephen's a not always unproblematic competition. Visible from afar is Massimiliano Fuksas' 138 and 127 meters high elegant Twin Tower at Wienerberg (1999-2001). The monolithic, 75-meter-high tower of the Hotel Sofitel at the Danube Canal by Jean Nouvel (2007-10), on the other hand, reacts to the particular urban situation and stages in its top floor new perspectives to the historical center on the other side.

Also at the water stands Dominique Perrault's DC Tower (2010-13) in the Danube City - those high-rise city, in which since the start of construction in 1996, the expansion of the city north of the Danube is condensed symbolically. Even in this environment, the slim and at the same time striking vertically folded tower of Perrault is beyond all known dimensions; from its Sky Bar, from spring 2014 on you are able to enjoy the highest view of Vienna. With 250 meters, the tower is the tallest building of Austria and almost twice as high as the St. Stephen's Cathedral. Vienna, thus, has acquired a new architectural landmark which cannot be overlooked - whether it also has the potential to become a landmark of the new Vienna, only time will tell. The architectural history of Vienna, where European history is presence and new buildings enter into an exciting and not always conflict-free dialogue with a great and outstanding architectural heritage, in any case has yet to offer exciting chapters.

Info: The folder "Architecture: From Art Nouveau to the Presence" is available at the Vienna Tourist Board and can be downloaded on www.wien.info/media/files/guide-architecture-in-wien.pdf.

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I was originally enrolled into the GETTY IMAGES collection as a contributor on April 9th 2012, and when links with FLICKR were terminated in March 2014, I was retained and fortunate enough to be signed up via a second contract, both of which have proved to be successful with sales of my photographs all over the world now handled exclusively by them.

    

On November 12th 2015 GETTY IMAGES unveiled plans for a new stills upload platform called ESP (Enterprise Submission Platform), to replace the existing 'Moment portal', and on November 13th I was invited to Beta test the new system prior to it being officially rolled out in December. (ESP went live on Tuesday December 15th 2015 and has smoothed out the upload process considerably).

  

With visits now in excess of 17.168 Million to my FLICKR site, used primarily these days as a fun platform to reach friends and family as I have now sold my professional gear and now take a more leisurely approach to my photographic exploits, I would like to say a huge and heartfelt 'THANK YOU' to FLICKR, GETTY IMAGES and everyone who drops by.

  

***** Selected for sale in the GETTY IMAGES COLLECTION on September 26th 2016

  

CREATIVE RF gty.im/627282480 MOMENT OPEN COLLECTION**

  

This photograph became my 2,248th frame to be selected for sale in the Getty Images collection and I am very grateful to them for this wonderful opportunity.

  

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Photograph taken in the golden hour around sunrise at 08:22am at an altitude of seven metres, on Tuesday 1st January 2013 opposite Adventure Island Theme Park and the Western Esplanade on the muddy shoreline of Southend on Sea, Essex, England.

  

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Nikon D800 200mm 1/160s f/13.0 iso200 Mirror Up RAW (14-bit) Manual exposure. Matrix metering. Single point focus. Auto Active D-lighting.

  

Nikkor AF-S 70-200mm f/2.8G ED IF VRII. Jessops 77mm UV filter. Nikon MB-D12 battery grip. Manfrotto 055XPROB tripod. Manfrotto quick release plate 200PL-14. Manfrotto 327RC2 Grip action ball head. My memory 32GB class 10 20MB/s SDHC. Nikon MC-DC2 remote shutter release. Nikon GP-1 GPS unit

  

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LATITUDE: N 51d 31m 53.62s

 

LONGITUDE: E 0d 42m 58.82s

 

ALTITUDE: 7.0m

  

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RAW (TIFF) FILE: 69.10MB

PROCESSED (JPeg) FILE: 20.68MB

  

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PROCESSING POWER:

 

Nikon D800 Firmware versions A 1.10 B 1.10 L 2.009 (Lens distortion control version 2)

 

HP 110-352na Desktop PC with AMD Quad-Core A6-5200 APU processor. AMD Radeon HD8400 graphics. 8 GB DDR3 Memory with 1TB SATA storage. 64-bit Windows 10. Verbatim USB 2.0 1TB desktop hard drive. WD My Passport Ultra 1tb USB3 Portable hard drive. Nikon ViewNX-1 64bit (Version 1.2.4 24/11/2016). Adobe photoshop Elements 8 Version 8.0 64bit.

   

Red Umbrella March for Sex Work Solidarity

Saturday, June 11, 2016

Vancouver, BC, Canada

 

Sex workers, allies, family and friends stand together

 

The red umbrella is the symbol of the global sex workers’ rights movement. The Red Umbrella March is part of a national day of action, with similar events taking place in cities across Canada.

 

In Vancouver it began at 2:30 p.m. on June 11 with a rally at the Vancouver Art Gallery (Robson Street plaza), followed by a march starting at 3 p.m. The march travelled through Vancouver’s Downtown Eastside to CRAB Park.

 

Protest chants included:

Freedom to associate is our right!

Get your laws off my body!

Sex workers rights are human rights!

My body, my business, my choice!

Remember Bedford!

No bad whores, only bad laws!

Sex worker rights now!

I support sex workers' rights

A Blow Job is Better than No Job.

 

This year’s focus was “Freedom to Associate is Our Right!”

 

The Freedom to Associate is a right granted to all citizens by our Charter of Rights & Freedoms. Canada’s new anti-prostitution laws violate sex workers’ freedom even to the point that standing in the street together is illegal if it encourages buying sex.

Marching together shows Canadians that when sex workers’ freedom to associate is infringed upon, it is a concern for all Canadians. It forces them to work alone and unsafe, they’re alienated, their families are torn apart.

 

When the Protection of Communities and Exploited Persons Act became law in 2014, purchasing sexual services became a crime for the first time in Canada. Advocates for this, the “Nordic model,” believe it is the way to keep sex workers safe from violence and exploitation.

 

In the eyes of anti-sex work activists, “shaming the Johns” is a legitimate way to reduce the overall amount of street prostitution (estimated to comprise not more than 15 percent of all sexual services offered in Canada). But “John shaming” impacts sex workers themselves. Making what they do illegal only forces them to do it in riskier circumstances. For instance, street-based sex workers face longer hours, thanks to a temporary decline in clients. They may be more willing to take clients they would otherwise screen out, particularly when they’re under greater pressure to avoid police detection. And clients may be less likely to seek relevant health care. The Vancouver Police Department say they don’t consider sex between consenting adults an enforcement priority, claiming to only intervene in situations where there are reports of violence, exploitation, or involvement of youth or gangs.

 

But there’s no real difference between banning providing sexual services and banning paying for them. As long as the act of engaging in sex for money is illegal, sex workers will not see the police as allies in the moments that they really need them.

 

From the early 1990s to 2002, more than 70 women disappeared from Vancouver’s Downtown Eastside, most of them sex workers and all of them poor. Criminalization only served to push these women away from police and from the rest of society; it never made them safer. Robert Pickton admitted to an undercover police officer that he killed 49 women after he was arrested in 2002. He was convicted of the second-degree murders of six women and sentenced to life in prison with no chance of parole for 25 years. Former Vancouver Police Chief Jim Chu has repeatedly apologized for his force’s failure to stop Pickton’s killing spree. Lawsuits claimed police, including individual RCMP officers, and the Crown failed to warn women on the Downtown Eastside that a serial killer may have been responsible for women disappearing, and was wrong for not putting Pickton on trial for attempted murder following an attack on a sex worker in 1997.

 

The Red Umbrella March for Sex Work Solidarity was co-organized by: Triple-X Workers’

Solidarity Association of B.C., Downtown Eastside Sex Workers United Against Violence (SWUAV), Pivot Legal Society, PACE Society, B.C. Coalition of Experiential Communities, FIRST: Feminists Advocating for the Decriminalization of Sex Work, SWAN Society Vancouver.

www.twitter.com/Memoire2cite -😊 Levittown: The Construction and Systematic Execution of Discrimination in Modern Suburbia (NHD 2018) www.youtube.com/watch?v=9_KrD6PkX0M … … 17000 maisons en 2 ans un record dans l histoire des annees 60 @ la grande Acceleration @ Un point de bascule avec le changement de regime d'existence les 30 glorieuses americaine @ la constructions de masse.., ici LEVITTOWN a LONGISLAND, 17000 pavillons en 2 ans un Record...Yes this is it my Our Home Town: Levittown, PA (1954) - www.youtube.com/watch?v=9_KrD6PkX0M les 30 glorieuses atomique @ le projet PLOWSHARE de 1957 LE FILM ICI www.youtube.com/watch?v=kpjFU_kBaBE … STRAUSS le promoteur du nucleaire Americain les 30 glorieuses Américaine @ quand celles çi ratent le coche sur le developpement solaire... les occasions manquées de soigner notre humanité..www.dailymotion.com/video/xuxrii?playlist=x34ije Lyon, Tournon, Caen - Le Bosquel, un village renait 1947 l'album cinématographique de la reconstruction, réalisation Paul de Roubaix production ministère de la Reconstruction et de l'Urbanisme, village prototype, architecte Paul Dufournet, www.dailymotion.com/video/xx5tx8?playlist=x34ije - Demain Paris 1959 dessin animé présentant l'aménagement de la capitale dans les années 60, Animation, dessin animé à vocation pédagogique visant à promouvoir la politique d’aménagement suivie dans les années 60 à Paris. Un raccourci historique sur l’extension de Paris du Moyen Âge au XIXe siècle (Lutèce, œuvres de Turgot, Napoléon, Haussmann), ce dessin animé retrace la naissance de la banlieue et de ses avatars au XXe siècle. Il annonce les grands principes d’aménagement des villes nouvelles et la restructuration du centre de Paris (référence implicite à la charte d’Athènes). Le texte est travaillé en rimes et vers. Une chanson du vieux Paris conclut poétiquement cette vision du futur. Thèmes principaux : Aménagement urbain / planification-aménagement régional Mots-clés : Banlieue, extension spatiale, histoire, quartier, ville, ville nouvelle Lieu géographique : Paris 75 Architectes ou personnalités : Eugène Haussmann, Napoléon, Turgot Réalisateurs : André Martin, Michel Boschet Production : les films Roger Leenhardt

www.dailymotion.com/video/xw6lak?playlist=x34ije - Rue neuve 1956 la reconstruction de la France dix ans après la fin de la seconde guerre mondiale, villes, villages, grands ensembles réalisation : Jack Pinoteau , Panorama de la reconstruction de la France dix ans après la fin de la seconde guerre mondiale, ce film de commande évoque les villes et villages français détruits puis reconstruits dans un style respectant la tradition : Saint-Malo, Gien, Thionville, Ammerschwihr, etc. ainsi que la reconstruction en rupture avec l'architecture traditionnelle à Châtenay-Malabry, Arles, Saint Étienne, Évreux, Chambéry, Villeneuve-Saint-Georges, Abbeville, Le Havre, Marseille, Boulogne-sur-Mer, Dunkerque. Le documentaire explique par exemple la manière dont a été réalisée la reconstruction de Saint-Malo à l'intérieur des rempart de la vieille ville : "c'est la fidélité à l'histoire et la force du souvenir qui a guidé l'architecte". Dans le même esprit à Gien, au trois quart détruite en 1940, seul le château construit en 1494 pour Anne de Beaujeu, fille aînée de Louis XI, fut épargné par les bombardements. La ville fut reconstruite dans le style des rares immeubles restant. Gien est relevé de ses ruines et le nouvel ensemble harmonieux est appelé « Joyau de la Reconstruction française ». Dans un deuxième temps est abordé le chapitre de la construction des cités et des grands ensembles, de l’architecture du renouveau qualifiée de "grandiose incontestablement". S’il est précisé "on peut aimer ou de ne pas aimer ce style", l’emporte au final l’argument suivant : les grands ensembles, c'est la campagne à la ville, un urbanisme plus aéré, plus vert." les films caravelles 1956, Réalisateur : Jack Pinoteau (connu pour être le metteur en scène du film Le Triporteur 1957 qui fit découvrir Darry Cowl) www.dailymotion.com/video/xuz3o8?playlist=x34ije - www.dailymotion.com/video/xk1g5j?playlist=x34ije Brigitte Gros - Urbanisme - Filmer les grands ensembles 2016 - par Camille Canteux chercheuse au CHS -Centre d'Histoire Sociale - Jeanne Menjoulet - Ce film du CHS daté de 2014 www.youtube.com/watch?v=VDUBwVPNh0s … L'UNION SOCIALE POUR L'HABITAT le Musée des H.L.M. musee-hlm.fr/ union-habitat.org/ - EXPOSITION :LES 50 ANS DE LA RESIDENCe SALMSON POINT-Du JOUR www.salmsonlepointdujour.fr/pdf/Exposition_50_ans.pdf - Sotteville Construction de l’Anjou, le premier immeuble de la Zone Verte sottevilleaufildutemps.fr/2017/05/04/construction-de-limm... - www.20minutes.fr/paris/diaporama-7346-photo-854066-100-an... - www.ladepeche.fr/article/2010/11/02/940025-140-ans-en-arc... dreux-par-pierlouim.over-blog.com/article-chamards-1962-9... missionphoto.datar.gouv.fr/fr/photographe/7639/serie/7695...

www.youtube.com/watch?v=g7RwwkNzF68 - la dérive des continents youtu.be/kEeo8muZYJU Et la disparition des Mammouths - RILLIEUX LA PAPE & Dynacité - Le 23 février 2017, à 11h30, les tours Lyautey étaient foudroyées. www.youtube.com/watch?v=W---rnYoiQc … Ginger CEBTP Démolition, filiale déconstruction du Groupe Ginger, a réalisé la maîtrise d'oeuvre de l'opération et produit les études d'exécution. L'emblématique ZUP Pruitt Igoe. vaste quartier HLM (33 barres de 11 étages) de Saint-Louis (Missouri) USA. démoli en 1972 www.youtube.com/watch?v=nq_SpRBXRmE … "Life is complicated, i killed people, smuggled people, sold people, but perhaps in here.. things will be different." ~ Niko Bellic - cité Balzac, à Vitry-sur-Seine (23 juin 2010).13H & Boom, quelques secondes plus tard, la barre «GHJ», 14 étages et 168 lgts, s’effondrait comme un château de cartes sous les applaudissements et les sifflets, bientôt enveloppés dans un nuage de poussière. www.youtube.com/watch?v=d9nBMHS7mzY … - "La Chapelle" Réhabilitation thermique de 667 logements à Andrézieux-Bou... youtu.be/0tswIPdoVCE - 11 octobre 1984 www.youtube.com/watch?v=Xk-Je1eQ5po

DESTRUCTION par explosifs de 10 tours du QUARTIER DES MINGUETTES, à LYON. les tours des Minguettes ; VG des tours explosant et s'affaissant sur le côté dans un nuage de fumée blanche ; à 13H15, nous assistons à l'explosion de 4 autres tours - St-Etienne Métropole & Montchovet - la célèbre Muraille de Chine ( 540 lgts 270m de long 15 allees) qui était à l'époque en 1964 la plus grande barre HLM jamais construit en Europe. Après des phases de rénovation, cet immeuble a été dynamité en mai 2000 www.youtube.com/watch?v=YB3z_Z6DTdc … - PRESQU'ILE DE GENNEVILLIERS...AUJOURD'HUI...DEMAIN... (LA video içi parcours.cinearchives.org/Les-films-PRESQU-ILE-DE-GENNEVI... … ) Ce film de la municipalité de Gennevilliers explique la démarche et les objectifs de l’exposition communale consacrée à la presqu’île, exposition qui se tint en déc 1972 et janvier 1973 - le mythe de Pruitt-Igoe en video içi nextcity.org/daily/entry/watch-the-trailer-for-the-pruitt... … - 1964, quand les loisirs n’avaient (deja) pas le droit de cité poke @Memoire2cite youtu.be/Oj64jFKIcAE - Devenir de la ZUP de La Paillade youtu.be/1qxAhsqsV8M v - Regard sur les barres Zum' youtu.be/Eow6sODGct8 v - MONTCHOVET EN CONSTRUCTION Saint Etienne, ses travaux - Vidéo Ina.fr www.ina.fr/video/LXF99004401 … via - La construction de la Grande Borne à Grigny en 1969 Archive INA www.youtube.com/watch?time_continue=12&v=t843Ny2p7Ww (discours excellent en seconde partie) - Annie Fourcaut « Les banlieues populaires ont aussi une histoire », Projet 4/2007 (n° 299), pp. 7-15.

www.dailymotion.com/video/xw6lak?playlist=x34ije - Rue neuve 1956 la reconstruction de la France dix ans après la fin de la seconde guerre mondiale, villes, villages, grands ensembles réalisation : Jack Pinoteau , Panorama de la reconstruction de la France dix ans après la fin de la seconde guerre mondiale, ce film de commande évoque les villes et villages français détruits puis reconstruits dans un style respectant la tradition : Saint-Malo, Gien, Thionville, Ammerschwihr, etc. ainsi que la reconstruction en rupture avec l'architecture traditionnelle à Châtenay-Malabry, Arles, Saint Étienne, Évreux, Chambéry, Villeneuve-Saint-Georges, Abbeville, Le Havre, Marseille, Boulogne-sur-Mer, Dunkerque. Le documentaire explique par exemple la manière dont a été réalisée la reconstruction de Saint-Malo à l'intérieur des rempart de la vieille ville : "c'est la fidélité à l'histoire et la force du souvenir qui a guidé l'architecte". Dans le même esprit à Gien, au trois quart détruite en 1940, seul le château construit en 1494 pour Anne de Beaujeu, fille aînée de Louis XI, fut épargné par les bombardements. La ville fut reconstruite dans le style des rares immeubles restant. Gien est relevé de ses ruines et le nouvel ensemble harmonieux est appelé « Joyau de la Reconstruction française ». Dans un deuxième temps est abordé le chapitre de la construction des cités et des grands ensembles, de l’architecture du renouveau qualifiée de "grandiose incontestablement". S’il est précisé "on peut aimer ou de ne pas aimer ce style", l’emporte au final l’argument suivant : les grands ensembles, c'est la campagne à la ville, un urbanisme plus aéré, plus vert." les films caravelles 1956, Réalisateur : Jack Pinoteau (connu pour être le metteur en scène du film Le Triporteur 1957 qui fit découvrir Darry Cowl) www.dailymotion.com/video/xuz3o8?playlist=x34ije - www.dailymotion.com/video/xk1g5j?playlist=x34ije Brigitte Gros - Urbanisme - Filmer les grands ensembles 2016 - par Camille Canteux chercheuse au CHS -Centre d'Histoire Sociale - Jeanne Menjoulet - Ce film du CHS daté de 2014 www.youtube.com/watch?v=VDUBwVPNh0s … L'UNION SOCIALE POUR L'HABITAT le Musée des H.L.M. musee-hlm.fr/ union-habitat.org/ - EXPOSITION :LES 50 ANS DE LA RESIDENCe SALMSON POINT-Du JOUR www.salmsonlepointdujour.fr/pdf/Exposition_50_ans.pdf - Sotteville Construction de l’Anjou, le premier immeuble de la Zone Verte sottevilleaufildutemps.fr/2017/05/04/construction-de-limm... - www.20minutes.fr/paris/diaporama-7346-photo-854066-100-an... - www.ladepeche.fr/article/2010/11/02/940025-140-ans-en-arc... dreux-par-pierlouim.over-blog.com/article-chamards-1962-9... missionphoto.datar.gouv.fr/fr/photographe/7639/serie/7695...

Official Trailer - the Pruitt-Igoe Myth: an Urban History

www.youtube.com/watch?v=g7RwwkNzF68 - la dérive des continents youtu.be/kEeo8muZYJU Et la disparition des Mammouths - RILLIEUX LA PAPE & Dynacité - Le 23 février 2017, à 11h30, les tours Lyautey étaient foudroyées. www.youtube.com/watch?v=W---rnYoiQc

Ginger CEBTP Démolition, filiale déconstruction du Groupe Ginger, a réalisé la maîtrise d'oeuvre de l'opération et produit les études d'exécution. L'emblématique ZUP Pruitt Igoe. vaste quartier HLM (33 barres de 11 étages) de Saint-Louis (Missouri) USA. démoli en 1972 www.youtube.com/watch?v=nq_SpRBXRmE … "Life is complicated, i killed people, smuggled people, sold people, but perhaps in here.. things will be different." ~ Niko Bellic - cité Balzac, à Vitry-sur-Seine (23 juin 2010).13H & Boom, quelques secondes plus tard, la barre «GHJ», 14 étages et 168 lgts, s’effondrait comme un château de cartes sous les applaudissements et les sifflets, bientôt enveloppés dans un nuage de poussière. www.youtube.com/watch?v=d9nBMHS7mzY … - "La Chapelle" Réhabilitation thermique de 667 logements à Andrézieux-Bou... youtu.be/0tswIPdoVCE - 11 octobre 1984 www.youtube.com/watch?v=Xk-Je1eQ5po

DESTRUCTION par explosifs de 10 tours du QUARTIER DES MINGUETTES, à LYON. les tours des Minguettes ; VG des tours explosant et s'affaissant sur le côté dans un nuage de fumée blanche ; à 13H15, nous assistons à l'explosion de 4 autres tours - St-Etienne Métropole & Montchovet - la célèbre Muraille de Chine ( 540 lgts 270m de long 15 allees) qui était à l'époque en 1964 la plus grande barre HLM jamais construit en Europe. Après des phases de rénovation, cet immeuble a été dynamité en mai 2000 www.youtube.com/watch?v=YB3z_Z6DTdc … - PRESQU'ILE DE GENNEVILLIERS...AUJOURD'HUI...DEMAIN... (LA video içi parcours.cinearchives.org/Les-films-PRESQU-ILE-DE-GENNEVI... … ) Ce film de la municipalité de Gennevilliers explique la démarche et les objectifs de l’exposition communale consacrée à la presqu’île, exposition qui se tint en déc 1972 et janvier 1973 - le mythe de Pruitt-Igoe en video içi nextcity.org/daily/entry/watch-the-trailer-for-the-pruitt... … - 1964, quand les loisirs n’avaient (deja) pas le droit de cité poke @Memoire2cite youtu.be/Oj64jFKIcAE - Devenir de la ZUP de La Paillade youtu.be/1qxAhsqsV8M v - Regard sur les barres Zum' youtu.be/Eow6sODGct8 v - MONTCHOVET EN CONSTRUCTION Saint Etienne, ses travaux - Vidéo Ina.fr www.ina.fr/video/LXF99004401 … via - La construction de la Grande Borne à Grigny en 1969 Archive INA www.youtube.com/watch?time_continue=12&v=t843Ny2p7Ww (discours excellent en seconde partie) -David Liaudet : l'image absolue, c'est la carte postale" phothistory.wordpress.com/2016/04/27/david-liaudet-limage... … l'architecture sanatoriale Histoire des sanatoriums en France (1915-1945). Une architecture en quête de rendement thérapeutique..

passy-culture.com/wp-content/uploads/2009/10/Les-15-Glori... … … & hal.archives-ouvertes.fr/tel-01935993/document … explosion des tours Gauguin Destruction par implosion des Tours Gauguin (quartier de La Bastide) de Limoges le dimanche 28 novembre 2010 à 11 heures. Limoges 28/11/2010 youtu.be/cd0ln4Nqqbs … 42 Roanne - c'etait le 11 novembre 2013 - Souvenirs des HLM quartier du Parc... Après presque 45 minutes de retard, les trois dernières tours Chanteclair sont tombées. Le tir prévu etait à 11h14 La vidéo içi www.leprogres.fr/loire/2013/11/01/roanne-les-3-dernieres-... … … www.leprogres.fr/loire/2013/11/01/roanne-une-vingtaine-de... …Besançon (25) - la Nouvelle cité d'HLM La Planoise en 1960 avec la video des premiers habitants de Planoise en juin 1968 www.youtube.com/watch?v=LVKAkJSsCGk … … … archive INA … BEGIN Japanology - les utopies de l'extreme et Kenzo Tange l'architecte japonnais - la video içi www.youtube.com/watch?v=ZlAOtYFE4GM … 71 les Prés Saint-Jean a Chalon-sur-Saône - L'Implosion des 3 tours HLM de 15 etages le 5 décembre 2009 par FERRARI DEMOLITION içi www.youtube.com/watch?v=oDsqOjQJS8E … … … & là www.youtube.com/watch?v=ARQYQLORBBE … 21 DIJON Cité des Grésilles - c'etait l'implosion de la residençe HLM Paul Bur le 19 02 2010 www.youtube.com/watch?v=fAEuaq5mivM … … & la www.youtube.com/watch?v=mTUm-mky-sw … 59 - la technique dite du basculement - Destruction de l'immeuble Rhone a Lille avec pleins de ralentit içi video-streaming.orange.fr/actu-politique/destruction-de-l... … 21 Chenôve (le GRAND DIJON) - Implosion de la barre François RUDE le 3 nov 2010 (top video !!) www.youtube.com/watch?v=ClmeXzo3r5A … …Quand l histoire çe repete et çe repetera autant de fois que nesçessaire quand on voie la quantitée de barres 60 70's...dans le collimateur de l'ANRU2.. 77 MEAUX 3 grandes tours..& puis s'en vont.. Démolition Pierre Collinet Batiment Genêt, Hortensia et Iris - Reportage Journal le 26 juin 2011 youtu.be/fpPcaC2wRIc 71 CHALON SUR SAONE C'etait les Prés Saint Jean le 05 décembre 2009 , pour une implosion hlm hors du commun !!! Caméra mise à même le sol , à une vingtaine de mètres de la première tour .... www.youtube.com/watch?v=kVlC9rYU-gs … 78 les MUREAUX le 3 octobre 2010 ,Les dernières minutes de la Tour Molière aux Mureaux (Yvelines) et sa démolition par semi-foudroyage, filmés du quartier de la Vigne Blanche. www.youtube.com/watch?v=u2FDMxrLHcw …71 MACON LES GRANDES PERRIERES C'etait un 30 juin 2013, avec l'implosion de la barre HLM des Perrières par GINGER www.youtube.com/watch?v=EzYwTcCGUGA … … une video exceptionnelle ! c'etait Le Norfolk Court un ensemble résidentiel, le Norfolk Court, construit dans les années 1970, a été démoli à Glasgow en Ecosse le 9 mai 2016 . Il rate la démolition d'un immeuble au tout dernier moment LES PASSAGERS DU BUS EN PROFITE A SA PLAçE lol www.20minutes.fr/tv/t-as-vu/237077-il-rate-la-demolition-... … 69 LYON Quand La Duchère disait adieu à sa barre 230 le jeudi 2 juillet 2015 www.youtube.com/watch?v=BSwidwLw0NAwww.youtube.com/watch?v=BdLjUAK1oUkwww.youtube.com/watch?v=-DZ5RSLpYrM …Avenir Deconstruction : Foudroyage de 3 barres HLM - VAULX-EN-VELIN (69) www.youtube.com/watch?v=-E02NUMqDno Démolition du quartier Bachelard à Vaulx-en-Velin www.youtube.com/watch?v=DSAEBIYYpXY Démolition des tours du Pré de l'Herpe (Vaulx-en-Velin) www.youtube.com/watch?v=fG5sD1G-QgU REPORTAGE - En sept secondes, un ensemble de 407 appartements à Vaulx-en-Velin a été détruit à l'explosif dans le cadre du renouvellement urbain... www.youtube.com/watch?v=Js6w9bnUuRM www.youtube.com/watch?v=MCj5D1NhxhI - St-QUENTIN LA ZUP (scic)- NOUMEA - NOUVELLE CALEDONIE historique de la cité Saint-Quentin içi www.agence-concept.com/savoir-faire/sic/

www.youtube.com/watch?v=_Gt6STiH_pM …[VIDEOS] Trois tours de la cité des Indes de Sartrouville ont été démolies dans le cadre du plan de rénovation urbaine du quartier Mille quatre cent soixante-deux détonateurs, 312 kilos le 06/06/2010 à 11 heures. la belle video içi www.youtube.com/watch?v=fY1B07GWyDE VIGNEUX-SUR-SEINE, VOTRE HISTOIRE, VOS SOUVENIRS. içi www.youtube.com/watch?v=8o_Ke26mB48 … , Film des Tours et du quartier de la Croix Blanche, de 1966 à 1968. Les Tours en train de finir de se construire, ainsi que le centre commerciale. Destruction de la Tour 21, pour construire de nouveaux HLM...Quatre murs et un toit 1953 Scenario et réalisation Pierre Jallaud MRU (ministère de la reconstruction et de l'urbanisme) www.dailymotion.com/video/xk6xui twitter.com/Memoire2cite/status/1121877386491043840/photo... Avril 1993, 6 ans après l'implosion de la tour DEBUSSY des 4000, 30% seulement des travaux de rénovation ont été réalisés et le chômage frappe toujours 1/3 des hbts. C'est un échec. A Mantes la Jolie, 6 mois après la destruction des 4 tours du Val Fourré, www.youtube.com/watch?v=ta4kj05KJOM … Banlieue 89, Bacalan à Bordeaux 1986 - Un exemple de rénovation urbaine et réhabilitation de l'habitat dans un des quartiers de Bordeaux La Cité Claveau à BACALAN. A l'initiative du mouvementla video içi www.youtube.com/watch?v=IN0JtGBaA1o … L'assoçiation de ROLLAND CASTRO @ Le Plan Banlieue 89 - mode d'emploi - Archive INA - La video içi. TRANSFORMER LES PAYSAGES URBAINS AVEC UNE APPROCHE CULTURELLE www.youtube.com/watch?v=Aw-_f-bT2TQ … SNCF les EDITIONS DU CABRI PRESENTE PARIS LA BANLIEUE 1960-1980 -La video Içi.

www.youtube.com/watch?v=lDEQOsdGjsg … Içi la DATAR en 1000 clichés missionphotodatar.cget.gouv.fr/accueil - Notre Paris, 1961, Réalisation : André Fontaine, Henri Gruel Les archives filmées de la cinémathèque du ministère de 1945 à nos jours içi www.dailymotion.com/video/xgis6v?playlist=x34ije

Les 30 Glorieuses . com et la carte postale.l'UNION SOCIALE POUR L HABITAT fete ses 90 ans "TOUT savoir tout voir, tout connaitre, sur le LOGEMENT SOCIAL des HLM aux HBM avec le Musée HLM" en ligne sur le WEB içi www.banquedesterritoires.fr/lunion-sociale-pour-lhabitat-... … De grandes barres d’immeubles, appelées les grands ensembles, sont le symbole de nos banlieues. Entrée Libre revient sur le phénomène de destruction de ces bâtiments qui reflètent aujourd’hui la misere www.youtube.com/watch?v=mCqHBP5SBiM twitter.com/Memoire2cite/status/1121877386491043840/photo... Avril 1993, 6 ans après l'implosion de la tour DEBUSSY des 4000, 30% seulement des travaux de rénovation ont été réalisés et le chômage frappe toujours 1/3 des hbts. C'est un échec. A Mantes la Jolie, 6 mois après la destruction des 4 tours du Val Fourré, www.youtube.com/watch?v=ta4kj05KJOM … Banlieue 89, Bacalan à Bordeaux 1986 - Un exemple de rénovation urbaine et réhabilitation de l'habitat dans un des quartiers de Bordeaux La Cité Claveau à BACALAN. A l'initiative du mouvementla video içi www.youtube.com/watch?v=IN0JtGBaA1o … L'assoçiation de ROLLAND CASTRO @ Le Plan Banlieue 89 - mode d'emploi - Archive INA - La video içi. TRANSFORMER LES PAYSAGES URBAINS AVEC UNE APPROCHE CULTURELLE www.youtube.com/watch?v=Aw-_f-bT2TQ … SNCF les EDITIONS DU CABRI PRESENTE PARIS LA BANLIEUE 1960-1980 -La video Içi.

www.youtube.com/watch?v=lDEQOsdGjsg … Içi la DATAR en 1000 clichés missionphotodatar.cget.gouv.fr/accueil - Notre Paris, 1961, Réalisation : André Fontaine, Henri Gruel Les archives filmées de la cinémathèque du ministère de 1945 à nos jours içi www.dailymotion.com/video/xgis6v?playlist=x34ije

31 TOULOUSE - le Mirail 1962 réalisation : Mario Marret construction de la ville nouvelle Toulouse le Mirail, commentée par l'architecte urbaniste Georges Candilis le film www.dailymotion.com/video/xn4t4q?playlist=x34ije Il existe de nos jours, de nombreux photographes qui privilégient la qualité artistique de leurs travaux cartophiles. A vous de découvrir ces artistes inconnus aujourd’hui, mais qui seront peut-être les grands noms de demain.Les films du MRU - Le temps de l'urbanisme, 1962, Réalisation : Philippe Brunet www.dailymotion.com/video/xgj2zz?playlist=x34ije … … … … -Les grands ensembles en images Les ministères en charge du logement et leur production audiovisuelle (1944-1966) MASSY - Les films du MRU - La Cité des hommes, 1966, Réalisation : Fréderic Rossif, Albert Knobler www.dailymotion.com/video/xgiqzr?playlist=x34i - Les films du MRU @ les AUTOROUTES - Les liaisons moins dangereuses 1972 la construction des autoroutes en France - Le réseau autoroutier 1960 Histoire de France Transports et Communications - www.dailymotion.com/video/xxi0ae?playlist=x34ije … - A quoi servaient les films produits par le MRU ministère de la Reconstruction et de l'Urbanisme ? la réponse de Danielle Voldman historienne spécialiste de la reconstruction www.dailymotion.com/video/x148qu4?playlist=x34ije … -les films du MRU - Bâtir mieux plus vite et moins cher 1975 l'industrialisation du bâtiment et ses innovations : la préfabrication en usine, le coffrage glissant... www.dailymotion.com/video/xyjudq?playlist=x34ije … - TOUT SUR LA CONSTRUCTION DE NOTRE DAME LA CATHEDRALE DE PARIS Içi www.notredamedeparis.fr/la-cathedrale/histoire/historique... -MRU Les films - Le Bonheur est dans le béton - 2015 Documentaire réalisé par Lorenz Findeisen produit par Les Films du Tambour de Soie içi www.dailymotion.com/video/x413amo?playlist=x34ije

archipostcard.blogspot.com/search?updated-max=2009-02-13T... -Créteil.un couple à la niaiserie béate exalte les multiples bonheurs de la vie dans les new G.E. www.youtube.com/watch?v=FT1_abIteFE … La Ville bidon était un téléfilm d'1 heure intitulé La Décharge.Mais la censure de ces temps de présidence Pompidou en a interdit la diffusion télévisuelle - museedelacartepostale.fr/periode-semi-moderne/ - archipostalecarte.blogspot.com/ - Hansjörg Schneider BAUNETZWOCHE 87 über Papiermoderne www.baunetz.de/meldungen/Meldungen_BAUNETZWOCHE_87_ueber_... … - ARCHITECTURE le blog de Claude LOTHIER içi leblogdeclaudelothier.blogspot.com/2006/ - - Le balnéaire en cartes postales autour de la collection de David Liaudet, et ses excellents commentaires.. www.dailymotion.com/video/x57d3b8 -Restaurants Jacques BOREL, Autoroute A 6, 1972 Canton d'AUXERRE youtu.be/LRNhNzgkUcY munchies.vice.com/fr/article/43a4kp/jacques-borel-lhomme-... … Celui qu'on appellera le « Napoléon du prêt-à-manger » se détourne d'ailleurs peu à peu des Wimpy, s'engueule avec la maison mère et fait péricliter la franchise ..

31 TOULOUSE - le Mirail 1962 réalisation : Mario Marret construction de la ville nouvelle Toulouse le Mirail, commentée par l'architecte urbaniste Georges Candilis le film www.dailymotion.com/video/xn4t4q?playlist=x34ije Il existe de nos jours, de nombreux photographes qui privilégient la qualité artistique de leurs travaux cartophiles. A vous de découvrir ces artistes inconnus aujourd’hui, mais qui seront peut-être les grands noms de demain.Les films du MRU - Le temps de l'urbanisme, 1962, Réalisation : Philippe Brunet www.dailymotion.com/video/xgj2zz?playlist=x34ije … … … … -Les grands ensembles en images Les ministères en charge du logement et leur production audiovisuelle (1944-1966) MASSY - Les films du MRU - La Cité des hommes, 1966, Réalisation : Fréderic Rossif, Albert Knobler www.dailymotion.com/video/xgiqzr?playlist=x34i - Les films du MRU @ les AUTOROUTES - Les liaisons moins dangereuses 1972 la construction des autoroutes en France - Le réseau autoroutier 1960 Histoire de France Transports et Communications - www.dailymotion.com/video/xxi0ae?playlist=x34ije … - A quoi servaient les films produits par le MRU ministère de la Reconstruction et de l'Urbanisme ? la réponse de Danielle Voldman historienne spécialiste de la reconstruction www.dailymotion.com/video/x148qu4?playlist=x34ije Maison de Banlieue et de l'Architecture 41 rue Geneviève Anthonioz De Gaulle, Athis-Mons Mercredi et samedi de 14h à 18h, sauf les 20avril, 1er et 8 mai, 1er juin, 2 et 9 novembre. www.portesessonne.fr/Institution/Toute-l-actu/Sortir-et-D...

Içi le LOIRET AVEC MONTARGIS @ LES HLM www.arte.tv/fr/videos/073938-000-A/l-homme-a-mange-la-terre/ … Entre capitalisme et mondialisation imposés par les grandes puissances, un décryptage du basculement dans l’anthropocène de la nature par l’homme.La grande accélération qui fait définitivement basculé le monde dans l'anthropocene(Ère de l'Homme) s'explique pas seulement par la croissançe démographique.. mais par l'incroyable dynamisme des sciençes des techniques, et des talents des Entreprises à vendre leurs produits..les 30 Glorieuses Américaine @ le climatiseur fait son apparition... la promesse de la Maison éléctrique, invite à un confort nouveau...il ne s agissait plus de chauffer les maisons , mais etre capable de les refroidir... www.arte.tv/fr/videos/073938-000-A/l-homme-a-mange-la-terre/ …çe pour que le chauffage,la climatisation et le tout electrique devienne la norme dans le monde, les Industriels de l'elec imposent aux lotissements, le raccordement a l electricite, via des deals avec le BTP, ils signent ainssi la mort de la maison solaire :( les 30 Glorieuses & l'arrivée du Confort Electrique... les industriels de l 'éléctricité çe vendent en inventeur du Futur font barrage a des tas d'autres idees comme la maison tout solaire qui aurai pu avoir toutes ses chances... "When you live , electrik me" veux tout dire ..

… les 30 glorieuses Américaine @ quand celles çi ratent le coche sur la Maison Solaire... www.arte.tv/fr/videos/073938-000-A/l-homme-a-mange-la-terre/ …Quelque 1 400 milliards de tonnes de CO2 sont aujourd’hui prisonnières de la basse atmosphère. Réchauffement climatique, déforestation, inondations, épuisement des ressources, pollutions, déchets radioactifs.…De la révolution industrielle à aujourd’hui, un décryptage minutieux de la course au développement qui a marqué le point de départ de l’ère de l'anthropocène (ou l'ère de l'Homme) et de la déterioration continue de la planète @ le film içi www.arte.tv/fr/videos/073938-000-A/l-homme-a-mange-la-terre/

 

…L'homme a mangé la Terre _ 1960 les 30 Glorieuses dans le plastique @ l'Alathon ,le Delrin,le Lucite,le Teflon , les Molécules,la Grande distribution & les hypermarchés,le salon de l 'auto,les arts ménagers,la consommation de masse alimente encore plus fortement les emissions Co2 De la révolution industrielle à aujourd’hui, un décryptage minutieux de la course au développement qui a marqué le point de départ de l’ère de l'anthropocène (ou l'ère de l'Homme) et de la déterioration continue de la planète.

Quelque 1 400 milliards de tonnes de CO2 sont aujourd’hui prisonnières de la basse atmosphère. Réchauffement climatique, déforestation, inondations, épuisement des ressources, pollutions, déchets radioactifs... : en deux siècles, la course au progrès et à la croissance a durablement altéré la planète, la crise environnementale se doublant d’une rupture géologique, avec l’avènement de l’ère anthropocène. Portée par l’exploitation des énergies fossiles – du charbon de la révolution industrielle en Angleterre au tout-pétrole de la domination économique des États-Unis –, l’industrialisation et ses corollaires, taylorisme et colonialisme, entraînent une exponentielle production de masse. Un processus qu’accélère la Première Guerre mondiale, les firmes chimiques mobilisées pour tuer l’ennemi se reconvertissant dans la destruction du vivant avec les herbicides, insecticides et fertilisants de l’agriculture intensive. Alors que l’urbanisation s’étend, la voiture, qui sonne le glas du tramway, se généralise, et l’Amérique s’inspire du modèle autoroutier nazi. La Seconde Guerre mondiale engendre une nouvelle organisation du travail, laquelle devient la norme, et annonce l’ère nucléaire de la guerre froide. Dans sa démesure, l’homme rêve déjà d’usages civils de l’atome (y compris pour l’abattement de montagnes et la dissolution des calottes glaciaires !). Le plastique et le béton deviennent les piliers de la consommation de masse, dévoreuse de matières premières et antidote à la contestation sociale, jusqu’à la révolution numérique.

Liaisons dangereuses

En balayant, avec de formidables archives issues du monde entier, deux siècles de progrès jusqu’à l’ère du big data, le film remonte aux sources de la crise écologique, en interrogeant avec précision les enjeux scientifiques, économiques et politiques qui y ont conduit. Fourmillant d’informations, il éclaire l’histoire de cette marche folle, et les liaisons dangereuses entre industries militaire et civile. Entre capitalisme et mondialisation imposés par les grandes puissances, un décryptage passionnant du basculement dans l’anthropocène, funeste asservissement de la nature par l’homme.

Saint-Étienne Métropole labellisée « Bibliothèque Numérique de Référence » ! La plus ancienne cinémathèque régionale de france à désormais son site web ! Programmation, ateliers pédagogiques et visionnage en ligne ! Le lien direct vers le film : cinematheque.saint-etienne.fr/Default/doc/OAI_1/oai-cse.d... … 🎥@Cinematheque42 ▶ içi MONTREYNAUD cinematheque.saint-etienne.fr/Default/doc/OAI_1/oai-cse.d... - Içi

LA COTONNE MONTFERRE cinematheque.saint-etienne.fr/Default/doc/OAI_1/oai-cse.d... bit.ly/2KK0n1D - 69 Vénissieux 1984 Images des Minguettes dans le clip ORIGINAL Envole moi de jean jacques Goldman la V.O. là www.facebook.com/icivenissieux/videos/2042888055963468/ … & clip officiel içi www.youtube.com/watch?v=oltptNDHocw … - Il existe de nos jours, de nombreux photographes qui privilégient la qualité artistique de leurs travaux cartophiles. A vous de découvrir ces artistes inconnus aujourd’hui, mais qui seront peut-être les grands noms de demain. Structure Couleurs d'une cité provençale en 1975 extrait du film Bâtir mieux plus vite et moins cher @ le BTP en 1975, l'industrialisation du bâtiment et ses innovations : la préfabrication en usine, le coffrage glissant...Une nouvelle cité provençale ... dai.ly/xyjudq Jacques Tati & la villa Arpel @ le film "mon Oncle"

www.ina.fr/video/R09119655 TURQUIE - Cette ville fantôme a pourrait servir de tournage à un film d'horreur. La commune de Mudurnu, au nord de la Turquie, compte des centaines de répliques de châteaux français tous à l'abandon www.youtube.com/watch?v=qGML4Ej7muMwww.youtube.com/watch?v=U8cFGOnxns4 … Démolition Tour DEF mercredi 23 juin 2010 - Cité Balzac Création artistique autour de la démolition d'un bâtiment. Ce film a été réalisé par les équipes de Plug N' Prod. www.youtube.com/watch?v=L9A_lUN1TPU … 42 - SAINT-ETIENNE LOIRE - Le temps de l'urbanisme sur la Loire, en 1962, les vues des HLM de RHONE ALPES de PARIS & plus... en FILM içi www.dailymotion.com/video/xgj2zz Réalisation : Philippe Brunet

Saint-Etienne l' Extension Marandiniere 1957-59 architecte Jean Farat 42 St-Etienne LOIRE - la Marandiniere les espaces verts @ les 30 G & Jacques SIMON - Il crée la revue Espaces verts en 1968, l’anime jusqu’en 1982, publie des cahiers spéciaux dédiés à « l’Aménagement des espaces libres ». www.dailymotion.com/video/xgj74q LE FILM 42 - Le temps de l'urbanisme sur la Loire, 1962, le FILM içi www.dailymotion.com/video/xgj2zz Réalisation : Philippe Brunet archipostcard.blogspot.com/search?updated-max=2009-02-13T... - museedelacartepostale.fr/periode-semi-moderne/ - archipostalecarte.blogspot.com/ - museedelacartepostale.fr/blog/ - museedelacartepostale.fr/exposition-permanente/ - www.queenslandplaces.com.au/category/headwords/brisbane-c... - collection-jfm.fr/t/cartes-postales-anciennes/france#.XGe... - www.cparama.com/forum/la-collection-de-cpa-f1.html - www.dauphinomaniac.org/Cartespostales/Francaises/Cartes_F... - furtho.tumblr.com/archive

le Logement Collectif* 50,60,70's, dans tous ses états..Histoire & Mémoire d'H.L.M. de Copropriété Renouvellement Urbain-Réha-NPNRU., twitter.com/Memoire2cite tout içi sig.ville.gouv.fr/atlas/ZUS/ - media/InaEdu01827/la-creatio" rel="noreferrer nofollow">fresques.ina.fr/jalons/fiche-media/InaEdu01827/la-creatio Bâtir mieux plus vite et moins cher 1975 l'industrialisation du bâtiment et ses innovations : www.dailymotion.com/video/xyjudq?playlist=x34ije ,Saint-Étienne Métropole labellisée « Bibliothèque Numérique de Référence » ! La plus ancienne cinémathèque régionale de france à désormais son site web ! Programmation, ateliers pédagogiques et visionnage en ligne ! ▶ bit.ly/2KK0n1D la préfabrication en usine www.dailymotion.com/video/xx6ob5?playlist=x34ije , le coffrage glissant www.dailymotion.com/video/x19lwab?playlist=x34ije ... De nouvelles perspectives sont nées dans l'industrie du bâtiment avec les principes de bases de l'industrialisation du bâtiment www.dailymotion.com/video/x1a98iz?playlist=x34ije ,

www.dailymotion.com/video/xk6xui?playlist=x34ije , www.dailymotion.com/video/xk1dh2?playlist=x34ije : mécanisation, rationalisation et élaboration industrielle de la production. Des exemples concrets sont présentés afin d'illustrer l'utilisation des différentes innovations : les coffrages outils, coffrage glissant, le tunnel, des procédés pour accélérer le durcissement du béton. Le procédé dit de coffrage glissant est illustré sur le chantier des tours Pablo Picasso à Nanterre. Le principe est de s'affranchir des échafaudages : le coffrage épouse le contour du bâtiment, il s'élève avec la construction et permet de réaliser simultanément l'ensemble des murs verticaux. Au centre du plancher de travail, une grue distribue en continu le ferraillage et le béton. Sur un tel chantier les ouvriers se relaient 24h / 24 , www.dailymotion.com/video/xwytke?playlist=x34ije , www.dailymotion.com/video/x1bci6m?playlist=x34ije

Le reportage se penche ensuite sur la préfabrication en usine. Ces procédés de préfabrication en usine selon le commentaire sont bien adaptés aux pays en voie de développement, cela est illustré dans le reportage par une réalisation en Libye à Benghazi. Dans la course à l'allégement des matériaux un procédé l'isola béton est présenté. Un chapitre sur la construction métallique explique les avantage de ce procédé. La fabrication de composants ouvre de nouvelles perspectives à l'industrie du bâtiment.

Lieux géographiques : la Grande Borne 91, le Vaudreuil 27, Avoriaz, Avenue de Flandres à Paris, tours Picasso à Nanterre, vues de la défense, Benghazi Libye

www.dailymotion.com/playlist/x34ije_territoiresgouv_cinem... - mémoire2cité - le monde de l'Architecture locative collective et bien plus encore - mémoire2cité - Bâtir mieux plus vite et moins cher 1975 l'industrialisation du bâtiment et ses innovations : www.dailymotion.com/video/xyjudq?playlist=x34ije la préfabrication en usine www.dailymotion.com/video/xx6ob5?playlist=x34ije , le coffrage glissant www.dailymotion.com/video/x19lwab?playlist=x34ije ... De nouvelles perspectives sont nées dans l'industrie du bâtiment avec les principes de bases de l'industrialisation du bâtiment www.dailymotion.com/video/x1a98iz?playlist=x34ije ,

Le Joli Mai (Restauré) - Les grands ensembles BOBIGNY l Abreuvoir www.youtube.com/watch?v=eUY9XzjvWHE … et la www.youtube.com/watch?v=hK26k72xIkUwww.youtube.com/watch?v=xCKF0HEsWWo

Genève Le Grand Saconnex & la Bulle Pirate - architecte Marçel Lachat -

Un film de Julien Donada içi www.youtube.com/watch?time_continue=1&v=4E723uQcpnU … … .Genève en 1970. pic.twitter.com/1dbtkAooLM è St-Etienne - La muraille de Chine, en 1973 ce grand immeuble du quartier de Montchovet, existait encore photos la Tribune/Progres.

www.youtube.com/watch?v=AJAylpe8G48 …, - la tour 80 HLM située au 1 rue Proudhon à Valentigney dans le quartier des Buis Cette tour emblématique du quartier avec ces 15 étages a été abattu par FERRARI DEMOLITION (68). VALENTIGNEY (25700) 1961 - Ville nouvelle-les Buis 3,11 mn www.youtube.com/watch?v=C_GvwSpQUMY … - Au nord-Est de St-Etienne, aux confins de la ville, se dresse une colline Montreynaud la ZUP de Raymond Martin l'architecte & Alexandre Chemetoff pour les paysages de St-Saens.. la vidéo içi * Réalisation : Dominique Bauguil www.youtube.com/watch?v=Sqfb27hXMDo … … - www.dailymotion.com/video/xk6xui?playlist=x34ije , www.dailymotion.com/video/xk1dh2?playlist=x34ije : mécanisation, rationalisation et élaboration industrielle de la production. Des exemples concrets sont présentés afin d'illustrer l'utilisation des différentes innovations : les coffrages outils, coffrage glissant, le tunnel, des procédés pour accélérer le durcissement du béton. Le procédé dit de coffrage glissant est illustré sur le chantier des tours Pablo Picasso à Nanterre. Le principe est de s'affranchir des échafaudages : le coffrage épouse le contour du bâtiment, il s'élève avec la construction et permet de réaliser simultanément l'ensemble des murs verticaux. Au centre du plancher de travail, une grue distribue en continu le ferraillage et le béton. Sur un tel chantier les ouvriers se relaient 24h / 24 , www.dailymotion.com/video/xwytke?playlist=x34ije , www.dailymotion.com/video/x1bci6m?playlist=x34ije

Le reportage se penche ensuite sur la préfabrication en usine. Ces procédés de préfabrication en usine selon le commentaire sont bien adaptés aux pays en voie de développement, cela est illustré dans le reportage par une réalisation en Libye à Benghazi. Dans la course à l'allégement des matériaux un procédé l'isola béton est présenté. Un chapitre sur la construction métallique explique les avantage de ce procédé. La fabrication de composants ouvre de nouvelles perspectives à l'industrie du bâtiment.

la Grande Borne 91, le Vaudreuil 27, Avoriaz, Avenue de Flandres à Paris, tours Picasso à Nanterre, vues de la défense, Benghazi Libye 1975 Réalisateur : Sydney Jézéquel, Karenty

la construction des Autoroutes en France - Les liaisons moins dangereuses 1972 www.dailymotion.com/video/xxi0ae?playlist=x34ije - Ministère de l'Équipement et de l'Aménagement du Territoire - Dotation par la France d'autoroutes modernes "nécessité vitale" pour palier à l'inadaptation du réseau routier de l'époque voué à la paralysie : le reportage nous montre des images d'embouteillages. Le ministre de l'Équipement et de l'Aménagement du Territoire dans les deux gouvernements de Pierre Messmer, de 1972 à 1974, Olivier Guichard explique les ambitions du programme de construction qui doit atteindre 800 km par ans en 1978. L'ouverture de section nouvelles va bon train : Nancy / Metz par exemple. Le reportage nous montre l'intérieur des bureaux d'études qui conçoivent ces autoroute dont la conception est assistée par ordinateurs dont le projet d'ensemble en 3D est visualisé sur un écran. La voix off nous informe sur le financement de ces équipements. Puis on peut voir des images de la construction du pont sur la Seine à Saint Cloud reliant l'autoroute de Normandie au périphérique, de l'échangeur de Palaiseau sur 4 niveau : record d'Europe précise le commentaire. Le reportage nous informe que des sociétés d'économies mixtes ont étés crées pour les tronçons : Paris / Lille, Paris / Marseille, Paris / Normandie. Pour accélérer la construction l’État a eu recours à des concessions privées par exemple pour le tronçon Paris / Chartres. "Les autoroutes changent le visage de la France : artères économiques favorisant le développement industriel elles permettent de revitaliser des régions en perte de vitesse et de l'intégrer dans le mouvement général de l'expansion" Sur le plan européen elles vont combler le retard de la France et réaliser son insertion. Images de l'inauguration de l'autoroute entre Paris et Bruxelles par le président Georges Pompidou. Le reportage rappel que l'autre fonction capitale des autoroute est de favoriser la sécurité. La question de la limitation de vitesse est posée au ministre de l’Équipement, qui n'y est favorable que sur certains tronçons. Un des facteur de sécurité selon le commentaire est l'humanisation des autoroutes : aires de repos, restaurants, signalisation touristiques... "Rien n'est impossible aux techniques modernes" nous apprend la voix off qui prend comme exemple le déplacement sur rail de 65 mètres d'un château classé afin de faire passer l'autoroute Lille / Dunkerque.Durée : 4 minutes 30 secondes

Sur les routes de France les ponts renaissent 1945 reconstruction de la France après la Seconde Guerre mondiale www.dailymotion.com/video/xuxrii?playlist=x34ije , Quelques mois après la fin de la Seconde Guerre mondiale, un triste constat s'impose : 5 944 passages sont coupés, soit plus de 110 km de brèches ; de nombreuses villes se trouvent isolées.Les chantiers s'activent dans toute la France pour "gagner la bataille des communications routières". Mais outre la pénurie de main d’œuvre, il faut faire face au manque de matériaux (béton, métal) et donc déployer des trésors d'imagination pour reconstruire les ponts détruits. Si le savoir faire des tailleurs de pierre est exploité, le plus spectaculaire est le relevage des ponts, comme le pont de Galliéni à Lyon, où 7 à 800 tonnes d'acier sont sorti de l'eau avec des moyens de l'époque. En avril 1945, il reste 5 700 ponts à reconstruire soit 200 000 tonnes d'acier, 600 000 tonnes de ciment, 250 000 m3 de bois, 10 millions de journées d'ouvrier, prix de l'effort de reconstruction.1945

Auteurs / réalisateurs : images : G.Delaunay, A.Pol, son : C.Gauguier Production : Direction Technique des Services des Ponts et Chaussées / Ministère des Travaux Publics et des Transports Support original : 16 mm noir et blanc Durée : 14 min Thèmes principaux : infrastructures-ouvrages d'art Mot clés : chantier, pont, Reconstruction, restauration, béton précontraint, ministère des travaux publics et des transportsLieux : Lyon, Tournon, Caen - Le Bosquel, un village renait 1947 l'album cinématographique de la reconstruction, réalisation Paul de Roubaix production ministère de la Reconstruction et de l'Urbanisme, village prototype, architecte Paul Dufournet, www.dailymotion.com/video/xx5tx8?playlist=x34ije - Demain Paris 1959 dessin animé présentant l'aménagement de la capitale dans les années 60, Animation, dessin animé à vocation pédagogique visant à promouvoir la politique d’aménagement suivie dans les années 60 à Paris. Un raccourci historique sur l’extension de Paris du Moyen Âge au XIXe siècle (Lutèce, œuvres de Turgot, Napoléon, Haussmann), ce dessin animé retrace la naissance de la banlieue et de ses avatars au XXe siècle. Il annonce les grands principes d’aménagement des villes nouvelles et la restructuration du centre de Paris (référence implicite à la charte d’Athènes). Le texte est travaillé en rimes et vers. Une chanson du vieux Paris conclut poétiquement cette vision du futur. Thèmes principaux : Aménagement urbain / planification-aménagement régional Mots-clés : Banlieue, extension spatiale, histoire, quartier, ville, ville nouvelle Lieu géographique : Paris 75 Architectes ou personnalités : Eugène Haussmann, Napoléon, Turgot Réalisateurs : André Martin, Michel Boschet Production : les films Roger Leenhardt

www.dailymotion.com/video/xw6lak?playlist=x34ije - Rue neuve 1956 la reconstruction de la France dix ans après la fin de la seconde guerre mondiale, villes, villages, grands ensembles réalisation : Jack Pinoteau , Panorama de la reconstruction de la France dix ans après la fin de la seconde guerre mondiale, ce film de commande évoque les villes et villages français détruits puis reconstruits dans un style respectant la tradition : Saint-Malo, Gien, Thionville, Ammerschwihr, etc. ainsi que la reconstruction en rupture avec l'architecture traditionnelle à Châtenay-Malabry, Arles, Saint Étienne, Évreux, Chambéry, Villeneuve-Saint-Georges, Abbeville, Le Havre, Marseille, Boulogne-sur-Mer, Dunkerque. Le documentaire explique par exemple la manière dont a été réalisée la reconstruction de Saint-Malo à l'intérieur des rempart de la vieille ville : "c'est la fidélité à l'histoire et la force du souvenir qui a guidé l'architecte". Dans le même esprit à Gien, au trois quart détruite en 1940, seul le château construit en 1494 pour Anne de Beaujeu, fille aînée de Louis XI, fut épargné par les bombardements. La ville fut reconstruite dans le style des rares immeubles restant. Gien est relevé de ses ruines et le nouvel ensemble harmonieux est appelé « Joyau de la Reconstruction française ». Dans un deuxième temps est abordé le chapitre de la construction des cités et des grands ensembles, de l’architecture du renouveau qualifiée de "grandiose incontestablement". S’il est précisé "on peut aimer ou de ne pas aimer ce style", l’emporte au final l’argument suivant : les grands ensembles, c'est la campagne à la ville, un urbanisme plus aéré, plus vert." les films caravelles 1956, Réalisateur : Jack Pinoteau (connu pour être le metteur en scène du film Le Triporteur 1957 qui fit découvrir Darry Cowl) www.dailymotion.com/video/xuz3o8?playlist=x34ije , Film d'archive actualités de 1952 Reconstruction de la France sept ans après la fin de la seconde guerre mondiale état des lieux de la crise du logement , Actualités de 1952. Sept ans après la fin de la seconde guerre Mondiale état des lieux de la reconstruction de la France et de la crise du logement à l’œuvre, pénurie de logement, logements insalubres. Les actualités montrent des images d'archives de la destruction de la France, les Chars de la division Leclerc qui défilent sur les Champs Elysees. Le commentaire dénonce la lenteur de la reconstruction et notamment des manifestations qui ont eu lieue à Royan afin d''accélérer la reconstruction de la ville détruite.Le film montre à Strasbourg, Mulhouse, des réalisation moderne de grands ensembles et des images d'archive de la reconstruction du Havre de Saint Nazaire.Le film se termine à Marseille sur les réalisation nouvelles autour du vieux port puis on assiste à l'inauguration de la Cité Radieuse par le ministre de la Reconstruction et de l'Urbanisme Eugène Claudius-Petit en présence de son architecte Le Corbusier à qui le ministre remet la cravate de commandeur de la légion d'honneur. www.dailymotion.com/video/xk1g5j?playlist=x34ije Brigitte Gros - Urbanisme - Filmer les grands ensembles 2016 - par Camille Canteux chercheuse au CHS -Centre d'Histoire Sociale - Jeanne Menjoulet - Ce film du CHS daté de 2014 www.youtube.com/watch?v=VDUBwVPNh0s … L'UNION SOCIALE POUR L'HABITAT le Musée des H.L.M. musee-hlm.fr/ union-habitat.org/ - EXPOSITION :LES 50 ANS DE LA RESIDENCe SALMSON POINT-Du JOUR www.salmsonlepointdujour.fr/pdf/Exposition_50_ans.pdf - Sotteville Construction de l’Anjou, le premier immeuble de la Zone Verte sottevilleaufildutemps.fr/2017/05/04/construction-de-limm... - www.20minutes.fr/paris/diaporama-7346-photo-854066-100-an... - www.ladepeche.fr/article/2010/11/02/940025-140-ans-en-arc... dreux-par-pierlouim.over-blog.com/article-chamards-1962-9... missionphoto.datar.gouv.fr/fr/photographe/7639/serie/7695... Mémoire2cité Mémoire2Ville Mémoire de l'Habitat,içi la page listant mes 43 albums photos disponibles, çe x 1000 pour chacuns d'entre eux ..Merci aux 5859 followers qui porte une attention particuliere à nos quartiers..

la Grande Borne 91, le Vaudreuil 27, Avoriaz, Avenue de Flandres à Paris, tours Picasso à Nanterre, vues de la défense, Benghazi Libye 1975 Réalisateur : Sydney Jézéquel, Karenty

la construction des Autoroutes en France - Les liaisons moins dangereuses 1972 www.dailymotion.com/video/xxi0ae?playlist=x34ije - Ministère de l'Équipement et de l'Aménagement du Territoire - Dotation par la France d'autoroutes modernes "nécessité vitale" pour palier à l'inadaptation du réseau routier de l'époque voué à la paralysie : le reportage nous montre des images d'embouteillages. Le ministre de l'Équipement et de l'Aménagement du Territoire dans les deux gouvernements de Pierre Messmer, de 1972 à 1974, Olivier Guichard explique les ambitions du programme de construction qui doit atteindre 800 km par ans en 1978. L'ouverture de section nouvelles va bon train : Nancy / Metz par exemple. Le reportage nous montre l'intérieur des bureaux d'études qui conçoivent ces autoroute dont la conception est assistée par ordinateurs dont le projet d'ensemble en 3D est visualisé sur un écran. La voix off nous informe sur le financement de ces équipements. Puis on peut voir des images de la construction du pont sur la Seine à Saint Cloud reliant l'autoroute de Normandie au périphérique, de l'échangeur de Palaiseau sur 4 niveau : record d'Europe précise le commentaire. Le reportage nous informe que des sociétés d'économies mixtes ont étés crées pour les tronçons : Paris / Lille, Paris / Marseille, Paris / Normandie. Pour accélérer la construction l’État a eu recours à des concessions privées par exemple pour le tronçon Paris / Chartres. "Les autoroutes changent le visage de la France : artères économiques favorisant le développement industriel elles permettent de revitaliser des régions en perte de vitesse et de l'intégrer dans le mouvement général de l'expansion" Sur le plan européen elles vont combler le retard de la France et réaliser son insertion. Images de l'inauguration de l'autoroute entre Paris et Bruxelles par le président Georges Pompidou. Le reportage rappel que l'autre fonction capitale des autoroute est de favoriser la sécurité.

. . . 2. 3. 2007 - this is the first day of a funeral ceremony in Bori for a High Class Woman. She died on 18. 1. 2007 at the age of 85 years. The ceremony will last for one week. Today we will see the showing of the water buffalos, pigs, cow, horse, deer and chicken. All these animals are offered to be the servants of the died woman in her new life after death in Puya. We will see buffalo fighting. Men bet for the winner of those fightings. Two buffalos fight each other - the one running away lost the fight!

If you wonder why the quality of the pictures is a little less: these are no photographs - it all are snapshots of my videos! So sorry for the less resolution, but I think, they are worth to be shown.

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The Toraja are an ethnic group indigenous to a mountainous region of South Sulawesi, Indonesia. Their population is approximately 1,100,000, of whom 450,000 live in the regency of Tana Toraja ("Land of Toraja"). Most of the population is Christian, and others are Muslim or have local animist beliefs known as aluk ("the way"). The Indonesian government has recognized this animist belief as Aluk To Dolo ("Way of the Ancestors").

 

The word toraja comes from the Bugis Buginese language term to riaja, meaning "people of the uplands". The Dutch colonial government named the people Toraja in 1909. Torajans are renowned for their elaborate funeral rites, burial sites carved into rocky cliffs, massive peaked-roof traditional houses known as tongkonan, and colorful wood carvings. Toraja funeral rites are important social events, usually attended by hundreds of people and lasting for several days.

 

Before the 20th century, Torajans lived in autonomous villages, where they practised animism and were relatively untouched by the outside world. In the early 1900s, Dutch missionaries first worked to convert Torajan highlanders to Christianity. When the Tana Toraja regency was further opened to the outside world in the 1970s, it became an icon of tourism in Indonesia: it was exploited by tourism developers and studied by anthropologists. By the 1990s, when tourism peaked, Toraja society had changed significantly, from an agrarian model - in which social life and customs were outgrowths of the Aluk To Dolo - to a largely Christian society. Today, tourism and remittances from migrant Torajans have made for major changes in the Toraja highland, giving the Toraja a celebrity status within Indonesia and enhancing Toraja ethnic group pride.

 

ETHNIC IDENTITY

The Torajan people had little notion of themselves as a distinct ethnic group before the 20th century. Before Dutch colonization and Christianization, Torajans, who lived in highland areas, identified with their villages and did not share a broad sense of identity. Although complexes of rituals created linkages between highland villages, there were variations in dialects, differences in social hierarchies, and an array of ritual practices in the Sulawesi highland region. "Toraja" (from the coastal languages' to, meaning people; and riaja, uplands) was first used as a lowlander expression for highlanders. As a result, "Toraja" initially had more currency with outsiders - such as the Bugis and Makassarese, who constitute a majority of the lowland of Sulawesi - than with insiders. The Dutch missionaries' presence in the highlands gave rise to the Toraja ethnic consciousness in the Sa'dan Toraja region, and this shared identity grew with the rise of tourism in the Tana Toraja Regency. Since then, South Sulawesi has four main ethnic groups - the Bugis (the majority, including shipbuilders and seafarers), the Makassarese (lowland traders and seafarers), the Mandarese (traders and fishermen), and the Toraja (highland rice cultivators).

 

HISTORY

From the 17th century, the Dutch established trade and political control on Sulawesi through the Dutch East Indies Company. Over two centuries, they ignored the mountainous area in the central Sulawesi, where Torajans lived, because access was difficult and it had little productive agricultural land. In the late 19th century, the Dutch became increasingly concerned about the spread of Islam in the south of Sulawesi, especially among the Makassarese and Bugis peoples. The Dutch saw the animist highlanders as potential Christians. In the 1920s, the Reformed Missionary Alliance of the Dutch Reformed Church began missionary work aided by the Dutch colonial government. In addition to introducing Christianity, the Dutch abolished slavery and imposed local taxes. A line was drawn around the Sa'dan area and called Tana Toraja ("the land of Toraja"). Tana Toraja was first a subdivision of the Luwu kingdom that had claimed the area. In 1946, the Dutch granted Tana Toraja a regentschap, and it was recognized in 1957 as one of the regencies of Indonesia.

 

Early Dutch missionaries faced strong opposition among Torajans, especially among the elite, because the abolition of their profitable slave trade had angered them. Some Torajans were forcibly relocated to the lowlands by the Dutch, where they could be more easily controlled. Taxes were kept high, undermining the wealth of the elites. Ultimately, the Dutch influence did not subdue Torajan culture, and only a few Torajans were converted. In 1950, only 10% of the population had converted to Christianity.

 

In the 1930s, Muslim lowlanders attacked the Torajans, resulting in widespread Christian conversion among those who sought to align themselves with the Dutch for political protection and to form a movement against the Bugis and Makassarese Muslims. Between 1951 and 1965 (following Indonesian independence), southern Sulawesi faced a turbulent period as the Darul Islam separatist movement fought for an Islamic state in Sulawesi. The 15 years of guerrilla warfare led to massive conversions to

 

CHRISTIANITY

Alignment with the Indonesian government, however, did not guarantee safety for the Torajans. In 1965, a presidential decree required every Indonesian citizen to belong to one of five officially recognized religions: Islam, Christianity (Protestantism and Catholicism), Hinduism, or Buddhism. The Torajan religious belief (aluk) was not legally recognized, and the Torajans raised their voices against the law. To make aluk accord with the law, it had to be accepted as part of one of the official religions. In 1969, Aluk To Dolo ("the way of ancestors") was legalized as a sect of Agama Hindu Dharma, the official name of Hinduism in Indonesia.

 

SOCIETY

There are three main types of affiliation in Toraja society: family, class and religion.

 

FAMILY AFFILIATION

Family is the primary social and political grouping in Torajan society. Each village is one extended family, the seat of which is the tongkonan, a traditional Torajan house. Each tongkonan has a name, which becomes the name of the village. The familial dons maintain village unity. Marriage between distant cousins (fourth cousins and beyond) is a common practice that strengthens kinship. Toraja society prohibits marriage between close cousins (up to and including the third cousin) - except for nobles, to prevent the dispersal of property. Kinship is actively reciprocal, meaning that the extended family helps each other farm, share buffalo rituals, and pay off debts.

 

Each person belongs to both the mother's and the father's families, the only bilateral family line in Indonesia. Children, therefore, inherit household affiliation from both mother and father, including land and even family debts. Children's names are given on the basis of kinship, and are usually chosen after dead relatives. Names of aunts, uncles and cousins are commonly referred to in the names of mothers, fathers and siblings.

 

Before the start of the formal administration of Toraja villages by the Tana Toraja Regency, each Toraja village was autonomous. In a more complex situation, in which one Toraja family could not handle their problems alone, several villages formed a group; sometimes, villages would unite against other villages. Relationship between families was expressed through blood, marriage, and shared ancestral houses (tongkonan), practically signed by the exchange of water buffalo and pigs on ritual occasions. Such exchanges not only built political and cultural ties between families but defined each person's place in a social hierarchy: who poured palm wine, who wrapped a corpse and prepared offerings, where each person could or could not sit, what dishes should be used or avoided, and even what piece of meat constituted one's share.

 

CLASS AFFILIATION

In early Toraja society, family relationships were tied closely to social class. There were three strata: nobles, commoners, and slaves (slavery was abolished in 1909 by the Dutch East Indies government). Class was inherited through the mother. It was taboo, therefore, to marry "down" with a woman of lower class. On the other hand, marrying a woman of higher class could improve the status of the next generation. The nobility's condescending attitude toward the commoners is still maintained today for reasons of family prestige.

 

Nobles, who were believed to be direct descendants of the descended person from heaven, lived in tongkonans, while commoners lived in less lavish houses (bamboo shacks called banua). Slaves lived in small huts, which had to be built around their owner's tongkonan. Commoners might marry anyone, but nobles preferred to marry in-family to maintain their status. Sometimes nobles married Bugis or Makassarese nobles. Commoners and slaves were prohibited from having death feasts. Despite close kinship and status inheritance, there was some social mobility, as marriage or change in wealth could affect an individuals status. Wealth was counted by the ownership of water buffaloes.

 

Slaves in Toraja society were family property. Sometimes Torajans decided to become slaves when they incurred a debt, pledging to work as payment. Slaves could be taken during wars, and slave trading was common. Slaves could buy their freedom, but their children still inherited slave status. Slaves were prohibited from wearing bronze or gold, carving their houses, eating from the same dishes as their owners, or having sex with free women - a crime punishable by death.

 

RELIGIOUS AFFILIATION

Toraja's indigenous belief system is polytheistic animism, called aluk, or "the way" (sometimes translated as "the law"). In the Toraja myth, the ancestors of Torajan people came down from heaven using stairs, which were then used by the Torajans as a communication medium with Puang Matua, the Creator. The cosmos, according to aluk, is divided into the upper world (heaven), the world of man (earth), and the underworld. At first, heaven and earth were married, then there was a darkness, a separation, and finally the light. Animals live in the underworld, which is represented by rectangular space enclosed by pillars, the earth is for mankind, and the heaven world is located above, covered with a saddle-shaped roof. Other Toraja gods include Pong Banggai di Rante (god of Earth), Indo' Ongon-Ongon (a goddess who can cause earthquakes), Pong Lalondong (god of death), and Indo' Belo Tumbang (goddess of medicine); there are many more.

 

The earthly authority, whose words and actions should be cleaved to both in life (agriculture) and death (funerals), is called to minaa (an aluk priest). Aluk is not just a belief system; it is a combination of law, religion, and habit. Aluk governs social life, agricultural practices, and ancestral rituals. The details of aluk may vary from one village to another. One common law is the requirement that death and life rituals be separated. Torajans believe that performing death rituals might ruin their corpses if combined with life rituals. The two rituals are equally important. During the time of the Dutch missionaries, Christian Torajans were prohibited from attending or performing life rituals, but were allowed to perform death rituals. Consequently, Toraja's death rituals are still practised today, while life rituals have diminished.

 

CULTURE

TONGKONAN

Tongkonan are the traditional Torajan ancestral houses. They stand high on wooden piles, topped with a layered split-bamboo roof shaped in a sweeping curved arc, and they are incised with red, black, and yellow detailed wood carvings on the exterior walls. The word "tongkonan" comes from the Torajan tongkon ("to sit").

 

Tongkonan are the center of Torajan social life. The rituals associated with the tongkonan are important expressions of Torajan spiritual life, and therefore all family members are impelled to participate, because symbolically the tongkonan represents links to their ancestors and to living and future kin. According to Torajan myth, the first tongkonan was built in heaven on four poles, with a roof made of Indian cloth. When the first Torajan ancestor descended to earth, he imitated the house and held a large ceremony.

 

The construction of a tongkonan is laborious work and is usually done with the help of the extended family. There are three types of tongkonan. The tongkonan layuk is the house of the highest authority, used as the "center of government". The tongkonan pekamberan belongs to the family members who have some authority in local traditions. Ordinary family members reside in the tongkonan batu. The exclusivity to the nobility of the tongkonan is diminishing as many Torajan commoners find lucrative employment in other parts of Indonesia. As they send back money to their families, they enable the construction of larger tongkonan.

 

WOOD CARVINGS

To express social and religious concepts, Torajans carve wood, calling it Pa'ssura (or "the writing"). Wood carvings are therefore Toraja's cultural manifestation.

 

Each carving receives a special name, and common motifs are animals and plants that symbolize some virtue. For example, water plants and animals, such as crabs, tadpoles and water weeds, are commonly found to symbolize fertility. In some areas noble elders claim these symbols refer to strength of noble family, but not everyone agrees. The overall meaning of groups of carved motifs on houses remains debated and tourism has further complicated these debates because some feel a uniform explanation must be presented to tourists. The image to the left shows an example of Torajan wood carving, consisting of 15 square panels. The center bottom panel represents buffalo or wealth, a wish for many buffaloes for the family. The center panel represents a knot and a box, a hope that all of the family's offspring will be happy and live in harmony, like goods kept safe in a box. The top left and top right squares represent an aquatic animal, indicating the need for fast and hard work, just like moving on the surface of water. It also represents the need for a certain skill to produce good results.

 

Regularity and order are common features in Toraja wood carving (see table below), as well as abstracts and geometrical designs. Nature is frequently used as the basis of Toraja's ornaments, because nature is full of abstractions and geometries with regularities and ordering. Toraja's ornaments have been studied in ethnomathematics to reveal their mathematical structure, but Torajans base this art only on approximations. To create an ornament, bamboo sticks are used as a geometrical tool.

 

FUNERAL RITES

In Toraja society, the funeral ritual is the most elaborate and expensive event. The richer and more powerful the individual, the more expensive is the funeral. In the aluk religion, only nobles have the right to have an extensive death feast. The death feast of a nobleman is usually attended by thousands and lasts for several days. A ceremonial site, called rante, is usually prepared in a large, grassy field where shelters for audiences, rice barns, and other ceremonial funeral structures are specially made by the deceased family. Flute music, funeral chants, songs and poems, and crying and wailing are traditional Toraja expressions of grief with the exceptions of funerals for young children, and poor, low-status adults.

 

The ceremony is often held weeks, months, or years after the death so that the deceased's family can raise the significant funds needed to cover funeral expenses. Torajans traditionally believe that death is not a sudden, abrupt event, but a gradual process toward Puya (the land of souls, or afterlife). During the waiting period, the body of the deceased is wrapped in several layers of cloth and kept under the tongkonan. The soul of the deceased is thought to linger around the village until the funeral ceremony is completed, after which it begins its journey to Puya.

 

Another component of the ritual is the slaughter of water buffalo. The more powerful the person who died, the more buffalo are slaughtered at the death feast. Buffalo carcasses, including their heads, are usually lined up on a field waiting for their owner, who is in the "sleeping stage". Torajans believe that the deceased will need the buffalo to make the journey and that they will be quicker to arrive at Puya if they have many buffalo. Slaughtering tens of water buffalo and hundreds of pigs using a machete is the climax of the elaborate death feast, with dancing and music and young boys who catch spurting blood in long bamboo tubes. Some of the slaughtered animals are given by guests as "gifts", which are carefully noted because they will be considered debts of the deceased's family. However, a cockfight, known as bulangan londong, is an integral part of the ceremony. As with the sacrifice of the buffalo and the pigs, the cockfight is considered sacred because it involves the spilling of blood on the earth. In particular, the tradition requires the sacrifice of at least three chickens. However, it is common for at least 25 pairs of chickens to be set against each other in the context of the ceremony.

 

There are three methods of burial: the coffin may be laid in a cave or in a carved stone grave, or hung on a cliff. It contains any possessions that the deceased will need in the afterlife. The wealthy are often buried in a stone grave carved out of a rocky cliff. The grave is usually expensive and takes a few months to complete. In some areas, a stone cave may be found that is large enough to accommodate a whole family. A wood-carved effigy, called Tau tau, is usually placed in the cave looking out over the land. The coffin of a baby or child may be hung from ropes on a cliff face or from a tree. This hanging grave usually lasts for years, until the ropes rot and the coffin falls to the ground.

 

In the ritual called Ma'Nene, that takes place each year in August, the bodies of the deceased are exhumed to be washed, groomed and dressed in new clothes. The mummies are then walked around the village.

 

DANCE AND MUSIC

Torajans perform dances on several occasions, most often during their elaborate funeral ceremonies. They dance to express their grief, and to honour and even cheer the deceased person because he is going to have a long journey in the afterlife. First, a group of men form a circle and sing a monotonous chant throughout the night to honour the deceased (a ritual called Ma'badong). This is considered by many Torajans to be the most important component of the funeral ceremony. On the second funeral day, the Ma'randing warrior dance is performed to praise the courage of the deceased during life. Several men perform the dance with a sword, a large shield made from buffalo skin, a helmet with a buffalo horn, and other ornamentation. The Ma'randing dance precedes a procession in which the deceased is carried from a rice barn to the rante, the site of the funeral ceremony. During the funeral, elder women perform the Ma'katia dance while singing a poetic song and wearing a long feathered costume. The Ma'akatia dance is performed to remind the audience of the generosity and loyalty of the deceased person. After the bloody ceremony of buffalo and pig slaughter, a group of boys and girls clap their hands while performing a cheerful dance called Ma'dondan.

 

As in other agricultural societies, Torajans dance and sing during harvest time. The Ma'bugi dance celebrates the thanksgiving event, and the Ma'gandangi dance is performed while Torajans are pounding rice. There are several war dances, such as the Manimbong dance performed by men, followed by the Ma'dandan dance performed by women. The aluk religion governs when and how Torajans dance. A dance called Ma'bua can be performed only once every 12 years. Ma'bua is a major Toraja ceremony in which priests wear a buffalo head and dance around a sacred tree.

 

A traditional musical instrument of the Toraja is a bamboo flute called a Pa'suling (suling is an Indonesian word for flute). This six-holed flute (not unique to the Toraja) is played at many dances, such as the thanksgiving dance Ma'bondensan, where the flute accompanies a group of shirtless, dancing men with long fingernails. The Toraja have indigenous musical instruments, such as the Pa'pelle (made from palm leaves) and the Pa'karombi (the Torajan version of a jaw harp). The Pa'pelle is played during harvest time and at house inauguration ceremonies.

 

LANGUAGE

The ethnic Toraja language is dominant in Tana Toraja with the main language as the Sa'dan Toraja. Although the national Indonesian language is the official language and is spoken in the community, all elementary schools in Tana Toraja teach Toraja language.Language varieties of Toraja, including Kalumpang, Mamasa, Tae' , Talondo' , Toala' , and Toraja-Sa'dan, belong to the Malayo-Polynesian language from the Austronesian family. At the outset, the isolated geographical nature of Tana Toraja formed many dialects between the Toraja languages themselves. After the formal administration of Tana Toraja, some Toraja dialects have been influenced by other languages through the transmigration program, introduced since the colonialism period, and it has been a major factor in the linguistic variety of Toraja languages. A prominent attribute of Toraja language is the notion of grief. The importance of death ceremony in Toraja culture has characterized their languages to express intricate degrees of grief and mourning. The Toraja language contains many terms referring to sadness, longing, depression, and mental pain. Giving a clear expression of the psychological and physical effect of loss is a catharsis and sometimes lessens the pain of grief itself.

 

ECONOMY

Prior to Suharto's "New Order" administration, the Torajan economy was based on agriculture, with cultivated wet rice in terraced fields on mountain slopes, and supplemental cassava and maize crops. Much time and energy were devoted to raising water buffalo, pigs, and chickens, primarily for ceremonial sacrifices and consumption. Coffee was the first significant cash crop produced in Toraja, and was introduced in the mid 19th century, changing the local economy towards commodity production for external markets and gaining an excellent reputation for quality in the international market .

 

With the commencement of the New Order in 1965, Indonesia's economy developed and opened to foreign investment. In Toraja, a coffee plantation and factory was established by Key Coffee of Japan, and Torajan coffee regained a reputation for quality within the growing international specialty coffee sector Multinational oil and mining companies opened new operations in Indonesia during the 1970s and 1980s. Torajans, particularly younger ones, relocated to work for the foreign companies - to Kalimantan for timber and oil, to Papua for mining, to the cities of Sulawesi and Java, and many went to Malaysia. The out-migration of Torajans was steady until 1985. and has continued since, with remittances sent back by emigre Torajans performing an important role within the contemporary economy.

 

Tourism commenced in Toraja in the 1970s, and accelerated in the 1980s and 1990s. Between 1984 and 1997, a significant number of Torajans obtained their incomes from tourism, working in and owning hotels, as tour guides, drivers, or selling souvenirs. With the rise of political and economic instability in Indonesia in the late 1990s - including religious conflicts elsewhere on Sulawesi - tourism in Tana Toraja has declined dramatically. Toraja continues to be a well known origin for Indonesian coffee, grown by both smallholders and plantation estates, although migration, remittances and off-farm income is considered far more important to most households, even those in rural areas.

 

TOURISM AND CULTURAL CHANGE

Before the 1970s, Toraja was almost unknown to Western tourism. In 1971, about 50 Europeans visited Tana Toraja. In 1972, at least 400 visitors attended the funeral ritual of Puang of Sangalla, the highest-ranking nobleman in Tana Toraja and the so-called "last pure-blooded Toraja noble." The event was documented by National Geographic and broadcast in several European countries. In 1976, about 12,000 tourists visited the regency and in 1981, Torajan sculpture was exhibited in major North American museums. "The land of the heavenly kings of Tana Toraja", as written in the exhibition brochure, embraced the outside world.

 

In 1984, the Indonesian Ministry of Tourism declared Tana Toraja Regency the prima donna of South Sulawesi. Tana Toraja was heralded as "the second stop after Bali". Tourism was increasing dramatically: by 1985, a total number of 150,000 foreigners had visited the Regency (in addition to 80,000 domestic tourists), and the annual number of foreign visitors was recorded at 40,000 in 1989. Souvenir stands appeared in Rantepao, the cultural center of Toraja, roads were sealed at the most-visited tourist sites, new hotels and tourist-oriented restaurants were opened, and an airstrip was opened in the Regency in 1981.

 

Tourism developers have marketed Tana Toraja as an exotic adventure - an area rich in culture and off the beaten track. Western tourists expected to see stone-age villages and pagan funerals. Toraja is for tourists who have gone as far as Bali and are willing to see more of the wild, "untouched" islands. However, they were more likely to see a Torajan wearing a hat and denim, living in a Christian society. Tourists felt that the tongkonan and other Torajan rituals had been preconceived to make profits, and complained that the destination was too commercialized. This has resulted in several clashes between Torajans and tourism developers, whom Torajans see as outsiders.

 

A clash between local Torajan leaders and the South Sulawesi provincial government (as a tourist developer) broke out in 1985. The government designated 18 Toraja villages and burial sites as traditional tourist attractions. Consequently, zoning restrictions were applied to these areas, such that Torajans themselves were barred from changing their tongkonans and burial sites. The plan was opposed by some Torajan leaders, as they felt that their rituals and traditions were being determined by outsiders. As a result, in 1987, the Torajan village of Kété Kesú and several other designated tourist attractions closed their doors to tourists. This closure lasted only a few days, as the villagers found it too difficult to survive without the income from selling souvenirs.

 

Tourism has also transformed Toraja society. Originally, there was a ritual which allowed commoners to marry nobles (puang) and thereby gain nobility for their children. However, the image of Torajan society created for the tourists, often by "lower-ranking" guides, has eroded its traditional strict hierarchy. High status is not as esteemed in Tana Toraja as it once was. Many low-ranking men can declare themselves and their children nobles by gaining enough wealth through work outside the region and then marrying a noble woman.

 

WIKIPEDIA

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. . . 2. 3. 2007 - this is the first day of a funeral ceremony in Bori for a High Class Woman. She died on 18. 1. 2007 at the age of 85 years. The ceremony will last for one week. Today we will see the showing of the water buffalos, pigs, cow, horse, deer and chicken. All these animals are offered to be the servants of the died woman in her new life after death in Puya. We will see buffalo fighting. Men bet for the winner of those fightings. Two buffalos fight each other - the one running away lost the fight!

If you wonder why the quality of the pictures is a little less: these are no photographs - it all are snapshots of my videos! So sorry for the less resolution, but I think, they are worth to be shown.

_____________________________________

 

The Toraja are an ethnic group indigenous to a mountainous region of South Sulawesi, Indonesia. Their population is approximately 1,100,000, of whom 450,000 live in the regency of Tana Toraja ("Land of Toraja"). Most of the population is Christian, and others are Muslim or have local animist beliefs known as aluk ("the way"). The Indonesian government has recognized this animist belief as Aluk To Dolo ("Way of the Ancestors").

 

The word toraja comes from the Bugis Buginese language term to riaja, meaning "people of the uplands". The Dutch colonial government named the people Toraja in 1909. Torajans are renowned for their elaborate funeral rites, burial sites carved into rocky cliffs, massive peaked-roof traditional houses known as tongkonan, and colorful wood carvings. Toraja funeral rites are important social events, usually attended by hundreds of people and lasting for several days.

 

Before the 20th century, Torajans lived in autonomous villages, where they practised animism and were relatively untouched by the outside world. In the early 1900s, Dutch missionaries first worked to convert Torajan highlanders to Christianity. When the Tana Toraja regency was further opened to the outside world in the 1970s, it became an icon of tourism in Indonesia: it was exploited by tourism developers and studied by anthropologists. By the 1990s, when tourism peaked, Toraja society had changed significantly, from an agrarian model - in which social life and customs were outgrowths of the Aluk To Dolo - to a largely Christian society. Today, tourism and remittances from migrant Torajans have made for major changes in the Toraja highland, giving the Toraja a celebrity status within Indonesia and enhancing Toraja ethnic group pride.

 

ETHNIC IDENTITY

The Torajan people had little notion of themselves as a distinct ethnic group before the 20th century. Before Dutch colonization and Christianization, Torajans, who lived in highland areas, identified with their villages and did not share a broad sense of identity. Although complexes of rituals created linkages between highland villages, there were variations in dialects, differences in social hierarchies, and an array of ritual practices in the Sulawesi highland region. "Toraja" (from the coastal languages' to, meaning people; and riaja, uplands) was first used as a lowlander expression for highlanders. As a result, "Toraja" initially had more currency with outsiders - such as the Bugis and Makassarese, who constitute a majority of the lowland of Sulawesi - than with insiders. The Dutch missionaries' presence in the highlands gave rise to the Toraja ethnic consciousness in the Sa'dan Toraja region, and this shared identity grew with the rise of tourism in the Tana Toraja Regency. Since then, South Sulawesi has four main ethnic groups - the Bugis (the majority, including shipbuilders and seafarers), the Makassarese (lowland traders and seafarers), the Mandarese (traders and fishermen), and the Toraja (highland rice cultivators).

 

HISTORY

From the 17th century, the Dutch established trade and political control on Sulawesi through the Dutch East Indies Company. Over two centuries, they ignored the mountainous area in the central Sulawesi, where Torajans lived, because access was difficult and it had little productive agricultural land. In the late 19th century, the Dutch became increasingly concerned about the spread of Islam in the south of Sulawesi, especially among the Makassarese and Bugis peoples. The Dutch saw the animist highlanders as potential Christians. In the 1920s, the Reformed Missionary Alliance of the Dutch Reformed Church began missionary work aided by the Dutch colonial government. In addition to introducing Christianity, the Dutch abolished slavery and imposed local taxes. A line was drawn around the Sa'dan area and called Tana Toraja ("the land of Toraja"). Tana Toraja was first a subdivision of the Luwu kingdom that had claimed the area. In 1946, the Dutch granted Tana Toraja a regentschap, and it was recognized in 1957 as one of the regencies of Indonesia.

 

Early Dutch missionaries faced strong opposition among Torajans, especially among the elite, because the abolition of their profitable slave trade had angered them. Some Torajans were forcibly relocated to the lowlands by the Dutch, where they could be more easily controlled. Taxes were kept high, undermining the wealth of the elites. Ultimately, the Dutch influence did not subdue Torajan culture, and only a few Torajans were converted. In 1950, only 10% of the population had converted to Christianity.

 

In the 1930s, Muslim lowlanders attacked the Torajans, resulting in widespread Christian conversion among those who sought to align themselves with the Dutch for political protection and to form a movement against the Bugis and Makassarese Muslims. Between 1951 and 1965 (following Indonesian independence), southern Sulawesi faced a turbulent period as the Darul Islam separatist movement fought for an Islamic state in Sulawesi. The 15 years of guerrilla warfare led to massive conversions to

 

CHRISTIANITY

Alignment with the Indonesian government, however, did not guarantee safety for the Torajans. In 1965, a presidential decree required every Indonesian citizen to belong to one of five officially recognized religions: Islam, Christianity (Protestantism and Catholicism), Hinduism, or Buddhism. The Torajan religious belief (aluk) was not legally recognized, and the Torajans raised their voices against the law. To make aluk accord with the law, it had to be accepted as part of one of the official religions. In 1969, Aluk To Dolo ("the way of ancestors") was legalized as a sect of Agama Hindu Dharma, the official name of Hinduism in Indonesia.

 

SOCIETY

There are three main types of affiliation in Toraja society: family, class and religion.

 

FAMILY AFFILIATION

Family is the primary social and political grouping in Torajan society. Each village is one extended family, the seat of which is the tongkonan, a traditional Torajan house. Each tongkonan has a name, which becomes the name of the village. The familial dons maintain village unity. Marriage between distant cousins (fourth cousins and beyond) is a common practice that strengthens kinship. Toraja society prohibits marriage between close cousins (up to and including the third cousin) - except for nobles, to prevent the dispersal of property. Kinship is actively reciprocal, meaning that the extended family helps each other farm, share buffalo rituals, and pay off debts.

 

Each person belongs to both the mother's and the father's families, the only bilateral family line in Indonesia. Children, therefore, inherit household affiliation from both mother and father, including land and even family debts. Children's names are given on the basis of kinship, and are usually chosen after dead relatives. Names of aunts, uncles and cousins are commonly referred to in the names of mothers, fathers and siblings.

 

Before the start of the formal administration of Toraja villages by the Tana Toraja Regency, each Toraja village was autonomous. In a more complex situation, in which one Toraja family could not handle their problems alone, several villages formed a group; sometimes, villages would unite against other villages. Relationship between families was expressed through blood, marriage, and shared ancestral houses (tongkonan), practically signed by the exchange of water buffalo and pigs on ritual occasions. Such exchanges not only built political and cultural ties between families but defined each person's place in a social hierarchy: who poured palm wine, who wrapped a corpse and prepared offerings, where each person could or could not sit, what dishes should be used or avoided, and even what piece of meat constituted one's share.

 

CLASS AFFILIATION

In early Toraja society, family relationships were tied closely to social class. There were three strata: nobles, commoners, and slaves (slavery was abolished in 1909 by the Dutch East Indies government). Class was inherited through the mother. It was taboo, therefore, to marry "down" with a woman of lower class. On the other hand, marrying a woman of higher class could improve the status of the next generation. The nobility's condescending attitude toward the commoners is still maintained today for reasons of family prestige.

 

Nobles, who were believed to be direct descendants of the descended person from heaven, lived in tongkonans, while commoners lived in less lavish houses (bamboo shacks called banua). Slaves lived in small huts, which had to be built around their owner's tongkonan. Commoners might marry anyone, but nobles preferred to marry in-family to maintain their status. Sometimes nobles married Bugis or Makassarese nobles. Commoners and slaves were prohibited from having death feasts. Despite close kinship and status inheritance, there was some social mobility, as marriage or change in wealth could affect an individuals status. Wealth was counted by the ownership of water buffaloes.

 

Slaves in Toraja society were family property. Sometimes Torajans decided to become slaves when they incurred a debt, pledging to work as payment. Slaves could be taken during wars, and slave trading was common. Slaves could buy their freedom, but their children still inherited slave status. Slaves were prohibited from wearing bronze or gold, carving their houses, eating from the same dishes as their owners, or having sex with free women - a crime punishable by death.

 

RELIGIOUS AFFILIATION

Toraja's indigenous belief system is polytheistic animism, called aluk, or "the way" (sometimes translated as "the law"). In the Toraja myth, the ancestors of Torajan people came down from heaven using stairs, which were then used by the Torajans as a communication medium with Puang Matua, the Creator. The cosmos, according to aluk, is divided into the upper world (heaven), the world of man (earth), and the underworld. At first, heaven and earth were married, then there was a darkness, a separation, and finally the light. Animals live in the underworld, which is represented by rectangular space enclosed by pillars, the earth is for mankind, and the heaven world is located above, covered with a saddle-shaped roof. Other Toraja gods include Pong Banggai di Rante (god of Earth), Indo' Ongon-Ongon (a goddess who can cause earthquakes), Pong Lalondong (god of death), and Indo' Belo Tumbang (goddess of medicine); there are many more.

 

The earthly authority, whose words and actions should be cleaved to both in life (agriculture) and death (funerals), is called to minaa (an aluk priest). Aluk is not just a belief system; it is a combination of law, religion, and habit. Aluk governs social life, agricultural practices, and ancestral rituals. The details of aluk may vary from one village to another. One common law is the requirement that death and life rituals be separated. Torajans believe that performing death rituals might ruin their corpses if combined with life rituals. The two rituals are equally important. During the time of the Dutch missionaries, Christian Torajans were prohibited from attending or performing life rituals, but were allowed to perform death rituals. Consequently, Toraja's death rituals are still practised today, while life rituals have diminished.

 

CULTURE

TONGKONAN

Tongkonan are the traditional Torajan ancestral houses. They stand high on wooden piles, topped with a layered split-bamboo roof shaped in a sweeping curved arc, and they are incised with red, black, and yellow detailed wood carvings on the exterior walls. The word "tongkonan" comes from the Torajan tongkon ("to sit").

 

Tongkonan are the center of Torajan social life. The rituals associated with the tongkonan are important expressions of Torajan spiritual life, and therefore all family members are impelled to participate, because symbolically the tongkonan represents links to their ancestors and to living and future kin. According to Torajan myth, the first tongkonan was built in heaven on four poles, with a roof made of Indian cloth. When the first Torajan ancestor descended to earth, he imitated the house and held a large ceremony.

 

The construction of a tongkonan is laborious work and is usually done with the help of the extended family. There are three types of tongkonan. The tongkonan layuk is the house of the highest authority, used as the "center of government". The tongkonan pekamberan belongs to the family members who have some authority in local traditions. Ordinary family members reside in the tongkonan batu. The exclusivity to the nobility of the tongkonan is diminishing as many Torajan commoners find lucrative employment in other parts of Indonesia. As they send back money to their families, they enable the construction of larger tongkonan.

 

WOOD CARVINGS

To express social and religious concepts, Torajans carve wood, calling it Pa'ssura (or "the writing"). Wood carvings are therefore Toraja's cultural manifestation.

 

Each carving receives a special name, and common motifs are animals and plants that symbolize some virtue. For example, water plants and animals, such as crabs, tadpoles and water weeds, are commonly found to symbolize fertility. In some areas noble elders claim these symbols refer to strength of noble family, but not everyone agrees. The overall meaning of groups of carved motifs on houses remains debated and tourism has further complicated these debates because some feel a uniform explanation must be presented to tourists. The image to the left shows an example of Torajan wood carving, consisting of 15 square panels. The center bottom panel represents buffalo or wealth, a wish for many buffaloes for the family. The center panel represents a knot and a box, a hope that all of the family's offspring will be happy and live in harmony, like goods kept safe in a box. The top left and top right squares represent an aquatic animal, indicating the need for fast and hard work, just like moving on the surface of water. It also represents the need for a certain skill to produce good results.

 

Regularity and order are common features in Toraja wood carving (see table below), as well as abstracts and geometrical designs. Nature is frequently used as the basis of Toraja's ornaments, because nature is full of abstractions and geometries with regularities and ordering. Toraja's ornaments have been studied in ethnomathematics to reveal their mathematical structure, but Torajans base this art only on approximations. To create an ornament, bamboo sticks are used as a geometrical tool.

 

FUNERAL RITES

In Toraja society, the funeral ritual is the most elaborate and expensive event. The richer and more powerful the individual, the more expensive is the funeral. In the aluk religion, only nobles have the right to have an extensive death feast. The death feast of a nobleman is usually attended by thousands and lasts for several days. A ceremonial site, called rante, is usually prepared in a large, grassy field where shelters for audiences, rice barns, and other ceremonial funeral structures are specially made by the deceased family. Flute music, funeral chants, songs and poems, and crying and wailing are traditional Toraja expressions of grief with the exceptions of funerals for young children, and poor, low-status adults.

 

The ceremony is often held weeks, months, or years after the death so that the deceased's family can raise the significant funds needed to cover funeral expenses. Torajans traditionally believe that death is not a sudden, abrupt event, but a gradual process toward Puya (the land of souls, or afterlife). During the waiting period, the body of the deceased is wrapped in several layers of cloth and kept under the tongkonan. The soul of the deceased is thought to linger around the village until the funeral ceremony is completed, after which it begins its journey to Puya.

 

Another component of the ritual is the slaughter of water buffalo. The more powerful the person who died, the more buffalo are slaughtered at the death feast. Buffalo carcasses, including their heads, are usually lined up on a field waiting for their owner, who is in the "sleeping stage". Torajans believe that the deceased will need the buffalo to make the journey and that they will be quicker to arrive at Puya if they have many buffalo. Slaughtering tens of water buffalo and hundreds of pigs using a machete is the climax of the elaborate death feast, with dancing and music and young boys who catch spurting blood in long bamboo tubes. Some of the slaughtered animals are given by guests as "gifts", which are carefully noted because they will be considered debts of the deceased's family. However, a cockfight, known as bulangan londong, is an integral part of the ceremony. As with the sacrifice of the buffalo and the pigs, the cockfight is considered sacred because it involves the spilling of blood on the earth. In particular, the tradition requires the sacrifice of at least three chickens. However, it is common for at least 25 pairs of chickens to be set against each other in the context of the ceremony.

 

There are three methods of burial: the coffin may be laid in a cave or in a carved stone grave, or hung on a cliff. It contains any possessions that the deceased will need in the afterlife. The wealthy are often buried in a stone grave carved out of a rocky cliff. The grave is usually expensive and takes a few months to complete. In some areas, a stone cave may be found that is large enough to accommodate a whole family. A wood-carved effigy, called Tau tau, is usually placed in the cave looking out over the land. The coffin of a baby or child may be hung from ropes on a cliff face or from a tree. This hanging grave usually lasts for years, until the ropes rot and the coffin falls to the ground.

 

In the ritual called Ma'Nene, that takes place each year in August, the bodies of the deceased are exhumed to be washed, groomed and dressed in new clothes. The mummies are then walked around the village.

 

DANCE AND MUSIC

Torajans perform dances on several occasions, most often during their elaborate funeral ceremonies. They dance to express their grief, and to honour and even cheer the deceased person because he is going to have a long journey in the afterlife. First, a group of men form a circle and sing a monotonous chant throughout the night to honour the deceased (a ritual called Ma'badong). This is considered by many Torajans to be the most important component of the funeral ceremony. On the second funeral day, the Ma'randing warrior dance is performed to praise the courage of the deceased during life. Several men perform the dance with a sword, a large shield made from buffalo skin, a helmet with a buffalo horn, and other ornamentation. The Ma'randing dance precedes a procession in which the deceased is carried from a rice barn to the rante, the site of the funeral ceremony. During the funeral, elder women perform the Ma'katia dance while singing a poetic song and wearing a long feathered costume. The Ma'akatia dance is performed to remind the audience of the generosity and loyalty of the deceased person. After the bloody ceremony of buffalo and pig slaughter, a group of boys and girls clap their hands while performing a cheerful dance called Ma'dondan.

 

As in other agricultural societies, Torajans dance and sing during harvest time. The Ma'bugi dance celebrates the thanksgiving event, and the Ma'gandangi dance is performed while Torajans are pounding rice. There are several war dances, such as the Manimbong dance performed by men, followed by the Ma'dandan dance performed by women. The aluk religion governs when and how Torajans dance. A dance called Ma'bua can be performed only once every 12 years. Ma'bua is a major Toraja ceremony in which priests wear a buffalo head and dance around a sacred tree.

 

A traditional musical instrument of the Toraja is a bamboo flute called a Pa'suling (suling is an Indonesian word for flute). This six-holed flute (not unique to the Toraja) is played at many dances, such as the thanksgiving dance Ma'bondensan, where the flute accompanies a group of shirtless, dancing men with long fingernails. The Toraja have indigenous musical instruments, such as the Pa'pelle (made from palm leaves) and the Pa'karombi (the Torajan version of a jaw harp). The Pa'pelle is played during harvest time and at house inauguration ceremonies.

 

LANGUAGE

The ethnic Toraja language is dominant in Tana Toraja with the main language as the Sa'dan Toraja. Although the national Indonesian language is the official language and is spoken in the community, all elementary schools in Tana Toraja teach Toraja language.Language varieties of Toraja, including Kalumpang, Mamasa, Tae' , Talondo' , Toala' , and Toraja-Sa'dan, belong to the Malayo-Polynesian language from the Austronesian family. At the outset, the isolated geographical nature of Tana Toraja formed many dialects between the Toraja languages themselves. After the formal administration of Tana Toraja, some Toraja dialects have been influenced by other languages through the transmigration program, introduced since the colonialism period, and it has been a major factor in the linguistic variety of Toraja languages. A prominent attribute of Toraja language is the notion of grief. The importance of death ceremony in Toraja culture has characterized their languages to express intricate degrees of grief and mourning. The Toraja language contains many terms referring to sadness, longing, depression, and mental pain. Giving a clear expression of the psychological and physical effect of loss is a catharsis and sometimes lessens the pain of grief itself.

 

ECONOMY

Prior to Suharto's "New Order" administration, the Torajan economy was based on agriculture, with cultivated wet rice in terraced fields on mountain slopes, and supplemental cassava and maize crops. Much time and energy were devoted to raising water buffalo, pigs, and chickens, primarily for ceremonial sacrifices and consumption. Coffee was the first significant cash crop produced in Toraja, and was introduced in the mid 19th century, changing the local economy towards commodity production for external markets and gaining an excellent reputation for quality in the international market .

 

With the commencement of the New Order in 1965, Indonesia's economy developed and opened to foreign investment. In Toraja, a coffee plantation and factory was established by Key Coffee of Japan, and Torajan coffee regained a reputation for quality within the growing international specialty coffee sector Multinational oil and mining companies opened new operations in Indonesia during the 1970s and 1980s. Torajans, particularly younger ones, relocated to work for the foreign companies - to Kalimantan for timber and oil, to Papua for mining, to the cities of Sulawesi and Java, and many went to Malaysia. The out-migration of Torajans was steady until 1985. and has continued since, with remittances sent back by emigre Torajans performing an important role within the contemporary economy.

 

Tourism commenced in Toraja in the 1970s, and accelerated in the 1980s and 1990s. Between 1984 and 1997, a significant number of Torajans obtained their incomes from tourism, working in and owning hotels, as tour guides, drivers, or selling souvenirs. With the rise of political and economic instability in Indonesia in the late 1990s - including religious conflicts elsewhere on Sulawesi - tourism in Tana Toraja has declined dramatically. Toraja continues to be a well known origin for Indonesian coffee, grown by both smallholders and plantation estates, although migration, remittances and off-farm income is considered far more important to most households, even those in rural areas.

 

TOURISM AND CULTURAL CHANGE

Before the 1970s, Toraja was almost unknown to Western tourism. In 1971, about 50 Europeans visited Tana Toraja. In 1972, at least 400 visitors attended the funeral ritual of Puang of Sangalla, the highest-ranking nobleman in Tana Toraja and the so-called "last pure-blooded Toraja noble." The event was documented by National Geographic and broadcast in several European countries. In 1976, about 12,000 tourists visited the regency and in 1981, Torajan sculpture was exhibited in major North American museums. "The land of the heavenly kings of Tana Toraja", as written in the exhibition brochure, embraced the outside world.

 

In 1984, the Indonesian Ministry of Tourism declared Tana Toraja Regency the prima donna of South Sulawesi. Tana Toraja was heralded as "the second stop after Bali". Tourism was increasing dramatically: by 1985, a total number of 150,000 foreigners had visited the Regency (in addition to 80,000 domestic tourists), and the annual number of foreign visitors was recorded at 40,000 in 1989. Souvenir stands appeared in Rantepao, the cultural center of Toraja, roads were sealed at the most-visited tourist sites, new hotels and tourist-oriented restaurants were opened, and an airstrip was opened in the Regency in 1981.

 

Tourism developers have marketed Tana Toraja as an exotic adventure - an area rich in culture and off the beaten track. Western tourists expected to see stone-age villages and pagan funerals. Toraja is for tourists who have gone as far as Bali and are willing to see more of the wild, "untouched" islands. However, they were more likely to see a Torajan wearing a hat and denim, living in a Christian society. Tourists felt that the tongkonan and other Torajan rituals had been preconceived to make profits, and complained that the destination was too commercialized. This has resulted in several clashes between Torajans and tourism developers, whom Torajans see as outsiders.

 

A clash between local Torajan leaders and the South Sulawesi provincial government (as a tourist developer) broke out in 1985. The government designated 18 Toraja villages and burial sites as traditional tourist attractions. Consequently, zoning restrictions were applied to these areas, such that Torajans themselves were barred from changing their tongkonans and burial sites. The plan was opposed by some Torajan leaders, as they felt that their rituals and traditions were being determined by outsiders. As a result, in 1987, the Torajan village of Kété Kesú and several other designated tourist attractions closed their doors to tourists. This closure lasted only a few days, as the villagers found it too difficult to survive without the income from selling souvenirs.

 

Tourism has also transformed Toraja society. Originally, there was a ritual which allowed commoners to marry nobles (puang) and thereby gain nobility for their children. However, the image of Torajan society created for the tourists, often by "lower-ranking" guides, has eroded its traditional strict hierarchy. High status is not as esteemed in Tana Toraja as it once was. Many low-ranking men can declare themselves and their children nobles by gaining enough wealth through work outside the region and then marrying a noble woman.

 

WIKIPEDIA

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