View allAll Photos Tagged developers
Photograph from India Game Developer Summit 2010 (Lite Ed.) held in Bangalore, India, 27 February 2010, produced by Saltmarch Media. Photograph ©Copyright Saltmarch Media. Non-commercial use permitted with attribution and linkback to this page on Saltmarch's Flickr photostream. All other rights reserved.
Suggested: How You Can Submit An android developer Towards The Application Store
General Assets
Icons of supported sizes (iOS: @1x @2x @3x images Android: mdpi, hdpi, xhdpi, xxhdpi)
Splash screens of supported sizes (iOS: @1x @2x @3x images Android: mdpi, hdpi, xhdpi, xxhdpi)
Screenshots in correct sizes, in needed languages
Application descriptions in needed languages
Search keywords in needed languages
Listing of supported devices and OS versions
Apple Application Store
iTunes Connect Account access
Company/Entity Name
Application Store application listing name
Search keywords
Bundle id / SKU
Demo take into account reviewers
Description
Support url
Marketing url
Online privacy policy
Application category
Copyright information
Contact details
Application icon (1024×1024)
Application store distribution provision profile
Application store distribution code signing identity
Screenshots (correct sizes according to devices)
Google Play
Google Play Developer access
Store listing name
Compensated/free
Short description
Full description
Application icon (512×512)
Feature Graphic (1024×500)
Application type
Application category
Content Rating
Contact Email
Online Privacy Policy
Screenshots (correct sizes according to devices)
Items To Bear In Mind
Above we’ve been through a few of the aspects to incorporate for the mobile android developer needs document. When you are crafting your needs, you’ll should also keep the following advice and factors surface of mind:
Needs documents can (and most likely should) be high-level, as it’s likely the merchandise can change and evolve as new information and learnings become available
Be skeptical of an excessive amount of detail. Although this may appear counter-intuitive, you need to make sure that your needs document enables for any amount of versatility. Intricately detailed documents which are attracted out before engineering begins will likely have to be altered because the project progresses, which leads to wasted some time and sources
Don’t construct your needs without input. Your team has a number of experience and insight make the most of it
The best objective of developing a mobile android developer needs document is to supply a foundation for any effective product. Mapping out business and technical needs, dependencies, constraints, assumptions, and submission assets can give your team the ammunition needed to obtain your project off the floor.
Camera Canon EOS 7D
Exposure 0.125 sec (1/8)
Aperture f/9.0
Focal Length 10 mm
ISO Speed 200
Flash fired backwards to reduce reflections. Saturation boost in Photoshop RAW
Bonita Springs Builders have to prepare yourself to meet their audience within the moment - web developer have to adapt to the brand new phrase “Mobile First”. Every consumer has become mobile and connected, and therefore your construction firm needs so that you can go where your users go. Wendy Clark, President, Sparkling Brands & Proper Marketing for Coca-Cola The United States couldn’t have stated it better - “Mobile is fundamentally of all things we’re doing. When we can’t create a story focus on a 4-inch-by-2-inch screen, it doesn’t work, also it doesn’t go further.”
Based on Google, your construction firm must adopt three fundamental principals with regards to mobile:
Portable: Your idea must have the ability to go in which the user goes. In case your business can’t, you aren't mobile.
Personal: Does your company focus on the person desires and needs of each and every user? May be the experience unique towards the user?
Perpetual: Endless rather than altering. Mobile is definitely on.
Exactly what does all of this mean for Bonita Springs builders? Mobile has altered the way in which consumers behave - individuals are connected on the internet and are positively utilizing web developer devices to locate, evaluate, making a decision in line with the information that's given to them. So how exactly does your construction firm stand before individuals searches and how can you supply the information they're seeking?
How connected are consumers? There isn’t any denying that smartphones are part of everyday existence. Because of Google for supplying these statistics: “Over two-thirds of smartphone users (68%) say they check their phone within fifteen minutes of getting out of bed each morning. 87% also have their smartphones in their web developer, night and day. And, in lots of countries, more searches occur on cellular devices than you are on computers.” The ability has become at the disposal of the connected consumer. The connected consumer now is able to travel through information, advertisements, content, products, and services by themselves terms.
System Preferences -> Keyboard -> Keyboard Shorcuts -> Application Shortcuts.
Add a new shortcut for "Quit iOS Simulator", and you're done. I use cmd-opt-Q.
I also mapped the "Home" command/button to cmd-Q, because I still press it instinctively after a test run, and this makes it behave reasonably sensibly.
Upper West Side, Manhattan, New York City, New York, United States
The 107-109 Riverside Drive House, originally designed by well-known architect and developer Clarence F. True, was built on speculation in 1898- 99 as one house of a picturesque group of six houses on the southeast corner of Riverside Drive and West 83rd Street. Today the 107-109 Riverside Drive House is architecturally significant and as one of the five extant houses in this group represents the first period of development on Riverside Drive. True designed several hundred houses, primarily in groups, on the Upper West Side in the years between 1890 and 1901, and was largely responsible for promoting the development and establishing the character of lower Riverside Drive. The houses in the group at Riverside and West 83rd Street were designed in True's signature "Elizabethan Revival" style based on French and English Renaissance prototypes and built by True's development firm, the Riverside Building Company; they are the northernmost of True's designs built along the Drive. The trapezoid-shaped 107-109 Riverside Drive House is prominently located on the corner and has wide facades of over forty feet; its design is characterized by such picturesque elements as contrasting orange Roman ironspot brick and Ihnestone facing, an elaborate entrance with a low stoop, round-arched and rectangular windows, keyed surrounds, decorative ironwork, prominent chimneys, crenellation, and a tile roof. This house was originally designed with a three-quarter-round comer tower and projecting three-sided bays on both sides, but these features facing Riverside Drive (along with those of the adjacent houses) became the focus of an interesting legal controversy several years after construction. As the result of a lawsuit brought by an adjacent property owner, the court ruled in 1903 that no one had the authority to place permanent encroachments onto public thoroughfares, and the owners of the houses in the True group facing onto Riverside Drive were thus ordered to remove the projections. In 1911 the facades were removed and rebuilt to follow the diagonal of the Riverside Drive property lines. No. 107-109 (owned by Charles Austin Bates, a successful businessman) was partially rebuilt with the original materials by the firm of Tracy, Swartwout & Litchfield; the West 83rd Street facade apparently was not subject to the lawsuit as it does not face the Drive and remains unaltered. As seen today, although the 107-109 Riverside Drive House reflects the work of two architectural firms, it basically remains a successfully modified version of the original picturesque Elizabethan Revival design.
The Development of Riverside Drive
The Upper West Side, known as Bloomingdale prior to its urbanization, remained largely undeveloped until the 1880s. In the early eighteenth century, Bloomingdale Road (later renamed the Boulevard and finally Broadway in 1898) was opened through rural Bloomingdale and provided the northern route out of the city which was then concentrated at the southern tip of Manhattan. The Upper West Side was included in the Randel Survey of 1811 (known as the Commissioners' Map) which established a uniform grid of avenues and cross streets in Manhattan as far north as 155th Street, although years elapsed before streets on the Upper West Side were actually laid out, some as late as the 1870s and 1880s, and the land was subdivided into building lots. Improved public transportation to the area contributed to the growth and sustained development of the Upper West Side, particularly the completion in 1879 of the Elevated Railway on Ninth Avenue (renamed Columbus Avenue in 1890).
The biggest boost to the development of the West End (the area west of Broadway), however, was the creation of Riverside Drive and Park (a designated New York City Scenic Landmark). The presence of the Park and Drive was an important factor in making this area desirable for high-quality residential development. In 1865 the first proposal for converting the land on the Upper West Side along the eastern shore of the Hudson River into an ornamental park had been presented by Park Commissioner William R. Martin. The purchase of the park site and initial plans were approved in 1866. The drive, as proposed at this time, was to be a straight 100-foot wide road; however, this plan was impractical due to the existing topography. Hired by the Commissioners in 1873, Frederick law Olmsted (1822-1903), already distinguished by his collaboration with Calvert Vaux (1824-1895) in the successful design for Central Park, proposed an alternate scheme. Olmsted's design for Riverside Park and Drive took into consideration the pre-existing topography, landscape possibilities, and views, resulting in a park and drive that would be amenable for horses and pleasure driving, would provide shaded walks for pedestrians, and would also allow easy access to and scenic vistas from the real estate bordering it on the east. Olmsted's plan was adopted by the Commissioners but the park was not executed under his supervision, due to his departure from New York City; it was actually developed between 1875 and 1900 by other designers including Vaux, Samuel Parsons, and Julius Munckwitz, who did not adhere to Olmsted's original scheme in its entirety. By the fall of 1879, work was completed between 72nd and 85th Streets, and Riverside Avenue (as it was called until 1908) was opened to the public in 1880.
The Drive, from West 72nd Street to approximately 129th Street, where it is effectively terminated by the viaduct and the Manhattanville fault, has a particularly strong character derived from its curves that break with the regular street grid and its location overlooking the park and the Hudson River. Riverside Park and Drive fulfilled the Park Commissioners' plans for promoting the development of the area west of Broadway. The numerous and exceptional advantages of the location, namely, its situation on a plateau, its "advantages of pure air and beautiful surroundings, glimpses of New Jersey hills . . . [and] the nearness of parks," assisted in making the area along Riverside Drive prime real estate, deserving of the highest character of residential development.
Development of the West End began slowly due to speculation, the hesitation of developers, and to the relative inconvenience of transportation compared to the area east of Broadway. By 1885, however, the whole Upper West Side had emerged as the area in the city experiencing the most intense real estate speculation. The expectation that the blocks along Riverside Drive and West End Avenue would be lined with mansions kept the value of these lots, as well as adjacent land, consistently higher and developers were willing to wait to realize profits from the potentially valuable sites.
The initial development along Riverside Drive mostly took the form of single-family town houses and rowhouses, although some freestanding mansions were built there. luxury apartment buildings, as they gained in popularity toward the turn of the century, also appeared. Most of the single-family residences on the Upper West Side were speculatively-built rowhouses; along West End Avenue and Riverside Drive the houses tended to be larger and more elegant than those on the side streets. Architect-developer Clarence True, who characterized the Drive and its vicinity as "the most ideal home-site in the western hemisphere — the Acropolis of the world's second city," was largely responsible for the promotion of lower Riverside Drive as an attractive residential thoroughfare and his work there, like the group at 83rd Street, did much to establish the character of the area in the 1890s.
Clarence F. True and the Elizabethan Revival Style^
Clarence Fagan True (1860-1928) was a prolific and well-known architect (and later architect-developer) who designed, almost solely, rowhouses and town houses and practiced mainly on the Upper West Side of Manhattan during the years from 1890 to 1901. Born in Massachusetts, he came to New York City in 1880 and was trained in the office of Richard M. Upjohn beginning around 1881; he was listed in directories in 1884 and established his own firm in 1889. True received his commissions primarily from speculative builders and developers who were rapidly constructing houses throughout the Upper West Side. True is documented as having designed at least 270 houses on the Upper West Side, the majority located west of Broadway between 71st and 107th Streets. Diverse and eclectic in architectural style and massing, these houses contribute greatly to the architectural character of the Upper West Side. He also designed some twenty houses in Harlem, including several now located in the Hamilton Heights and Mount Morris Park Historic Districts. In 1893 he published a prospectus of his work, Designs of 141 Dwelling Houses, in which he stated his aim of creating distinctive well- designed houses, both in interior plan and exterior appearance, that would mark a shift away from the homogeneity of the standard New York City brownstone rowhouse. True's executed work demonstrated that he succeeded in his ambitions.
True was primarily an architect of rowhouse groups. In his houses of the early 1890s, True employed a variety of contemporary architectural styles, frequently mingling them in an eclectic fashion; these included the popular Romanesque and Renaissance Revival styles, as well as the Francois I and a style he called "Elizabethan Revival" which was based on French and English Renaissance prototypes. In 1894 True began to work in part as his own developer and later formed the Riverside Building Company. A second prospectus, [A True History of! Riverside Drive (1899), pictured many of the houses for the Riverside Building Company, including the group of six houses at 102 to 107-109 Riverside Drive and 332 West 83rd Street which were then under construction and completed later that same year. In this prospectus True promoted the development of lower Riverside Drive:
Mr. Clarence True, who had erected houses upon some of the lower lots, became so thoroughly impressed with the possibilities of the river front as a residence district that he secured all the available property south of 84th street, and by covering it with beautiful dwellings, insured a most promising future for the Drive.
The area along and adjacent to Riverside Drive, from 75th to 85th Streets, includes the densest concentration of extant houses designed by True; many of these are now included in the West End-Collegiate and Riverside Drive-West 80th-81st Streets Historic Districts. These houses along the Drive — including No. 107-109 and the other houses in the corner group at 83rd Street — are characteristic of most of True's mature work; all were designed in the architect's highly idiosyncratic and readily identifiable "Elizabethan Revival" style. True's rowhouses in this vein are typified by lively silhouettes, composed of such elements as steeply-pitched roofs that often have curved or stepped gables, chimneys, stepped end-walls, turrets, bowed fronts, projecting three-sided and square bays, and dormers. The facades, varied within the group, also display a variety of contrasting materials, including fine brick and stone, and such features as quoins, keyed surrounds, stylized cornices, crenellation, parapets, and decorative ironwork. True's interest in the use of varied colors of building materials is also evident in the group at Riverside and 83rd — the brick colors graduate in hue from house to house, from tan to light orange to orange to red.
True was one of the architects who greatly popularized the American basement plan for rowhouse design in New York City during these years. He received much favorable notice in the architectural press of the 1890s, which published a number of his designs. Real Estate Record & Guide (1893) stated that True "has earned quite a reputation for the novelty of the ideas he has carried out in a large number of houses built from his designs on the West Side in the last few years. The old method of high stoop construction has been abandoned ... the houses are entered almost on a level with the street." Architecture and Building (1893) noted: "The facades show great variety and taste, and the plans, many of them upon narrow lots, ingenuity and skill in arrangement." A History of Real Estate. Building, and Architecture in New York (1899) considered True "probably the best known New York architect designing almost entirely residential structures .... His work as exemplified by his houses is a credit both to himself and the city."
True also designed several apartment houses, hotels, and small commercial structures, as well as a church building in Harlem. Little is known about the end of his career, but it appears to coincide with the demise of rowhouse construction in New York City after the turn of the century. His last directory listing was in 1910, although Clarence True & Son received a listing in 1916-17. True died in Greensboro, North Carolina, in 1928, and was buried in Middle town, Connecticut.
Ackerman vs. True
An interesting controversy developed around the construction of the houses at 102 to 107-109 Riverside Drive which affected the design of their facades eleven years after completion. On July 28, 1898, Clarence True applied, by letter, to the Commissioner of Buildings, Thomas J. Brady, for a foundation permit for six, five-story houses. According to his accompanying plans, each of the six structures partly extended beyond the property line, due to the oblique angle of the Drive, by incorporating stoops, areaway walls, and projecting bays arid bowfronts. On August 8, Brady returned a permit to True granting him permission "to construct the foundation work provided for new buildings on E. S. Riverside Drive bet. 82 & 83 St. as per plans...." On August 16, True filed an application for the erection of these six new buildings (NB 730-1898), five fronting Riverside Drive and one fronting West 83rd Street. The Department of Buildings issued an objection to the application on September 15, stating that "projections beyond building lines are unlawful." True then obtained a letter from George C. Clauson, Commissioner of Parks, dated November 21, which granted consent "to the erection of projections on six proposed buildings" and exacted a fee based on the square footage of each projection. On November 28, True filed an amendment to the application which mentioned "consent from Park [sic] Department for projection beyond building lines is filed this date with
plans & etc " The structures were completed a year later in November
of 1899.
Building encroachments onto public property, a fairly common practice in New York City during the nineteenth century, became an increasingly debated topic at the turn of the century, as evidenced by the numerous lawsuits filed and by discussions in such periodicals as Real Estate Record & Guide. A lawsuit was brought against Clarence True, after the completion of the houses at Riverside Drive and West 83rd Street, by the adjacent property owner, Charlotte Y. Ackerman, who had purchased from True the lot to the south of the group. Ackerman's case argued that the projecting bays, bowfronts and stoops on the houses next to her property were illegal encroachments upon the public street which also diminished the value of her property through the obstruction of her view, light, and air. Ackerman won the case in 1903 on appeal to the New York State Court of Appeals, which reversed the Appellate Division of the Supreme Court's finding in favor of True. The court ruled that New York City's ownership of streets from property line to property line was "inalienable," that an encroachment was an "appropriation of the public street for private purposes," and that no individual or agency had the authority to permit encroachments onto public property. Thus the owners of the five houses in the group facing Riverside Drive had to remove the projections on their buildings.
In 1911 the main facades of these houses were completely removed and rebuilt to follow the diagonal of the Riverside Drive property lines. No. 103 and No. 104, both altered by the architectural firm of Clinton & Russell, and No. 107-109, altered by Tracy, Swartwout & Litchfield, were rebuilt using the original materials and retaining many architectural elements; No. 105 received a new facade designed by Bosworth & Holden. No. 332 West 83rd Street and the West 83rd Street facade of No. 107-109 remained unaltered as they do not face onto the Drive and were thus apparently not subject to the lawsuit. The sixth house at 102 Riverside Drive, to the south of the existing group, was later demolished for a corner apartment building, built in 1932.
The 107-109 Riverside Drive House
The 107-109 Riverside Drive House was purchased from Clarence True's development firm in 1901 by Charles Austin Bates, a successful businessman, and his wife, the former Belle Brandenburg. Bates began his New York career in advertising in 1893, and established the Bates Advertising Co. in 1903. Later he turned to finance, forming the Knickerbocker Syndicate and the Fidelity Bond & Mortgage Co. (1909). The Colorado-Yule Marfcle Co. (1905), which quarried, cut, and finished "the largest and most reliable deposit of high-grade white marble known to exist in the world," was an important venture financed by Bates. In 1908 he also organized and became president of the Rutherford Rubber Co.
An application for alterations to No. 107-109 was filed in December of 1910 (Alt. 2798-1910) and the changes were carried out by the architectural firm of Tracy, Swartwout & Litchfield in 1911. Tracy & Swartwout was formed in 1900 by Evarts Tracy (1869-1922) and Egerton Swartwout (1871-1943), both alumni of Yale and former draftsmen in the office of McKim, Mead & White. From 1904 to c. 1911 they were joined by James Reily Gordon, and the firm achieved prominence with a number of public buildings across the United States, including the U.S. Post Office-Courthouse, Denver (1908-14), and Missouri Capitol, Jefferson City (1912-15). From about 1909 to 1912 the firm was known as Tracy, Swartwout & Litchfield, with the inclusion of Electus Darwin Litchfield (1872-1952). Litchfield, a graduate of the Stevens Institute of Technology, had worked in the offices of Carrere & Hastings and Lord & Hewlett. After leaving this firm, he formed his own and also became involved in town planning and housing issues, notably Yorkship Village, near Camden, N.J., a community created by the Emergency Fleet Corp. during World War I. The Tracy & Swartwout partnership ended with Tracy's death, though Swartwout continued to practice until 1941.
No. 107-109 was owned from 1921 to 1931 by Roraualdo Sapio, an Italian conductor, opera coach, and accompanist who worked with a number of leading opera singers. The house was converted to a multiple dwelling in 1937.
No. 107-109 is prominently located on the corner, on a trapezoid-shaped lot, with wide facades of approximately forty-two feet. The original design, executed in orange Roman ironspot brick and limestone trim, featured a five-story three-quarter-round corner tower and projecting three-sided bays on each side capped by a steeply-pitched tile roof. The Riverside Drive facade was dismantled in 1911, removing part of the tower and one projecting bay, and was skillfully rebuilt using the original materials as a flat wall following the diagonal of the property line. The picturesque, unaltered West 83rd Street facade, geometrically complex, is designed with an asymmetrically-placed three-and-a-half-story projecting stone three-sided bay on the eastern half, which abuts the remaining half-round portion of the corner tower. The ground-story entrance, located at the intersection, is an elaborate stone frontispiece embellished with carved stonework, colonnettes, niches, and a recessed and molded round-arched doorway with wrought-iron and glass doors. To the east in the bay is a service entrance surmounted by a pointed-arch transom with a wrought-iron grille. The door is a replacement. The areaway has stone entrance posts and a wrought-iron fence with a gate. The majority of the windows are rectangular, ornamented by keyed surrounds with drip molds, and have one-over-one double-hung wood sash, with the exception of the small square upper windows of the bay and the ground-story corner window, which is round-arched and has a molded surround, leaded glass, and decorative wrought ironwork (an elaborate tympanum and a bowed grille). The diagonally-placed windows of the bay also have leaded glass. The second-story corner window is fronted by a wrought-iron railing. The facade is capped by a crenellated parapet, the tower also with banding; the red tile roof has a hipped dormer above the bay and a dormer (still at its original angle to the street) above the tower. The Riverside Drive facade continues the decorative scheme of the rest of the building; the northern bay is the flattened section of the tower and two bays of windows exist at the south where there was formerly a projecting bay. The ground story has a wide stone watertable. Ground-story windows are round-arched while the rest are rectangular, and all have surrounds similar to (and the ground and second stories have wrought ironwork similar to) those on the other facade. The roof (at its original angle to the street) has three prominent banded chimneys, the northern two forming an end-wall, a hipped dormer parallel to the facade (added or rebuilt in 1911), and a small round portion of the upper tower remaining at the south end.
The 107-109 Riverside Drive House, incorporating the work of two architectural firms in the house of 1898-99 and its alteration of 1910-11, rema ins a success fully modi f ied version of the original picturesque Elizabethan Revival design.
A while back, as we were just starting to make beta builds of Adobe AIR (then Apollo) available, I was responsible for the HTML side of the runtime from an evangelist perspective. Coming from Adobe Flex, I set out to find a comparable UI framework for JavaScript and quickly landed upon ExtJS. After some planning, we got a few of the evangelists, Jack Slocum and Brian Moeskau together in Las Vegas, NV for some training.
Flash forward two years, and I had the opportunity to sit on an expert panel at the very first Ext Developer Conference in Orlando, FL. The framework has grown by leaps and bounds since first being rolled off from the Yahoo UI library. It's very comparable with Flex from an functionality perspective. There were about 200 developers present. I also sat in on a number of sessions, generally around theming and customization of the look and feel of Ext applications.
To be clear, the above picture is of the Orlando Convention Center. The Ext conference was held at the Ritz Carlton (which had a small, but very well stocked humidor I might add). As a Starwood Preferred Guest, I opted to stay at the Westin, which was by the convention center. I got an amazing room for a great deal, and highly recommend the location if you're ever in Orlando. The hotel didn't exist the last time I was there.
While in Orlando I also got together with my sister, Christy, and her boyfriend Jason for dinner at Maggiano's. I hadn't seen Christy since she lived in Baton Rouge, and we visited for her college graduation. Shortly after they moved to Orlando where Jason is working on his degree. We had a really nice meal with a bottle of wine and friendly conversation over everything from the Large Hadron Collider to Mayan civilization.
NBR Land Developers,is a young,dynamic and vibrant real estate developer from Bangalore formed to fulfill the aspirations of people to have their own house.
If you have a DotNetNuke project, be sure to Contact Us. Not only will we assess your DNN project needs for free, our in house team of DotNetNuke developers
Photograph from India Game Developer Summit 2010 (Lite Ed.) held in Bangalore, India, 27 February 2010, produced by Saltmarch Media. Photograph ©Copyright Saltmarch Media. Non-commercial use permitted with attribution and linkback to this page on Saltmarch's Flickr photostream. All other rights reserved.
📜 THE 25 BEST SELLING VIDEO GAMES ON NINTENDO 64 (N64):
🎮 25 - Excitebike 64 0:30
️ 2 000 000 Sold
⏳April 30, 2000
🎮 24 - 1080° Snowboarding 1:06
️ 2 030 000 Sold
⏳February 28, 1998
🎮 23 - Star Wars: Rogue Squadron 1:43
️ 2 170 000 Sold
⏳December 7, 1998
🎮 22 - Mario Tennis 2:20
️ 2 320 000 Sold
⏳July 21, 2000
🎮 21 - Mario Party 2 2:57
️ 2 480 000 Sold
⏳December 17, 1999
🎮 20 - Perfect Dark 3:34
️ 2 520 000 Sold
⏳May 22, 2000
🎮 19 - Pokémon Stadium 2 4:10
️ 2 540 000 Sold
⏳December 14, 2000
🎮 18 - Star Wars: Shadows of the Empire 4:47
️ 2 600 000 Sold
⏳December 3, 1996
🎮 17 - Mario Party 5:24
️ 2 700 000 Sold
⏳December 18, 1998
🎮 16 - Yoshi's Story 6:00
️ 2 850 000 Sold
⏳December 21, 1997
🎮 15 - Wave Race 64 6:37
️ 2 940 000 Sold
⏳September 27, 1996
🎮 14 - Banjo-Tooie 7:14
️ 3 000 000 Sold
⏳November 20, 2000
🎮 13 - Star Wars Episode I: Racer 7:50
️ 3 100 000 Sold
⏳April 30, 1999 📦
🎮 12 - The Legend of Zelda: Majora's Mask 8:27
️ 3 360 000 Sold
⏳April 27, 2000
🎮 11 - Pokémon Snap 9:04
️ 3 630 000 Sold
⏳March 21, 1999
🎮 10 - Banjo-Kazooie 10:12
️ 3 650 000 Sold
⏳June 29, 1998
🎮 9 - Star Fox 64 10:48
️ 4 000 000 Sold
⏳April 27, 1997
🎮 8 - Diddy Kong Racing 11:24
️ 4 880 000 Sold
⏳November 14, 1997
🎮 7 - Donkey Kong 64 12:02
️ 5 270 000 Sold
⏳November 22, 1999 📦
🎮 6 - Pokémon Stadium 12:38
️ 5 460 000 Sold
⏳April 30, 1999 📦
🎮 5 - Super Smash Bros. 13:15
️ 5 550 000 Sold
⏳January 21, 1999
🎮 4 - The Legend of Zelda: Ocarina of Time 13:52
️ 7 600 000 Sold
⏳November 21, 1998
🎮 () 3 - GoldenEye 007 14:28
️ 8 090 000 Sold
⏳August 25, 1997 📦
🎮 () 2 - Mario Kart 64 15:05
️ 9 870 000 Sold
⏳December 14, 1996
🎮 () 1 - Super Mario 64 15:42
️ 11 910 000 Sold
⏳June 23, 1996 📦
📦 = Games was bundled with Nintendo 64 consoles durung its lifetime
⏳ = Release Date
️ = Sales
🎮 = Game
= Podium
🚀 Destiny : 📜 List (🎮 Video Game Universe) 🔽 🇬🇧
💡HOW ? 🔽
📋 No restrictive rights that this will do on our part (However, the Games does not belong to us).
🎵 Music : [---]
🎥 Video : [~~~]
🎮 Game 🏢 Company 🔬 Engine : [###]
️ Play : [***]
🚰 Information Source : [√√√]
📋WHAT ? 🔽
### 🎮 Game 🐉 Serie 🏢 Company 🔬 Engine :
🏢 Nintendo
️ Nintendo 64
###
✔️ Download VIDEO: www.dropbox.com/sh/bur5g0cfelmjmai/AABE3M5jy8lk7HzoLFeBgI...
~~~ 🎥 Video eDiting:
Laurent Guidali
~~~
~~~ 🎥 Videos:
Nintendo
John GodGames
Project Longplay
World of Longplays
packattack 04082
Modern XP
Longplay Archive
Star Wars
Pokémon
Erlnite Music & Gaming
Longplays HD
Addablestone 13
JJ MH
Green Graphics
WooX
Multimedios3D
IMPERIAL CREATIONS
egap98
잡별
Soutien24
Techno Freaks
Angel554Too
3DAL GREEN SCREENS
Snooplax
Bradly 105
CreatorSet Media
STOCK STOCKERZ
Green Screen Fun
Seggy Sose
21Gummy
Colorful World HD
Officer 94
N64 Archive
Pigment Ajans - Visual Effects
pc gamerz
199X Dev
LOGOLAND
~~~
√√√🚰 Information Source:
Gizmodo
Mentalfloss
Wikipedia
The Magic Box
Destructoid
Computer and Video Games
Cedec
Games Radar
√√√
📝 Type : 💡 HOW ? 📖 HOW MUCH ? 📍 WHERE ? 🕓 WHEN ? 📋 WHAT ? WHO ? ❓ WHY ? 🔉 Audio of the Work ️ Language Integrate 🎵 Music 🙊 No Comments 🔶 Work Edit 🔞 Adapt for Adult 👦 Adapt for Teens 😂 eMotion Fun 😑 eMotion Serious
📖HOW MUCH ? 🔽
⏳ Video From 10 Minutes to 30 Minutes
WHO ? 🔽
📡 Posted by Laurent Guidali
️ Video by Laurent Guidali (Adobe Premiere Pro 2020)
🌅 Thumbnail by Laurent Guidali (Adobe Photoshop 2020)
🕓WHEN ? 🔽
🎆 2021 (Video)
🕝 Real Time
⏳ Past
🔖 React with official Hashtags :
#Etoile
#ETL
#eXultation
The Toraja are an ethnic group indigenous to a mountainous region of South Sulawesi, Indonesia. Their population is approximately 1,100,000, of whom 450,000 live in the regency of Tana Toraja ("Land of Toraja"). Most of the population is Christian, and others are Muslim or have local animist beliefs known as aluk ("the way"). The Indonesian government has recognized this animist belief as Aluk To Dolo ("Way of the Ancestors").
The word toraja comes from the Bugis Buginese language term to riaja, meaning "people of the uplands". The Dutch colonial government named the people Toraja in 1909. Torajans are renowned for their elaborate funeral rites, burial sites carved into rocky cliffs, massive peaked-roof traditional houses known as tongkonan, and colorful wood carvings. Toraja funeral rites are important social events, usually attended by hundreds of people and lasting for several days.
Before the 20th century, Torajans lived in autonomous villages, where they practised animism and were relatively untouched by the outside world. In the early 1900s, Dutch missionaries first worked to convert Torajan highlanders to Christianity. When the Tana Toraja regency was further opened to the outside world in the 1970s, it became an icon of tourism in Indonesia: it was exploited by tourism developers and studied by anthropologists. By the 1990s, when tourism peaked, Toraja society had changed significantly, from an agrarian model - in which social life and customs were outgrowths of the Aluk To Dolo - to a largely Christian society. Today, tourism and remittances from migrant Torajans have made for major changes in the Toraja highland, giving the Toraja a celebrity status within Indonesia and enhancing Toraja ethnic group pride.
ETHNIC IDENTITY
The Torajan people had little notion of themselves as a distinct ethnic group before the 20th century. Before Dutch colonization and Christianization, Torajans, who lived in highland areas, identified with their villages and did not share a broad sense of identity. Although complexes of rituals created linkages between highland villages, there were variations in dialects, differences in social hierarchies, and an array of ritual practices in the Sulawesi highland region. "Toraja" (from the coastal languages' to, meaning people; and riaja, uplands) was first used as a lowlander expression for highlanders. As a result, "Toraja" initially had more currency with outsiders - such as the Bugis and Makassarese, who constitute a majority of the lowland of Sulawesi - than with insiders. The Dutch missionaries' presence in the highlands gave rise to the Toraja ethnic consciousness in the Sa'dan Toraja region, and this shared identity grew with the rise of tourism in the Tana Toraja Regency. Since then, South Sulawesi has four main ethnic groups - the Bugis (the majority, including shipbuilders and seafarers), the Makassarese (lowland traders and seafarers), the Mandarese (traders and fishermen), and the Toraja (highland rice cultivators).
HISTORY
From the 17th century, the Dutch established trade and political control on Sulawesi through the Dutch East Indies Company. Over two centuries, they ignored the mountainous area in the central Sulawesi, where Torajans lived, because access was difficult and it had little productive agricultural land. In the late 19th century, the Dutch became increasingly concerned about the spread of Islam in the south of Sulawesi, especially among the Makassarese and Bugis peoples. The Dutch saw the animist highlanders as potential Christians. In the 1920s, the Reformed Missionary Alliance of the Dutch Reformed Church began missionary work aided by the Dutch colonial government. In addition to introducing Christianity, the Dutch abolished slavery and imposed local taxes. A line was drawn around the Sa'dan area and called Tana Toraja ("the land of Toraja"). Tana Toraja was first a subdivision of the Luwu kingdom that had claimed the area. In 1946, the Dutch granted Tana Toraja a regentschap, and it was recognized in 1957 as one of the regencies of Indonesia.
Early Dutch missionaries faced strong opposition among Torajans, especially among the elite, because the abolition of their profitable slave trade had angered them. Some Torajans were forcibly relocated to the lowlands by the Dutch, where they could be more easily controlled. Taxes were kept high, undermining the wealth of the elites. Ultimately, the Dutch influence did not subdue Torajan culture, and only a few Torajans were converted. In 1950, only 10% of the population had converted to Christianity.
In the 1930s, Muslim lowlanders attacked the Torajans, resulting in widespread Christian conversion among those who sought to align themselves with the Dutch for political protection and to form a movement against the Bugis and Makassarese Muslims. Between 1951 and 1965 (following Indonesian independence), southern Sulawesi faced a turbulent period as the Darul Islam separatist movement fought for an Islamic state in Sulawesi. The 15 years of guerrilla warfare led to massive conversions to
CHRISTIANITY
Alignment with the Indonesian government, however, did not guarantee safety for the Torajans. In 1965, a presidential decree required every Indonesian citizen to belong to one of five officially recognized religions: Islam, Christianity (Protestantism and Catholicism), Hinduism, or Buddhism. The Torajan religious belief (aluk) was not legally recognized, and the Torajans raised their voices against the law. To make aluk accord with the law, it had to be accepted as part of one of the official religions. In 1969, Aluk To Dolo ("the way of ancestors") was legalized as a sect of Agama Hindu Dharma, the official name of Hinduism in Indonesia.
SOCIETY
There are three main types of affiliation in Toraja society: family, class and religion.
FAMILY AFFILIATION
Family is the primary social and political grouping in Torajan society. Each village is one extended family, the seat of which is the tongkonan, a traditional Torajan house. Each tongkonan has a name, which becomes the name of the village. The familial dons maintain village unity. Marriage between distant cousins (fourth cousins and beyond) is a common practice that strengthens kinship. Toraja society prohibits marriage between close cousins (up to and including the third cousin) - except for nobles, to prevent the dispersal of property. Kinship is actively reciprocal, meaning that the extended family helps each other farm, share buffalo rituals, and pay off debts.
Each person belongs to both the mother's and the father's families, the only bilateral family line in Indonesia. Children, therefore, inherit household affiliation from both mother and father, including land and even family debts. Children's names are given on the basis of kinship, and are usually chosen after dead relatives. Names of aunts, uncles and cousins are commonly referred to in the names of mothers, fathers and siblings.
Before the start of the formal administration of Toraja villages by the Tana Toraja Regency, each Toraja village was autonomous. In a more complex situation, in which one Toraja family could not handle their problems alone, several villages formed a group; sometimes, villages would unite against other villages. Relationship between families was expressed through blood, marriage, and shared ancestral houses (tongkonan), practically signed by the exchange of water buffalo and pigs on ritual occasions. Such exchanges not only built political and cultural ties between families but defined each person's place in a social hierarchy: who poured palm wine, who wrapped a corpse and prepared offerings, where each person could or could not sit, what dishes should be used or avoided, and even what piece of meat constituted one's share.
CLASS AFFILIATION
In early Toraja society, family relationships were tied closely to social class. There were three strata: nobles, commoners, and slaves (slavery was abolished in 1909 by the Dutch East Indies government). Class was inherited through the mother. It was taboo, therefore, to marry "down" with a woman of lower class. On the other hand, marrying a woman of higher class could improve the status of the next generation. The nobility's condescending attitude toward the commoners is still maintained today for reasons of family prestige.
Nobles, who were believed to be direct descendants of the descended person from heaven, lived in tongkonans, while commoners lived in less lavish houses (bamboo shacks called banua). Slaves lived in small huts, which had to be built around their owner's tongkonan. Commoners might marry anyone, but nobles preferred to marry in-family to maintain their status. Sometimes nobles married Bugis or Makassarese nobles. Commoners and slaves were prohibited from having death feasts. Despite close kinship and status inheritance, there was some social mobility, as marriage or change in wealth could affect an individuals status. Wealth was counted by the ownership of water buffaloes.
Slaves in Toraja society were family property. Sometimes Torajans decided to become slaves when they incurred a debt, pledging to work as payment. Slaves could be taken during wars, and slave trading was common. Slaves could buy their freedom, but their children still inherited slave status. Slaves were prohibited from wearing bronze or gold, carving their houses, eating from the same dishes as their owners, or having sex with free women - a crime punishable by death.
RELIGIOUS AFFILIATION
Toraja's indigenous belief system is polytheistic animism, called aluk, or "the way" (sometimes translated as "the law"). In the Toraja myth, the ancestors of Torajan people came down from heaven using stairs, which were then used by the Torajans as a communication medium with Puang Matua, the Creator. The cosmos, according to aluk, is divided into the upper world (heaven), the world of man (earth), and the underworld. At first, heaven and earth were married, then there was a darkness, a separation, and finally the light. Animals live in the underworld, which is represented by rectangular space enclosed by pillars, the earth is for mankind, and the heaven world is located above, covered with a saddle-shaped roof. Other Toraja gods include Pong Banggai di Rante (god of Earth), Indo' Ongon-Ongon (a goddess who can cause earthquakes), Pong Lalondong (god of death), and Indo' Belo Tumbang (goddess of medicine); there are many more.
The earthly authority, whose words and actions should be cleaved to both in life (agriculture) and death (funerals), is called to minaa (an aluk priest). Aluk is not just a belief system; it is a combination of law, religion, and habit. Aluk governs social life, agricultural practices, and ancestral rituals. The details of aluk may vary from one village to another. One common law is the requirement that death and life rituals be separated. Torajans believe that performing death rituals might ruin their corpses if combined with life rituals. The two rituals are equally important. During the time of the Dutch missionaries, Christian Torajans were prohibited from attending or performing life rituals, but were allowed to perform death rituals. Consequently, Toraja's death rituals are still practised today, while life rituals have diminished.
CULTURE
TONGKONAN
Tongkonan are the traditional Torajan ancestral houses. They stand high on wooden piles, topped with a layered split-bamboo roof shaped in a sweeping curved arc, and they are incised with red, black, and yellow detailed wood carvings on the exterior walls. The word "tongkonan" comes from the Torajan tongkon ("to sit").
Tongkonan are the center of Torajan social life. The rituals associated with the tongkonan are important expressions of Torajan spiritual life, and therefore all family members are impelled to participate, because symbolically the tongkonan represents links to their ancestors and to living and future kin. According to Torajan myth, the first tongkonan was built in heaven on four poles, with a roof made of Indian cloth. When the first Torajan ancestor descended to earth, he imitated the house and held a large ceremony.
The construction of a tongkonan is laborious work and is usually done with the help of the extended family. There are three types of tongkonan. The tongkonan layuk is the house of the highest authority, used as the "center of government". The tongkonan pekamberan belongs to the family members who have some authority in local traditions. Ordinary family members reside in the tongkonan batu. The exclusivity to the nobility of the tongkonan is diminishing as many Torajan commoners find lucrative employment in other parts of Indonesia. As they send back money to their families, they enable the construction of larger tongkonan.
WOOD CARVINGS
To express social and religious concepts, Torajans carve wood, calling it Pa'ssura (or "the writing"). Wood carvings are therefore Toraja's cultural manifestation.
Each carving receives a special name, and common motifs are animals and plants that symbolize some virtue. For example, water plants and animals, such as crabs, tadpoles and water weeds, are commonly found to symbolize fertility. In some areas noble elders claim these symbols refer to strength of noble family, but not everyone agrees. The overall meaning of groups of carved motifs on houses remains debated and tourism has further complicated these debates because some feel a uniform explanation must be presented to tourists. The image to the left shows an example of Torajan wood carving, consisting of 15 square panels. The center bottom panel represents buffalo or wealth, a wish for many buffaloes for the family. The center panel represents a knot and a box, a hope that all of the family's offspring will be happy and live in harmony, like goods kept safe in a box. The top left and top right squares represent an aquatic animal, indicating the need for fast and hard work, just like moving on the surface of water. It also represents the need for a certain skill to produce good results.
Regularity and order are common features in Toraja wood carving (see table below), as well as abstracts and geometrical designs. Nature is frequently used as the basis of Toraja's ornaments, because nature is full of abstractions and geometries with regularities and ordering. Toraja's ornaments have been studied in ethnomathematics to reveal their mathematical structure, but Torajans base this art only on approximations. To create an ornament, bamboo sticks are used as a geometrical tool.
FUNERAL RITES
In Toraja society, the funeral ritual is the most elaborate and expensive event. The richer and more powerful the individual, the more expensive is the funeral. In the aluk religion, only nobles have the right to have an extensive death feast. The death feast of a nobleman is usually attended by thousands and lasts for several days. A ceremonial site, called rante, is usually prepared in a large, grassy field where shelters for audiences, rice barns, and other ceremonial funeral structures are specially made by the deceased family. Flute music, funeral chants, songs and poems, and crying and wailing are traditional Toraja expressions of grief with the exceptions of funerals for young children, and poor, low-status adults.
The ceremony is often held weeks, months, or years after the death so that the deceased's family can raise the significant funds needed to cover funeral expenses. Torajans traditionally believe that death is not a sudden, abrupt event, but a gradual process toward Puya (the land of souls, or afterlife). During the waiting period, the body of the deceased is wrapped in several layers of cloth and kept under the tongkonan. The soul of the deceased is thought to linger around the village until the funeral ceremony is completed, after which it begins its journey to Puya.
Another component of the ritual is the slaughter of water buffalo. The more powerful the person who died, the more buffalo are slaughtered at the death feast. Buffalo carcasses, including their heads, are usually lined up on a field waiting for their owner, who is in the "sleeping stage". Torajans believe that the deceased will need the buffalo to make the journey and that they will be quicker to arrive at Puya if they have many buffalo. Slaughtering tens of water buffalo and hundreds of pigs using a machete is the climax of the elaborate death feast, with dancing and music and young boys who catch spurting blood in long bamboo tubes. Some of the slaughtered animals are given by guests as "gifts", which are carefully noted because they will be considered debts of the deceased's family. However, a cockfight, known as bulangan londong, is an integral part of the ceremony. As with the sacrifice of the buffalo and the pigs, the cockfight is considered sacred because it involves the spilling of blood on the earth. In particular, the tradition requires the sacrifice of at least three chickens. However, it is common for at least 25 pairs of chickens to be set against each other in the context of the ceremony.
There are three methods of burial: the coffin may be laid in a cave or in a carved stone grave, or hung on a cliff. It contains any possessions that the deceased will need in the afterlife. The wealthy are often buried in a stone grave carved out of a rocky cliff. The grave is usually expensive and takes a few months to complete. In some areas, a stone cave may be found that is large enough to accommodate a whole family. A wood-carved effigy, called Tau tau, is usually placed in the cave looking out over the land. The coffin of a baby or child may be hung from ropes on a cliff face or from a tree. This hanging grave usually lasts for years, until the ropes rot and the coffin falls to the ground.
In the ritual called Ma'Nene, that takes place each year in August, the bodies of the deceased are exhumed to be washed, groomed and dressed in new clothes. The mummies are then walked around the village.
DANCE AND MUSIC
Torajans perform dances on several occasions, most often during their elaborate funeral ceremonies. They dance to express their grief, and to honour and even cheer the deceased person because he is going to have a long journey in the afterlife. First, a group of men form a circle and sing a monotonous chant throughout the night to honour the deceased (a ritual called Ma'badong). This is considered by many Torajans to be the most important component of the funeral ceremony. On the second funeral day, the Ma'randing warrior dance is performed to praise the courage of the deceased during life. Several men perform the dance with a sword, a large shield made from buffalo skin, a helmet with a buffalo horn, and other ornamentation. The Ma'randing dance precedes a procession in which the deceased is carried from a rice barn to the rante, the site of the funeral ceremony. During the funeral, elder women perform the Ma'katia dance while singing a poetic song and wearing a long feathered costume. The Ma'akatia dance is performed to remind the audience of the generosity and loyalty of the deceased person. After the bloody ceremony of buffalo and pig slaughter, a group of boys and girls clap their hands while performing a cheerful dance called Ma'dondan.
As in other agricultural societies, Torajans dance and sing during harvest time. The Ma'bugi dance celebrates the thanksgiving event, and the Ma'gandangi dance is performed while Torajans are pounding rice. There are several war dances, such as the Manimbong dance performed by men, followed by the Ma'dandan dance performed by women. The aluk religion governs when and how Torajans dance. A dance called Ma'bua can be performed only once every 12 years. Ma'bua is a major Toraja ceremony in which priests wear a buffalo head and dance around a sacred tree.
A traditional musical instrument of the Toraja is a bamboo flute called a Pa'suling (suling is an Indonesian word for flute). This six-holed flute (not unique to the Toraja) is played at many dances, such as the thanksgiving dance Ma'bondensan, where the flute accompanies a group of shirtless, dancing men with long fingernails. The Toraja have indigenous musical instruments, such as the Pa'pelle (made from palm leaves) and the Pa'karombi (the Torajan version of a jaw harp). The Pa'pelle is played during harvest time and at house inauguration ceremonies.
LANGUAGE
The ethnic Toraja language is dominant in Tana Toraja with the main language as the Sa'dan Toraja. Although the national Indonesian language is the official language and is spoken in the community, all elementary schools in Tana Toraja teach Toraja language.Language varieties of Toraja, including Kalumpang, Mamasa, Tae' , Talondo' , Toala' , and Toraja-Sa'dan, belong to the Malayo-Polynesian language from the Austronesian family. At the outset, the isolated geographical nature of Tana Toraja formed many dialects between the Toraja languages themselves. After the formal administration of Tana Toraja, some Toraja dialects have been influenced by other languages through the transmigration program, introduced since the colonialism period, and it has been a major factor in the linguistic variety of Toraja languages. A prominent attribute of Toraja language is the notion of grief. The importance of death ceremony in Toraja culture has characterized their languages to express intricate degrees of grief and mourning. The Toraja language contains many terms referring to sadness, longing, depression, and mental pain. Giving a clear expression of the psychological and physical effect of loss is a catharsis and sometimes lessens the pain of grief itself.
ECONOMY
Prior to Suharto's "New Order" administration, the Torajan economy was based on agriculture, with cultivated wet rice in terraced fields on mountain slopes, and supplemental cassava and maize crops. Much time and energy were devoted to raising water buffalo, pigs, and chickens, primarily for ceremonial sacrifices and consumption. Coffee was the first significant cash crop produced in Toraja, and was introduced in the mid 19th century, changing the local economy towards commodity production for external markets and gaining an excellent reputation for quality in the international market .
With the commencement of the New Order in 1965, Indonesia's economy developed and opened to foreign investment. In Toraja, a coffee plantation and factory was established by Key Coffee of Japan, and Torajan coffee regained a reputation for quality within the growing international specialty coffee sector Multinational oil and mining companies opened new operations in Indonesia during the 1970s and 1980s. Torajans, particularly younger ones, relocated to work for the foreign companies - to Kalimantan for timber and oil, to Papua for mining, to the cities of Sulawesi and Java, and many went to Malaysia. The out-migration of Torajans was steady until 1985. and has continued since, with remittances sent back by emigre Torajans performing an important role within the contemporary economy.
Tourism commenced in Toraja in the 1970s, and accelerated in the 1980s and 1990s. Between 1984 and 1997, a significant number of Torajans obtained their incomes from tourism, working in and owning hotels, as tour guides, drivers, or selling souvenirs. With the rise of political and economic instability in Indonesia in the late 1990s - including religious conflicts elsewhere on Sulawesi - tourism in Tana Toraja has declined dramatically. Toraja continues to be a well known origin for Indonesian coffee, grown by both smallholders and plantation estates, although migration, remittances and off-farm income is considered far more important to most households, even those in rural areas.
TOURISM AND CULTURAL CHANGE
Before the 1970s, Toraja was almost unknown to Western tourism. In 1971, about 50 Europeans visited Tana Toraja. In 1972, at least 400 visitors attended the funeral ritual of Puang of Sangalla, the highest-ranking nobleman in Tana Toraja and the so-called "last pure-blooded Toraja noble." The event was documented by National Geographic and broadcast in several European countries. In 1976, about 12,000 tourists visited the regency and in 1981, Torajan sculpture was exhibited in major North American museums. "The land of the heavenly kings of Tana Toraja", as written in the exhibition brochure, embraced the outside world.
In 1984, the Indonesian Ministry of Tourism declared Tana Toraja Regency the prima donna of South Sulawesi. Tana Toraja was heralded as "the second stop after Bali". Tourism was increasing dramatically: by 1985, a total number of 150,000 foreigners had visited the Regency (in addition to 80,000 domestic tourists), and the annual number of foreign visitors was recorded at 40,000 in 1989. Souvenir stands appeared in Rantepao, the cultural center of Toraja, roads were sealed at the most-visited tourist sites, new hotels and tourist-oriented restaurants were opened, and an airstrip was opened in the Regency in 1981.
Tourism developers have marketed Tana Toraja as an exotic adventure - an area rich in culture and off the beaten track. Western tourists expected to see stone-age villages and pagan funerals. Toraja is for tourists who have gone as far as Bali and are willing to see more of the wild, "untouched" islands. However, they were more likely to see a Torajan wearing a hat and denim, living in a Christian society. Tourists felt that the tongkonan and other Torajan rituals had been preconceived to make profits, and complained that the destination was too commercialized. This has resulted in several clashes between Torajans and tourism developers, whom Torajans see as outsiders.
A clash between local Torajan leaders and the South Sulawesi provincial government (as a tourist developer) broke out in 1985. The government designated 18 Toraja villages and burial sites as traditional tourist attractions. Consequently, zoning restrictions were applied to these areas, such that Torajans themselves were barred from changing their tongkonans and burial sites. The plan was opposed by some Torajan leaders, as they felt that their rituals and traditions were being determined by outsiders. As a result, in 1987, the Torajan village of Kété Kesú and several other designated tourist attractions closed their doors to tourists. This closure lasted only a few days, as the villagers found it too difficult to survive without the income from selling souvenirs.
Tourism has also transformed Toraja society. Originally, there was a ritual which allowed commoners to marry nobles (puang) and thereby gain nobility for their children. However, the image of Torajan society created for the tourists, often by "lower-ranking" guides, has eroded its traditional strict hierarchy. High status is not as esteemed in Tana Toraja as it once was. Many low-ranking men can declare themselves and their children nobles by gaining enough wealth through work outside the region and then marrying a noble woman.
WIKIPEDIA