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App Quest 3.0 Developer Day held at NYU Center for Urban Science and Progress in Downtown Brooklyn on Sat., November 22, 2014. Sponsored by the MTA and AT&T, the event challenged developers to design apps using open source data that could be used to assist public transportation customers. Three teams received prizes of $500.
Photo: Marc A. Hermann / MTA New York City Transit
Mobile Deep Linking Can Improve application developer Discoverability
SERPlisting
Google indexes mobile application deep links, and therefore application content can display in internet search engine search engine pages like a website would. This increases the likelihood of new users finding your application through search.
Deep Linking Can Provide You With Understanding Of Campaign Effectiveness
Since deep links can pass data, you are able to more precisely see which campaigns and sources are most effective in driving users for your application developer or driving downloads. Could it be via deep linked ads? SMS or email? Social networking? Referrals? You are able to attribute all sources using deep linking.
Deep Linking Best Practice
Since deep linking directs users to a particular content, it puts users on the different path compared to ideal user flow. What this means is you need to carefully plan how they'll be used and just how they'll present information towards the user.
Deep linking must think about the information hierarchy, architecture, and logic from the application. There might be intermediate steps which are needed for features and functionalities to operate, for instance. In these instances, deep linking would send users to some screen where they wouldn’t have the ability to carry out the actions.
To help make the experience as seamless as you possibly can, you need to make sure that deep links take users straight to the information with no logins needed or interstitial pages displaying. If you can't plan how deep linking structure works with regards to the architecture and logic of the application, it can lead to an undesirable consumer experience.
While developer adoption of mobile application developer deep linking was slow, it’s becoming an extremely important component of excellent products. The possibility to boost the consumer experience, improve application discoverability, increase downloads and retention, as well as drive revenue make mobile deep linking valuable from both a developer and user perspective.
It appears that retailers have a lengthy approach to take to give the mobile encounters their customers expect.
Based on a Feb 2016 survey by MarketingCharts, according to 100,000 internet buyers, individuals are still facing an array of issues with regards to app developer shopping. Laptop computer discovered that:
33% of respondents find retail mobile sites have serious usability issues (need to enlarge to be able to click on the right item around the page)
25% stated that page load speed and performance were big issues
21% claim they need to connect to the full site to be able to access what they're searching for
Aside from data security concerns, the rest of the problems reported - small text, friction at checkout, small pictures, insufficient product information - all focus on exactly the same factor: consumer experience.
Within the retail landscape, experience is perhaps the most crucial facet of attracting and retaining customers. Consequently, usability issues really are a big barrier to success, particularly weight loss customers expect retailers to provide a seamless experience on app developer.
Addressing Consumer Experience Issues Through Apps
While mobile websites can and provide great encounters when performed properly, the tide is shifting toward native mobile application encounters.
Market research made by Retail Me Not implies that many shoppers prefer mobile phone applications simply because they offer a far greater experience than mobile sites do. Respondents noted that compared to mobile sites, retail apps:
Tend to be more convenient (63%)
Are faster (57%)
Result in the experience better by storing user settings (40%)
Offer better benefits and rewards (31%)
In addition, the highly lucrative millennial marketplace is also showing their preference for app developer, due mainly for their desire to have intriguing and interactive encounters. Market research printed by Forbes implies that 54% of millennials like retail apps since the experience is preferable to mobile sites, and 27% make use of the apps to benefit from exclusive offers, discounts, and rewards. Having a demographic like millennials, who value experience very highly, apps are showing a highly effective medium for retail brands attempting to achieve them.
Mono 100 continues to surprise me, the film came out beautifully with TMax developer, a slight decrease in contrast which did not surprise me but still a pleasing range of tones!
You can read the full review online: www.alexluyckx.com/blog/index.php/2018/01/09/ccrfrb-revie...
Contax G2 - Carl Zeiss Planar 2/45 T* - Kosmo Foto Mono 100 @ ASA-100
Kodak TMax Developer (1+4) 5:30 @ 20C
Scanner: Epson V700
Editor: Adobe Photoshop CC (2018)
Photo USE: CC BY-NC-ND 2.0 You must give photo credit: by Maggie Hallahan, Microsoft, Azure, Visual Studio. Public Institution, Non-profit NGO, Educational, Private Person, and Researchers may use this image for free. This image may not be used in Commercial: Advertising, Entertainment, or in any for-profit use with out a partnership agreement with Microsoft.
FIU Hollo School Developers Luncheon
Miami, Florida | November 18, 2016
Tibor and Sheila Hollo School of Real Estate: business.fiu.edu/academic-departments/real-estate/
Master of Science in International Real Estate: msire.fiu.edu/
To learn more about the Hollo School Developers Luncheon please visit: biznews.fiu.edu/2016/11/visionary-real-estate-project-tak...
I'm surprised, but TMax Developer wins again, while there's still plenty of grain it's pleasing and subtle. And while the contrast is lower than what I expected, I suspect it had to do with the dull day.
You can read the full review online
www.alexluyckx.com/blog/index.php/2019/02/19/film-review-...
Nikon F2 Photomic - AI-S Nikkor 105mm 1:2.5 - Kentmere 400 @ ASA-400
Kodak TMax Dev (1+4) 5:30 @ 20C
Scanner: Epson V700
Editor: Adobe Photoshop CC (2019)
Local call number: RC03559
Title: Miami Biltmore Hotel: Coral Gables, Florida
Date: January 18, 1926
General note: The Miami Biltmore Hotel opened in January 1926 at the peak of the Florida land boom. The hotel was built by Coral Gables developer George E. Merrick and hotel magnate John McEntee Bowman. During World War II, the hotel served as an Army Air Forces Regional Hospital. Until 1968, the Biltmore housed the University of Miami's School of Medicine and served as a VA hospital. The hotel was added to the National Register of Historic Places in 1972 and designated a National Historic Landmark in 1996. The City of Coral Gables restored the hotel between 1983 and 1987 and today it is once again recognized as a world-class hotel.
Physical descrip: 1 photoprint - b&w - 8 x 10 in.
Photographer: William A. Fishbaugh
Series Title: Reference collection
Repository: State Library and Archives of Florida, 500 S. Bronough St., Tallahassee, FL 32399-0250 USA. Contact: 850.245.6700. Archives@dos.state.fl.us
Persistent URL: www.floridamemory.com/items/show/27164
Visit Florida Memory to see more images of the Miami Biltmore Hotel.
Focussing on Google Cardboard and Samsung Gear-based innovations, APPWRITER are a team of Australia’s best augmented reality developers, working to push against the forefront of VR technology. Contact us today, and see what we can do to assist you.
The community board meeting took place in order to discuss the proposed mosque to be built next to ground zero. While the project is usually referred to as the “mosque at ground zero”, the project’s official name is the Cordoba Initiative. The Imam and the developers were in attendance to present the project, and many politicians (or rather their representatives) were on hand, along with many of those in favor or opposed.
First spoke the elected officials, who—in the typical New York political elitist fashion— slandered and insulted their opposition. Councilwoman Margaret Chin spoke before a single opponent of the mosque ever came up to the microphone to state their position, but that didn’t stop her from accusing those against it of “bigotry”.
And while Margaret Chin chose to offend the opposition to the mosque (most of whom present were families of 9-11 victims and first responders) in person, other local figures sent their cronies. A representative of Scott Stringer, President of the Borough of Manhattan, handed out a letter to everyone prior to the meeting in which he refers to the mosque as a “multi-faith community and cultural center” and claims that this “center has been the subject of bigoted attacks that contain a strain of religious and racial hatred more extreme than anything we have seen in NYC for some time.” I guess an attempt to kill hundreds of New Yorkers and tourists at Times Square by an Islamist Faisal Shahzad less than a month prior was not extreme enough for Stringer and, instead of jihadism, Stringer seems to have identified the enemy as a TEA Party leader whom he rips apart throughout this unsolicited letter. While the TEA Party’s opposition is referred to as a “bigoted agenda”, the mosque itself is referred to as a “vibrant and world-class facility in NYC which will promote tolerance and pluralism”. Of course he fails to provide any example of mosques in NYC or in the world that have EVER promoted tolerance or pluralism, but perhaps he didn’t think that any attendee would dare question his superior judgment in the matter. Please be sure to read his disgusting letter
After the political cronies spoke, Feisal Abdul Rauf', the Imam in charge of this “community center” was given time to present his proposal. He started his speech with “for many years I’ve had a dream…” (I wonder what Dr. King would have thought of a ‘grand wizard’ proposing to build a “community center” at the site of the bombed 16th Street Baptist Church in Birmingham, Alabama). The Imam also claimed that this “community center” would promote multi-culturalism; he was so sure of it that his speech was sprinkled throughout with that deceiving phrase. But his presentation brought with it an unexpected turning point. Not because of anything he planned to share with us in his carefully prepared PC jargoned speech, but because of a question by one of the board members who wanted to know if the proposed “community center” would hold prayer. The Imam said “yes”, to which the board member replied, “then it is a house of worship, not a community center”.
Without any objection to that by the Imam or speakers that followed, the term “community center” began to very gradually disappear. But don’t think that anyone’s opinion actually changed as a result. The supporters of the project “formerly” known as a “community center” still believed that it was somehow related to diversity and that it would in no way be an insult to those who died due to Islamist ideology, nor would it serve as a monument of jihadist victory.
But neither the councilwoman nor the Imam were the most offensive or distasteful of the proponents of the mosque. Daisy Khan of the American Society for Muslim Advancement, who also happens to be Imam’s wife, blew their insults and lies out of the water. (I don’t recall her being introduced as Rauf’s wife at the meeting, but I can’t be sure.) She lectured and she yelled – yes, yelled – at the families of victims, the first responders, and her fellow New Yorkers. She yelled that she is “tired of bearing the cross [and will do so] no longer” because apparently she and the Muslim community were the real victims of the 9-11 attacks—not the families who lost their loved ones, not the cities that lost their monuments, and not the country that lost its feeling of security.
Without a single mosque destroyed and with very few anti-Muslim incidents, hearing from this woman about her supposed victimization in that auditorium was absolutely sickening. It didn’t help when for weeks after (and prior) she dominated the time on television appearing calm and together and claiming among other nonsense – I kid you not – that the reason they chose the ground zero site to build a mosque is to provide a “blow to the extremists”. I’m sure radical Muslims would just hate it if New York built a mosque on the ground where American buildings were destroyed and thousands of Americans were murdered by jihadists … right? READ HER RIDICULOUS QUOTE AGAIN. Now listen to it for yourself from the horse’s mouth because I wouldn’t have believed it either. (starts at 1:10) www.youtube.com/watch?v=q7WbTv_gsx4&playnext_from=TL&...
Other supporters of the mosque included two priests and a rabbi (no, it isn’t a start to a joke – although I wish it was) of the leftist “co-exist” variety all of whom supported the mosque. And while there were some clergy present that (judging by applause and reactions) opposed the mosque, they did not come up to the microphone. The supporting clergy seemed to have gone to the same rhetoric school as the Imam, using terms like “multi-culturalism”, “tolerance”, “community relations and understanding”, and other jargon that had no actual relevance to the topic.
There was also a Caucasian woman with a baby who introduced herself as someone who had converted to Islam … in 2006, if I’m not mistaken. She lied about how difficult it is to find information and resources on Islam in NY. I say she lied not only because there are hundreds of mosques in the 5 boroughs, but also because as a recent convert she is a prime example of someone who was able to find and act on this information. Of course, she didn’t specify why ground zero is a better location than any other for this apparently “valuable to the city” information about the religion all 911 hijackers belonged to.
Now that I have gone on and on about the supporters of the mosque (aka “community center”) and the temple’s money changers, let me talk about the opponents of a mosque being build at ground zero ... Not a single one of them opposed a mosque being built; the prevailing request was simply “build it somewhere else”.
First opponent to speak was the celebrated publisher, editor, and columnist Pamela Geller. She was the one to point out what Cordoba means to the Muslim world. Cordoba is a city in Spain that was the first major city to fall to Muslim conquerors and become an Islamic caliphate and a symbol of Islamic conquest of the West. She also called the mosque “a shrine to the very ideology that inspired 9-11”. Sure seems a lot more plausible than Daisy’s explanation for why the mosque has to overlook ground zero.
A gentleman who lost his brother in WTC and represents the largest ‘families of victims of 9-11’ groups introduced some of those present who lost loved ones at ground zero. He protested the lectures and the labels that were bestowed on these families for their “legitimate, legal opposition to this Muslim ‘multi-cultural center’”. He pointed out that while there is proposed building of this mosque at ground zero, the committees have refused to allow monuments to the tragedy of 9-11, including the WTC sphere which was heavily damaged during the terrorist attack and has become an iconic symbol of the tragedy. At this time the sphere is temporarily housed at Battery Park. “If we should honor multi-culturalism and diversity at ground zero, we should honor and remember victims of 9-11,” he concluded.
Tim Brown, a former NYC firefighter who lost dozens of his friends and colleagues, fellow first responders, to the jihadist terrorist attack, has been a tireless voice for memories of victims and their loved ones. He questioned where the money for the mosque was coming from. He had received “5 different answers on 5 different occasions from them”, which included my favorite “we don’t have to tell you, talk to our lawyers”, as well as “three different organizations, but [the Imam] refused to name them” and “from American taxpayers”. Mr. Brown also pointed out that Cordoba Initiative has been very deceiving in other ways, such as removing the word “mosque” from their web site despite the fact that they explicitly wrote initially that there will be a mosque at the top of the building (overlooking ground zero).
Questions were also raised about the Imam Rauf, his public statements, and his pro-Sharia stance as described in his publications and interviews. His travels to countries that openly support terrorism and forced Islamization of the West were also questioned and may indicate where funding from the mosque could be coming from.
Follow up note: Listening to the Imam Rauf speak to various news organizations in the days following the meeting, he offered even more non-specific answers to where the money comes from, such as it comes from people who “want to see peace between Muslims and non-Muslims”. Again, nice politically savvy keywords… but no actual answer to a rather direct question he obviously knows the answer to. Trying to hide something, Faisal Abdul?
One of the many victim’s families present was a woman with a photo of her son who was murdered by the Islamic terrorists. She didn’t yell like Daisy, the Imam’s wife, and she did not dish out insults like Congresswoman Chin. Her voice trembled as she mentioned her son’s name and held his photo towards the committee, “this is my son”, she said, “this is firefighter George Kane.” She held back tears as she spoke. She said that “the location [of the mosque] is insensitive to families. It is also insensitive to the voiceless victims the possibility that anyone who supports Islamic extremism could walk on graves of the victims … [it is] an outrage.”
Another woman spoke with a similar shaking voice about her 23-year-old son who “was murdered on September 11th”. She also wasn’t a bigot, but wanted to know “why are you suggesting that it be two blocks from ground zero?”
Mrs. Kane and the others who spoke through tears and with photos of their murdered children in their trembling hands, made me think of what they were being asked to do. Nine years later, they were being asked to “move on” or “heal”, as mosque supporters were suggesting. I can’t even begin to imagine what that ignorant request could do to an eternally grieving mother.
A sweet elderly couple’s last conversation with their son was via cell phone while he was on a hijacked plane… just before he was murdered. They mentioned that there were 20 mosques that located around the area where they lived, and that they would be ok with another one being built close to them, but they also asked for “understanding and sensitivity” when it comes to building one near ground zero.
Yet from the comments of NYC politicians and supporters of the mosque, we know that understanding and sensitivity will not be shown to the victims’ families nor reflect the wishes of voting New Yorkers. They will instead be shown to others who are apparently deemed more – not even equally but more – crucial to the future of NYC and the memories of those who perished in the terrorist attacks.
Here are a few youtube links on regarding this meeting:
Pamela Geller's full 2 minute speech from the meeting
a firefighter and first responder Tim Brown speaks A MUST SEE
The Merchandise Owner organizes these stand-ups for that squad and solutions any queries the team might have. app developer welcome clients to participate in on the scrums when they wish, however, many decide to view progress through our project management software boards, that they have full use of throughout the introduction of their product.
A03A1024
Code Reviews
During development, we conduct code reviews to make sure that we avoid bugs being pressed into production. Another developer will review a piece of code before it’s merged in to the primary development branch. By doing this, each developer reviews other developers work as well as their commits to make sure that it’s correct. Besides this method permit the team to ensure one another's code app developer enables the reviewer to understand more about additional features and offers a feeling of overlap and understanding transfer. This results in a better knowledge of the way they structure their code and helps to create more understanding of other product features which are being developed.
Finish-of-Sprint Demos
In the finish of every sprint, our teams present their completed try to the merchandise Owner and all of those other team. The Merchandise Owner decides either to proceed with the following sprint or send it to sprint planning. Clients ought to have fun playing the finish-of-sprint demos too to give to us their feedback. With this particular transparent approach, the customer is involved through the entire project lifecycle.
Training Learned
In the finish of each and every bi weekly sprint, app developer execute a retrospective from the challenges and the way to improve our process for future sprints. This retrospective is distributed to the whole team for any greater feeling of transparency and understanding transfer for future sprints and projects.Benefits of Sprints
Early and Foreseeable Delivery: Getting a set fee of your time to pay attention to a particular group of features allows us to deliver projects rapidly and sometimes with increased predictability.
Freelance Developer
Freelance Developer
We are a group of freelance developer and programmers base in Malaysia and Singapore, we provide website and mobile app development, here is an article about 10 Important Questions To Ask Web Developers Before Dishing Out the Dough.
4ufreelancers.com/Freelance-IT-and-Software.html
Assuming you already have a fairly good idea of what you want on your web site and will more than likely be writing your own copy or having it written for you, here are 10 questions you need answered to help you create an effective web site without breaking the bank or delaying your plans.
The very first time I attempted to fly a helicopter, a couple of good men died around the landing pad. On attempt two, game developer acquired airborne before landing within the sea. On lucky number 3, I travelled that bird as god intended, making lengthy sweeps around hotspots and awaiting Wagner to start working. This is actually the existence, I figured, lazily hanging towards an opponent squad. Lacking the rotor blades hit a tree, I lost control, grunts scattered below, and also the ground span extremely - dead. Multi-kill! Getting opponents by doing this is among the a lot of reasons Battleground 4 is amazing.
Housekeeping first though, since the singleplayer campaign is not one of these. The very best you are able to have to say is it is a well-performed undertake this generation's familiar FPS cliches, until a rapid and disappointing multiple-choice ending. Firing the guns feels great, however the entire exercise comes with an air of redundancy - enemy conduct you have often seen before, scene ideas you've performed before, as well as the apparently-obligatory torture scene. Web site for these things are 2007's Modern Warfare, and despite BF4's near-constant spectacle, time haven't been kind.
Still: so what? Battleground includes a singleplayer campaign since it needs to get one, but these acer notebooks so loved due to multi-player. The important thing feature is destructibility any structure could be chipped away by gunfire or blown apart by explosions. game developer certainly one of individuals stuff that sounds somewhat incidental feature before you pop off a couple of shots in a tank then hide inside a building - after which the tank's driver, quite sensibly, fires in the wall and takes your house by using it.The destructibility gives game developer planet an environment, causes it to be feel more solid. Bullets munch masonry while you fire lower corridors, explosions puff out obscuring clouds of dust, and shelter becomes open ground.
The Toraja are an ethnic group indigenous to a mountainous region of South Sulawesi, Indonesia. Their population is approximately 1,100,000, of whom 450,000 live in the regency of Tana Toraja ("Land of Toraja"). Most of the population is Christian, and others are Muslim or have local animist beliefs known as aluk ("the way"). The Indonesian government has recognized this animist belief as Aluk To Dolo ("Way of the Ancestors").
The word toraja comes from the Bugis Buginese language term to riaja, meaning "people of the uplands". The Dutch colonial government named the people Toraja in 1909. Torajans are renowned for their elaborate funeral rites, burial sites carved into rocky cliffs, massive peaked-roof traditional houses known as tongkonan, and colorful wood carvings. Toraja funeral rites are important social events, usually attended by hundreds of people and lasting for several days.
Before the 20th century, Torajans lived in autonomous villages, where they practised animism and were relatively untouched by the outside world. In the early 1900s, Dutch missionaries first worked to convert Torajan highlanders to Christianity. When the Tana Toraja regency was further opened to the outside world in the 1970s, it became an icon of tourism in Indonesia: it was exploited by tourism developers and studied by anthropologists. By the 1990s, when tourism peaked, Toraja society had changed significantly, from an agrarian model - in which social life and customs were outgrowths of the Aluk To Dolo - to a largely Christian society. Today, tourism and remittances from migrant Torajans have made for major changes in the Toraja highland, giving the Toraja a celebrity status within Indonesia and enhancing Toraja ethnic group pride.
ETHNIC IDENTITY
The Torajan people had little notion of themselves as a distinct ethnic group before the 20th century. Before Dutch colonization and Christianization, Torajans, who lived in highland areas, identified with their villages and did not share a broad sense of identity. Although complexes of rituals created linkages between highland villages, there were variations in dialects, differences in social hierarchies, and an array of ritual practices in the Sulawesi highland region. "Toraja" (from the coastal languages' to, meaning people; and riaja, uplands) was first used as a lowlander expression for highlanders. As a result, "Toraja" initially had more currency with outsiders - such as the Bugis and Makassarese, who constitute a majority of the lowland of Sulawesi - than with insiders. The Dutch missionaries' presence in the highlands gave rise to the Toraja ethnic consciousness in the Sa'dan Toraja region, and this shared identity grew with the rise of tourism in the Tana Toraja Regency. Since then, South Sulawesi has four main ethnic groups - the Bugis (the majority, including shipbuilders and seafarers), the Makassarese (lowland traders and seafarers), the Mandarese (traders and fishermen), and the Toraja (highland rice cultivators).
HISTORY
From the 17th century, the Dutch established trade and political control on Sulawesi through the Dutch East Indies Company. Over two centuries, they ignored the mountainous area in the central Sulawesi, where Torajans lived, because access was difficult and it had little productive agricultural land. In the late 19th century, the Dutch became increasingly concerned about the spread of Islam in the south of Sulawesi, especially among the Makassarese and Bugis peoples. The Dutch saw the animist highlanders as potential Christians. In the 1920s, the Reformed Missionary Alliance of the Dutch Reformed Church began missionary work aided by the Dutch colonial government. In addition to introducing Christianity, the Dutch abolished slavery and imposed local taxes. A line was drawn around the Sa'dan area and called Tana Toraja ("the land of Toraja"). Tana Toraja was first a subdivision of the Luwu kingdom that had claimed the area. In 1946, the Dutch granted Tana Toraja a regentschap, and it was recognized in 1957 as one of the regencies of Indonesia.
Early Dutch missionaries faced strong opposition among Torajans, especially among the elite, because the abolition of their profitable slave trade had angered them. Some Torajans were forcibly relocated to the lowlands by the Dutch, where they could be more easily controlled. Taxes were kept high, undermining the wealth of the elites. Ultimately, the Dutch influence did not subdue Torajan culture, and only a few Torajans were converted. In 1950, only 10% of the population had converted to Christianity.
In the 1930s, Muslim lowlanders attacked the Torajans, resulting in widespread Christian conversion among those who sought to align themselves with the Dutch for political protection and to form a movement against the Bugis and Makassarese Muslims. Between 1951 and 1965 (following Indonesian independence), southern Sulawesi faced a turbulent period as the Darul Islam separatist movement fought for an Islamic state in Sulawesi. The 15 years of guerrilla warfare led to massive conversions to
CHRISTIANITY
Alignment with the Indonesian government, however, did not guarantee safety for the Torajans. In 1965, a presidential decree required every Indonesian citizen to belong to one of five officially recognized religions: Islam, Christianity (Protestantism and Catholicism), Hinduism, or Buddhism. The Torajan religious belief (aluk) was not legally recognized, and the Torajans raised their voices against the law. To make aluk accord with the law, it had to be accepted as part of one of the official religions. In 1969, Aluk To Dolo ("the way of ancestors") was legalized as a sect of Agama Hindu Dharma, the official name of Hinduism in Indonesia.
SOCIETY
There are three main types of affiliation in Toraja society: family, class and religion.
FAMILY AFFILIATION
Family is the primary social and political grouping in Torajan society. Each village is one extended family, the seat of which is the tongkonan, a traditional Torajan house. Each tongkonan has a name, which becomes the name of the village. The familial dons maintain village unity. Marriage between distant cousins (fourth cousins and beyond) is a common practice that strengthens kinship. Toraja society prohibits marriage between close cousins (up to and including the third cousin) - except for nobles, to prevent the dispersal of property. Kinship is actively reciprocal, meaning that the extended family helps each other farm, share buffalo rituals, and pay off debts.
Each person belongs to both the mother's and the father's families, the only bilateral family line in Indonesia. Children, therefore, inherit household affiliation from both mother and father, including land and even family debts. Children's names are given on the basis of kinship, and are usually chosen after dead relatives. Names of aunts, uncles and cousins are commonly referred to in the names of mothers, fathers and siblings.
Before the start of the formal administration of Toraja villages by the Tana Toraja Regency, each Toraja village was autonomous. In a more complex situation, in which one Toraja family could not handle their problems alone, several villages formed a group; sometimes, villages would unite against other villages. Relationship between families was expressed through blood, marriage, and shared ancestral houses (tongkonan), practically signed by the exchange of water buffalo and pigs on ritual occasions. Such exchanges not only built political and cultural ties between families but defined each person's place in a social hierarchy: who poured palm wine, who wrapped a corpse and prepared offerings, where each person could or could not sit, what dishes should be used or avoided, and even what piece of meat constituted one's share.
CLASS AFFILIATION
In early Toraja society, family relationships were tied closely to social class. There were three strata: nobles, commoners, and slaves (slavery was abolished in 1909 by the Dutch East Indies government). Class was inherited through the mother. It was taboo, therefore, to marry "down" with a woman of lower class. On the other hand, marrying a woman of higher class could improve the status of the next generation. The nobility's condescending attitude toward the commoners is still maintained today for reasons of family prestige.
Nobles, who were believed to be direct descendants of the descended person from heaven, lived in tongkonans, while commoners lived in less lavish houses (bamboo shacks called banua). Slaves lived in small huts, which had to be built around their owner's tongkonan. Commoners might marry anyone, but nobles preferred to marry in-family to maintain their status. Sometimes nobles married Bugis or Makassarese nobles. Commoners and slaves were prohibited from having death feasts. Despite close kinship and status inheritance, there was some social mobility, as marriage or change in wealth could affect an individuals status. Wealth was counted by the ownership of water buffaloes.
Slaves in Toraja society were family property. Sometimes Torajans decided to become slaves when they incurred a debt, pledging to work as payment. Slaves could be taken during wars, and slave trading was common. Slaves could buy their freedom, but their children still inherited slave status. Slaves were prohibited from wearing bronze or gold, carving their houses, eating from the same dishes as their owners, or having sex with free women - a crime punishable by death.
RELIGIOUS AFFILIATION
Toraja's indigenous belief system is polytheistic animism, called aluk, or "the way" (sometimes translated as "the law"). In the Toraja myth, the ancestors of Torajan people came down from heaven using stairs, which were then used by the Torajans as a communication medium with Puang Matua, the Creator. The cosmos, according to aluk, is divided into the upper world (heaven), the world of man (earth), and the underworld. At first, heaven and earth were married, then there was a darkness, a separation, and finally the light. Animals live in the underworld, which is represented by rectangular space enclosed by pillars, the earth is for mankind, and the heaven world is located above, covered with a saddle-shaped roof. Other Toraja gods include Pong Banggai di Rante (god of Earth), Indo' Ongon-Ongon (a goddess who can cause earthquakes), Pong Lalondong (god of death), and Indo' Belo Tumbang (goddess of medicine); there are many more.
The earthly authority, whose words and actions should be cleaved to both in life (agriculture) and death (funerals), is called to minaa (an aluk priest). Aluk is not just a belief system; it is a combination of law, religion, and habit. Aluk governs social life, agricultural practices, and ancestral rituals. The details of aluk may vary from one village to another. One common law is the requirement that death and life rituals be separated. Torajans believe that performing death rituals might ruin their corpses if combined with life rituals. The two rituals are equally important. During the time of the Dutch missionaries, Christian Torajans were prohibited from attending or performing life rituals, but were allowed to perform death rituals. Consequently, Toraja's death rituals are still practised today, while life rituals have diminished.
CULTURE
TONGKONAN
Tongkonan are the traditional Torajan ancestral houses. They stand high on wooden piles, topped with a layered split-bamboo roof shaped in a sweeping curved arc, and they are incised with red, black, and yellow detailed wood carvings on the exterior walls. The word "tongkonan" comes from the Torajan tongkon ("to sit").
Tongkonan are the center of Torajan social life. The rituals associated with the tongkonan are important expressions of Torajan spiritual life, and therefore all family members are impelled to participate, because symbolically the tongkonan represents links to their ancestors and to living and future kin. According to Torajan myth, the first tongkonan was built in heaven on four poles, with a roof made of Indian cloth. When the first Torajan ancestor descended to earth, he imitated the house and held a large ceremony.
The construction of a tongkonan is laborious work and is usually done with the help of the extended family. There are three types of tongkonan. The tongkonan layuk is the house of the highest authority, used as the "center of government". The tongkonan pekamberan belongs to the family members who have some authority in local traditions. Ordinary family members reside in the tongkonan batu. The exclusivity to the nobility of the tongkonan is diminishing as many Torajan commoners find lucrative employment in other parts of Indonesia. As they send back money to their families, they enable the construction of larger tongkonan.
WOOD CARVINGS
To express social and religious concepts, Torajans carve wood, calling it Pa'ssura (or "the writing"). Wood carvings are therefore Toraja's cultural manifestation.
Each carving receives a special name, and common motifs are animals and plants that symbolize some virtue. For example, water plants and animals, such as crabs, tadpoles and water weeds, are commonly found to symbolize fertility. In some areas noble elders claim these symbols refer to strength of noble family, but not everyone agrees. The overall meaning of groups of carved motifs on houses remains debated and tourism has further complicated these debates because some feel a uniform explanation must be presented to tourists. The image to the left shows an example of Torajan wood carving, consisting of 15 square panels. The center bottom panel represents buffalo or wealth, a wish for many buffaloes for the family. The center panel represents a knot and a box, a hope that all of the family's offspring will be happy and live in harmony, like goods kept safe in a box. The top left and top right squares represent an aquatic animal, indicating the need for fast and hard work, just like moving on the surface of water. It also represents the need for a certain skill to produce good results.
Regularity and order are common features in Toraja wood carving (see table below), as well as abstracts and geometrical designs. Nature is frequently used as the basis of Toraja's ornaments, because nature is full of abstractions and geometries with regularities and ordering. Toraja's ornaments have been studied in ethnomathematics to reveal their mathematical structure, but Torajans base this art only on approximations. To create an ornament, bamboo sticks are used as a geometrical tool.
FUNERAL RITES
In Toraja society, the funeral ritual is the most elaborate and expensive event. The richer and more powerful the individual, the more expensive is the funeral. In the aluk religion, only nobles have the right to have an extensive death feast. The death feast of a nobleman is usually attended by thousands and lasts for several days. A ceremonial site, called rante, is usually prepared in a large, grassy field where shelters for audiences, rice barns, and other ceremonial funeral structures are specially made by the deceased family. Flute music, funeral chants, songs and poems, and crying and wailing are traditional Toraja expressions of grief with the exceptions of funerals for young children, and poor, low-status adults.
The ceremony is often held weeks, months, or years after the death so that the deceased's family can raise the significant funds needed to cover funeral expenses. Torajans traditionally believe that death is not a sudden, abrupt event, but a gradual process toward Puya (the land of souls, or afterlife). During the waiting period, the body of the deceased is wrapped in several layers of cloth and kept under the tongkonan. The soul of the deceased is thought to linger around the village until the funeral ceremony is completed, after which it begins its journey to Puya.
Another component of the ritual is the slaughter of water buffalo. The more powerful the person who died, the more buffalo are slaughtered at the death feast. Buffalo carcasses, including their heads, are usually lined up on a field waiting for their owner, who is in the "sleeping stage". Torajans believe that the deceased will need the buffalo to make the journey and that they will be quicker to arrive at Puya if they have many buffalo. Slaughtering tens of water buffalo and hundreds of pigs using a machete is the climax of the elaborate death feast, with dancing and music and young boys who catch spurting blood in long bamboo tubes. Some of the slaughtered animals are given by guests as "gifts", which are carefully noted because they will be considered debts of the deceased's family. However, a cockfight, known as bulangan londong, is an integral part of the ceremony. As with the sacrifice of the buffalo and the pigs, the cockfight is considered sacred because it involves the spilling of blood on the earth. In particular, the tradition requires the sacrifice of at least three chickens. However, it is common for at least 25 pairs of chickens to be set against each other in the context of the ceremony.
There are three methods of burial: the coffin may be laid in a cave or in a carved stone grave, or hung on a cliff. It contains any possessions that the deceased will need in the afterlife. The wealthy are often buried in a stone grave carved out of a rocky cliff. The grave is usually expensive and takes a few months to complete. In some areas, a stone cave may be found that is large enough to accommodate a whole family. A wood-carved effigy, called Tau tau, is usually placed in the cave looking out over the land. The coffin of a baby or child may be hung from ropes on a cliff face or from a tree. This hanging grave usually lasts for years, until the ropes rot and the coffin falls to the ground.
In the ritual called Ma'Nene, that takes place each year in August, the bodies of the deceased are exhumed to be washed, groomed and dressed in new clothes. The mummies are then walked around the village.
DANCE AND MUSIC
Torajans perform dances on several occasions, most often during their elaborate funeral ceremonies. They dance to express their grief, and to honour and even cheer the deceased person because he is going to have a long journey in the afterlife. First, a group of men form a circle and sing a monotonous chant throughout the night to honour the deceased (a ritual called Ma'badong). This is considered by many Torajans to be the most important component of the funeral ceremony. On the second funeral day, the Ma'randing warrior dance is performed to praise the courage of the deceased during life. Several men perform the dance with a sword, a large shield made from buffalo skin, a helmet with a buffalo horn, and other ornamentation. The Ma'randing dance precedes a procession in which the deceased is carried from a rice barn to the rante, the site of the funeral ceremony. During the funeral, elder women perform the Ma'katia dance while singing a poetic song and wearing a long feathered costume. The Ma'akatia dance is performed to remind the audience of the generosity and loyalty of the deceased person. After the bloody ceremony of buffalo and pig slaughter, a group of boys and girls clap their hands while performing a cheerful dance called Ma'dondan.
As in other agricultural societies, Torajans dance and sing during harvest time. The Ma'bugi dance celebrates the thanksgiving event, and the Ma'gandangi dance is performed while Torajans are pounding rice. There are several war dances, such as the Manimbong dance performed by men, followed by the Ma'dandan dance performed by women. The aluk religion governs when and how Torajans dance. A dance called Ma'bua can be performed only once every 12 years. Ma'bua is a major Toraja ceremony in which priests wear a buffalo head and dance around a sacred tree.
A traditional musical instrument of the Toraja is a bamboo flute called a Pa'suling (suling is an Indonesian word for flute). This six-holed flute (not unique to the Toraja) is played at many dances, such as the thanksgiving dance Ma'bondensan, where the flute accompanies a group of shirtless, dancing men with long fingernails. The Toraja have indigenous musical instruments, such as the Pa'pelle (made from palm leaves) and the Pa'karombi (the Torajan version of a jaw harp). The Pa'pelle is played during harvest time and at house inauguration ceremonies.
LANGUAGE
The ethnic Toraja language is dominant in Tana Toraja with the main language as the Sa'dan Toraja. Although the national Indonesian language is the official language and is spoken in the community, all elementary schools in Tana Toraja teach Toraja language.Language varieties of Toraja, including Kalumpang, Mamasa, Tae' , Talondo' , Toala' , and Toraja-Sa'dan, belong to the Malayo-Polynesian language from the Austronesian family. At the outset, the isolated geographical nature of Tana Toraja formed many dialects between the Toraja languages themselves. After the formal administration of Tana Toraja, some Toraja dialects have been influenced by other languages through the transmigration program, introduced since the colonialism period, and it has been a major factor in the linguistic variety of Toraja languages. A prominent attribute of Toraja language is the notion of grief. The importance of death ceremony in Toraja culture has characterized their languages to express intricate degrees of grief and mourning. The Toraja language contains many terms referring to sadness, longing, depression, and mental pain. Giving a clear expression of the psychological and physical effect of loss is a catharsis and sometimes lessens the pain of grief itself.
ECONOMY
Prior to Suharto's "New Order" administration, the Torajan economy was based on agriculture, with cultivated wet rice in terraced fields on mountain slopes, and supplemental cassava and maize crops. Much time and energy were devoted to raising water buffalo, pigs, and chickens, primarily for ceremonial sacrifices and consumption. Coffee was the first significant cash crop produced in Toraja, and was introduced in the mid 19th century, changing the local economy towards commodity production for external markets and gaining an excellent reputation for quality in the international market .
With the commencement of the New Order in 1965, Indonesia's economy developed and opened to foreign investment. In Toraja, a coffee plantation and factory was established by Key Coffee of Japan, and Torajan coffee regained a reputation for quality within the growing international specialty coffee sector Multinational oil and mining companies opened new operations in Indonesia during the 1970s and 1980s. Torajans, particularly younger ones, relocated to work for the foreign companies - to Kalimantan for timber and oil, to Papua for mining, to the cities of Sulawesi and Java, and many went to Malaysia. The out-migration of Torajans was steady until 1985. and has continued since, with remittances sent back by emigre Torajans performing an important role within the contemporary economy.
Tourism commenced in Toraja in the 1970s, and accelerated in the 1980s and 1990s. Between 1984 and 1997, a significant number of Torajans obtained their incomes from tourism, working in and owning hotels, as tour guides, drivers, or selling souvenirs. With the rise of political and economic instability in Indonesia in the late 1990s - including religious conflicts elsewhere on Sulawesi - tourism in Tana Toraja has declined dramatically. Toraja continues to be a well known origin for Indonesian coffee, grown by both smallholders and plantation estates, although migration, remittances and off-farm income is considered far more important to most households, even those in rural areas.
TOURISM AND CULTURAL CHANGE
Before the 1970s, Toraja was almost unknown to Western tourism. In 1971, about 50 Europeans visited Tana Toraja. In 1972, at least 400 visitors attended the funeral ritual of Puang of Sangalla, the highest-ranking nobleman in Tana Toraja and the so-called "last pure-blooded Toraja noble." The event was documented by National Geographic and broadcast in several European countries. In 1976, about 12,000 tourists visited the regency and in 1981, Torajan sculpture was exhibited in major North American museums. "The land of the heavenly kings of Tana Toraja", as written in the exhibition brochure, embraced the outside world.
In 1984, the Indonesian Ministry of Tourism declared Tana Toraja Regency the prima donna of South Sulawesi. Tana Toraja was heralded as "the second stop after Bali". Tourism was increasing dramatically: by 1985, a total number of 150,000 foreigners had visited the Regency (in addition to 80,000 domestic tourists), and the annual number of foreign visitors was recorded at 40,000 in 1989. Souvenir stands appeared in Rantepao, the cultural center of Toraja, roads were sealed at the most-visited tourist sites, new hotels and tourist-oriented restaurants were opened, and an airstrip was opened in the Regency in 1981.
Tourism developers have marketed Tana Toraja as an exotic adventure - an area rich in culture and off the beaten track. Western tourists expected to see stone-age villages and pagan funerals. Toraja is for tourists who have gone as far as Bali and are willing to see more of the wild, "untouched" islands. However, they were more likely to see a Torajan wearing a hat and denim, living in a Christian society. Tourists felt that the tongkonan and other Torajan rituals had been preconceived to make profits, and complained that the destination was too commercialized. This has resulted in several clashes between Torajans and tourism developers, whom Torajans see as outsiders.
A clash between local Torajan leaders and the South Sulawesi provincial government (as a tourist developer) broke out in 1985. The government designated 18 Toraja villages and burial sites as traditional tourist attractions. Consequently, zoning restrictions were applied to these areas, such that Torajans themselves were barred from changing their tongkonans and burial sites. The plan was opposed by some Torajan leaders, as they felt that their rituals and traditions were being determined by outsiders. As a result, in 1987, the Torajan village of Kété Kesú and several other designated tourist attractions closed their doors to tourists. This closure lasted only a few days, as the villagers found it too difficult to survive without the income from selling souvenirs.
Tourism has also transformed Toraja society. Originally, there was a ritual which allowed commoners to marry nobles (puang) and thereby gain nobility for their children. However, the image of Torajan society created for the tourists, often by "lower-ranking" guides, has eroded its traditional strict hierarchy. High status is not as esteemed in Tana Toraja as it once was. Many low-ranking men can declare themselves and their children nobles by gaining enough wealth through work outside the region and then marrying a noble woman.
WIKIPEDIA
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