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. . . 2. 3. 2007 - this is the first day of a funeral ceremony in Bori for a High Class Woman. She died on 18. 1. 2007 at the age of 85 years. The ceremony will last for one week. Today we will see the showing of the water buffalos, pigs, cow, horse, deer and chicken. All these animals are offered to be the servants of the died woman in her new life after death in Puya. We will see buffalo fighting. Men bet for the winner of those fightings. Two buffalos fight each other - the one running away lost the fight!
If you wonder why the quality of the pictures is a little less: these are no photographs - it all are snapshots of my videos! So sorry for the less resolution, but I think, they are worth to be shown.
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The Toraja are an ethnic group indigenous to a mountainous region of South Sulawesi, Indonesia. Their population is approximately 1,100,000, of whom 450,000 live in the regency of Tana Toraja ("Land of Toraja"). Most of the population is Christian, and others are Muslim or have local animist beliefs known as aluk ("the way"). The Indonesian government has recognized this animist belief as Aluk To Dolo ("Way of the Ancestors").
The word toraja comes from the Bugis Buginese language term to riaja, meaning "people of the uplands". The Dutch colonial government named the people Toraja in 1909. Torajans are renowned for their elaborate funeral rites, burial sites carved into rocky cliffs, massive peaked-roof traditional houses known as tongkonan, and colorful wood carvings. Toraja funeral rites are important social events, usually attended by hundreds of people and lasting for several days.
Before the 20th century, Torajans lived in autonomous villages, where they practised animism and were relatively untouched by the outside world. In the early 1900s, Dutch missionaries first worked to convert Torajan highlanders to Christianity. When the Tana Toraja regency was further opened to the outside world in the 1970s, it became an icon of tourism in Indonesia: it was exploited by tourism developers and studied by anthropologists. By the 1990s, when tourism peaked, Toraja society had changed significantly, from an agrarian model - in which social life and customs were outgrowths of the Aluk To Dolo - to a largely Christian society. Today, tourism and remittances from migrant Torajans have made for major changes in the Toraja highland, giving the Toraja a celebrity status within Indonesia and enhancing Toraja ethnic group pride.
ETHNIC IDENTITY
The Torajan people had little notion of themselves as a distinct ethnic group before the 20th century. Before Dutch colonization and Christianization, Torajans, who lived in highland areas, identified with their villages and did not share a broad sense of identity. Although complexes of rituals created linkages between highland villages, there were variations in dialects, differences in social hierarchies, and an array of ritual practices in the Sulawesi highland region. "Toraja" (from the coastal languages' to, meaning people; and riaja, uplands) was first used as a lowlander expression for highlanders. As a result, "Toraja" initially had more currency with outsiders - such as the Bugis and Makassarese, who constitute a majority of the lowland of Sulawesi - than with insiders. The Dutch missionaries' presence in the highlands gave rise to the Toraja ethnic consciousness in the Sa'dan Toraja region, and this shared identity grew with the rise of tourism in the Tana Toraja Regency. Since then, South Sulawesi has four main ethnic groups - the Bugis (the majority, including shipbuilders and seafarers), the Makassarese (lowland traders and seafarers), the Mandarese (traders and fishermen), and the Toraja (highland rice cultivators).
HISTORY
From the 17th century, the Dutch established trade and political control on Sulawesi through the Dutch East Indies Company. Over two centuries, they ignored the mountainous area in the central Sulawesi, where Torajans lived, because access was difficult and it had little productive agricultural land. In the late 19th century, the Dutch became increasingly concerned about the spread of Islam in the south of Sulawesi, especially among the Makassarese and Bugis peoples. The Dutch saw the animist highlanders as potential Christians. In the 1920s, the Reformed Missionary Alliance of the Dutch Reformed Church began missionary work aided by the Dutch colonial government. In addition to introducing Christianity, the Dutch abolished slavery and imposed local taxes. A line was drawn around the Sa'dan area and called Tana Toraja ("the land of Toraja"). Tana Toraja was first a subdivision of the Luwu kingdom that had claimed the area. In 1946, the Dutch granted Tana Toraja a regentschap, and it was recognized in 1957 as one of the regencies of Indonesia.
Early Dutch missionaries faced strong opposition among Torajans, especially among the elite, because the abolition of their profitable slave trade had angered them. Some Torajans were forcibly relocated to the lowlands by the Dutch, where they could be more easily controlled. Taxes were kept high, undermining the wealth of the elites. Ultimately, the Dutch influence did not subdue Torajan culture, and only a few Torajans were converted. In 1950, only 10% of the population had converted to Christianity.
In the 1930s, Muslim lowlanders attacked the Torajans, resulting in widespread Christian conversion among those who sought to align themselves with the Dutch for political protection and to form a movement against the Bugis and Makassarese Muslims. Between 1951 and 1965 (following Indonesian independence), southern Sulawesi faced a turbulent period as the Darul Islam separatist movement fought for an Islamic state in Sulawesi. The 15 years of guerrilla warfare led to massive conversions to
CHRISTIANITY
Alignment with the Indonesian government, however, did not guarantee safety for the Torajans. In 1965, a presidential decree required every Indonesian citizen to belong to one of five officially recognized religions: Islam, Christianity (Protestantism and Catholicism), Hinduism, or Buddhism. The Torajan religious belief (aluk) was not legally recognized, and the Torajans raised their voices against the law. To make aluk accord with the law, it had to be accepted as part of one of the official religions. In 1969, Aluk To Dolo ("the way of ancestors") was legalized as a sect of Agama Hindu Dharma, the official name of Hinduism in Indonesia.
SOCIETY
There are three main types of affiliation in Toraja society: family, class and religion.
FAMILY AFFILIATION
Family is the primary social and political grouping in Torajan society. Each village is one extended family, the seat of which is the tongkonan, a traditional Torajan house. Each tongkonan has a name, which becomes the name of the village. The familial dons maintain village unity. Marriage between distant cousins (fourth cousins and beyond) is a common practice that strengthens kinship. Toraja society prohibits marriage between close cousins (up to and including the third cousin) - except for nobles, to prevent the dispersal of property. Kinship is actively reciprocal, meaning that the extended family helps each other farm, share buffalo rituals, and pay off debts.
Each person belongs to both the mother's and the father's families, the only bilateral family line in Indonesia. Children, therefore, inherit household affiliation from both mother and father, including land and even family debts. Children's names are given on the basis of kinship, and are usually chosen after dead relatives. Names of aunts, uncles and cousins are commonly referred to in the names of mothers, fathers and siblings.
Before the start of the formal administration of Toraja villages by the Tana Toraja Regency, each Toraja village was autonomous. In a more complex situation, in which one Toraja family could not handle their problems alone, several villages formed a group; sometimes, villages would unite against other villages. Relationship between families was expressed through blood, marriage, and shared ancestral houses (tongkonan), practically signed by the exchange of water buffalo and pigs on ritual occasions. Such exchanges not only built political and cultural ties between families but defined each person's place in a social hierarchy: who poured palm wine, who wrapped a corpse and prepared offerings, where each person could or could not sit, what dishes should be used or avoided, and even what piece of meat constituted one's share.
CLASS AFFILIATION
In early Toraja society, family relationships were tied closely to social class. There were three strata: nobles, commoners, and slaves (slavery was abolished in 1909 by the Dutch East Indies government). Class was inherited through the mother. It was taboo, therefore, to marry "down" with a woman of lower class. On the other hand, marrying a woman of higher class could improve the status of the next generation. The nobility's condescending attitude toward the commoners is still maintained today for reasons of family prestige.
Nobles, who were believed to be direct descendants of the descended person from heaven, lived in tongkonans, while commoners lived in less lavish houses (bamboo shacks called banua). Slaves lived in small huts, which had to be built around their owner's tongkonan. Commoners might marry anyone, but nobles preferred to marry in-family to maintain their status. Sometimes nobles married Bugis or Makassarese nobles. Commoners and slaves were prohibited from having death feasts. Despite close kinship and status inheritance, there was some social mobility, as marriage or change in wealth could affect an individuals status. Wealth was counted by the ownership of water buffaloes.
Slaves in Toraja society were family property. Sometimes Torajans decided to become slaves when they incurred a debt, pledging to work as payment. Slaves could be taken during wars, and slave trading was common. Slaves could buy their freedom, but their children still inherited slave status. Slaves were prohibited from wearing bronze or gold, carving their houses, eating from the same dishes as their owners, or having sex with free women - a crime punishable by death.
RELIGIOUS AFFILIATION
Toraja's indigenous belief system is polytheistic animism, called aluk, or "the way" (sometimes translated as "the law"). In the Toraja myth, the ancestors of Torajan people came down from heaven using stairs, which were then used by the Torajans as a communication medium with Puang Matua, the Creator. The cosmos, according to aluk, is divided into the upper world (heaven), the world of man (earth), and the underworld. At first, heaven and earth were married, then there was a darkness, a separation, and finally the light. Animals live in the underworld, which is represented by rectangular space enclosed by pillars, the earth is for mankind, and the heaven world is located above, covered with a saddle-shaped roof. Other Toraja gods include Pong Banggai di Rante (god of Earth), Indo' Ongon-Ongon (a goddess who can cause earthquakes), Pong Lalondong (god of death), and Indo' Belo Tumbang (goddess of medicine); there are many more.
The earthly authority, whose words and actions should be cleaved to both in life (agriculture) and death (funerals), is called to minaa (an aluk priest). Aluk is not just a belief system; it is a combination of law, religion, and habit. Aluk governs social life, agricultural practices, and ancestral rituals. The details of aluk may vary from one village to another. One common law is the requirement that death and life rituals be separated. Torajans believe that performing death rituals might ruin their corpses if combined with life rituals. The two rituals are equally important. During the time of the Dutch missionaries, Christian Torajans were prohibited from attending or performing life rituals, but were allowed to perform death rituals. Consequently, Toraja's death rituals are still practised today, while life rituals have diminished.
CULTURE
TONGKONAN
Tongkonan are the traditional Torajan ancestral houses. They stand high on wooden piles, topped with a layered split-bamboo roof shaped in a sweeping curved arc, and they are incised with red, black, and yellow detailed wood carvings on the exterior walls. The word "tongkonan" comes from the Torajan tongkon ("to sit").
Tongkonan are the center of Torajan social life. The rituals associated with the tongkonan are important expressions of Torajan spiritual life, and therefore all family members are impelled to participate, because symbolically the tongkonan represents links to their ancestors and to living and future kin. According to Torajan myth, the first tongkonan was built in heaven on four poles, with a roof made of Indian cloth. When the first Torajan ancestor descended to earth, he imitated the house and held a large ceremony.
The construction of a tongkonan is laborious work and is usually done with the help of the extended family. There are three types of tongkonan. The tongkonan layuk is the house of the highest authority, used as the "center of government". The tongkonan pekamberan belongs to the family members who have some authority in local traditions. Ordinary family members reside in the tongkonan batu. The exclusivity to the nobility of the tongkonan is diminishing as many Torajan commoners find lucrative employment in other parts of Indonesia. As they send back money to their families, they enable the construction of larger tongkonan.
WOOD CARVINGS
To express social and religious concepts, Torajans carve wood, calling it Pa'ssura (or "the writing"). Wood carvings are therefore Toraja's cultural manifestation.
Each carving receives a special name, and common motifs are animals and plants that symbolize some virtue. For example, water plants and animals, such as crabs, tadpoles and water weeds, are commonly found to symbolize fertility. In some areas noble elders claim these symbols refer to strength of noble family, but not everyone agrees. The overall meaning of groups of carved motifs on houses remains debated and tourism has further complicated these debates because some feel a uniform explanation must be presented to tourists. The image to the left shows an example of Torajan wood carving, consisting of 15 square panels. The center bottom panel represents buffalo or wealth, a wish for many buffaloes for the family. The center panel represents a knot and a box, a hope that all of the family's offspring will be happy and live in harmony, like goods kept safe in a box. The top left and top right squares represent an aquatic animal, indicating the need for fast and hard work, just like moving on the surface of water. It also represents the need for a certain skill to produce good results.
Regularity and order are common features in Toraja wood carving (see table below), as well as abstracts and geometrical designs. Nature is frequently used as the basis of Toraja's ornaments, because nature is full of abstractions and geometries with regularities and ordering. Toraja's ornaments have been studied in ethnomathematics to reveal their mathematical structure, but Torajans base this art only on approximations. To create an ornament, bamboo sticks are used as a geometrical tool.
FUNERAL RITES
In Toraja society, the funeral ritual is the most elaborate and expensive event. The richer and more powerful the individual, the more expensive is the funeral. In the aluk religion, only nobles have the right to have an extensive death feast. The death feast of a nobleman is usually attended by thousands and lasts for several days. A ceremonial site, called rante, is usually prepared in a large, grassy field where shelters for audiences, rice barns, and other ceremonial funeral structures are specially made by the deceased family. Flute music, funeral chants, songs and poems, and crying and wailing are traditional Toraja expressions of grief with the exceptions of funerals for young children, and poor, low-status adults.
The ceremony is often held weeks, months, or years after the death so that the deceased's family can raise the significant funds needed to cover funeral expenses. Torajans traditionally believe that death is not a sudden, abrupt event, but a gradual process toward Puya (the land of souls, or afterlife). During the waiting period, the body of the deceased is wrapped in several layers of cloth and kept under the tongkonan. The soul of the deceased is thought to linger around the village until the funeral ceremony is completed, after which it begins its journey to Puya.
Another component of the ritual is the slaughter of water buffalo. The more powerful the person who died, the more buffalo are slaughtered at the death feast. Buffalo carcasses, including their heads, are usually lined up on a field waiting for their owner, who is in the "sleeping stage". Torajans believe that the deceased will need the buffalo to make the journey and that they will be quicker to arrive at Puya if they have many buffalo. Slaughtering tens of water buffalo and hundreds of pigs using a machete is the climax of the elaborate death feast, with dancing and music and young boys who catch spurting blood in long bamboo tubes. Some of the slaughtered animals are given by guests as "gifts", which are carefully noted because they will be considered debts of the deceased's family. However, a cockfight, known as bulangan londong, is an integral part of the ceremony. As with the sacrifice of the buffalo and the pigs, the cockfight is considered sacred because it involves the spilling of blood on the earth. In particular, the tradition requires the sacrifice of at least three chickens. However, it is common for at least 25 pairs of chickens to be set against each other in the context of the ceremony.
There are three methods of burial: the coffin may be laid in a cave or in a carved stone grave, or hung on a cliff. It contains any possessions that the deceased will need in the afterlife. The wealthy are often buried in a stone grave carved out of a rocky cliff. The grave is usually expensive and takes a few months to complete. In some areas, a stone cave may be found that is large enough to accommodate a whole family. A wood-carved effigy, called Tau tau, is usually placed in the cave looking out over the land. The coffin of a baby or child may be hung from ropes on a cliff face or from a tree. This hanging grave usually lasts for years, until the ropes rot and the coffin falls to the ground.
In the ritual called Ma'Nene, that takes place each year in August, the bodies of the deceased are exhumed to be washed, groomed and dressed in new clothes. The mummies are then walked around the village.
DANCE AND MUSIC
Torajans perform dances on several occasions, most often during their elaborate funeral ceremonies. They dance to express their grief, and to honour and even cheer the deceased person because he is going to have a long journey in the afterlife. First, a group of men form a circle and sing a monotonous chant throughout the night to honour the deceased (a ritual called Ma'badong). This is considered by many Torajans to be the most important component of the funeral ceremony. On the second funeral day, the Ma'randing warrior dance is performed to praise the courage of the deceased during life. Several men perform the dance with a sword, a large shield made from buffalo skin, a helmet with a buffalo horn, and other ornamentation. The Ma'randing dance precedes a procession in which the deceased is carried from a rice barn to the rante, the site of the funeral ceremony. During the funeral, elder women perform the Ma'katia dance while singing a poetic song and wearing a long feathered costume. The Ma'akatia dance is performed to remind the audience of the generosity and loyalty of the deceased person. After the bloody ceremony of buffalo and pig slaughter, a group of boys and girls clap their hands while performing a cheerful dance called Ma'dondan.
As in other agricultural societies, Torajans dance and sing during harvest time. The Ma'bugi dance celebrates the thanksgiving event, and the Ma'gandangi dance is performed while Torajans are pounding rice. There are several war dances, such as the Manimbong dance performed by men, followed by the Ma'dandan dance performed by women. The aluk religion governs when and how Torajans dance. A dance called Ma'bua can be performed only once every 12 years. Ma'bua is a major Toraja ceremony in which priests wear a buffalo head and dance around a sacred tree.
A traditional musical instrument of the Toraja is a bamboo flute called a Pa'suling (suling is an Indonesian word for flute). This six-holed flute (not unique to the Toraja) is played at many dances, such as the thanksgiving dance Ma'bondensan, where the flute accompanies a group of shirtless, dancing men with long fingernails. The Toraja have indigenous musical instruments, such as the Pa'pelle (made from palm leaves) and the Pa'karombi (the Torajan version of a jaw harp). The Pa'pelle is played during harvest time and at house inauguration ceremonies.
LANGUAGE
The ethnic Toraja language is dominant in Tana Toraja with the main language as the Sa'dan Toraja. Although the national Indonesian language is the official language and is spoken in the community, all elementary schools in Tana Toraja teach Toraja language.Language varieties of Toraja, including Kalumpang, Mamasa, Tae' , Talondo' , Toala' , and Toraja-Sa'dan, belong to the Malayo-Polynesian language from the Austronesian family. At the outset, the isolated geographical nature of Tana Toraja formed many dialects between the Toraja languages themselves. After the formal administration of Tana Toraja, some Toraja dialects have been influenced by other languages through the transmigration program, introduced since the colonialism period, and it has been a major factor in the linguistic variety of Toraja languages. A prominent attribute of Toraja language is the notion of grief. The importance of death ceremony in Toraja culture has characterized their languages to express intricate degrees of grief and mourning. The Toraja language contains many terms referring to sadness, longing, depression, and mental pain. Giving a clear expression of the psychological and physical effect of loss is a catharsis and sometimes lessens the pain of grief itself.
ECONOMY
Prior to Suharto's "New Order" administration, the Torajan economy was based on agriculture, with cultivated wet rice in terraced fields on mountain slopes, and supplemental cassava and maize crops. Much time and energy were devoted to raising water buffalo, pigs, and chickens, primarily for ceremonial sacrifices and consumption. Coffee was the first significant cash crop produced in Toraja, and was introduced in the mid 19th century, changing the local economy towards commodity production for external markets and gaining an excellent reputation for quality in the international market .
With the commencement of the New Order in 1965, Indonesia's economy developed and opened to foreign investment. In Toraja, a coffee plantation and factory was established by Key Coffee of Japan, and Torajan coffee regained a reputation for quality within the growing international specialty coffee sector Multinational oil and mining companies opened new operations in Indonesia during the 1970s and 1980s. Torajans, particularly younger ones, relocated to work for the foreign companies - to Kalimantan for timber and oil, to Papua for mining, to the cities of Sulawesi and Java, and many went to Malaysia. The out-migration of Torajans was steady until 1985. and has continued since, with remittances sent back by emigre Torajans performing an important role within the contemporary economy.
Tourism commenced in Toraja in the 1970s, and accelerated in the 1980s and 1990s. Between 1984 and 1997, a significant number of Torajans obtained their incomes from tourism, working in and owning hotels, as tour guides, drivers, or selling souvenirs. With the rise of political and economic instability in Indonesia in the late 1990s - including religious conflicts elsewhere on Sulawesi - tourism in Tana Toraja has declined dramatically. Toraja continues to be a well known origin for Indonesian coffee, grown by both smallholders and plantation estates, although migration, remittances and off-farm income is considered far more important to most households, even those in rural areas.
TOURISM AND CULTURAL CHANGE
Before the 1970s, Toraja was almost unknown to Western tourism. In 1971, about 50 Europeans visited Tana Toraja. In 1972, at least 400 visitors attended the funeral ritual of Puang of Sangalla, the highest-ranking nobleman in Tana Toraja and the so-called "last pure-blooded Toraja noble." The event was documented by National Geographic and broadcast in several European countries. In 1976, about 12,000 tourists visited the regency and in 1981, Torajan sculpture was exhibited in major North American museums. "The land of the heavenly kings of Tana Toraja", as written in the exhibition brochure, embraced the outside world.
In 1984, the Indonesian Ministry of Tourism declared Tana Toraja Regency the prima donna of South Sulawesi. Tana Toraja was heralded as "the second stop after Bali". Tourism was increasing dramatically: by 1985, a total number of 150,000 foreigners had visited the Regency (in addition to 80,000 domestic tourists), and the annual number of foreign visitors was recorded at 40,000 in 1989. Souvenir stands appeared in Rantepao, the cultural center of Toraja, roads were sealed at the most-visited tourist sites, new hotels and tourist-oriented restaurants were opened, and an airstrip was opened in the Regency in 1981.
Tourism developers have marketed Tana Toraja as an exotic adventure - an area rich in culture and off the beaten track. Western tourists expected to see stone-age villages and pagan funerals. Toraja is for tourists who have gone as far as Bali and are willing to see more of the wild, "untouched" islands. However, they were more likely to see a Torajan wearing a hat and denim, living in a Christian society. Tourists felt that the tongkonan and other Torajan rituals had been preconceived to make profits, and complained that the destination was too commercialized. This has resulted in several clashes between Torajans and tourism developers, whom Torajans see as outsiders.
A clash between local Torajan leaders and the South Sulawesi provincial government (as a tourist developer) broke out in 1985. The government designated 18 Toraja villages and burial sites as traditional tourist attractions. Consequently, zoning restrictions were applied to these areas, such that Torajans themselves were barred from changing their tongkonans and burial sites. The plan was opposed by some Torajan leaders, as they felt that their rituals and traditions were being determined by outsiders. As a result, in 1987, the Torajan village of Kété Kesú and several other designated tourist attractions closed their doors to tourists. This closure lasted only a few days, as the villagers found it too difficult to survive without the income from selling souvenirs.
Tourism has also transformed Toraja society. Originally, there was a ritual which allowed commoners to marry nobles (puang) and thereby gain nobility for their children. However, the image of Torajan society created for the tourists, often by "lower-ranking" guides, has eroded its traditional strict hierarchy. High status is not as esteemed in Tana Toraja as it once was. Many low-ranking men can declare themselves and their children nobles by gaining enough wealth through work outside the region and then marrying a noble woman.
WIKIPEDIA
I took this photo of Hugh Jackman and the cast of X-Men Origins Wolverine arriving in Tempe Arizona with a Canon 5D Mark II camera and Canon 100-400 IS L lens.
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Cremation is the combustion, vaporization and oxidation of dead bodies to basic chemical compounds, such as gases, ashes and mineral fragments retaining the appearance of dry bone. Cremation may serve as a funeral or post-funeral rite that is an alternative to the interment of an intact dead body in a coffin or casket. Cremated remains, which do not constitute a health risk, may be buried or interred in memorial sites or cemeteries, or they may be retained by relatives and dispersed in various ways. Cremation is not an alternative to a funeral, but rather an alternative to burial or other forms of disposal.
In many countries, cremation is usually done in a crematorium. Some countries, such as India and Nepal, prefer different methods, such as open-air cremation.
HISTORY
ANCIENT
Cremation dates from at least 20,000 years ago in the archaeological record, with the Mungo Lady, the remains of a partly cremated body found at Lake Mungo, Australia.
Alternative death rituals emphasizing one method of disposal of a body - inhumation (burial), cremation, or exposure - have gone through periods of preference throughout history.
In the Middle East and Europe, both burial and cremation are evident in the archaeological record in the Neolithic era. Cultural groups had their own preferences and prohibitions. The ancient Egyptians developed an intricate transmigration of soul theology, which prohibited cremation, and this was adopted widely among other Semitic peoples. The Babylonians, according to Herodotus, embalmed their dead. Early Persians practiced cremation, but this became prohibited during the Zoroastrian Period. Phoenicians practiced both cremation and burial. From the Cycladic civilisation in 3000 BC until the Sub-Mycenaean era in 1200–1100 BC, Greeks practiced inhumation. Cremation appeared around the 12th century BC, constituting a new practice of burial, probably influenced by Anatolia. Until the Christian era, when inhumation again became the only burial practice, both combustion and inhumation had been practiced, depending on the era and location. Romans practiced both, with cremation generally associated with military honors.
In Europe, there are traces of cremation dating to the Early Bronze Age (c. 2000 BC) in the Pannonian Plain and along the middle Danube. The custom becomes dominant throughout Bronze Age Europe with the Urnfield culture (from c. 1300 BC). In the Iron Age, inhumation again becomes more common, but cremation persisted in the Villanovan culture and elsewhere. Homer's account of Patroclus' burial describes cremation with subsequent burial in a tumulus, similar to Urnfield burials, and qualifying as the earliest description of cremation rites. This may be an anachronism, as during Mycenaean times burial was generally preferred, and Homer may have been reflecting the more common use of cremation at the time the Iliad was written, centuries later.
Criticism of burial rites is a common form of aspersion by competing religions and cultures, including the association of cremation with fire sacrifice or human sacrifice.
Hinduism and Jainism are notable for not only allowing but prescribing cremation. Cremation in India is first attested in the Cemetery H culture (from c. 1900 BC), considered the formative stage of Vedic civilization. The Rigveda contains a reference to the emerging practice, in RV 10.15.14, where the forefathers "both cremated (agnidagdhá-) and uncremated (ánagnidagdha-)" are invoked.
Cremation remained common, but not universal, in both Ancient Greece and Ancient Rome. According to Cicero, in Rome, inhumation was considered the more archaic rite, while the most honoured citizens were most typically cremated - especially upper classes and members of imperial families.
Christianity frowned upon cremation, both influenced by the tenets of Judaism and as an attempt to abolish Graeco-Roman pagan rituals. By the 5th century, the practice of cremation had practically disappeared from Europe.
In early Roman Britain, cremation was usual but diminished by the 4th century. It then reappeared in the 5th and 6th centuries during the migration era, when sacrificed animals were sometimes included with the human bodies on the pyre, and the deceased were dressed in costume and with ornaments for the burning. That custom was also very widespread among the Germanic peoples of the northern continental lands from which the Anglo-Saxon migrants are supposed to have been derived, during the same period. These ashes were usually thereafter deposited in a vessel of clay or bronze in an "urn cemetery". The custom again died out with the Christian conversion of the Anglo-Saxons or Early English during the 7th century, when inhumation became general.
MIDDLE AGES
Throughout parts of Europe, cremation was forbidden by law, and even punishable by death if combined with Heathen rites.[6] Cremation was sometimes used by authorities as part of punishment for heretics, and this did not only include burning at the stake. For example, the body of John Wycliff was exhumed years after his death and cremated, with the ashes thrown in a river, explicitly as a posthumous punishment for his denial of the Roman Catholic doctrine of transubstantiation.
On the other hand, mass cremations were often performed out of fear of contagious diseases, such as after a battle, pestilence, or famine. Retributory cremation continued into modern times. For example, after World War II, the bodies of the 12 men convicted of crimes against humanity at the Nuremberg Trials were not returned to their families after execution, but were instead cremated, then disposed of at a secret location as a specific part of a legal process intended to deny their use as a location for any sort of memorial. In Japan, however, erection of a memorial building for many executed war criminals, who were also cremated, was allowed for their remains.
HINDUISM AND OTHER INDIAN ORIGN RELIGIONS
Religions such as Hinduism, Jainism, and Sikhism practice cremation. In Buddhism cremation is acceptable but not mandated. The founder, Shakyamuni Buddha was cremated. For Buddhist spiritual masters who are cremated, one of the results of cremation are the formation of Buddhist relics.
A dead adult Hindu is mourned with a cremation, while a dead child is typically buried. The rite of passage is performed in harmony with the Hindu religious view that the microcosm of all living beings is a reflection of a macrocosm of the universe. The soul (Atman, Brahman) is the essence and immortal that is released at the Antyeshti ritual, but both the body and the universe are vehicles and transitory in various schools of Hinduism. They consist of five elements - air, water, fire, earth and space. The last rite of passage returns the body to the five elements and origins. The roots of this belief are found in the Vedas, for example in the hymns of Rigveda in section 10.16, as follows:
Burn him not up, nor quite consume him, Agni: let not his body or his skin be scattered,
O all possessing Fire, when thou hast matured him, then send him on his way unto the Fathers.
When thou hast made him ready, all possessing Fire, then do thou give him over to the Fathers,
When he attains unto the life that waits him, he shall become subject to the will of gods.
The Sun receive thine eye, the Wind thy Prana (life-principle, breathe); go, as thy merit is, to earth or heaven.
Go, if it be thy lot, unto the waters; go, make thine home in plants with all thy members.
— Rigveda 10.16
The final rites, in case of untimely death of a child, is usually not cremation but a burial. This is rooted in Rig Veda's section 10.18, where the hymns mourn the death of the child, praying to deity Mrityu to "neither harm our girls nor our boys", and pleads the earth to cover, protect the deceased child as a soft wool.
SATI
The act of sati refers to a funeral ritual in which a widowed woman committed suicide on the husband's funeral pyre. While a mention of self-immolation by one of several wives of an Indian king is found in a Greek text on India, along with self-immolation by widows in Russia near Volga, tribes of Thracians in southeast Europe, and some tribes of Tonga and Fiji islands, vast majority of ancient texts do not mention this practice. Rare mentions of such cremations in aristocratic circles appear in texts dated to be before the 9th century AD, where the widow of a king had the choice to burn with him or abstain. Ancient texts of Hinduism make no mention of Sati; its early medieval era texts forbid it, while post 10th century medieval era texts partly justify it and criticize the practice. The practice of sati, grew after 1000 CE, becoming a particularly significant practice by Hindus in India during the Islamic wars of conquest in South Asia.
This practice was made illegal in 1829 during the British colonial rule of India. After gaining independence from British colonial era, India passed a series of additional laws. The Indian Sati Prevention Act from 1988 further criminalised any type of aiding, abetting, and glorifying of sati. In modern India, the last known case of Sati was in 1987, by Roop Kanwar in Rajasthan. Her action was found to be a suicide, and it led to the arrest and prosecution of people for failing to act and prevent her suicide during her husband's cremation.
BALI
Balinese Hindu dead are generally buried inside the container for a period of time, which may exceed one month or more, so that the cremation ceremony (Ngaben) can occur on an auspicious day in the Balinese-Javanese Calendar system ("Saka"). Additionally, if the departed was a court servant, member of the court or minor noble, the cremation can be postponed up to several years to coincide with the cremation of their Prince. Balinese funerals are very expensive and the body may be interred until the family can afford it or until there is a group funeral planned by the village or family when costs will be less. The purpose of burying the corpse is for the decay process to consume the fluids of the corpse, which allows for an easier, more rapid and more complete cremation.
ISLAM
Islam strictly forbids cremation. Islam has specific rites for the treatment of the body after death.
WIKIPEDIA
Lancé le 18 juin 1888 à La Ciotat
Il devait à l'origine s'appeler BRÉSIL. Mais l'Empereur Dom Pedro s'étant rendu à La Seyne pour poser le premier rivet du paquebot qui aurait dû s'appeler LA PLATA, on échangea les nom Cf: Ouvrage Cdt Lanfant page 73.
CARACTÉRISTIQUES:
Paquebot en acier avec deux cheminées, un avant droit et un long gaillard. Trois mâts avec vergues de misaine et un long roof arrière.
Long: 146.5 m HT
Large: 14.04 m
Jauge brute: 5807 tjb
Port en lourd:4690 tonnes
Déplacement: 8056 tonnes
Tirant d'eau: 7.30 m
PROPULSION:
Une machine à vapeur triple expansion, avec mise en train de type Marshall
Cylindre HP Ø: 1.16 m
Cylindre MP Ø 1.60 m
Cylindre BP Ø 2.60 m
6 chaudières Belleville à double paroi timbrées à 9 kg/cm²
Rotation arbre porte hélice: 80 tr /mn
Vitesse aux essais: 17 nœuds
Puissance développée: 5400 Cv
Éclairage électrique avec retour par la coque!! plus de 500 lampes.
PASSAGERS:
132 en 1ères classes
90 en secondes classes
745 en 3ème classes (émigrants)
LIGNE:
Service sur la ligne de La Plata
Brésil - Uruguay - Argentine
1er voyage 5 avril1889
Passe le 22 mars 1903 sur la ligne d'Australie. Il est rebaptisé NERA
ÉVÉNEMENTS :
1892 le 26 juin arrive à Montevideo à la remorque , à la suite de la rupture d'un fond de cylindre HP
The Mekong is a trans-boundary river in Southeast Asia. It is the world's 12th-longest river and the 7th-longest in Asia. Its estimated length is 4,350 km, and it drains an area of 795,000 km2, discharging 457 km3 of water annually.
From the Tibetan Plateau the river runs through China's Yunnan province, Myanmar, Laos, Thailand, Cambodia and Vietnam. In 1995, Laos, Thailand, Cambodia and Vietnam established the Mekong River Commission to assist in the management and coordinated use of the Mekong's resources. In 1996 China and Myanmar became "dialogue partners" of the MRC and the six countries now work together within a cooperative framework.
The extreme seasonal variations in flow and the presence of rapids and waterfalls in the Mekong make navigation difficult. Even so, the river is a major trade route between western China and Southeast Asia.
NAMES
In English the river is called the "Mekong River", derived from "Mae Nam Khong", a term of both Thai and Lao origin. In the Lao-Thai toponymy, "rivers" translates to "mother of water", signalled by the prefix "mae", meaning "mother", and "nam" for water. In the Mekong's case, Mae Nam Khong means "khong, the mother of water". Many northern Thai and Laos locals refer to it as the "River Khong". Such is the case with the Mae Nam Ping in Chiang Mai which is known as the "Ping River". The Tonle Sap in Cambodia is a similar example, where tonle translates as "great lake" or "great river", making the Tonle Sap River an unnecessary repetition of what is in fact the "Sap River". In Khmer language, Mékôngk means "mother of water" translated as Mé "Mother" and kôngk for kôngkea "water".
COURSE
The Mekong rises as the Za Qu and soon becomes known as the Lancang (Lantsang) in the "Three Rivers Source Area" on the Tibetan Plateau in the Sanjiangyuan National Nature Reserve; the reserve protects the headwaters of, from north to south, the Yellow (Huang He), the Mekong, and the Yangtze Rivers. It flows through the Tibetan Autonomous Region and then southeast into Yunnan Province, and then through the Three Parallel Rivers Area in the Hengduan Mountains, along with the Yangtze to its east and the Salween River (Nujiang in Chinese) to its west.
The Mekong then meets the tripoint of China, Myanmar and Laos. From there it flows southwest and forms the border of Myanmar and Laos for about 100 kilometres until it arrives at the tripoint of Myanmar, Laos, and Thailand. This is also the point of confluence between the Ruak River (which follows the Thai-Myanmar border) and the Mekong. The area of this tripoint is sometimes termed the Golden Triangle, although the term also refers to the much larger area of those three countries that is notorious as a drug producing region.
From the Golden Triangle tripoint, the Mekong turns southeast to briefly form the border of Laos with Thailand. It then turns east into the interior of Laos, flowing first east and then south for some 400 kilometres before meeting the border with Thailand again. Once more, it defines the Laos-Thailand border for some 850 kilometres as it flows first east, passing in front of the capital of Laos, Vientiane, then turns south. A second time, the river leaves the border and flows east into Laos soon passing the city of Pakse. Thereafter, it turns and runs more or less directly south, crossing into Cambodia.
At Phnom Penh the river is joined on the right bank by the river and lake system the Tonlé Sap. When the Mekong is low, the Tonle Sap is a tributary; water flows from the lake and river into the Mekong. When the Mekong floods, the flow reverses; the floodwaters of the Mekong flow up the Tonle Sap.
Immediately after the Sap River joins the Mekong by Phnom Penh, the Bassac River branches off the right (west) bank. The Bassac River is the first and main distributary of the Mekong; thus, this is the beginning of the Mekong Delta. The two rivers, the Bassac to the west and the Mekong to the east, enter Vietnam very soon after this. In Vietnam, the Bassac is called the Hậu River (Sông Hậu or Hậu Giang); the main, eastern, branch of the Mekong is called the Tiền River or Tiền Giang. In Vietnam, distributaries of the eastern (main, Mekong) branch include the Mỹ Tho River, the Ba Lai River, the Hàm Luông River, and the Cổ Chiên River.
DRAINAGE BASIN
The Mekong Basin can be divided into two parts: the 'Upper Mekong Basin' in Tibet of China, and the 'Lower Mekong Basin' from Yunnan downstream from China to the South China Sea. From the point where it rises to its mouth, the most precipitous drop in the Mekong occurs in Upper Mekong Basin, a stretch of some 2,200 km. Here, it drops 4,500 metres before it enters the Lower Basin where the borders of Thailand, Laos, China and Myanmar come together in the Golden Triangle. Downstream from the Golden Triangle, the river flows for a further 2,600 km through Laos, Thailand and Cambodia before entering the South China Sea via a complex delta system in Vietnam.
UPPER BASIN
The Upper Basin makes up 24 percent of the total area and contributes 15 to 20 percent of the water that flows into the Mekong River. The catchment here is steep and narrow. Soil erosion has been a major problem and approximately 50 percent of the sediment in the river comes from the Upper Basin.
In Yunnan province in China, the river and its tributaries are confined by narrow, deep gorges. The tributary river systems in this part of the basin are small. Only 14 have catchment areas that exceed 1,000 km2, yet the greatest amount of loss of forest cover in the entire river system per square kilometer has occurred in this region due to heavy unchecked demand for natural resources. In the south of Yunnan, in Simao and Xishuangbanna Prefectures, the river changes as the valley opens out, the floodplain becomes wider, and the river becomes wider and slower.
LOWER BASIN
Major tributary systems develop in the Lower Basin. These systems can be separated into two groups: tributaries that contribute to the major wet season flows, and tributaries that drain low relief regions of lower rainfall. The first group are left bank tributaries that drain the high-rainfall areas of Lao PDR. The second group are those on the right bank, mainly the Mun and Chi rivers, that drain a large part of northeast Thailand.
Laos lies almost entirely within the Lower Mekong Basin. Its climate, landscape and land use are the major factors shaping the hydrology of the river. The mountainous landscape means that only 16 percent of the country is farmed under lowland terrace or upland shifting cultivation. With upland shifting agriculture (slash and burn), soils recover within 10 to 20 years but the vegetation does not. Shifting cultivation is common in the uplands of Northern Laos and is reported to account for as much as 27 percent of the total land under rice cultivation. As elsewhere in the basin, forest cover has been steadily reduced during the last three decades by shifting agriculture and permanent agriculture. The cumulative impacts of these activities on the river regime have not been measured. However, the hydrological impacts of land-cover changes induced by the Vietnam War were quantified in two sub-catchments of the Lower Mekong River Basin.
Loss of forest cover in the Thai areas of the Lower Basin has been the highest in all the Lower Mekong countries over the past 60 years. On the Khorat Plateau, which includes the Mun and Chi tributary systems, forest cover was reduced from 42 percent in 1961 to 13 percent in 1993. Although this part of northeast Thailand has an annual rainfall of more than 1,000 mm, a high evaporation rate means it is classified as a semi-arid region. Consequently, although the Mun and Chi Basins drain 15 percent of the entire Mekong Basin, they only contribute six percent of the average annual flow. Sandy and saline soils are the most common soil types, which makes much of the land unsuitable for wet rice cultivation. In spite of poor fertility, however, agriculture is intensive. Glutinous rice, maize and cassava are the principal crops. Drought is by far the major hydrological hazard in this region.
As the Mekong enters Cambodia, over 95 percent of the flows have already joined the river. From here on downstream the terrain is flat and water levels rather than flow volumes determine the movement of water across the landscape. The seasonal cycle of changing water levels at Phnom Penh results in the unique "flow reversal" of water into and out of the Great Lake via the Tonle Sap River. Phnom Penh also marks the beginning of the delta system of the Mekong River. Here the mainstream begins to break up into an increasing number of branches.
In Cambodia, wet rice is the main crop and is grown on the flood plains of the Tonle Sap, Mekong, and Bassac (the Mekong delta distributary known as the Hậu in Vietnam) Rivers. More than half of Cambodia remains covered with mixed evergreen and deciduous broadleaf forest, but forest cover has decreased from 73 percent in 1973 to 63 percent in 1993. Here, the river landscape is flat. Small changes in water level determine the direction of water movement, including the large-scale reversal of flow into and out of the Tonle Sap basin from the Mekong River.
The Mekong delta in Vietnam is farmed intensively and has little natural vegetation left. Forest cover is less than 10 percent. In the Central Highlands of Vietnam, forest cover was reduced from over 95 percent in the 1950s to around 50 percent in the mid-1990s. Agricultural expansion and population pressure are the major reasons for land use and landscape change. Both drought and flood are common hazards in the Delta, which many people believe is the most sensitive to upstream hydrological change.
WATER FLOW ALONG ITS COURSE
By taking into account hydrological regimes, physiography land use, and existing, planned and potential resource developments, the Mekong is divided into six distinct reaches:Reach 1: Lancang Jiang or Upper Mekong River in China. In this part of the river, the major source of water flowing into the river comes from melting snow on the Tibetan Plateau. This volume of water is sometimes called the “Yunnan Component” and plays an important role in the low-flow hydrology of the lower mainstream. Even as far downstream as Kratie, the Yunnan Component makes up almost 30 percent of the average dry season flow. A major concern is that the ongoing and planned expansion of dams and reservoirs on the Mekong mainstream in Yunnan could have a significant effect on the low-flow regime of the Lower Mekong Basin system.
Reach 2: Chiang Saen to Vientiane and Nong Khai. This reach is almost entirely mountainous and covered with natural forest, although there has been widespread slash and burn agriculture. Although this reach could hardly be described as "unspoiled", the hydrological response is perhaps the most natural and undisturbed in all the Lower Basin. Many hydrological aspects of the Lower Basin start to change rapidly at the downstream boundary of this reach.
Reach 3: Vientiane and Nong Khai to Pakse. The boundary between Reach 2 and 3 is where the Mekong hydrology starts to change. Reach 2 is dominated in both wet and dry seasons by the Yunnan Component. Reach 3 is increasingly influenced by contributions from the large left bank tributaries in Laos, namely the Nam Ngum, Nam Theun, Nam Hinboun, Se Bang Fai, Se Bang Hieng, and Se Done rivers. The Mun-Chi river system from the right bank in Thailand enters the mainstream within this reach.
Reach 4: Pakse to Kratie. The main hydrological contributions to the mainstream in this reach come from the Se Kong, Se San, and Sre Pok catchments. Together, these rivers make up the largest hydrological sub-component of the Lower Basin. Over 25 percent of the mean annual flow volume to the mainstream at Kratie comes from these three river basins. They are the key element in the hydrology of this part of the system, especially to the Tonle Sap flow reversal.
Reach 5: Kratie to Phnom Penh. This reach includes the hydraulic complexities of the Cambodian floodplain, the Tonle Sap and the Great Lake. By this stage, over 95 percent of the total flow has entered the Mekong system. The focus turns from hydrology and water discharge to the assessment of water level, over- bank storage and flooding and the hydrodynamics that determine the timing, duration and volume of the seasonal flow reversal into and out of the Great Lake.
Reach 6: Phnom Penh to the South China Sea. Here the mainstream divides into a complex and increasingly controlled and artificial system of branches and canals. Key features of flow behaviour are tidal influences and salt water intrusion. Every year, 35–50 percent of this reach is flooded during the rainy season. The impact of road embankments and similar infrastructure developments on the movement of this flood water is an increasingly important consequence of development.
Flows at Chiang Saen entering the Lower Basin from Yunnan make up about 15 percent of the wet season flow at Kratie. This rises to 40 percent during the dry season, even this far downstream. During the wet season, the proportion of average flow coming from Yunnan rapidly decreases downstream of Chiang Saen, from 70 percent to less than 20 percent at Kratie. The dry season contribution from Yunnan is much more significant. The major portion of the balance comes from Laos, which points to a major distinction in the low-flow hydrology of the river. One fraction comes from melting snow in China and Tibet and the rest from over-season catchment storage in the Lower Basin. This has implications for the occurrence of drought conditions. For example, if runoff from melting snow in any given year is very low, then flows upstream of Vientiane-Nong Khai would be lower.
In a large river system like the Mekong, seasonal flows can be quite variable from year to year. Although the pattern of the annual hydrograph is fairly predictable, its magnitude is not. The average monthly flows along the mainstream are listed in Table 3, providing an indication of their range and variability from year to year. At Pakse, for example, flood season flows during August would exceed 20,000 cubic metres per second 9 years out of 10, but exceed 34,000 m³/s only 1 year in ten.
RIVER MODIFICATIONS
The Mekong is already heavily dammed, with many more dams planned and under construction. China has already built 6 dams on the Mekong since 1995, and plans another 14 dams in the coming years. Downriver countries such as Laos are planning to build an additional 11 large dams on the Mekong, making it the fastest growing large river basin in the world in terms of hydropower construction.
NATURAL HISTORY
The Mekong basin is one of the richest areas of biodiversity in the world. Only the Amazon boasts a higher level of biodiversity. Biota estimates for the Greater Mekong Subregion (GMS) include 20,000 plant species, 430 mammals, 1,200 birds, 800 reptiles and amphibians, and an estimated 850 freshwater fish species (excluding euryhaline species mainly found in salt or brackish water, as well as introduced species). The most species richness orders among the freshwater fish in the river basin are cypriniforms (377 species) and catfish (92 species). New species are regularly described from the Mekong. In 2009, 145 new species were described from the region, comprising 29 fish species previously unknown to science, 2 new bird species, 10 reptiles, 5 mammals, 96 plants and 6 new amphibians. The Mekong Region contains 16 WWF Global 200 ecoregions, the greatest concentration of ecoregions in mainland Asia. No other river is home to so many species of very large fish. The biggest include three species of Probarbus babs, which can grow up to 1.5 metres and weigh 70 kilograms, the giant freshwater stingray (Himantura polylepis, syn. H. chaophraya), which can have a length of up to 4.3 metres, the giant pangasius (Pangasius sanitwongsei), giant barb (Catlocarpio siamensis) and the endemic Mekong giant catfish (Pangasianodon gigas). The last three can grow up to about 3 metres in length and weigh 300 kilograms. All of these are in serious decline, because of dams, flood control and overfishing.
One species of freshwater dolphin, the Irrawaddy dolphin (Orcaella brevirostris), was once common in the whole of the Lower Mekong but is now very rare, with only 85 individuals remaining.
Among other wetland mammals that have been living in and around the river are the smooth-coated otter (Lutra perspicillata) and fishing cat (Prionailurus viverrinus).
The endangered Siamese crocodile (Crocodylus siamensis) occurs in small isolated pockets within the northern Cambodian and Laotian portions of the Mekong River. The saltwater crocodile (Crocodylus porosus) once ranged from the Mekong Delta up the river into Tonle Sap and beyond but is now extinct in the river, along with being extinct in all of Vietnam and possibly even Cambodia.
WIKIPEDIA
Le origini di Saracena si perdono nella foschia del passato ed acquistano sapore di leggenda.
Si vuole che discenda dall’Antica Sestio, fondata dagli Enotrii, come riferiscono Stradone, Stefano di Bisanzio e Padre Fiore, nella sua “Calabria Illustrata”, (così parla di Saracena) “Terra antichissima è la medesima che già fiorì col nome di Sestio, edificata dagli Enotrii”.
Secondo i calcoli del suddetto Padre Fiore, Sestio sarebbe stata fondata intorno al 2256 a.C., e nel 900 dell’era cristiana, venne conquistata dai Saraceni i quali vi fissarono la loro sede. Ma poco dopo, l’esercito imperiale di Costantinopoli assalì e distrusse la città. A ricordo di questa leggenda, raffigurata anche in un antico affresco sul frontespizio della cappella di S. Antonio e nella sacrestia di S. Maria del Gamio, nel timbro comunale e nel gonfalone di Saracena, viene raffigurata una donna che fugge, avvolta in un lenzuolo, con intorno la scritta: “Universitas terrae Saracinae”.
Castello baronale Ex Castello Baronale
Il nuovo paese, sorto successivamente intorno al castello baronale, cinto di mura e fortificato di quattro porte ( Porta del Vaglio, Porta S. Pietro, Porta Nuova e Porta dello Scarano ), con l’arrivo dei Normanni, diventò dominio feudale.
Il Feudo di Saracena, valutato quarantamila ducati, appartenne ai Duchi di S. Marco e poi ai Principi di Bisignano. Alla fine del 1600 fu acquistato all’asta pubblica, per 45.000 ducati, dal Duca Laurenzana Gaetani, il quale, intorno al 1613, lo cedette ai Signori Pescara di Diano. Dopo la morte del Duca Pescara, avvenuta nel 1515, il Feudo di Saracena passò sotto il dominio dei Principi Spinelli di Scalea, dove vi rimase fino al 1806. Ma, il 14 Agosto di questo stesso anno, per volere di Napoleone Bonaparte, fu emanata la legge eversiva della feudalità, con la quale questa veniva abolita. I suoi feudatari abitarono il maestoso castello fino al XIII secolo.
Edificato nel punto migliore del paese, abbracciava con la sua imponenza un ampio scorcio paesaggistico: le rive marine da quelle di Cerchiara fino a Capo dell’Alice, le montagne della Sila, la Valle di Cosenza e tutti i paesi che vi stanno intorno. Questo castello, originariamente era dimora di illustri personaggi, conteneva sale lussuosissime ricche di preziosi ornamenti; era bella a vedersi soprattutto la cosiddetta “ministalla”, cioè un ampio locale per cavalli.
Il Castello in seguito fu soggetto a devastazione, le mura e le torri furono distrutte e per poco compenso ne furono vendute le pietre, i mattoni e le travi. Un certo Leone Rotondaro acquistò l’intero edificio che fu restaurato ed adibito ad abitazione. Un manoscritto rinvenuto all’interno dello stesso castello ci fornisce notizie dettagliate sulla storia di quest’ultimo. Il manoscritto testimonia che il castello, di antichissima costruzione, era munito di torri e di molte uscite sotterranee ed era chiamato “Castello di Sestio” perché difendeva la città. Nel X secolo d.c. la città di Sestio, occupata dai Saraceni, fu presa dai Costantinopolitani (inviata dall’Imperatore d’Oriente) che distrussero la città. Gli abitanti che riuscirono a sfuggire all’assalto si rifugiarono ai piedi del castello e intorno ad esso costruirono case; nacque così un piccolo paese chiamato “Saracina” in onore della donna saracina che aveva tenuto le sorti della città. Questo paese fu fortificato, da mura e si fecero quattro porte con le torri, simili a quelle del castello per difendere il paese dagli assalti dei nemici. Anton Sanseverino alla fine dell’anno mille fece costruire il braccio che corrisponde all’attuale parrocchia di San Leone.
Around two hundred activists from Disabled People Against Cuts (DPAC), Disabled Activists Network (DAN), WinVisible and anti-corporate tax-avoidance campaigners UK Uncut joined forces on 28.01.2012 to carry out a demonstration and acts of civil disobedience to protest against the ongoing savage cuts being made to disability benefits by the Coalition Government led by Old Etonian, ex-Bullingdon Club member and ex-PR man, prime minister David Cameron, who has overseen a concerted public attack on the weakest, most vulnerable members of British society - the sick, the disabled and the dying - who are seeing the welfare benefits they depend on to survive slashed at the same time as they have been publicly demonised and branded work-shy scroungers by a compliant right-wing press, in order to slash the welfare budget, which is the Cameron government's only solution to the economic shockwaves caused by the banking crisis of 2008.
Congregating first in Holborn Circus by organizers, the activists (many of whom were in wheelchairs, had guide dogs, or were accompanied by their Carers and Buddies), who had earlier been instructed to arrive with a valid Oyster travel card - were entertained by a samba drum troupe. Suddenly the signal was ,given, and everyone (except the wheelchair-users, who had to find other transport because of the woefully abysmal provision for the disabled on 90% of the Victorian rail system) entered Holborn Underground Station en-masse to reappear at their top-secret destination two short stops away - the large, busy junction of Oxford Street and Regent Street, where they proceeded to spill onto the new Tokyo-style pedestrian crossing before completely blocking all traffic from the North by chaining their wheelchairs together across the road, anchored at each end to the wrought-iron railings at the entrances to the Underground station.
Police looked on, almost powerless to act without being seen to physically manhandle many severely disabled people, and it's very doubtful if they have provision to load electric wheelchairs into police carriers and hold them in custody suites without a huge public relations disaster, so instead they sensibly adopted a pastoral role, doing what they could to keep the peaceful-but-very-vocal protesters safe for the three hours their act of civil disobedience lasted, after which they all calmly dissapated, vanishing back into the underground system and home for a well-earned rest after a triumphant protest.
This is the first time that Disabled People Against Cuts (DPAC) have had any significant support on one of their direct actions, and being joined by the extremely effective corporate tax-avoidance protesters from UK Uncut was a fantastic morale boost for the battle-hardened disabled activists. For well over a year DPAC has been fighting back against David Cameron's swingeing "austerity" cuts to the welfare budget, especially to provision for the disabled, which are only hurting the most vulnerable in our society. It seems as if the message is finally getting through to other single-issue protest groups that everything is related to everything else. Taking Disability Living Allowance from half a million disabled people, making them homeless and destitue with their considerable physical and/or mental health complications may save the Department of Work and Pensions' annual budget, but the burden of caring for all these people will now fall to local councils, already chronically stretched by huge government cuts to their budgets - and it is widely understood by everyone that it is much, much cheaper to keep a disabled person living independently with State help than it is to reinstate the Victorian Institutions and Hospitals, which past campaigners fought so hard for so long to abolish because of the inherent cruelty in institutionalising the disabled who previously had independent lives and employment but can no longer get to work because the Conservative government has taken away their mobility allowances...
All photos © 2012 Pete Riches
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A chence meeting with a warden deep in an ancient beech wood revealed how to access the church, she even showed me which way out of the wood to emerge nearest the church.
Quits some difference to my last visit, on a cold a dreary February day last year. This time sprng had fully sprung, the churchyard fill of new growth and the air full of bird song.
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Hidden down narrow lanes this surprising church offers much to the churchcrawler. Norman in origin but thirteenth century in form, the piers of both arcades have surprisingly detailed capitals. The rood screen still divides nave and chancel, though the coving and much of the rest is replacement. Its upper and lower doorways survive, the lower one having its original medieval hinges. The font is thirteenth century but at some time has had new piers – old photos show it with a solid base. The north tower dates from the 20th century and was designed by Bensted of Maidstone – a gothic fantasy if ever there was one compared to the plain structure it enhanced. A ledger slab in the chancel commemorates a senior lawyer at the New Inns of Court and describes him as ` ancient ` - not in age but in seniority!
www.kentchurches.info/church.asp?p=Stalisfield
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TQ 95 SE STALISFIELD CHURCH ROAD
(east side)
6/121 Church of
St. Mary
24.1.67 II*
Parish church. C13 and restored 1904. Flint and sandstone with
plain tiled roof. Chancel with south chapel, nave with aisles,
north tower. Exterior heavily restored, tower topped by weather
vane dated 1904, over a wooden belfry with tiled roof.- Three
light C15 east window, otherwise C19 fenestration. Double
chamfered west doorway. Interior: nave arcades of 2 bays, on
square piers with chamfered corners and trefoiled archlet to
heavy moulded abaci, Roof of 3 tall crown posts. Single
chamfered arch on imposts from chancel to chapel and blocked
arch to demolished north chapel. Double chamfered chancel arch.
Fittings: trefoil headed piscina in chancel. Rood screen:C15
perpendicular. Five bays, each with four-light traceried openings-
with crenellated oblique transoms. Vine motif frieze above blank
tracery on lower panels, with angels, eagles and roses in
spandrels. Attached shafts support frieze of Tudor flowers with
renewed cove. C13 font on 5 shafts with 4 blank arches on each
side of bowl. Royal coat of arms (obscured at time of survey)
carved in high relief on nave south wall. (See B.O.E. Kent II,
1983, 465 and illus. 65.)
Listing NGR: TQ9673852434
www.britishlistedbuildings.co.uk/en-176527-church-of-st-m...
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COMMONLY called Starchfield, adjoins to the parish of Easling south-eastward. It is called in Domesday, Stanefelle, which is the same as Stonefield, a name well adapted to the flinty soil of it.
THE PARISH is an unfrequented and obscure place, situated in a wild and dreary country, near the summit of the chalk hills, just above Charing, its southern boundary. It lies on high ground, exceedingly bleak, and exposed to north and north-east winds. The land in it is in general a red cludgy earth, of very stiff tillage, very barren, wet and flinty, and the inhabitants, as well as the country, are equally poor. It has continued hill and dale in it, the greater part of it is coppice wood, which is mostly beech and oak, usually felled at sixteen and eighteen years growth, and even then from its sort, and its out of the way distance from markets, is not of any great worth; what village there is stands round Starchfield-green, lying near the summit of the hill, on the road to Charing, at the south-west part of the parish, the church in the opposite part of it, and the parsonage midway between them. Near the north-east boundary of the parish, next to Throwley, is an estate called Holborne, but its proper name is Holbean, belonging to St. Bartholomew's hospital, in London; it is said formerly to have belonged to the north chantry of this church of Starchfield.
THIS PLACE, at the time of the taking of the general survey of Domesday, in 1080, was part of the possessions of Odo, bishop of Baieux, under the general title of whose lands it is thus described in it:
The same Adam (de Port) holds of the bishop Stanefelle. It was taxed at two sulings. The arable land is four carucates. In demesne there is one carucate, and ten villeins, having two carucates.There is a church,and six servants,and two acres of meadow.Wood for the pannage of sixty hogs.In the time of king Edward the Confessor it was worth sixty shillings, and afterwards forty shillings,now one hundred shillings,Turgis held it of earl Godwin.
On the bishop of Baieux's disgrace, about four years afterwards, this, among the rest of his possessions, came into the hands of the crown, so that Adam de Port before-mentioned, became the king's immediate tenant of it, of whose heirs it was again held afterwards by Arnulf Kade, who gave this manor, with that of Ore and its appurtenances, to the knights hospitallers, and it was assigned by them to the jurisdiction of their preceptory at Swingfield.
This manor continued part of their possessions till the general dissolution of their hospital, in the 32d year of Henry VIII. After which this manor did not remain long in the hands of the crown, for the king, in his 36th year, granted it to Sir Anthony St. Leger and his heirs male, to hold in capite by knight's service, who by the act of the 2d and 3d of Edward VI. procured his lands in this county to be disgavelled. After which, Edward VI. in his 4th year, made a grant of this manor to him and his heirs, to hold by the like service. (fn. 1) He immediately afterwards passed it away by sale to Sir Anthony Aucher, of Bishopsborne, whose son Sir Anthony Aucher, about the beginning of king James I.'s reign, sold it to Salter, whose descendant Sir Nicholas Salter, possessed it at the restoration of Charles II. They bore for their arms, Gules, ten billets, four, three, two, and one, a bordure engrailed, argent, charged with sixteen burts and torteauxes, alternately. His son Nicholas Salter, esq. of Stoke Poges, in Buckinghamshire, died in the reign of king William and queen Mary, leaving one son John, who was of London, surgeon, and three daughters, towards the raising of whose portions, he by his will ordered this manor to be sold, which it accordingly was, in 1699, to Mr. Richard Webbe, of Eleham; he, in 1711, after some controversies at law for the possession of it, alienated all his right and title to it to the trustees, for the periormance of the will of dame Sarah Barrett, widow of Sir Paul Barrett, serjeant-at-law, who had died in the beginning of that year.
She was the only daughter and heir of Sir George Ent, M. D. of London, and president of the college of physicians, and widow of Francis Head, esq. eldest son of Sir Richard Head, bart. who died in his father's life-time. She had by her first husband one son, Sir Francis Head, bart. of and a daughter Sarah, married to John Lynch, esq. of Groves, father of John Lynch, D D. dean of Canterbury, who left issue Sir William Lynch, K. B. and John Lynch, LL. D. archdeacon and prebendary of Canterbury.
Lady Barrett, by the trusts of her will, devised this manor to her male issue by her first husband in tail male, remainder to the issue of Sarah her daughter by the same husband in like tail, remainder to her several daughters and their heirs in fee; by virtue of which limitation, her grandson Sir Francis Head, bart. at length succeeded to it, and son his death in 1768, without male issue, his next brother Sir John Head, bart. and archdeacon of Canterbury, became possessed of it, and died s. p. in 1769, leaving his widow lady Jane Head, sister of Dr. William Geekie, prebendary of Canterbury, surviving, on whom he had settled this manor in jointure; she died in 1780, on which the property of it, under the above will, became vested in lady Barrett's next heir male Sir William Lynch, K.B. of Grove, who was her great-grandson, being the eldest son of John Lynch, D. D. dean of Canterbury, the son of John Lynch, esq. by Sarah his wife, her daughter by Francis Head, esq. who, to bar all further remainders, with his brother Dr. John Lynch, suffered a recovery of this manor, and died in 1785, s. p. After which it was alienated to the Rev. Wanley Sawbridge, who dying unmarried and interstate in 1796, it came to his two nephews and heirs-at-law, Samuel-Elias and Wanley Sawbridge, esqrs. who are the present possessors of it. A court baron is held for this manor.
DARBIES-COURT, is a manor situated in the northwest part of this parish, which took its name from a family who resided at it, and were of the rank of gentlemen in very early times, for in the antient registers and rolls of Kentish gentry, their coat armour is thus described, Party, per chevron embattled, or, and azure, three eagles counterchanged. In the 20th year of king Edward III. Sara de Darbye paid aid for lands here, which William de Darbie and the heirs of Thomas Franklyn held before in Winsfield, of Reginald de Cornhill, by knight's service; and there is a hamlet and valley adjoining to Darbies-court, once part of it, called at this time Wingfield, and Wingfield valley. Of this family was John Darbie, who was alderman of London, and sheriff in 1445, anno 24 Henry VI. who built the south isle of St. Dionis Backchurch, in that city, and was otherwise a good benefactor to it; in memory of which, the above-mentioned coat of arms was put up in the windows of it. (fn. 2)
But the manor of Darbies court was alienated by one of that family, in the beginning of the reign of Henry IV. to Sir Ralph St. Leger, of Otterden, who died in the 10th year of that reign, leaving a daughter Joane, then the wife of Henry Aucher, esq. of Newenden, who entitled her husband to the possession of it. In whose descendants this manor continued till the reign of queen Elizabeth, when it was alienated to Sir Michael Sondes, then of Eastry, who was the second son of Sir Anthony Sondes, of Throwley, and on his elder brother Sir Thomas Sondes's death, in 1592, without male issue, succeeded him in his seat at Throwley, as well as the rest of his intailed estates in this county. He afterwards resided at Throwley, where he died in 1617, anno 16 James I. Since which this manor has descended, in like manner as Throwley and Lees-court, in Sheldwich, both which the reader will find described in the future part of this volume down to the right hon. Lewis-Thomas, lord Sondes, the present possessor of it. A court baron is held for this manor.
Charities.
ROGER PAYNE, ESQ. late of Otterden, by his will in 1706, gave 20l. chargeable on his estate at Otterden, to poor housekeepers of this parish; which is placed out at interest at 4l. per cent. the yearly distribution of it being vested in the minister, churchwardens, and overseers.
The poor constantly relieved are about thirty; casually thirty-five.
This PARISH is within the ECCLESIASTICAL JURISDICTION of the diocese of Canterbury, and deanry of Ospringe.
The church, which stands near the centre of the parish, is dedicated to St. Mary. It is built in the form of a cross; the steeple stands in the middle of the south side. In the north wall of the north chancel is an antient tomb, with the effigies of a man in armour lying at length on it. In the east window are these coats of arms, Sable, a chevron gules, between three clothworkers handles, or; another, the coat broke, impaling, Quarterly, azure and argent, per fess indented, surmounted by a battune, or, and azure.
The church of Ore was antiently accounted as a chapel to this of Stalisfield, but it has been long since separated, and become a distinct church independent of it.
The church of Stalisfield belonged to the priory of St. Gregory, in Canterbury, perhaps part of its original endowment by archbishop Lansranc, in the reign of the Conqueror, and it was confirmed to it, among the rest of its possessions, by archbishop Hubert, about the reign of Richard I. (fn. 3)
In the 8th year of Richard II. it was become appropriated to the above-mentioned priory, and a vicarage endowed in it, the former being then valued at twelve pounds, and the latter at four pounds, on the taxation of them.
The church, with the advowson of the vicarage, remained part of the possessions of the priory till the dissolution of it in the reign of Henry VIII. when they came into the hands of the crown, where they remained but a small time, for an act passed that year to enable the king and the archbishop of Canterbury to exchange the scite of the late dissolved priory of St. Radigund, near Dover, with all its possessions, lately given by the king to the archbishop for the scite of the late dissolved priory of St. Gregory, and all its possessions, excepting the manor of Howfield, in Chartham.
This church becoming thus part of the revenues of the see of Canterbury, was demised by the archbishop, among the rest of the revenues of the priory, in one grands beneficial lease, in which, all advowsons and nominations of churches and chapels were excepted, and it has been continued under the same kind of demise from time to time ever since, renewable in like manner as such leases usually are.
¶Philip, earl of Chesterfield, was lessee of this parsonage as part of the above premises, as heir to the Wottons, after whose death in 1773, the lease was sold by his executors to George Gipps, esq. of Canterbury, who is the present lessee under the archbishop for the parsonage of Stalisfield, among the rest of the possessions of the priory of St. Gregory, but SamuelElias and Wanley Sawbridge, esqrs. as heirs of their uncle the Rev. Wanley Sawbridge, late vicar of this parish, are the occupiers of it, at a yearly reserved rent under him. The parsonage consists of a house, buildings, yard, and small orchard, ninety-four acres of land, and nine acres of wood, let together with the tithes of corn, at 75l. per annum; besides which, there are sixteen acres of woodland more in the hands of the lessee of the parsonage, worth 3l. 10s. per annum. It pays 7s. 6d. procurations to the archdeacon, and 6s. 4d. to the archbishop at his visitations.
The vicarage of this church appears to have been endowed before the 8th of Richard II. by the taxation then made of it. It is valued in the king's books at 5l. 6s. 8d. and the yearly tenths at 10s. 8d. and is now of the yearly certified value of 33l. 18s. 3d. In 1587 there were sixty-one communicants here. In 1640 it was valued at only 35l. and the communicants were the like number.
Archbishop Juxon, by indenture anno 13 king Charles II. and by another anno 28 of that reign, augmented it with 25l. per annum, to be paid by the lessee of the great tithes. The archbishop continues patron of this vicarage.
THERE WAS a portion of tithes in this parish, of the value of ten shillings, which was given soon after the conquest to the priory of St. Andrew, in Rochester, by Humphry Canute; and this gift was afterwards confirmed by D. de Monci, his descendant, to be holden in like manner as the same was held of his ancestors; and it was likewise confirmed to it by the archbishops Richard, Baldwin, and Hubert. (fn. 4)
This local tradition has its origins in the early 19th century in the days when religion played a much larger part in people’s lives than today and Christian festivals were also a rare opportunity for a local holiday. In 1801 the first annual Sunday School procession was introduced in Manchester at Whitsuntide and by 1813 the idea of an outing for Sunday School children after the procession had become common in many North West mill towns.By 1834 the idea of Warrington Walking Day was already established, possibly begun by Rector Horace Powys (pictured left). The procession took place in early to mid June on the last Friday of the Newton race meeting, as a counter-attraction to the dangers of drunkenness and gambling!At first only the members of the Church of England took part, but by the middle of nineteenth century there were three separate processions. The Church of England started from the Old Market Place (until 1873 when it began from the Town Hall), and the Roman Catholics had a separate route around the town centre after the Church of England parade. The Nonconformist churches also followed a separate route around the town which often finished at Bank Quay station for an afternoon out by train. Not surprisingly the processions often met head on!The 1897 saw a special Jubilee Walking Day to celebrate the 60th Anniversary of Queen Victoria’s accession to the throne. No less than 14,000 children took part and the procession passed the Town Hall steps where each child aged 3-14 received a three penny piece from the Mayor. St James’s Sunday School from Latchford adopted a patriotic theme. Their procession included a model warship!The Warrington Guardian reported that “a number of lads dressed as sailors drew a model of an ironclad whilst two lads in front carried a banner containing Nelson’s last signal to the fleet. As they passed the Town hall steps they were cheered by onlookers.”By then it had become an annual festival and a day’s holiday for all Warrington’s young people, but it wasn’t until the early twentieth century that Walking Day as we now know it had evolved. This was when all participants from all churches walked together, although still not from the same starting point. The first time all three groups had walked together was for Walking Day in 1902, the Coronation year of Edward VII, but this unity was short lived.Warrington Walking Day has taken place every year since it began, except in the early 1940s during the Second World War. After the War ended in 1945, about 10,000 children and adults joined the Walk to celebrate peace.It was not until the 1990s that everyone walked exactly the same route, to come together after the explosion of the IRA bomb in Bridge Street in Warrington town centre in 1993, which tragically killed two young boys.As well as the religious procession there was always a carnival atmosphere on Walking Day, perhaps a reminder of Warrington’s medieval Summer Fair, held on the 6th,7th and 8th July. In 1879 the Warrington Guardian reported that:-“Long before the usual time the streets were swarming with gaily dressed children and crowds of people were hurrying from all parts of the town to the more central parts of Market Gate and Sankey Street… In Sankey Street several large flags were flying and there was a good general display of bunting, whilst all the windows were packed with sightseers. Numerous itinerant hawkers did a roaring trade, especially in gorgeous penny canes, with knobs and tassel complete, which nearly every youngster who could raise the copper seemed to think it was part of his duty to purchase. Besides these there were toffee vendors and orange sellers.”When Walking Day became a whole day’s holiday, excursions regularly took place to the surrounding countryside in the afternoon after the Walk. In the early twentieth century the Saturday after Walking Day was also when trips took place, usually by train or bus to the seaside. At this time the fair in Victoria Park (or Alford Park) began, bringing noise, fun and many exciting rides to the town.There are also many other smaller walking days around Warrington every summer, in areas such as Grappenhall, Orford, Padgate, Penketh, Stockton Heath, Stretton and Winwick, to name but a few, and as they take place on open roads, there are floats and dancers as well as the walkers and the bands.
www.warringtonmuseum.co.uk/local-history/how-did-warringt...
Menier est une entreprise chocolatière française fondée en 1816 par Antoine Brutus Menier qui a commencé à fabriquer les tablettes en 1856.
C'est Jean Antoine Brutus Menier qui fonde en 1816, l’entreprise chocolatière qui porte son nom. Celle-ci, installée à l’origine dans le quartier du Marais à Paris (rue Sainte-Croix-de-la-Bretonnerie), vend des produits pharmaceutiques et des médicaments à base de chocolat aux vertus thérapeutiques.
En 1825, la firme déménage à Noisiel, sur le site de l’ancien moulin. En 1836, elle est la première à créer la tablette de chocolat. En 1867, Emile-Justin, fils d'Antoine Brutus Menier, décide de recentrer son usine sur la fabrication de chocolat. C’est aussi le moment de l’essor de la production et des effectifs de l’entreprise qui passent de 50 ouvriers en 1856 à 325 en 1867 (ils seront plus de 1 500 dans les années 1950).
Le moulin est conçu par l'architecte Jules Saulnier et construit (1869-1872) par l'ingénieur Armand Moisant. C'est le premier bâtiment au monde à structure métallique apparente. Il est aussi caractérisé par les motifs de sa façade en carreaux de céramiques.
À la mort d'Emile-Justin, en 1881, ce sont ses fils, Gaston, Albert et surtout l'ainé, Henri, qui assurent les destinées de l'entreprise familiale. La fortune des Menier est telle, que Henri Menier, qui est par ailleurs maire de Noisiel, consacre une grande partie de son temps et de son argent à ses deux passions que sont le yachting et la course automobile. En 1895, il achète même l'Île d'Anticosti dans le golfe du Saint-Laurent au Canada pour en faire une réserve privée de chasse et de pêche et y fonde Port-Menier. En avril 1913, il acquiert le domaine et le château de Chenonceau qui, à sa mort, au mois de septembre suivant, est transmis à son frère Gaston, qui revend l'île d'Anticosti à une compagnie forestière canadienne en 1926. La chocolaterie cesse d'innover tandis que débute la Première Guerre mondiale. Gaston meurt en 1934, ses fils Georges, puis Jacques, lui succèdent, mais le Front populaire, fait perdre la mairie de Noisiel à la famille en 1938.
Après la Seconde Guerre mondiale, la firme commence à décliner, concurrencée par les barres chocolatées venues des États-Unis. Un an après la mort d'Hubert Menier (le troisième enfant de Georges) survenue en 1959, l'entreprise est contrainte de fusionner avec la société Rozan qui rachète la firme dans sa totalité en 1965. Deux ans plus tard, Antoine, le frère ainé d'Hubert et qui était cogérant de l'entreprise depuis 1953, meurt sans enfant à Paris, le 12 août 1967 à l'âge de 62 ans.
Quatre ans plus tard, en 1971, Menier est rachetée progressivement par Rowntree Mackintosh (en) (créateur des célèbres Smarties en 1937 et de la barre Lion en 1976) laquelle est acquise à son tour en 1988 par Nestlé. Le Moulin Saulnier est classé Monument historique en 1992.
Depuis 1996, le site Menier, au bord de la Marne, est le siège de la division pour la France de Nestlé.
La marque Menier subsiste encore grâce à ses tablettes de chocolat pâtissier, ainsi qu'au chocolat en poudre, mais elle n'est plus guère mise en avant, notamment parce que la marque n'est connue que sur le marché français. La multinationale lui préfère donc son produit « Nestlé dessert ».
The Menier Chocolate company (French: Chocolat Menier) was a chocolate manufacturing business founded in 1816 as a pharmaceutical manufacturer in Paris, France, at a time when chocolate was used as a medicinal product and was only one part of the overall business.
This Origins R2W single piece mid length shirt is made of khaddar fabric with round collars and attachable lapels in criss cross pattern, fabric band with criss cross pattern on shoulders and running down shirt opening with metal grouped buttons, shirt side panels adorned with colourful paisley pattern print with two side pockets lined with criss cross fabric band, long sleeves in colourful floral print with black and white pattern shirt cuffs, shirt back has banded horizontal bands of black and white criss cross, paisley floral, and abstract pattern and black/white with and "v-neck" opening, contrasting stitched lines running on chest panel, shirt front has gathered pleats with two contrasting stitched lines running down side panels, long black sleeves with gathered pleats and stitched lines running in horizontal bands and plain shirt back. This outfit is ideal to wear with jeans, churidaar tights or leggings.
He is made from masters of the Universe Origins figures.
Using a NECA figure vest. The flaming sword just matched him.
This is a gift from a buddy.
The origins of Sutton and Sons date back to 1998, when Danny Sutton opened a fishmongers (formerly ’The Fishery') on Stoke Newington high street. Things must have worked out rather well as, in 2010, Danny and his wife Hana decided to open a fish and chip restaurant just up the road. As you can probably imagine, this is no ordinary fish and chip shop and, although they're much beloved for their traditional takeaway, this place is more a (small) fish restaurant that puts some emphasis on takeaway fish and chips and traditional British food. After all, when was the last time you saw a chippie doing an offer on half a dozen oysters and a bottle of prosecco? Or an actual wine menu at a chippie? Yes indeed! I don't get a ‘traditional' fish and chips but the portion sizes appear immense - if what the blonde guy next to me is anything to go by.
Sutton & Son’s non piscine offerings include traditional english fare like steak and kidney pie, and the atmosphere is very much that of your local chip shop, though I guess with a few ‘contemporary’ touches. That said, there are the obvious nods to the traditional chippie such as tiled walls and a glass counter where you can admire freshly battered fish under those oddly coloured heat lamps that keep the food warm. Whilst Danny oversees the running of the business, Hana produces a range of desserts and pickles for the restaurant. There's a chalkboard which shows (presumably) what she has created on the day. Her cheesecake is wonderful - though I’ve not tried any of the others.
It's not just the desserts that change regularly. Asides from the regular a-la carte, there’s the 'Catch of the Day' - which, as far as I can tell, the stuff they got in earlier in the day from the fishmonger side of the business. What we get was representative of a good fish restaurant - unpretentious and good quality seafood, prepared simply. I luck out with the lobster sub, which is both orgasmic and legendary (which is, I suppose, what you want from a lobster sub). Another thing worth mentioning is that they have an amazing recipe for chips. As you probably know, a lot of the time, when a fishmonger fries you a wedge of potato, the result can be quite…limp and oily. Not so here - the chips are just delicious - crispy and lightly salted. And, lest we forget: deep fried Mars Bars are also a thing, and also on the menu.
If you’re interested in putting these guys to the test for yourself, there’s now two more Sutton & Sons restaurants - one in Islington, and one in Shoreditch’s Boxpark (which I assume is more temporary). I’ll sum this up with the thoughts of ‘Chris b’, a TripAdvisor commentator: “...there has been such a decline in fish and chip shops, and many today are kebab and chicken places with perhaps an old bit of fried fish lying about. But not so here.”.
Hellfest 2017 Clisson 44
Le Hellfest, également appelé Hellfest Summer Open Air, est un festival de musique français spécialisé dans les musiques extrêmes, annuellement organisé au mois de juin à Clisson en Loire-Atlantique. Sa forte fréquentation le fait figurer parmi les plus importants festivals de musique français. Il est aussi l'un des plus grands festivals de metal en Europe et le premier en France.
Il trouve son origine dans un autre festival musical, le Furyfest, qui se tient de 2002 à 2005 dans différents lieux des Pays de la Loire ; le Hellfest en prend la suite en 2006 puis connaît, en quelques années, une hausse continue de sa fréquentation, passant de 22 000 pour la première édition à 152 000 entrées payantes en 2015.
Sa programmation est avant tout centrée sur le hard rock et le metal pour les deux scènes principales, tandis que chacune des quatre autres scènes du festival est dédiée à un style plus particulier comme le black metal, le death metal, le punk hardcore, le doom metal ou le stoner rock, s'assurant ainsi la présence de groupes tels que Iron Maiden, Deep Purple, ZZ Top, Motörhead et KISS, tout autant que celle de Slayer, Megadeth, Sepultura, Cannibal Corpse ou Anthrax.
Programmation / Liste des groupes
(159 groupes) :
[Etats-Unis] A Day To Remember
[Etats-Unis] Aerosmith
[Etats-Unis] Agnostic Front
[Australie] Airbourne
[France] Alcest
[Royaume Uni] Alestorm
[Etats-Unis] Alter Bridge
[Etats-Unis] Animals As Leaders
[Finlande ] Apocalyptica
[France] Arkhon Infaustus
[Etats-Unis] Autopsy
[Suède] Avatar
[Etats-Unis] Baroness
[Pologne] Behemoth
[Autriche] Belphegor
[France] Betraying The Martyrs
[Canada] Beyond Creation
[Canada] Blood Ceremony
[Etats-Unis] Blue Oyster Cult
[Etats-Unis] Bongripper
[Royaume Uni] Booze&Glory
[Royaume Uni] Bright Curse
[Etats-Unis] Candiria
[France] Carcariass
[Etats-Unis] Chelsea Grin
[Etats-Unis] Chelsea Wolfe
[Etats-Unis] Clutch
[Canada] Comeback Kid
[Suisse] Coroner
[Allemagne] Corvus Corax
[Royaume Uni] Crippled Black Phoenix
[Etats-Unis] Crypt Sermon
[Canada] Cryptopsy
[Etats-Unis] D.r.i.
[Etats-Unis] Deafheaven
[France] Deathcode Society
[Pologne] Decapitated
[Royaume Uni] Deep Purple
[Australie] Deez Nuts
[France] Deluge
[Etats-Unis] DevilDriver
[Canada] Devin Townsend Project
[Norvège] Dodheimsgard
[Etats-Unis] Electric Wizard
[Norvège] Emperor
[Belgique] Emptiness
[Allemagne] Equilibrium
[Suède] Ereb Altor
[Suède] Evergrey
[Etats-Unis] Every Time I Die
[Etats-Unis] Exhumed
[Etats-Unis] Five Finger Death Punch
[Royaume Uni] Frank Carter & The Rattlesnakes
[Etats-Unis] Ghost Bath
[Etats-Unis] Ghoul
[France] Harm Done
[Etats-Unis] Hate Eternal
[Royaume Uni] Hawkwind
[Etats-Unis] Helmet
[Etats-Unis] Hirax
[France] Igorrr
[Etats-Unis] Ill Nino
[Suède] In Flames
[Royaume Uni] Inglorious
[Autriche] Insanity Alert
[Etats-Unis] Integrity
[Etats-Unis] Jared James Nichols
[Norvège] Jorn
[France] Komintern Sect
[Allemagne] Kreator
[Brésil] Krisiun
[Etats-Unis] Leftover Crack
[France] Les Ramoneurs De Menhirs
[Etats-Unis] Linkin Park
[France] Los Disidentes Del Sucio Motel
[Suède] Marduk
[France] Mars Red Sky
[Etats-Unis] Metal Church
[Etats-Unis] Ministry
[Canada] Monarque
[Suisse] Monkey3
[France] Monolithe
[Etats-Unis] Monster Magnet
[France] Mortuary
[Etats-Unis] Motionless In White
[Tunisie] Myrath
[Etats-Unis] Nails
[Pays-Bas] No Turning Back
[Etats-Unis] Noothgrush
[Australie] Northlane
[Suisse] Nostromo
[Etats-Unis] Obituary
[Etats-Unis] Of Mice & Men
[Suède] Opeth
[Suède] Pain Of Salvation
[Etats-Unis] Pentagram
[France] Perturbator
[Royaume Uni] Phil Campbell & The Bastard Sons
[Allemagne] Powerwolf
[Danemark] Pretty Maids
[Etats-Unis] Primitive Man
[Etats-Unis] Primus
[Etats-Unis] Prong
[Etats-Unis] Prophets Of Rage
[France] Putrid Offal
[Etats-Unis] Queensryche
[Etats-Unis] Rancid
[Royaume Uni] Ray Brower
[Etats-Unis] Red Fang
[France] Regarde Les Hommes Tomber
[Etats-Unis] Rob Zombie
[Suède] Sabaton
[Etats-Unis] Sanctuary
[Royaume Uni] Saxon
[Etats-Unis] Scour
[Etats-Unis] Seven Sisters Of Sleep
[Royaume Uni] Shvpes
[Pays-Bas] Sick Of Stupidity
[France] Sidilarsen
[Finlande ] Skepticism
[Royaume Uni] Skindred
[Etats-Unis] Slayer
[Etats-Unis] Slo Burn
[Royaume Uni] Slydigs
[Suède] Soilwork
[Etats-Unis] Steel Panther
[Etats-Unis] Subrosa
[Etats-Unis] Suicidal Tendencies
[France] Tagada Jones
[Pays-Bas] Textures
[Etats-Unis] The Bouncing Souls
[Royaume Uni] The Damned
[Australie] The Dead Daisies
[France] The Decline
[Etats-Unis] The Devil Wears Prada
[Etats-Unis] The Dillinger Escape Plan
[Allemagne] The New Roses
[Islande] The Vintage Caravan
[Etats-Unis] Trap Them
[Etats-Unis] Trapped Under Ice
[Finlande ] True Black Dawn
[France] Trust
[Finlande ] Turisas
[Iles Féroé] Tyr
[Italie] Ufomammut
[Etats-Unis] Ugly Kid Joe
[France] Ultra Vomit
[Suède] Valkyrja
[France] Verbal Razors
[France] Verdun
[Royaume Uni] Vodun
[France] Vortex Of End
[Etats-Unis] W.A.S.P.
[Etats-Unis] Wakrat
[Norvège] Wardruna
[Russie] Welicoruss
[Royaume Uni] While She Sleeps
[Espagne] Wormed
[Etats-Unis] Zeke
Graffiti (plural; singular graffiti or graffito, the latter rarely used except in archeology) is art that is written, painted or drawn on a wall or other surface, usually without permission and within public view. Graffiti ranges from simple written words to elaborate wall paintings, and has existed since ancient times, with examples dating back to ancient Egypt, ancient Greece, and the Roman Empire (see also mural).
Graffiti is a controversial subject. In most countries, marking or painting property without permission is considered by property owners and civic authorities as defacement and vandalism, which is a punishable crime, citing the use of graffiti by street gangs to mark territory or to serve as an indicator of gang-related activities. Graffiti has become visualized as a growing urban "problem" for many cities in industrialized nations, spreading from the New York City subway system and Philadelphia in the early 1970s to the rest of the United States and Europe and other world regions
"Graffiti" (usually both singular and plural) and the rare singular form "graffito" are from the Italian word graffiato ("scratched"). The term "graffiti" is used in art history for works of art produced by scratching a design into a surface. A related term is "sgraffito", which involves scratching through one layer of pigment to reveal another beneath it. This technique was primarily used by potters who would glaze their wares and then scratch a design into them. In ancient times graffiti were carved on walls with a sharp object, although sometimes chalk or coal were used. The word originates from Greek γράφειν—graphein—meaning "to write".
The term graffiti originally referred to the inscriptions, figure drawings, and such, found on the walls of ancient sepulchres or ruins, as in the Catacombs of Rome or at Pompeii. Historically, these writings were not considered vanadlism, which today is considered part of the definition of graffiti.
The only known source of the Safaitic language, an ancient form of Arabic, is from graffiti: inscriptions scratched on to the surface of rocks and boulders in the predominantly basalt desert of southern Syria, eastern Jordan and northern Saudi Arabia. Safaitic dates from the first century BC to the fourth century AD.
Some of the oldest cave paintings in the world are 40,000 year old ones found in Australia. The oldest written graffiti was found in ancient Rome around 2500 years ago. Most graffiti from the time was boasts about sexual experiences Graffiti in Ancient Rome was a form of communication, and was not considered vandalism.
Ancient tourists visiting the 5th-century citadel at Sigiriya in Sri Lanka write their names and commentary over the "mirror wall", adding up to over 1800 individual graffiti produced there between the 6th and 18th centuries. Most of the graffiti refer to the frescoes of semi-nude females found there. One reads:
Wet with cool dew drops
fragrant with perfume from the flowers
came the gentle breeze
jasmine and water lily
dance in the spring sunshine
side-long glances
of the golden-hued ladies
stab into my thoughts
heaven itself cannot take my mind
as it has been captivated by one lass
among the five hundred I have seen here.
Among the ancient political graffiti examples were Arab satirist poems. Yazid al-Himyari, an Umayyad Arab and Persian poet, was most known for writing his political poetry on the walls between Sajistan and Basra, manifesting a strong hatred towards the Umayyad regime and its walis, and people used to read and circulate them very widely.
Graffiti, known as Tacherons, were frequently scratched on Romanesque Scandinavian church walls. When Renaissance artists such as Pinturicchio, Raphael, Michelangelo, Ghirlandaio, or Filippino Lippi descended into the ruins of Nero's Domus Aurea, they carved or painted their names and returned to initiate the grottesche style of decoration.
There are also examples of graffiti occurring in American history, such as Independence Rock, a national landmark along the Oregon Trail.
Later, French soldiers carved their names on monuments during the Napoleonic campaign of Egypt in the 1790s. Lord Byron's survives on one of the columns of the Temple of Poseidon at Cape Sounion in Attica, Greece.
The oldest known example of graffiti "monikers" found on traincars created by hobos and railworkers since the late 1800s. The Bozo Texino monikers were documented by filmmaker Bill Daniel in his 2005 film, Who is Bozo Texino?.
In World War II, an inscription on a wall at the fortress of Verdun was seen as an illustration of the US response twice in a generation to the wrongs of the Old World:
During World War II and for decades after, the phrase "Kilroy was here" with an accompanying illustration was widespread throughout the world, due to its use by American troops and ultimately filtering into American popular culture. Shortly after the death of Charlie Parker (nicknamed "Yardbird" or "Bird"), graffiti began appearing around New York with the words "Bird Lives".
Modern graffiti art has its origins with young people in 1960s and 70s in New York City and Philadelphia. Tags were the first form of stylised contemporary graffiti. Eventually, throw-ups and pieces evolved with the desire to create larger art. Writers used spray paint and other kind of materials to leave tags or to create images on the sides subway trains. and eventually moved into the city after the NYC metro began to buy new trains and paint over graffiti.
While the art had many advocates and appreciators—including the cultural critic Norman Mailer—others, including New York City mayor Ed Koch, considered it to be defacement of public property, and saw it as a form of public blight. The ‘taggers’ called what they did ‘writing’—though an important 1974 essay by Mailer referred to it using the term ‘graffiti.’
Contemporary graffiti style has been heavily influenced by hip hop culture and the myriad international styles derived from Philadelphia and New York City Subway graffiti; however, there are many other traditions of notable graffiti in the twentieth century. Graffiti have long appeared on building walls, in latrines, railroad boxcars, subways, and bridges.
An early graffito outside of New York or Philadelphia was the inscription in London reading "Clapton is God" in reference to the guitarist Eric Clapton. Creating the cult of the guitar hero, the phrase was spray-painted by an admirer on a wall in an Islington, north London in the autumn of 1967. The graffito was captured in a photograph, in which a dog is urinating on the wall.
Films like Style Wars in the 80s depicting famous writers such as Skeme, Dondi, MinOne, and ZEPHYR reinforced graffiti's role within New York's emerging hip-hop culture. Although many officers of the New York City Police Department found this film to be controversial, Style Wars is still recognized as the most prolific film representation of what was going on within the young hip hop culture of the early 1980s. Fab 5 Freddy and Futura 2000 took hip hop graffiti to Paris and London as part of the New York City Rap Tour in 1983
Commercialization and entrance into mainstream pop culture
Main article: Commercial graffiti
With the popularity and legitimization of graffiti has come a level of commercialization. In 2001, computer giant IBM launched an advertising campaign in Chicago and San Francisco which involved people spray painting on sidewalks a peace symbol, a heart, and a penguin (Linux mascot), to represent "Peace, Love, and Linux." IBM paid Chicago and San Francisco collectively US$120,000 for punitive damages and clean-up costs.
In 2005, a similar ad campaign was launched by Sony and executed by its advertising agency in New York, Chicago, Atlanta, Philadelphia, Los Angeles, and Miami, to market its handheld PSP gaming system. In this campaign, taking notice of the legal problems of the IBM campaign, Sony paid building owners for the rights to paint on their buildings "a collection of dizzy-eyed urban kids playing with the PSP as if it were a skateboard, a paddle, or a rocking horse".
Tristan Manco wrote that Brazil "boasts a unique and particularly rich, graffiti scene ... [earning] it an international reputation as the place to go for artistic inspiration". Graffiti "flourishes in every conceivable space in Brazil's cities". Artistic parallels "are often drawn between the energy of São Paulo today and 1970s New York". The "sprawling metropolis", of São Paulo has "become the new shrine to graffiti"; Manco alludes to "poverty and unemployment ... [and] the epic struggles and conditions of the country's marginalised peoples", and to "Brazil's chronic poverty", as the main engines that "have fuelled a vibrant graffiti culture". In world terms, Brazil has "one of the most uneven distributions of income. Laws and taxes change frequently". Such factors, Manco argues, contribute to a very fluid society, riven with those economic divisions and social tensions that underpin and feed the "folkloric vandalism and an urban sport for the disenfranchised", that is South American graffiti art.
Prominent Brazilian writers include Os Gêmeos, Boleta, Nunca, Nina, Speto, Tikka, and T.Freak. Their artistic success and involvement in commercial design ventures has highlighted divisions within the Brazilian graffiti community between adherents of the cruder transgressive form of pichação and the more conventionally artistic values of the practitioners of grafite.
Graffiti in the Middle East has emerged slowly, with taggers operating in Egypt, Lebanon, the Gulf countries like Bahrain or the United Arab Emirates, Israel, and in Iran. The major Iranian newspaper Hamshahri has published two articles on illegal writers in the city with photographic coverage of Iranian artist A1one's works on Tehran walls. Tokyo-based design magazine, PingMag, has interviewed A1one and featured photographs of his work. The Israeli West Bank barrier has become a site for graffiti, reminiscent in this sense of the Berlin Wall. Many writers in Israel come from other places around the globe, such as JUIF from Los Angeles and DEVIONE from London. The religious reference "נ נח נחמ נחמן מאומן" ("Na Nach Nachma Nachman Meuman") is commonly seen in graffiti around Israel.
Graffiti has played an important role within the street art scene in the Middle East and North Africa (MENA), especially following the events of the Arab Spring of 2011 or the Sudanese Revolution of 2018/19. Graffiti is a tool of expression in the context of conflict in the region, allowing people to raise their voices politically and socially. Famous street artist Banksy has had an important effect in the street art scene in the MENA area, especially in Palestine where some of his works are located in the West Bank barrier and Bethlehem.
There are also a large number of graffiti influences in Southeast Asian countries that mostly come from modern Western culture, such as Malaysia, where graffiti have long been a common sight in Malaysia's capital city, Kuala Lumpur. Since 2010, the country has begun hosting a street festival to encourage all generations and people from all walks of life to enjoy and encourage Malaysian street culture.
The modern-day graffitists can be found with an arsenal of various materials that allow for a successful production of a piece. This includes such techniques as scribing. However, spray paint in aerosol cans is the number one medium for graffiti. From this commodity comes different styles, technique, and abilities to form master works of graffiti. Spray paint can be found at hardware and art stores and comes in virtually every color.
Stencil graffiti is created by cutting out shapes and designs in a stiff material (such as cardboard or subject folders) to form an overall design or image. The stencil is then placed on the "canvas" gently and with quick, easy strokes of the aerosol can, the image begins to appear on the intended surface.
Some of the first examples were created in 1981 by artists Blek le Rat in Paris, in 1982 by Jef Aerosol in Tours (France); by 1985 stencils had appeared in other cities including New York City, Sydney, and Melbourne, where they were documented by American photographer Charles Gatewood and Australian photographer Rennie Ellis
Tagging is the practice of someone spray-painting "their name, initial or logo onto a public surface" in a handstyle unique to the writer. Tags were the first form of modern graffiti.
Modern graffiti art often incorporates additional arts and technologies. For example, Graffiti Research Lab has encouraged the use of projected images and magnetic light-emitting diodes (throwies) as new media for graffitists. yarnbombing is another recent form of graffiti. Yarnbombers occasionally target previous graffiti for modification, which had been avoided among the majority of graffitists.
Theories on the use of graffiti by avant-garde artists have a history dating back at least to the Asger Jorn, who in 1962 painting declared in a graffiti-like gesture "the avant-garde won't give up"
Many contemporary analysts and even art critics have begun to see artistic value in some graffiti and to recognize it as a form of public art. According to many art researchers, particularly in the Netherlands and in Los Angeles, that type of public art is, in fact an effective tool of social emancipation or, in the achievement of a political goal
In times of conflict, such murals have offered a means of communication and self-expression for members of these socially, ethnically, or racially divided communities, and have proven themselves as effective tools in establishing dialog and thus, of addressing cleavages in the long run. The Berlin Wall was also extensively covered by graffiti reflecting social pressures relating to the oppressive Soviet rule over the GDR.
Many artists involved with graffiti are also concerned with the similar activity of stenciling. Essentially, this entails stenciling a print of one or more colors using spray-paint. Recognized while exhibiting and publishing several of her coloured stencils and paintings portraying the Sri Lankan Civil War and urban Britain in the early 2000s, graffitists Mathangi Arulpragasam, aka M.I.A., has also become known for integrating her imagery of political violence into her music videos for singles "Galang" and "Bucky Done Gun", and her cover art. Stickers of her artwork also often appear around places such as London in Brick Lane, stuck to lamp posts and street signs, she having become a muse for other graffitists and painters worldwide in cities including Seville.
Graffitist believes that art should be on display for everyone in the public eye or in plain sight, not hidden away in a museum or a gallery. Art should color the streets, not the inside of some building. Graffiti is a form of art that cannot be owned or bought. It does not last forever, it is temporary, yet one of a kind. It is a form of self promotion for the artist that can be displayed anywhere form sidewalks, roofs, subways, building wall, etc. Art to them is for everyone and should be showed to everyone for free.
Graffiti is a way of communicating and a way of expressing what one feels in the moment. It is both art and a functional thing that can warn people of something or inform people of something. However, graffiti is to some people a form of art, but to some a form of vandalism. And many graffitists choose to protect their identities and remain anonymous or to hinder prosecution.
With the commercialization of graffiti (and hip hop in general), in most cases, even with legally painted "graffiti" art, graffitists tend to choose anonymity. This may be attributed to various reasons or a combination of reasons. Graffiti still remains the one of four hip hop elements that is not considered "performance art" despite the image of the "singing and dancing star" that sells hip hop culture to the mainstream. Being a graphic form of art, it might also be said that many graffitists still fall in the category of the introverted archetypal artist.
Banksy is one of the world's most notorious and popular street artists who continues to remain faceless in today's society. He is known for his political, anti-war stencil art mainly in Bristol, England, but his work may be seen anywhere from Los Angeles to Palestine. In the UK, Banksy is the most recognizable icon for this cultural artistic movement and keeps his identity a secret to avoid arrest. Much of Banksy's artwork may be seen around the streets of London and surrounding suburbs, although he has painted pictures throughout the world, including the Middle East, where he has painted on Israel's controversial West Bank barrier with satirical images of life on the other side. One depicted a hole in the wall with an idyllic beach, while another shows a mountain landscape on the other side. A number of exhibitions also have taken place since 2000, and recent works of art have fetched vast sums of money. Banksy's art is a prime example of the classic controversy: vandalism vs. art. Art supporters endorse his work distributed in urban areas as pieces of art and some councils, such as Bristol and Islington, have officially protected them, while officials of other areas have deemed his work to be vandalism and have removed it.
Pixnit is another artist who chooses to keep her identity from the general public. Her work focuses on beauty and design aspects of graffiti as opposed to Banksy's anti-government shock value. Her paintings are often of flower designs above shops and stores in her local urban area of Cambridge, Massachusetts. Some store owners endorse her work and encourage others to do similar work as well. "One of the pieces was left up above Steve's Kitchen, because it looks pretty awesome"- Erin Scott, the manager of New England Comics in Allston, Massachusetts.
Graffiti artists may become offended if photographs of their art are published in a commercial context without their permission. In March 2020, the Finnish graffiti artist Psyke expressed his displeasure at the newspaper Ilta-Sanomat publishing a photograph of a Peugeot 208 in an article about new cars, with his graffiti prominently shown on the background. The artist claims he does not want his art being used in commercial context, not even if he were to receive compensation.
Territorial graffiti marks urban neighborhoods with tags and logos to differentiate certain groups from others. These images are meant to show outsiders a stern look at whose turf is whose. The subject matter of gang-related graffiti consists of cryptic symbols and initials strictly fashioned with unique calligraphies. Gang members use graffiti to designate membership throughout the gang, to differentiate rivals and associates and, most commonly, to mark borders which are both territorial and ideological.
Graffiti has been used as a means of advertising both legally and illegally. Bronx-based TATS CRU has made a name for themselves doing legal advertising campaigns for companies such as Coca-Cola, McDonald's, Toyota, and MTV. In the UK, Covent Garden's Boxfresh used stencil images of a Zapatista revolutionary in the hopes that cross referencing would promote their store.
Smirnoff hired artists to use reverse graffiti (the use of high pressure hoses to clean dirty surfaces to leave a clean image in the surrounding dirt) to increase awareness of their product.
Graffiti often has a reputation as part of a subculture that rebels against authority, although the considerations of the practitioners often diverge and can relate to a wide range of attitudes. It can express a political practice and can form just one tool in an array of resistance techniques. One early example includes the anarcho-punk band Crass, who conducted a campaign of stenciling anti-war, anarchist, feminist, and anti-consumerist messages throughout the London Underground system during the late 1970s and early 1980s. In Amsterdam graffiti was a major part of the punk scene. The city was covered with names such as "De Zoot", "Vendex", and "Dr Rat". To document the graffiti a punk magazine was started that was called Gallery Anus. So when hip hop came to Europe in the early 1980s there was already a vibrant graffiti culture.
The student protests and general strike of May 1968 saw Paris bedecked in revolutionary, anarchistic, and situationist slogans such as L'ennui est contre-révolutionnaire ("Boredom is counterrevolutionary") and Lisez moins, vivez plus ("Read less, live more"). While not exhaustive, the graffiti gave a sense of the 'millenarian' and rebellious spirit, tempered with a good deal of verbal wit, of the strikers.
I think graffiti writing is a way of defining what our generation is like. Excuse the French, we're not a bunch of p---- artists. Traditionally artists have been considered soft and mellow people, a little bit kooky. Maybe we're a little bit more like pirates that way. We defend our territory, whatever space we steal to paint on, we defend it fiercely.
The developments of graffiti art which took place in art galleries and colleges as well as "on the street" or "underground", contributed to the resurfacing in the 1990s of a far more overtly politicized art form in the subvertising, culture jamming, or tactical media movements. These movements or styles tend to classify the artists by their relationship to their social and economic contexts, since, in most countries, graffiti art remains illegal in many forms except when using non-permanent paint. Since the 1990s with the rise of Street Art, a growing number of artists are switching to non-permanent paints and non-traditional forms of painting.
Contemporary practitioners, accordingly, have varied and often conflicting practices. Some individuals, such as Alexander Brener, have used the medium to politicize other art forms, and have used the prison sentences enforced on them as a means of further protest. The practices of anonymous groups and individuals also vary widely, and practitioners by no means always agree with each other's practices. For example, the anti-capitalist art group the Space Hijackers did a piece in 2004 about the contradiction between the capitalistic elements of Banksy and his use of political imagery.
Berlin human rights activist Irmela Mensah-Schramm has received global media attention and numerous awards for her 35-year campaign of effacing neo-Nazi and other right-wing extremist graffiti throughout Germany, often by altering hate speech in humorous ways.
In Serbian capital, Belgrade, the graffiti depicting a uniformed former general of Serb army and war criminal, convicted at ICTY for war crimes and crimes against humanity, including genocide and ethnic cleansing in Bosnian War, Ratko Mladić, appeared in a military salute alongside the words "General, thank to your mother". Aleks Eror, Berlin-based journalist, explains how "veneration of historical and wartime figures" through street art is not a new phenomenon in the region of former Yugoslavia, and that "in most cases is firmly focused on the future, rather than retelling the past". Eror is not only analyst pointing to danger of such an expressions for the region's future. In a long expose on the subject of Bosnian genocide denial, at Balkan Diskurs magazine and multimedia platform website, Kristina Gadže and Taylor Whitsell referred to these experiences as a young generations' "cultural heritage", in which young are being exposed to celebration and affirmation of war-criminals as part of their "formal education" and "inheritance".
There are numerous examples of genocide denial through celebration and affirmation of war criminals throughout the region of Western Balkans inhabited by Serbs using this form of artistic expression. Several more of these graffiti are found in Serbian capital, and many more across Serbia and Bosnian and Herzegovinian administrative entity, Republika Srpska, which is the ethnic Serbian majority enclave. Critics point that Serbia as a state, is willing to defend the mural of convicted war criminal, and have no intention to react on cases of genocide denial, noting that Interior Minister of Serbia, Aleksandar Vulin decision to ban any gathering with an intent to remove the mural, with the deployment of riot police, sends the message of "tacit endorsement". Consequently, on 9 November 2021, Serbian heavy police in riot gear, with graffiti creators and their supporters, blocked the access to the mural to prevent human rights groups and other activists to paint over it and mark the International Day Against Fascism and Antisemitism in that way, and even arrested two civic activist for throwing eggs at the graffiti.
Graffiti may also be used as an offensive expression. This form of graffiti may be difficult to identify, as it is mostly removed by the local authority (as councils which have adopted strategies of criminalization also strive to remove graffiti quickly). Therefore, existing racist graffiti is mostly more subtle and at first sight, not easily recognized as "racist". It can then be understood only if one knows the relevant "local code" (social, historical, political, temporal, and spatial), which is seen as heteroglot and thus a 'unique set of conditions' in a cultural context.
A spatial code for example, could be that there is a certain youth group in an area that is engaging heavily in racist activities. So, for residents (knowing the local code), a graffiti containing only the name or abbreviation of this gang already is a racist expression, reminding the offended people of their gang activities. Also a graffiti is in most cases, the herald of more serious criminal activity to come. A person who does not know these gang activities would not be able to recognize the meaning of this graffiti. Also if a tag of this youth group or gang is placed on a building occupied by asylum seekers, for example, its racist character is even stronger.
By making the graffiti less explicit (as adapted to social and legal constraints), these drawings are less likely to be removed, but do not lose their threatening and offensive character.
Elsewhere, activists in Russia have used painted caricatures of local officials with their mouths as potholes, to show their anger about the poor state of the roads. In Manchester, England, a graffitists painted obscene images around potholes, which often resulted in them being repaired within 48 hours.
In the early 1980s, the first art galleries to show graffitists to the public were Fashion Moda in the Bronx, Now Gallery and Fun Gallery, both in the East Village, Manhattan.
A 2006 exhibition at the Brooklyn Museum displayed graffiti as an art form that began in New York's outer boroughs and reached great heights in the early 1980s with the work of Crash, Lee, Daze, Keith Haring, and Jean-Michel Basquiat. It displayed 22 works by New York graffitists, including Crash, Daze, and Lady Pink. In an article about the exhibition in the magazine Time Out, curator Charlotta Kotik said that she hoped the exhibition would cause viewers to rethink their assumptions about graffiti.
From the 1970s onwards, Burhan Doğançay photographed urban walls all over the world; these he then archived for use as sources of inspiration for his painterly works. The project today known as "Walls of the World" grew beyond even his own expectations and comprises about 30,000 individual images. It spans a period of 40 years across five continents and 114 countries. In 1982, photographs from this project comprised a one-man exhibition titled "Les murs murmurent, ils crient, ils chantent ..." (The walls whisper, shout and sing ...) at the Centre Georges Pompidou in Paris.
In Australia, art historians have judged some local graffiti of sufficient creative merit to rank them firmly within the arts. Oxford University Press's art history text Australian Painting 1788–2000 concludes with a long discussion of graffiti's key place within contemporary visual culture, including the work of several Australian practitioners.
Between March and April 2009, 150 artists exhibited 300 pieces of graffiti at the Grand Palais in Paris.
Spray paint has many negative environmental effects. The paint contains toxic chemicals, and the can uses volatile hydrocarbon gases to spray the paint onto a surface.
Volatile organic compound (VOC) leads to ground level ozone formation and most of graffiti related emissions are VOCs. A 2010 paper estimates 4,862 tons of VOCs were released in the United States in activities related to graffiti.
In China, Mao Zedong in the 1920s used revolutionary slogans and paintings in public places to galvanize the country's communist movement.
Based on different national conditions, many people believe that China's attitude towards Graffiti is fierce, but in fact, according to Lance Crayon in his film Spray Paint Beijing: Graffiti in the Capital of China, Graffiti is generally accepted in Beijing, with artists not seeing much police interference. Political and religiously sensitive graffiti, however, is not allowed.
In Hong Kong, Tsang Tsou Choi was known as the King of Kowloon for his calligraphy graffiti over many years, in which he claimed ownership of the area. Now some of his work is preserved officially.
In Taiwan, the government has made some concessions to graffitists. Since 2005 they have been allowed to freely display their work along some sections of riverside retaining walls in designated "Graffiti Zones". From 2007, Taipei's department of cultural affairs also began permitting graffiti on fences around major public construction sites. Department head Yong-ping Lee (李永萍) stated, "We will promote graffiti starting with the public sector, and then later in the private sector too. It's our goal to beautify the city with graffiti". The government later helped organize a graffiti contest in Ximending, a popular shopping district. graffitists caught working outside of these designated areas still face fines up to NT$6,000 under a department of environmental protection regulation. However, Taiwanese authorities can be relatively lenient, one veteran police officer stating anonymously, "Unless someone complains about vandalism, we won't get involved. We don't go after it proactively."
In 1993, after several expensive cars in Singapore were spray-painted, the police arrested a student from the Singapore American School, Michael P. Fay, questioned him, and subsequently charged him with vandalism. Fay pleaded guilty to vandalizing a car in addition to stealing road signs. Under the 1966 Vandalism Act of Singapore, originally passed to curb the spread of communist graffiti in Singapore, the court sentenced him to four months in jail, a fine of S$3,500 (US$2,233), and a caning. The New York Times ran several editorials and op-eds that condemned the punishment and called on the American public to flood the Singaporean embassy with protests. Although the Singapore government received many calls for clemency, Fay's caning took place in Singapore on 5 May 1994. Fay had originally received a sentence of six strokes of the cane, but the presiding president of Singapore, Ong Teng Cheong, agreed to reduce his caning sentence to four lashes.
In South Korea, Park Jung-soo was fined two million South Korean won by the Seoul Central District Court for spray-painting a rat on posters of the G-20 Summit a few days before the event in November 2011. Park alleged that the initial in "G-20" sounds like the Korean word for "rat", but Korean government prosecutors alleged that Park was making a derogatory statement about the president of South Korea, Lee Myung-bak, the host of the summit. This case led to public outcry and debate on the lack of government tolerance and in support of freedom of expression. The court ruled that the painting, "an ominous creature like a rat" amounts to "an organized criminal activity" and upheld the fine while denying the prosecution's request for imprisonment for Park.
In Europe, community cleaning squads have responded to graffiti, in some cases with reckless abandon, as when in 1992 in France a local Scout group, attempting to remove modern graffiti, damaged two prehistoric paintings of bison in the Cave of Mayrière supérieure near the French village of Bruniquel in Tarn-et-Garonne, earning them the 1992 Ig Nobel Prize in archeology.
In September 2006, the European Parliament directed the European Commission to create urban environment policies to prevent and eliminate dirt, litter, graffiti, animal excrement, and excessive noise from domestic and vehicular music systems in European cities, along with other concerns over urban life.
In Budapest, Hungary, both a city-backed movement called I Love Budapest and a special police division tackle the problem, including the provision of approved areas.
The Anti-social Behaviour Act 2003 became Britain's latest anti-graffiti legislation. In August 2004, the Keep Britain Tidy campaign issued a press release calling for zero tolerance of graffiti and supporting proposals such as issuing "on the spot" fines to graffiti offenders and banning the sale of aerosol paint to anyone under the age of 16. The press release also condemned the use of graffiti images in advertising and in music videos, arguing that real-world experience of graffiti stood far removed from its often-portrayed "cool" or "edgy'" image.
To back the campaign, 123 Members of Parliament (MPs) (including then Prime Minister Tony Blair), signed a charter which stated: "Graffiti is not art, it's crime. On behalf of my constituents, I will do all I can to rid our community of this problem."
In the UK, city councils have the power to take action against the owner of any property that has been defaced under the Anti-social Behaviour Act 2003 (as amended by the Clean Neighbourhoods and Environment Act 2005) or, in certain cases, the Highways Act. This is often used against owners of property that are complacent in allowing protective boards to be defaced so long as the property is not damaged.
In July 2008, a conspiracy charge was used to convict graffitists for the first time. After a three-month police surveillance operation, nine members of the DPM crew were convicted of conspiracy to commit criminal damage costing at least £1 million. Five of them received prison sentences, ranging from eighteen months to two years. The unprecedented scale of the investigation and the severity of the sentences rekindled public debate over whether graffiti should be considered art or crime.
Some councils, like those of Stroud and Loerrach, provide approved areas in the town where graffitists can showcase their talents, including underpasses, car parks, and walls that might otherwise prove a target for the "spray and run".
Graffiti Tunnel, University of Sydney at Camperdown (2009)
In an effort to reduce vandalism, many cities in Australia have designated walls or areas exclusively for use by graffitists. One early example is the "Graffiti Tunnel" located at the Camperdown Campus of the University of Sydney, which is available for use by any student at the university to tag, advertise, poster, and paint. Advocates of this idea suggest that this discourages petty vandalism yet encourages artists to take their time and produce great art, without worry of being caught or arrested for vandalism or trespassing.[108][109] Others disagree with this approach, arguing that the presence of legal graffiti walls does not demonstrably reduce illegal graffiti elsewhere. Some local government areas throughout Australia have introduced "anti-graffiti squads", who clean graffiti in the area, and such crews as BCW (Buffers Can't Win) have taken steps to keep one step ahead of local graffiti cleaners.
Many state governments have banned the sale or possession of spray paint to those under the age of 18 (age of majority). However, a number of local governments in Victoria have taken steps to recognize the cultural heritage value of some examples of graffiti, such as prominent political graffiti. Tough new graffiti laws have been introduced in Australia with fines of up to A$26,000 and two years in prison.
Melbourne is a prominent graffiti city of Australia with many of its lanes being tourist attractions, such as Hosier Lane in particular, a popular destination for photographers, wedding photography, and backdrops for corporate print advertising. The Lonely Planet travel guide cites Melbourne's street as a major attraction. All forms of graffiti, including sticker art, poster, stencil art, and wheatpasting, can be found in many places throughout the city. Prominent street art precincts include; Fitzroy, Collingwood, Northcote, Brunswick, St. Kilda, and the CBD, where stencil and sticker art is prominent. As one moves farther away from the city, mostly along suburban train lines, graffiti tags become more prominent. Many international artists such as Banksy have left their work in Melbourne and in early 2008 a perspex screen was installed to prevent a Banksy stencil art piece from being destroyed, it has survived since 2003 through the respect of local street artists avoiding posting over it, although it has recently had paint tipped over it.
In February 2008 Helen Clark, the New Zealand prime minister at that time, announced a government crackdown on tagging and other forms of graffiti vandalism, describing it as a destructive crime representing an invasion of public and private property. New legislation subsequently adopted included a ban on the sale of paint spray cans to persons under 18 and increases in maximum fines for the offence from NZ$200 to NZ$2,000 or extended community service. The issue of tagging become a widely debated one following an incident in Auckland during January 2008 in which a middle-aged property owner stabbed one of two teenage taggers to death and was subsequently convicted of manslaughter.
Graffiti databases have increased in the past decade because they allow vandalism incidents to be fully documented against an offender and help the police and prosecution charge and prosecute offenders for multiple counts of vandalism. They also provide law enforcement the ability to rapidly search for an offender's moniker or tag in a simple, effective, and comprehensive way. These systems can also help track costs of damage to a city to help allocate an anti-graffiti budget. The theory is that when an offender is caught putting up graffiti, they are not just charged with one count of vandalism; they can be held accountable for all the other damage for which they are responsible. This has two main benefits for law enforcement. One, it sends a signal to the offenders that their vandalism is being tracked. Two, a city can seek restitution from offenders for all the damage that they have committed, not merely a single incident. These systems give law enforcement personnel real-time, street-level intelligence that allows them not only to focus on the worst graffiti offenders and their damage, but also to monitor potential gang violence that is associated with the graffiti.
Many restrictions of civil gang injunctions are designed to help address and protect the physical environment and limit graffiti. Provisions of gang injunctions include things such as restricting the possession of marker pens, spray paint cans, or other sharp objects capable of defacing private or public property; spray painting, or marking with marker pens, scratching, applying stickers, or otherwise applying graffiti on any public or private property, including, but not limited to the street, alley, residences, block walls, and fences, vehicles or any other real or personal property. Some injunctions contain wording that restricts damaging or vandalizing both public and private property, including but not limited to any vehicle, light fixture, door, fence, wall, gate, window, building, street sign, utility box, telephone box, tree, or power pole.
To help address many of these issues, many local jurisdictions have set up graffiti abatement hotlines, where citizens can call in and report vandalism and have it removed. San Diego's hotline receives more than 5,000 calls per year, in addition to reporting the graffiti, callers can learn more about prevention. One of the complaints about these hotlines is the response time; there is often a lag time between a property owner calling about the graffiti and its removal. The length of delay should be a consideration for any jurisdiction planning on operating a hotline. Local jurisdictions must convince the callers that their complaint of vandalism will be a priority and cleaned off right away. If the jurisdiction does not have the resources to respond to complaints in a timely manner, the value of the hotline diminishes. Crews must be able to respond to individual service calls made to the graffiti hotline as well as focus on cleanup near schools, parks, and major intersections and transit routes to have the biggest impact. Some cities offer a reward for information leading to the arrest and prosecution of suspects for tagging or graffiti related vandalism. The amount of the reward is based on the information provided, and the action taken.
When police obtain search warrants in connection with a vandalism investigation, they are often seeking judicial approval to look for items such as cans of spray paint and nozzles from other kinds of aerosol sprays; etching tools, or other sharp or pointed objects, which could be used to etch or scratch glass and other hard surfaces; permanent marking pens, markers, or paint sticks; evidence of membership or affiliation with any gang or tagging crew; paraphernalia including any reference to "(tagger's name)"; any drawings, writing, objects, or graffiti depicting taggers' names, initials, logos, monikers, slogans, or any mention of tagging crew membership; and any newspaper clippings relating to graffiti crime.
DPAC & UK Uncut protest against benefit cuts at DWP - 31.08.2012
Following their earlier joint protest that morning at the Euston headquarters of ATOS Origin - the French IT company which has sponsored the paralympics, despite its role in forcing tens of thousands of severely sick and disabled people off their life-saving benefits after declaring them "Fit for Work" following the seriously flawed Work Capability Assessment stipulated by the Dept. fo0r Work and Pensions (DWP), DPAC and UK Uncut activists descended on the Westminster headquarters of the DWP and protested outside.
Several activists managed to get inside the entrance foyer of the government building, which was the trigger for a short-but-overly-aggressive encounter with a large number of Territorial Support Group police who waded into the disabled and able-bodied protesters to force them away from the front of the building which houses the offices of Secretary for State for Work and Pensions Ian Duncan Smith and Minister for Disabled People Maria Miller.
During the quite unnecessary action against the peaceful protesters - several in wheelchairs - one disabled man was thrown out of his wheelchair to the ground, breaking his shoulder. Another man's motorised wheelchair was broken in the fracas, and one man was arrested.
Some of the protesters managed to speak to Maria Miller, MP, and told her to her facve how much misery and human despair her department's policies of demonisation of the disabled - portraying them publicly as workshy scroungers and benefits cheats, even though Disability Benefit fraud is extremely small, only 0.4% of the overall benefits budget, despite frequent, outrageous lies peddled by the DWP and minister Ian Duncan Smith as it behaves no better than the German government in the years running up to World War II as they turn the public against the very weakest, most vulnerable members of the British population, blaming disabled people for the country's economic misery - cause by corrupt bankers.
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A return to Malling and the four churches visited last winter when all four were found locked.
A very different experience at all of them, as I found them all open, and was greeted warmly at all, and one I had three wonderful wardens following me around as I took shots, with me pointing out features to them rather than the other way round.
Each church had just opened their books of condolence for HM Queen Elizabeth, and I signed here at East Malling and one other.
St James is a large and impressive church set in a vast churchyard beside one of the branches of he Malling Stream, a winterbourne, which not surprisingly wasn't running due to the long dry summer.
I went round photographing details, and found a good selection of old glass, mostly fragments, but set well. And the grave stone of one of Oliver Cromwell's generals, I think I have that right.
It was at East Malling that I learned about the etiquette of the death of a Monarch and the ascension of the next.
From the time of the announcement of the death of Elizabeth II to 11:00 on Saturday morning, the flag on the tower was to be at half mast.
Then it would be hoisted to the top until Sunday afternoon whilst the new King was proclaimed around the country, at which point the flag would be lowered to half mast until the funeral.
I know not all churches I visited that day observed this.
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An impressive church, though this is not the impression one gains when approaching it from the west, where the tower is almost all that is visible. Norman in origin, but much enlarged in the thirteenth and fourteenth centuries and remodelled in the fifteenth, St James has had a bush or two with Anglo Catholic practice which has resulted in the introduction of some fine furnishings. Pride of place must go to the Lady Chapel altar by Sir Ninian Comper, one of three to be found in this part of the Medway Valley. Also commemorated here are members of the Twisden family, whose house Bradbourne, stands north of the church. Until the 1930s the chancel was privately maintained by the family and retained its box pews until the death of the last Baronet when this part of the church was restored to its pre-Reformation form. In its floor is a slab to Col Tomlinson, who guarded King Charles I until his execution in 1649. He was related by marriage to the Twisdens. The organ at the west end of the church was formerly in Bradbourne House and was donated to the church in 1934.
www.kentchurches.info/church.asp?p=East+Malling
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EAST MALLING.
EASTWARD from Leyborne lies East Malling, called in the Textus Roffensis, MEALLINGES, and in Domesday, METLINGES.
THIS PARISH is delightfully situated; it is both pleasant and healthy; the soil is for the most part sand, covering the quarry rock; to the southward it inclines more to a loam and red brick earth; but most of it is very fertile, as well for corn as for plantations of fruit and hops, which latter thrive here remarkably well. The high road from London through Wrotham to Maidstone, crosses this parish at the thirtieth mile stone: the hamlet of Larkfield-street, which gives name to this hundred, is situated on it, where there is a fair held on St. James's day. Hence this parish extends northward for more than a mile, to the river Medway, the bank of which is here beautifully shaded with young oaks. Here is a hamlet called New Hythe, situated close to the river, so called from the shipping and relading of goods at it. The civil liberty of the corporation of Maidstone claims over this place.— There once belonged a chapel to this district, called New Hythe chapel, which was suppressed in king Edward VI.th's time, when it was valued at eleven shillings clear yearly value; the first founder of it was not known. Daily mass was said in it. Hugh Cartwright, gent. of East Malling, had soon afterwards a grant of it.
Adjoining to the southern side of the high road and hamlet of Larkfield, is the small, but beautifully situated, park of Bradborne, the plantations of which, as well as the stream which flows through it, are so judiciously and ornamentally disposed round the mansion, as to render it, for its size (its smallness being by art wholly concealed from the sight) the most elegant residence of any in these parts. Close to the southern pale of the park, is the village of East Malling, at the north end of which is a handsome house, the property of Sir John Twisden, the church, and parsonage. Hence there is a street called Mill-street, from a corn mill there, which is turned by the before mentioned stream. Through the village, which has in it some tolerable good houses, one of which was lately the property of James Tomlyn, esq. the ground rises up to East Malling heath, on the entrance of which, near the direction post, there appears to be a Roman tumulus. On this heath are several kilns for making bricks and tile; it lies on high ground, and is a pleasant spot, though surrounded on the east and west sides by large tracts of coppice woods. The park of Teston bounds up to the south east corner of it, and the road from thence to Town Malling and Ofham leads along the southern part of it, through the woods.
AT THE TIME of taking the general survey of Domesday in the year 1080, being the fifteenth of the Conqueror's reign, this place was part of the possessions of the archbishop of Canterbury, under the title of whose lands it is thus entered in that record.
In the lath of Elesfort, in Laurochesfel hundred, the archbishop (of Canterbury) himself holds Metlinges in demesne. It was taxed at two sulings. The arable land is seven carucates. In demesne there are three carucates and thirty-eight villiens, with twelve borderers having five carucates. There is a church and five servants, and two mills of ten shillings, and twenty-one acres of meadow. Wood for the pannage of sixty hogs. In the whole value, in the time of king Edward the Confessor it was worth nine pounds, the like when he received it, and now as much, and yet it pays fifteen pounds.
The manor of East Malling was given not many years afterwards by Anselm, archbishop of Canterbury, by the name of Parvas Meallingas, to the nunnery of the adjoining parish of West Malling, founded by Gundulph, bishop of Rochester, his cotemporary. In the 7th year of king Edward I. the abbess of Malling claimed several liberties within this manor; and in the twenty-first year of that reign, she claimed to have in it view of frank pledge, assize of bread and ale, and gallows, which she found her church possessed of at the time of her coming to it; and it was allowed her by the jury.
In the time of king Richard II. the temporalities of the abbess of Malling in this parish and Town Malling were valued at forty-five pounds.
This monastery being dissolved in the 30th year of Henry VIII. anno 1538, this manor was, with the rest of its possessions, surrendered into the kings hands. After which the king, in his 31st year, granted in exchange, among other premises, to Thomas Cranmer, archbishop of Canterbury, this manor and parsonage, late belonging to the before-mentioned abbey, excepting all advowsons, presentations, &c. to hold by knight's service; and as the king was entitled to the tenths of them, he discharged the archbishop of them, and all other outgoings whatsoever, except the rent therein mentioned. Which grant was in consequence of an indenture made before, between the king and the archbishop, inrolled in the Augmentation-office.
The manor of East Malling, and the premises before-mentioned, were again exchanged with the crown in the beginning of the reign of queen Elizabeth, in the 12th year of which the queen granted this manor in lease to Sir Henry Brook alias Cobham, knt. fifth son of George, lord Cobham; after which it was in like manner possessed by Pierpoint, who lies buried in Town Malling church, and afterwards by Hugh Cartwright, esq. who bore for his arms, Argent, on a fess engrailed, sable, three cinquefoils of the first. On whose decease his widow, Mrs. Jane Cartwright, one of the seventeen daughters of Sir John Newton, became entitled to it, and carried her interest in it to her second husband, Sir James Fitzjames, and he passed it away to Humphrey Delind, who soon afterwards alienated it to Sir Robert Brett, descended of the ancient family of the Bretts, in Somersetshire, who bore for his arms, Or, a lion rampant, guies, within an orle of cross-croslets fitchee of the second. He died in 1620, and was buried in Town Malling church, having had by Frances his wife, the only daughter of Sir Thomas Fane, by Mary, baroness Le Despencer his wife, who died in 1617, an only son Henry, who died in 1609, and both lie interred with him in that church. The next year after the death of Sir Robert Brett, king James granted this manor in fee to John Rayney, esq. which grant was farther confirmed to Sir John Rayney, his eldest son, in the second year of king Charles I. Sir John Rayney was of Wrotham place, and was created a baronet of Nova Scotia in 1641; and his son of the same name, about the year 1657, passed it away by sale to Thomas Twisden, serjeant at law, afterwards knighted, and made one of the judges of the King's Bench, and created a baronet.
He afterwards seated himself at Bradbourn, in this parish, and in his descendants, baronets, seated there likewise, it has continued down to Sir John Papillon Twisden, bart. of Bradbourn, who is the present owner of it.
There is a court leet and court baron held for this manor.
BRADBOURN is a seat in this parish, which has long been the residence of a gentleman's family. It was formerly accounted a manor, and in the reign of king Henry VIII. was in the possession of the family of Isley, of Sundridge, in this county, in which it continued till Sir Henry Isley, in the 31st year of that reign, exchanged it with the king for other premises; which exchange was confirmed by letters patent under the great seal the next year.
In the reign of queen Elizabeth, it was in the possession of the family of Manningham, descended out of Bedfordshire, who bore for their arms, Sable, a fess ermine, in chief three griffins heads erased or, langued gules. The last of this name here was Richard Manningham, esq. who about the year 1656 alienated Bradbourn to Thomas Twisden, esq. serjeant at law, who was the second son of Sir William Twisden, bart. of Roydon-hall in East Peckham, and of the Lady Anne Finch, his wife, daughter of the first countess of Winchelsea, and continued to bear the antient coat of arms of his family, being Gironny of four argent and gules, a saltier and four cross croslets, all counterchanged, with due difference; and for his crest, On a wreath, a cockatrice azure, with wings displayed or. On the year of king Charles's restoration, he was knighted by him, and made one of the judges of the king's bench, and on June 13, anno 19 Charles II. 1666, was created a baronet. He discharged his office of judge during the space of eighteen years, when he obtained his quietus, on account of his great age and infirmities. He altered the spelling of his name from Twysden, as it was spelt by his ancestors, and is still by the Twysdens of East Peckham, baronets, to Twisden, to distinguish the two branches of the family, and this alteration has been followed by his descendants, to the present time. He resided at this seat, the grounds of which he imparked in the year 1666, and dying in 1683, aged 81, was buried in East Malling church. He married Jane, daughter of John Tomlinson, esq. of Whitby, in Yorkshire, who surviving him, died in 1702, by whom he had several sons and daughters. Of the former, Sir Roger Twisden, knight and baronet, the eldest son, succeeded him in title and estate, and resided at Bradbourn. He married Margaret, daughter of Sir John Marsham, knight and baronet, of Whornes-place, and died in 1703, leaving three sons and two daughters. He was succeeded in title and this estate by his eldest son, Sir Thomas Twisden, bart. who was likewise of Bradbourn, and served in parliament for this county in the second parliament of king George I. He married Anne, the daughter and heir of John Musters, esq. of Nottinghamshire, by whom he had four sons; Sir Thomas, his successor; Sir Roger, successor to his brother; and William, and John deceased. He died in 1728, and was succeeded by his eldest son, Sir Thomas Twisden, before-mentioned, who going abroad died at Grenada, in Spain, in 1737, unmarried, and was succeeded in dignity and this estate by his brother, Sir Roger Twisden, bart. who resided at Bradbourn, which he so highly improved, that there are few seats of private gentlemen, that exceed it, either in convenience, beauty, or pleasantness.
He served in parliament for this county in the 5th and 6th parliament of king George II. and having resided here with the worthiest of characters, he died in 1772, and was buried with his ancestors in East Malling church. By Elizabeth, his wife, daughter and heir of Edmund Watton, esq. of Addington, and widow of Leonard Bartholomew, esq. who survived him, and died in 1775, he left three sons, Roger; William, who resided at Hythe, and married Miss Kirkman, and died s. p. and John Papillon. He was succeeded by his eldest son, Sir Roger Twisden, bart. of Bradbourn, who died in 1779, leaving his wife Rebecca, daughter of Isaac Wildash, esq. of Chatham, big with child, which proved to be a daughter, on which his only surviving brother Sir John Papillon Twisden, bart. succeeded him both in title and his estates in this parish, of which he is the present possessor. He resides at Bradbourn, and in 1782 married a daughter of admiral Sir Francis Geary, of Polsden, in Surry, bart. by whom he has a son, born in 1784.
CHARITIES.
Mr. RICHARD BURNET gave by will in 1578, four bushels of wheat, in money 20s. to be distributed yearly to the poor of this parish for ever, on Good Friday, vested in the churchwardens.
Mrs. MARY TURNER, in 1679, gave by will 20s. to be distributed to twenty poor widows of this parish on Lady-day for ever, vested in the same.
THE LADY JANE TWISDEN, relict of judge Twisden, gave by will in 1702, toward putting out poor children, born in this parish, apprentices, the sum of 100l. now vested in the same, and of the annual produce of 4l. 4s.
JAMES TOMLYN gave by will in 1752, to teach poor children to write, and the church catechism, and to read, 5l. yearly for ever, issuing out of land in this parish, called Crouch, vested in the churchwardens, and now of that annual produce.
EAST MALLING is within the ECCLESIASTICAL JURISDICTION of the diocese of Rochester, and being a peculiar of the archbishop of Canterbury, is as such within the deanry of Shoreham.
The church of East Malling is dedicated to St. James. It is a handsome building, with a square tower at the west end of it.
Archbishop Anselm, who lived in the time of king William Rufus, gave the church of East Malling to the nunnery of the adjoining parish of West Malling, and granted, that the abbess and nuns there should hold it appropriated to them. (fn. 1)
¶Simon, archbishop of Canterbury, in 1363, on the complaint of Sir John Lorkyn, perpetual vicar of this church, that the portion of his vicarage, the church of which was held appropriated by the abbess and convent of Malling, was insufficient for his decent support and for the payment of episcopal dues, and the support of other burthens incumbent on him; and the abbess and convent being desirous of providing a proper support for the vicar and his successors, as far as was necessary, and agreeing, under their common seal, to assign to him and them the portions under-mentioned, which the archbishop approved of as sufficient, and the vicar likewise agreed to—decreed, and ordained, that the vicar and his successors, should have the mansion belonging to the vicarage, with the garden of it, and six acres and three roods of arable land, and two acres of meadow, which they used to have in past times, free and discharged from the payment of tithes, together with the herbage of the cemetery of the church, and the trees growing on it, and the tithes of silva cedua, lambs, wool, pigs, geese, ducks, eggs, chicken, calves, cheese, and the produce of the dairy, pidgeons, hemp, and flax, apples, pears, pasture, honey, wax beans planted in gardens, and of all other seeds whatsoever sown in them, and also the tithes of sheaves arising from orchards or gardens, dug with the foot, together with the tithes as well of the cattle of the religious in their manors and lands wheresoever situated within the parish, either bred up, feeding, or lying there, and of all other matters above-mentioned, being within the said manors and lands, as of the cattle and matters of this sort of all others whatsoever, arising within the parish; and further, that the vicar and his successors, ministering in the church, should take at all future times all manner of oblations, as well in the parish church, as in the chapel of St. John, at Newhethe, in this parish, and all other places within it, then or in future, and the tithes of business of profit, of butchers, carpenters, brewers, and other artificers and tradesmen whatsoever, to this church in any wise belonging, and likewise the residue of the paschal wax, after the breaking of the same, and legacies then, or which might afterwards be left to the high altar, and the rest of the altars, or images; and he decreed, that only the tithes of the two mills in this parish belonging to the religious, and also the great tithes of sheaves, and of hay wheresoever arising within the parish, should in future belong to the abbess and convent. And he taxed this portion of the vicar at ten marcs sterling yearly value; according to which he decreed, that the vicar should pay the tenth, whenever the same ought to be paid in future; and that the vicar for the time being should undergo the burthen of officiating in this church, either by himself, or some other fit priest, in divine services, and in finding of bread and wine, for the cele bration of the sacraments, and of the two processional tapers, as heretofore; and that he should receive and undergo all other profits and burthens, otherwise than as before-mentioned.
The vicarage is valued in the king's books at 10l. 8s. 4d. and the yearly tenths at 1l. 0s. 10d.
Sir John Twisden is the present patron of this vicarage.
The vicar of East Malling is always intitled to be one of the ministers, who preach at the lecture founded in Town Malling church, that is, one sermon every fortnight, on a Saturday, being the market-day; and he receives ten shillings for each sermon he preaches.
Orvieto è un comune italiano di 21.053 abitanti della provincia di Terni in Umbria.
La città di Orvieto si trova nella parte sud-occidentale dell'Umbria, in provincia di Terni, al confine con la provincia di Viterbo nel Lazio. Orvieto è insediata su una rupe di tufo, a 325 m s.l.m., che domina la valle sottostante dove scorrono i fiumi Paglia e Chiani poco prima di confluire nel Tevere. Questa enorme piattaforma in tufo vulcanico brunastro, che si solleva dai venti ai cinquanta metri dal piano della campagna, fu creata dall'azione eruttiva di alcuni vulcani, che depositarono un'enorme quantità di materiali.
Con 281 km² di superficie, è uno dei cinquanta comuni più estesi d'Italia. Il punto più alto è il monte Peglia (837 m s.l.m.), al confine con il comune di San Venanzo. Il territorio di Orvieto è parte della Comunità Montana Monte Peglia e Selva di Meana e parte di esso insiste nel Parco fluviale del Tevere, parco regionale dell'Umbria nato come area protetta del WWF nel 1990.
Periodo etrusco
Le testimonianza archeologiche di epoca etrusca, fornite da campagne di scavo e studi condotti negli ultimi anni, offrono un quadro abbastanza attendibile, anche se ancora incompleto, della città antica, identificata dopo molte incertezze e polemiche tra etruscologi, nella città di Velzna. Denominata, probabilmente, Volsinii Veteres (la disputa sul nome di questa città etrusca non si è ancora conclusa, ma questo sembra il più attendibile) sorgeva nei pressi di un famoso santuario etrusco, Fanum Voltumnae, meta ogni anno degli abitanti dell'Etruria che vi confluivano per celebrare riti religiosi, giochi e manifestazioni. La città ebbe, dall'VIII al VI secolo a.C., un notevole sviluppo economico, di cui beneficiavano principalmente ricche famiglie in un regime fortemente oligarchico, e un incremento demografico che, nella composizione della popolazione, mostra l'apertura ad una città multietnica; di tutto ciò si ha riscontro dai resti della città sulla rupe e principalmente dalle vicine necropoli. La città raggiunse il massimo splendore tra il VI e il IV secolo a.C., diventando un fiorente centro commerciale e artistico, con una supremazia militare garantita dalla sua posizione strategica che le dava l'aspetto di una fortezza naturale.
Periodo romano
Tra la fine del IV e l'inizio del III secolo a.C. l'equilibrio sociale che aveva permesso la crescita della città, si incrinò. I ceti subalterni conquistarono il governo della cosa pubblica, il dissidio tra le classi divenne violento, finché i nobili non chiesero aiuto ai Romani. Questi, nel 264 a.C., colsero l'occasione per inviare l'esercito a Volsinii e, invece di sottometterla, la distrussero e deportarono gli abitanti scampati all'eccidio sulle rive del vicino lago di Bolsena, dove sorse Volsinii Novi. Non si conosce il motivo di tale accanimento dei Romani nei confronti della città che, secondo le notizie letterarie, trasportarono a Roma oltre duemila statue razziate dai santuari orvietani, ed evocarono nell'Urbe il dio Vertumnus, la principale divinità degli Etruschi. La traslazione della città fisica della Orvieto antica da un sito all'altro si ripeterà in senso inverso provocata ancora da altre invasioni. Fu rifondata allora sulla rupe orvietana la cittadella altomedievale di Ourbibentos che, nell'arco di qualche secolo, diverrà una nuova città con il nome di Urbs Vetus (città vecchia).
Libero Comune
Dopo il crollo dell'Impero Romano d'Occidente, Orvieto divenne dominio dei Goti fino al 553 quando, dopo una cruenta battaglia e un assedio, fu conquistata dai Bizantini di Belisario. Successivamente, dopo l'istituzione del Ducato di Spoleto, divenne longobarda. Poco prima dell'anno Mille la città, posta sulla linea di confine dell'Italia bizantina, di cui costituiva un importante nodo strategico, tornò a rifiorire, espandendo il suo tessuto urbanistico con la costruzione di fortificazioni, palazzi, torri e chiese. Si costituì in Comune, ma anche se non faceva parte ufficialmente del patrimonio di San Pietro, si trovava sotto il suo controllo; per essere riconosciuto governo comunale ebbe bisogno di una dichiarazione di consenso da parte di papa Adriano IV nel 1157. Nel XII secolo Orvieto, forte di un agguerrito esercito, iniziò ad ampliare i propri confini che, dopo vittoriose battaglie contro Siena, Viterbo, Perugia e Todi, la videro dominare su un vasto territorio che andava dalla Val di Chiana fino alle terre di Orbetello e di Talamone sul mar Tirreno. In questa sua espansione, Orvieto si era fatto un potente alleato: Firenze (rivale di Siena) che ne aveva appoggiato l'ascesa. I secoli XIII e XIV furono il periodo di massimo splendore per Orvieto che, con una popolazione di circa trentamila abitanti (superiore perfino a quella di Roma), divenne una potenza militare indiscussa, e vide nascere nel suo territorio urbano splendidi palazzi e monumenti.
Le lotte interne
Ma paradossalmente questa epoca vide anche il nascere di furibonde lotte interne nella città. Due famiglie patrizie, la guelfa Monaldeschi e la ghibellina Filippeschi, straziarono la città con cruenti battaglie che, insieme alle lotte religiose tra i Malcorini, filoimperiali, ed i Muffatti, papalini, indebolirono il potere comunale favorendo, nel 1364, la conquista da parte del cardinale Egidio Albornoz. In questo lasso di tempo altri avvenimenti, degni di nota, si erano registrati ad Orvieto:Papa Innocenzo III, dai pulpiti della chiesa di Sant'Andrea, aveva proclamato la IV crociata; nel 1281, nella stessa chiesa, alla presenza di Carlo I d'Angiò, veniva elevato al pontificato Papa Martino IV e, nel 1297, nella chiesa di San Francesco, avveniva la canonizzazione di Luigi IX di Francia, presente papa Bonifacio VIII. Dopo il cardinale Albornoz, Orvieto venne assoggettata a varie signorie: Rinaldo Orsini, Biordo Michelotti, Giovanni Tomacello e Braccio Fortebraccio per ritornare poi, nel 1450, definitivamente a far parte dello Stato della Chiesa, divenendone una delle province più importanti e costituendo l'alternativa a Roma per molti pontefici, vescovi e cardinali che vi venivano a soggiornare. I secoli XVII e XVIII furono periodi di tranquillità per la città. Sotto l'Impero Napoleonico assurse a cantone e più tardi, nel 1831, sotto la Chiesa, venne elevata a delegazione apostolica. Nel 1860, liberata dai Cacciatori del Tevere, fu annessa al Regno d'Italia.
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Orvieto é uma comuna italiana da região da Umbria, província de Terni, com cerca de 20.692 habitantes. Estende-se por uma área de 281 km2, tendo uma densidade populacional de 74 hab/km2. Faz fronteira com Allerona, Bagnoregio (VT), Baschi, Bolsena (VT), Castel Giorgio, Castel Viscardo, Castiglione in Teverina (VT), Civitella d'Agliano (VT), Ficulle, Lubriano (VT), Montecchio, Porano, San Venanzo, Todi (PG).
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Orvieto is a city and comune in southwestern Umbria, Italy situated on the flat summit of a large butte of volcanic tuff. The site of the city is among the most dramatic in Europe, rising above the almost-vertical faces of tuff cliffs that are completed by defensive walls built of the same stone.
Etruscan era
The ancient city (urbs vetus in Latin, whence "Orvieto"), populated since Etruscan times, has usually been associated with Etruscan Velzna, but some modern scholars differ. Orvieto was certainly a major centre of Etruscan civilization; the Archaeological Museum (Museo Claudio Faina e Museo Civico) houses some of the Etruscan artifacts that have been recovered in the immediate neighbourhood. An interesting survival that might show the complexity of ethnic relations in ancient Italy and how such relations could be peaceful, is the inscription on a tomb in the Orvieto Cannicella necropolis: mi aviles katacinas, "I am of Avile Katacina", with an Etruscan-Latin first name (Aulus) and a family name that is believed to be of Celtic ("Catacos") origin.
[edit] Roman and post-Roman eras
Orvieto was annexed by Rome in the third century BC. After the collapse of the Roman Empire its defensible site gained new importance: the episcopal see was transferred from Bolsena, and the city was held by Goths and by Lombards before its self-governing commune was established in the 10th century, in which consuls governed under a feudal oath of fealty to the bishop. Orvieto's relationship to the papacy has been a close one; in the tenth century Pope Benedict VII visited the city of Orvieto with his nephew, Filippo Alberici, who later settled there and became Consul of the city-state in 1016.
[edit] Middle Ages
Orvieto, sitting on its impregnable rock controlling the road between Florence and Rome where it crossed the Chiana, was a large town: its population numbered about 30,000 at the end of the 13th century.[1] Its municipal institutions already recognized in a papal bull of 1157,[2] from 1201 Orvieto governed itself through a podestà, who was as often as not the bishop, however, acting in concert with a military governor, the "captain of the people". In the 13th century bitter feuds divided the city, which was at the apogee of its wealth but found itself often at odds with the Papacy, even under interdict. Pope Urban IV stayed at Orvieto in 1262-1264.
Some of the families traditionally associated with major roles in Orvieto’s history are: Monaldeschi, Filippeschi, Alberici and Gualterio, of whom only the Alberici and the Gualterio have survived to the present day. The city became one of the major cultural attractions of its time when Thomas Aquinas taught at the Studium. A small university (now part of the University of Perugia), had its origins in a studium generale that was granted to the city by Pope Gregory XI in 1736.
[edit] Papal rule
The territory of Orvieto was under papal control long before it was officially added to the Papal States (various dates are quoted); it remained a papal possession until 1860, when it was annexed to newly unified Italy.
Pilgrims' First Landing Park in Provincetown, Cape Cod, Massachusetts USA
Happy Thanksgiving holiday season from The Pilgrims' First Landing Park in Provincetown, Cape Cod, Massachusetts USA
In 1620, the Pilgrims arrived on the Mayflower and made their first landing in the New World in Provincetown Harbor. The Pilgrims stayed in Provincetown, where they created and signed the Mayflower Compact. They then continued on to their ultimate destination of Plymouth, Massachusetts.
Provincetown is a New England town located at the extreme tip of Cape Cod in Barnstable County, Massachusetts, in the United States. A small coastal resort town with a year-round and summer visitor community. Sometimes called P-town, the area is known for its beaches, harbor, artists, and tourist industry.
For more on Provincetown visit:
For more on Cape Cod visit:
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About this day of the trip:
Today we will continue our tour of this famous New England vacation spot with a Whale Watch. We will also tour the historical Provincetown, and then head to the Pilgrim Tower Monument before concluding our day and returning to the hotel.
Marthas Vineyard, MA
The largest island not connected to mainland by a bridge or tunnel on the East Coast of the United States. Beautiful beaches, grand mansions, great restaurants and shops are all around on the island.
Martha's Vineyard Whale Watch Journey to the feeding ground of the largest mammals on the planet-- humpback whales. Those who join the tour will the ferried out into the ocean to see stunning wildlife, including whales, dolphins, fish, and seabirds.
Whydah Pirate Shipwreak Museum This museum is built around the artifacts recovered from an underwater excavation of the pirate ship Whydah, which was wrecked off the coast of Cape Cod in 1717. When it sunk, had plunder from all over the world.
Cape Cod, MA
Provincetown
Located at the very tip of the Cape Cod peninsula, Provincetown, Massachusetts is a historical beach town popular with tourists from all over the world. The pilgrims on the Mayflower landed in this located back in 1620.
Pilgrim Monument This 250+-foot-tall bell tower in Provincetown, MA is the tallest all-granite building in the United States. It was constructed in 1910 as a commemoration of the Pilgrims who first landed at Cape Cod, MA in 1620.
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Origin of the Name Massachusetts - Massachusetts was named for an Algonquian Indian word that means "a big hill place."
State Nickname - Bay State
State Motto - "Ense petit placidam sub libertate quietem" - ( By the sword we seek peace, but peace only under liberty)
State Song - All Hail to Massachusetts
State bird - Black-Capped Chickadee
State Game Bird - Wild Turkey
State Fish - Cod
State Dog - Boston terrier
State flower - Mayflower (also called the ground laurel or trailing arbutus)
(Epigaea regens)
State tree - American elm
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3-Day Martha's Vineyard, Whale Watches, Plymouth Plantation Tour from New York
Tour Code: 455-1082
Fourth of July - Independence Day weekend holiday celebration
Visit:
Connecticut - drive through with welcome center stop
Martha's Vineyard Island Massachusetts
Martha's Vineyard Cruise
Vineyard Haven community within the town of Tisbury Masachusetts
Oaks Bluffs town Massachusetts
Aquinnah town Massachusetts
Gay Head Cliffs Massachusetts
Gay Head lighthouse Massachusetts
Edgartown Massachusetts
Whale Watch boat ride
Provincetown P-Town beach town in Cape Cod Massachusetts
Pilgrim Monument in Provincetown Cape Cod Massachusetts
Whydah Pirate Shipwreak Museum in Provincetown Cape Cod Massachusetts
Middleborough town, Plymouth County, Massachusetts overnight stay
Plymouth Massachusetts
Plimoth Plantation living history museum in Plymouth, Massachusetts
Mayflower II 17th-century Pilgrim ship
Plymouth Rock of 1620
Rumford, city of East Providence, Rhode Island
For more information on the 3-Day Martha's Vineyard, Whale Watches, Plymouth Plantation Tour from New York visit:
www.taketours.com/new-york-ny/3-day-martha-s-vineyard-wha...
For more information on TakeTours visit:
Hashtag metadata tag
#PilgrimsFirstLandingPark #Pilgrims'FirstLandingPark #ThePilgrim #ThePilgrims #Park #TheCape
#Provincetown #P-Town #Ptown #CapeCode
#HappyThanksgiving #Thanksgiving #FirstThanksgiving #ThanksgivingHoliday #ThanksgivingDinner #PlymouthColony #PlymouthBayColony #AmericanHistory #1620 #PlymouthMassachusetts #PlymouthMass #PlymouthMa #Pilgrim #Pilgrims
#Massachusetts #Mass #Ma #CommonwealthofMassachusetts #CommonwealthMassachusetts #Commonwealth #NewEngland #Massachusettsan #BayStater #Massachusite #MassachusettsBayColony #USA #America #American
Photo
Provincetown town, Barnstable County, Cape Cod region, Massachusetts state, United States of America USA country, North America continent
July 4th 2015
The origin of this bridge goes back to the 17th century during the Felipe IV reign, projected to cross the Manzanares river and to connect Madrid with the Toledo way. A river flood destroyed the bridge, and later other one his reconstruction. The current bridge, of baroque style, was commissioned in 1715 to Pedro de Ribera and the works were made between 1719 and 1732. In the middle are two niches churrigueresque with the images of San Isidro Labrador and Santa María de la Cabeza, made in 1723 by sculptor Juan Alonso Villabrille y Ron with collaboration of Luis Salvador Carmona. It is formed by nine round arches with solid buttresses and drums that are topped on balconies. In 1956 was declared Artistic Historical Monument and in 1992 Well of Cultural Interest. At present it is pedestrian and it is integrated to the Madrid Rio Park.
El origen de este puente se remonta al siglo XVII durante el reinado de Felipe IV, proyectado para cruzar el río Manzanares y enlazar Madrid con el camino de Toledo. Una crecida del río destruyó el puente, y otra posterior su reconstrucción. El puente actual, de estilo barroco, fue encargado en 1715 a Pedro de Ribera y las obras se realizaron entre 1719 y 1732. En la zona central se encuentran dos hornacinas churriguerescas con las imágenes de los patrones de Madrid San Isidro Labrador y Santa María de la Cabeza, realizadas en 1723 por el escultor Juan Alonso Villabrille y Ron con la colaboración de Luis Salvador Carmona. Está formado por nueve arcos de medio punto con sólidos contrafuertes y tambores que se rematan en balconcillos. En 1956 se declaró Monumento Histórico artístico y en 1992 Bien de Interés Cultural. En la actualidad es peatonal y está integrado en el Parque Madrid Río.
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Imágenes en Flickr y Facebook – 10 de marzo de 2014 – Blog – Explicación de las obras
En el repaso de las temáticas, seguimos trabajando en el inventario de colecciones como Cielo, Playas y los musicales, que definen el estilo y esencia del pintor
Entre la obra pequeña y grande
En la década de los setenta se originó el primer ensayo de la colección Playas. Después, en los ochenta, con una claridad y entrega en el descubrimiento de la luz, Ergüin integró su experiencia y dinamismo ofreciendo una serie de trabajos que nos permitieron conocer su visión de Hendaya y las playas de Lanzarote, que están siendo revisadas en la actualidad debido a las exposiciones realizadas a mediados de los noventa en Alemania. El interés de la crítica, los medios de comunicación y el éxito de ventas, se tradujeron en una de las colecciones más llamativas de un autor que gozó de un buen momento gracias a la popularidad de la obra de Carmen, así como a los dibujos presentados en la Galería Colón XVI (Bilbao), la cual desapareció hace un tiempo. Como repositorio de recuerdos, el Blog ha permitido rescatar algunos de los episodios de García Ergüin, comentarios o etapas del pasado, que hacen que encontremos reflexiones sobre el arte, su paso por las distintas exposiciones y una biografía que gestiona el interés con la realidad de un artista que vive de la pintura, como oficio y arte. Asimismo, a lo largo del mes de marzo destacaremos las colecciones más importantes, con el objeto de mejorar el recorrido, posicionamiento y temáticas de la obra mayor. Los esbozos y dibujos nos esperan para saber de la técnica, estudio y otras observaciones que permitieron el encuadre de los cuadros más representativos.
La escuela de Madrid, Cantabria, los autores asturianos y vascos, la influencia como observación de los ya reconocidos Enzo Cini o Menchu Gal hacen que nos fijemos en la necesidad de encontrar aquel tema que despierta el interés de un autor para ser explotado. En la amplitud de miras, siempre con las ganas de experimentar cambios, Ergüin acogió su perspectiva de las playas, su profundidad y el secreto en la realización de hacer una obra desde la observación, el saber esperar y generar una temática que causó gran expectación desde mediados de los 70.
Hendaya, País Vasco, las islas de Lanzarote y Fuerteventura, Tarragona o La Carihuela, de aquellos veranos en la costa de Málaga, hacen que pongamos la mirada en el pasado, siempre actualizando los contenidos que ya aparecieron en los catálogos de las galerías, textos de la crítica y referencias en medios de comunicación. Barcos, pesqueros, personas, las olas y la referencia del mar al final del cuadro hacen que nos adentremos en una identidad que tuvo un origen en la obra de Bermeo, los propios pescadores y el espíritu de los muelles, como ya analizamos en aquellos cuadros de Jávea. Con las sombrillas de adorno, los elementos y movimiento del aire hacen que nos traslademos a una escena de retiro, tranquilidad y disfrute, a tenor de la mirada del artista, que buscó en la obra pequeña y grande una colección de profundidad.
Estilo
Directo, sencillo y abierto. De esta manera, se pueden interpretar las diversas playas que han sido presentadas en distintos tamaños. El color, el contraste entre el norte y sur, o bien, la disposición de los elementos lograron que el público de Alemania celebrase con expectación los cuadros presentados en 1994. Estados Unidos también se hizo eco de un estilo pautado y sincero, que atrajo la mirada de numerosos simpatizantes con la pintura de Ergüin. El atardecer, la puesta de sol, la familia alejándose o las olas rompiendo en la orilla son y forman parte de una continuidad en la colección Cielos, que es otro de los grandes hitos en la pintura del artista vasco a partir de mediados de los noventa. Málaga, Hendaya y Zarautz son un inicio, que sigue en el desarrollo de otras localidades, donde aparecen otras figuraciones que llaman la atención.
Compromiso
Con la aparición de la posibilidad de realizar un catálogo razonado sobre la obra existente, aquellos cuadros que están ubicados en museos o las principales exposiciones que dieron a conocer los orígenes del artista, Ergüin sigue trabajando en su estudio en la realización de retratos, nuevos cuadros y encargos recibidos, que le llevan a la idea de celebrar su 80 cumpleaños por medio de una antológica que podría tener sede en la ciudad de Bilbao, sin dejar de lado las celebraciones de otros eventos en otras localidades, como Toledo, Granada o Madrid. Desde Castilla, la antigua y la nueva, esos recorridos que le llevaron a Andalucía, La Rioja o Zaragoza hacen que fijemos la vista en las medallas y menciones recibidas desde los sesenta. En ese sentido, a lo largo del mes de marzo de 2014 procuraremos recuperar los capítulos más interesantes de cada episodio de su vida profesional.
Fuente de información:
-Archivos de Iñaki García Ergüin.
-Medios de comunicación.
Para más información
Ignacio García Ergüin
Web: garciaerguin.es
Facebook: facebook.com/garciaerguin
Twitter: twitter.com/garciaerguin
Flickr: flickr.com/photos/garciaerguin
YouTube: youtube.com/inakigarciaerguin
Google Plus: plus.google.com/108846756574271829051
Vimeo: vimeo.com/garciaerguin
A postally unused Valentine's Series postcard.
The people in the photograph have all been posed by the photographer.
Llandudno
Llandudno is a seaside resort in Conwy County Borough, Wales, located on the Creuddyn peninsula, which protrudes into the Irish Sea. The town's name is derived from its patron saint, Saint Tudno.
Llandudno is the largest seaside resort in Wales, and as early as 1861 was being called 'the Queen of the Welsh Watering Places' (a phrase later also used in connection with Tenby and Aberystwyth; the word 'resort' came a little later).
History of Llandudno
The town of Llandudno developed from Stone Age, Bronze Age and Iron Age settlements over many hundreds of years on the slopes of the limestone headland, known to seafarers as the Great Orme and to landsmen as the Creuddyn Peninsula.
The origins in recorded history are with the Manor of Gogarth conveyed by King Edward I to Annan, Bishop of Bangor in 1284.
The Great Orme
Mostly owned by Mostyn Estates, the Great Orme is home to several large herds of wild Kashmiri goats originally descended from a pair given by Queen Victoria to Lord Mostyn.
The summit of the Great Orme stands at 679 feet (207 m). The Summit Hotel, now a tourist attraction, was once the home of world middleweight champion boxer Randolph Turpin.
The limestone headland is a haven for flora and fauna, with some rare species such as peregrine falcons and a species of wild cotoneaster (cambricus) which can only be found on the Great Orme.
The sheer limestone cliffs provide ideal nesting conditions for a wide variety of sea birds, including cormorants, shags, guillemots, razorbills, puffins, kittiwakes, fulmars and numerous gulls.
There are several attractions including the Great Orme Tramway and the Llandudno Cable Car that takes tourists to the summit. The Great Orme also has the longest toboggan run in Britain at 750m.
The Development of Llandudno
By 1847 the town had grown to a thousand people, served by the new church of St. George, built in 1840. The great majority of the men worked in the copper mines, with others employed in fishing and subsistence agriculture.
In 1848, Owen Williams, an architect and surveyor from Liverpool, presented Lord Mostyn with plans to develop the marshlands behind Llandudno Bay as a holiday resort. These were enthusiastically pursued by Lord Mostyn.
The influence of the Mostyn Estate and its agents over the years was paramount in the development of Llandudno, especially after the appointment of George Felton as surveyor and architect in 1857.
Between 1857 and 1877 much of central Llandudno was developed under Felton's supervision. Felton also undertook architectural design work, including the design and execution of the Holy Trinity Church in Mostyn Street.
The Llandudno and Colwyn Bay Electric Railway operated an electric tramway service between Llandudno and Rhos-on-Sea from 1907, this being extended to Colwyn Bay in 1908. The service closed in 1956.
Llandudno Attractions
The Beach and The Parade
A beach of sand, shingle and rock curves two miles between the headlands of the Great Orme and the Little Orme.
For most of the length of Llandudno's North Shore there is a wide curving Victorian promenade. The road, collectively known as The Parade, has a different name for each block, and it is on these parades and crescents that many of Llandudno's hotels are built.
Llandudno Pier
The pier is on the North Shore. Built in 1878, it is a Grade II listed building.
The pier was extended in 1884 in a landward direction along the side of what was the Baths Hotel (where the Grand Hotel now stands) to provide a new entrance with the Llandudno Pier Pavilion Theatre, thus increasing the pier's length to 2,295 feet (700 m); it is the longest pier in Wales.
Attractions on the pier include a bar, a cafe, amusement arcades, children's fairground rides and an assortment of shops & kiosks.
In the summer, Professor Codman's Punch and Judy show (established in 1860) can be found on the promenade near the entrance to the pier.
The Happy Valley
The Happy Valley, a former quarry, was the gift of Lord Mostyn to the town in celebration of the Golden Jubilee of Queen Victoria in 1887. The area was landscaped and developed as gardens, two miniature golf courses, a putting green, a popular open-air theatre and extensive lawns.
Ceremonies connected with the Welsh National Eisteddfod were held there in 1896, and again in 1963.
In June 1969, the Great Orme Cabin Lift, a modern alternative to the tramway, was opened with its base station adjacent to the open-air theatre. The distance to the summit is just over 1 mile (1.6 km), and the four-seater cabins travel at 6 miles per hour (9.7 km/h) on a continuous steel cable over 2 miles (3.2 km) long.
It is the longest single-stage cabin lift in Great Britain, and the longest span between pylons is over 1,000 feet (300 m).
The popularity of the 'Happy Valley Entertainers' open-air theatre having declined, the theatre closed in 1985. Likewise the two miniature golf courses closed, and were converted in 1987 to create a 280-metre (920 ft) artificial ski slope and toboggan run. The gardens were extensively restored as part of the resort's millennium celebrations, and remain a major attraction.
Marine Drive
The first route round the perimeter of the Great Orme was a footpath constructed in 1858 by Reginald Cust, a trustee of the Mostyn Estate. In 1872 the Great Orme's Head Marine Drive Co. Ltd. was formed to turn the path into a carriage road.
Following bankruptcy, a second company completed the road in 1878. The contractors for the scheme were Messrs Hughes, Morris, Davies, a consortium led by Richard Hughes of Madoc Street, Llandudno.
The road was bought by Llandudno Urban District Council in 1897. The 4 mile (6.4 km) one-way drive starts at the foot of the Happy Valley. After about 1.5 miles (2.4 km) a side road leads to St. Tudno's Church, the Great Orme Bronze Age Copper Mine and the summit of the Great Orme.
Continuing on the Marine Drive the Great Orme Lighthouse (now a small hotel) is passed, and, shortly afterwards on the right, the Rest and Be Thankful Cafe and information centre.
Below the Marine Drive at its western end is the site of the wartime Coast Artillery School (1940–1945), now a scheduled ancient monument.
The West Shore
The West Shore is a quiet beach on the estuary of the River Conwy. It was here at Pen Morfa that Alice Liddell (of Alice in Wonderland fame) spent the long summer holidays of her childhood from 1862 to 1871.
There are a few hotels and quiet residential streets. The West Shore is linked to the North Shore by Gloddaeth Avenue and Gloddaeth Street, a wide dual carriageway.
Mostyn Street
Running behind the promenade is Mostyn Street, leading to Mostyn Broadway and then Mostyn Avenue. These are the main shopping streets of Llandudno. Mostyn Street accommodates the high street shops, the major high street banks and building societies, two churches, amusement arcades and the town's public library.
The last is the starting point for the Town Trail, a planned walk that facilitates viewing Llandudno in a historical perspective.
Victorian Extravaganza
Every year in May bank holiday weekend, Llandudno has a three-day Victorian Carnival, and Mostyn Street becomes a funfair.
Madoc Street and Gloddaeth Street and the Promenade become part of the route each day for a mid-day carnival parade. Also the Bodafon Farm fields become the location of a Festival of Transport for the weekend.
Venue Cymru
The North Wales Theatre, Arena and Conference Centre, built in 1994, and extended in 2006 and renamed "Venue Cymru", is located near the centre of the promenade on Penrhyn Crescent.
It is noted for its productions of opera, orchestral concerts, ballet, musical theatre, drama, circus, ice shows and pantomimes.
The Llandudno Lifeboat
Until 2017, Llandudno was unique within the United Kingdom in that its lifeboat station was located inland, allowing it to launch with equal facility from either the West Shore or the North Shore as needed.
In 2017, a new lifeboat station was completed, and new, high-speed, offshore and inshore lifeboats, and a modern launching system, were acquired. This station is close to the paddling pool on North Shore.
Llandudno's active volunteer crews are called out more than ever with the rapidly increasing numbers of small pleasure craft sailing in coastal waters. The Llandudno Lifeboat is normally on display on the promenade every Sunday and bank holiday Monday from May until October.
The Ancient Parish Church
The ancient parish church dedicated to Saint Tudno stands in a hollow near the northern point of the Great Orme, and is two miles (3 km) from the present town.
It was established as an oratory by Tudno, a 6th.-century monk, but the present church dates from the 12th. century and it is still used on summer Sunday mornings.
Llandudno's Links with Mametz and Wormhout
-- Mametz
The 1st. (North Wales) Brigade was headquartered in Llandudno in December 1914, and included a battalion of the Royal Welch Fusiliers, which had been raised and trained in Llandudno.
During the Great War this Brigade took part in the Battle of the Somme, and the Brigade was ordered to take Mametz Wood. Two days of fighting brought about the total destruction of Mametz village by shelling.
After the war, the people of Llandudno (including returning survivors) contributed generously to the fund for the reconstruction of the village of Mametz.
-- Wormhout
Llandudno is twinned with the Flemish town of Wormhout which is 10 miles (16 km) from Dunkirk. It was near there that many members of the Llandudno-based 69th. Territorial Regiment were ambushed and taken prisoner.
The Site Mémoire de la Plaine au Bois near Wormhout commemorates the massacre of these prisoners on the 28th. May 1940. The men had been retreating towards Dunkirk ahead of the advancing Germans.
About 100 troops, having run out of ammunition, surrendered to the Germans, assuming that they would be taken prisoner according to the Geneva Convention.
However they were all imprisoned in a small barn, and the SS threw stick-grenades into the building, killing many POW's.
However the grenades failed to kill everyone, largely due to the bravery of two British NCO's, Stanley Moore and Augustus Jennings, who hurled themselves on top of the grenades, using their bodies to shield their comrades from the blast.
In order to finish off the remaining soldiers, the SS fired into the barn with rifles and automatic weapons. A few survived to tell the tale, but no-one was ever indicted for war crimes because of insufficient evidence.
A replica of the barn can be seen at the site of the massacre.
Llandudno's Cultural Connections
Matthew Arnold gives a vivid and lengthy description of 1860's Llandudno - and of the ancient tales of Taliesin and Maelgwn Gwynedd that are associated with the local landscape - in the first sections of the preface to 'On the Study of Celtic Literature' (1867).
Llandudno is also used as a location for dramatic scenes in the stage play and film 'Hindle Wakes' by Stanley Houghton, and the 1911 novel, 'The Card', by Arnold Bennett, and its subsequent film version.
Elisabeth of Wied, the Queen Consort of Romania and also known as writer Carmen Sylva, stayed in Llandudno for five weeks in 1890.
On leaving, she described Wales as "A beautiful haven of peace". Translated into Welsh as "Hardd, hafan, hedd", it became the town's official motto.
Other famous people with links to Llandudno include the Victorian statesman John Bright and multi-capped Welsh international footballers Neville Southall, Neil Eardley, Chris Maxwell and Joey Jones.
Australian ex-Prime Minister Billy Hughes attended school in Llandudno. Gordon Borrie QC (Baron Borrie), Director General of the Office of Fair Trading from 1976 to 1992, was educated at the town's John Bright Grammar School when he lived there as a wartime evacuee.
The international art gallery Oriel Mostyn is in Vaughan Street next to the post office. It was built in 1901 to house the art collection of Lady Augusta Mostyn. It was requisitioned in 1914 for use as an army drill hall, and later became a warehouse, before being returned to use as an art gallery in 1979. Following a major revamp the gallery was renamed simply 'Mostyn' in 2010.
Llandudno has its own mini arts festival 'LLAWN' (Llandudno Arts Weekend). It is a mini festival that rediscovers and celebrates Llandudno’s past in rather a unique way; via art, architecture, artefact, sound, performance, and participation.
The festival takes place over three days of a weekend in late September, originally conceived as a way to promote what those in the hospitality sector refer to as the ‘shoulder season’, which means a lull in the tourist calendar.
In January 1984 Brookside character Petra Taylor (Alexandra Pigg) committed suicide in Llandudno.
In 1997, the English cookery programme "Two Fat Ladies" with Jennifer Patterson and Clarissa Dickson Wright filmed an episode in Llandudno.
Northbound Forrest Highway, Lake Clifton area, WA. RAC Sign highlighting joining their vehicle breakdown club. Excellent replicas of vultures above, becoming a roadside attraction
absurdFest 2015
Ostrovica mountain peak was once home to Jerina Brankovic, wife of Serbian despot Djuradj Brankovic. Being a part of the strict ruling class after Battle of Kosovo, and having a greek origin made Jerina quite infamous. This day was a bizzare salute to a historic Serbian way, and a passing year.