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I saw Holy Trinity come up on the Heritage Weekend website, so I thought a nice Sunday afternoon out, a drive, an ice cream, and visit a new church.
But turns out that Holy Trinity is the Victorian church the other end of the High Street, and I came to the much older one, which happened to be open, but also explains the rest of the account below......
The passing of HM the Queen changed plans somewhat, but I didn't know that.
Sittingbourne is not a pretty town. It has a main road driven through the middle of it, and the area around the church, not pretty either. Four Ne'er-do-wells were drinking and smoking in the churchyard, and in time would attract the attention of two PCOs.
The blurb talked about visiting the crypt and so on, so I was looking forward to the visit. And upon entering, I was pretty much the only one looking round, in the south aisle a coffee shop had been set up.
A woman came up to me and asked:
"Are you SFM?", which I assume to be Swale FM, the local radio station.
I told her I wasn't. But then I did have my new Tron t shirt on, and and looked like a nerd. The actual nerd came out from behind the organ carrying leads and mics. He was SFM.
I introduced the woman to the guy and got on with my shots.
A voice behind me asked:
"Are you SFM?"
Again, I said I wasn't, but there was a guy around who was.
It seems a service was being broadcast, and they were setting up equipment, and in time members of the choir arrived and people carrying instruments. Either that or it was the mafia.
By then I had my shots, and so we made to leave, as yet more people came into the church, while outside people waited for the service to start.
-------------------------------------------
SITTINGBORNE.
THE next parish westward from Murston is Sittingborne, antiently written Sedingbourne, in Saxon, sœdingburna, i. e. the hamlet by the bourne, or small stream.
THE PARISH and town of Sittingborne is situated about forty miles from London, the high road from thence to Dover leading through it. The parish, though rather above the level of the marshes, which bound the northern side of it, from which the ground rises to the town, is still a damp situation, and both from the air and water is not accounted a healthy one, though much more so than several of the neighbouring parishes equally northward, than which it has a more chearful and populous aspect; from the town the ground still keeps rising southward till it joins Tunstall, in the road to which about a quarter of a mile from the town is a good modern house called Glovers, which lately belonged to Thomas Bannister, esq. who resided in it, and died in 1791, and his widow, Mrs. Bannister, now owns it; eastward from which, at about the same distance, are the estates of Chilston and Fulston, and Hysted Forstall, with Golden-wood at the boundary of the parish, part of which is within it, adjoining to Bapchild and Rodmersham. The parish, which is but small, contains little more than eight hundred acres of land, consisting of arable, pasture, orchards, hop ground, and woods. In the upper and western parts it is much inclined to chalk and thin land, but the rest of it is in general a fertile loam, especially about the town, which was formerly surrounded by orchards of apples and cherries, but many of them have been destroyed to make room for plantations of hops, which, however, are not so numerous as formerly, and several of those which remain are kept up only as nurseries for young plantations of fruit trees, to which they must soon in their turn give place. Northward from the town the grounds are entirely pasture and orchards, lying on a descent to the town of Milton and the creek, both about half a mile distant from it; on the latter is a key called Crown key, of great use to this part of the country for the exporting of corn and wood, and relanding the several commodities from London and elsewhere. At a small distance north-west from the town is Bayford-court.
It appears by a survey made in the 8th year of queen Elizabeth, that there was then in this parish houses inhabited eighty-eight; lacking inhabitants five; keys two, Crown key and Holdredge key; ships and boats three, two of one ton, and one of twenty-four tons.
THE town of Sittingborne is built on each side of the high road at the fortieth mile-stone from London, and stands on a descent towards the east. It is a wide, long street unpaved, the houses of which are mostly modern, being well built of brick, and sashed, the whole having a chearful aspect. The principal support of it has always been from the inns, and houses of reception in it for travellers, of which there are several.
The inhabitants boast much of John Northwood, esq. of Northwood, having entertained king Henry V. on his triumphant return from France, at the Red Lion inn, in this town; and though the entertainment was plentiful, and befitting the royalty of his guest, yet such was the difference of the times, that the whole expence of it amounted to no more than 9s. 9d. wine being then sold at two-pence a pint, and other articles in proportion. The principal inn now in it, called the Rose, is perhaps the most superb of any throughout the kingdom, and the entertainment afforded in it equally so, though the traveller probably will not find his reckoning near so moderate as that of John Northwood before-mentioned. About the middle of the opposite side of the town there is a good family seat, which was once the residence of the Tomlyn's, and then for many years of the Lushingtons, several of whom lie buried in this church, of whom a further mention has already been made under Rodmersham manor, which they possessed. At length Thomas Godfrey Lushington left it to reside at Canterbury, and his second son the Rev. James-Stephen Lushington, becoming possessed of it afterwards, sold it to Mr. John May, who resided in it for some time. Since which it has been converted into an inn. At this house, whilst in the possession of the Lushingtons, king George the 1st. and 11d. constantly lodged, whenever they travelled through this town, both in their way to, and return from visiting their German dominions.
The church and vicarage stand almost at the east end of the town, near which there rises a clear spring of water in the high road, which flows from thence northward into Milton creek.
Queen Elizabeth, by her charter, in her 16th year, incorporated the town of Sittingborne, by the name of a guardian and free tenants thereof; and granted to it a market weekly on a Wednesday, and two fairs yearly, the one at Whitsuntide, and the other at Michaelmas, with many other privileges: which charter was used for several years, and until the queen was pleased, through further favor to grant to it another more ample charter, in her 41st year, by which she incorporated this place, by the name of a mayor and jurats, and regranted the market and fairs, with the addition of a great number of privileges, and among others, of returning two members to parliament.
This charter does not appear ever to have been used, or the privileges in it exercised. The market, after having been used for several years, was dropped, and only the two yearly fairs have been kept up, which are still held on Whit-Monday and the two following days, for linen and toys, and on October 10, and the four following days, for linen, woollen, cloaths, hardward, &c. and on the second day of it, for the hiring of servants, both in the town, and in a field, called the Butts, at the back of it.
Lewis Theobald, the poet, made famous by Mr. Pope, in his Dunciad, was born at Sittingborne, his father being an attorney at this place.
SOME FEW of our antiquarians have been inclined to six the Roman station, called, in the second iter of Antonine, Durolevum, at or near Sittingborne; among which are Mr. Talbot, Dr. Horsley, Baxter, and Dr. Stukeley in his comment upon his favorite Richard of Cirencester; (fn. 1) but they have but little to offer in support of their conjecture, except the distances made use of in one or two copies, which are so different in many of them, that there is no trusting to any one in particular; consequently each alters them as it suits his own hypothesis best. The reader will find more of this subject under the description of both Lenham and Newington.
In the year 893, the Danes having fitted out a great number of ships, with an intention of ravaging the coasts of this kingdom, divided them into two fleets; with one of which they failed up the river Limene, or Rother, and with the other, under the command of Hastings, their captain, they entered the mouth of the river Thames, and landed at the neighbouring town of Milton. Near Milton they built a castle, at a place called Kemsley-down, about a quarter of a mile north-east from where the church of Milton now stands, which being overgrown with bushes, acquired the name of Castle rough. King Alfred, on receiving intelligence of these depredations, marched his forces towards Kent, and in order to flop their incursions, some time afterwards built on the opposite or eastern side of the creek, about a mile from the Danish intrenchments, a fortification, part of the ditches of which, and a small part of the stone-work, is still to be seen at Bayford-castle, in this parish.
Gerarde, the herbalist, found on the high road near this place,
Tragoriganum Dodonæi, goats marjorum of Dodo- næus.
Ruta muraria sive salvia vitæ, wall rue, or rue maidenhair; upon the walls of the church-yard here.
Colutea minima five coronilla, the smallest bastard sena; on the chalky barren grounds near Sittingborne, (fn. 2) and lately likewise by Mr. Jacob.
Hieracium maximum chondrillæ folio asperum; observed by Mr. John Sherard, very plentisully in the road from this place to Rochester.
Lychnis saponaria dicta, common sopewort; by him on the same road.
Tithymalus Hybernicus, Irish Spurge; between this place and Faversham.
Erysimum sophia dictum; found by Mr. Jacob, on the road sides near Sittingborne, and on the Standard Key.
Oenanthe cicutæ facie Lobellii, hemlock dropwort, found by him in the water lane between Sittingborne and Milton. (fn. 3)
THE MANOR OF MILTON is paramount over this parish, subordinate to which is
THE MANOR OF GOODNESTON, perhaps so called from its having been the property of Goodwyne, earl of Kent, who might have secured himself here at Bayford castle, in the year 1052, when having taken up arms against king Edward the Consessor, he raised an army, and ravaged the king's possessions, and among them the town of Milton, which he burnt to the ground.
On his death it most probably came to his son king Harold, and after the battle of Hastings into the hands of the crown, whence it seems to have been granted to the eminent family of Leyborne, of Leyborne, in this county. William, son of Roger de Leyborne, died possessed of it in the 3d year of king Edward II.
His grand-daughter Juliana, daughter of Thomas de Leyborne, who died in his life-time, became her grandfather's heir, and succeeded in this manor, to which she entitled her several husbands successively, all of whom she survived, and died S. P. in the 41st year of king Edward III. when no one being found, who could make claim to any of her estates, this manor, among the rest of them, escheated to the crown.
After which this manor of Goodneston, as it was then called, seems to have been granted by the crown to Robert de Nottingham, who resided at a seat adjoining to this manor, called
BAYFORD-CASTLE, where his ancestors had resided for several generations. Robert de Nottingham lived here in the reign of king Edward I. and dates several of his deeds apud castellum suum de Bayford, apud Goodneston. Robert de Nottingham, his successor, who became possessed of the manor of Goodneston as beforementioned, was sheriff in the 48th year of king Edward III. and kept his shrievalty at Bayford, bearing for his arms, Paly, wavy of two pieces, gules and argent, in which year he died, and was found by the inquisition to die possessed of lands at Sharsted, Pedding in Tenham, Newland, La Hirst, Higham in Milsted, Bixle, now called Bix, in Tong, and lastly, Goodneston, with Bayford, in Sittingborne; all which descended to his only son John Nottingham, who died without issue male, leaving Eleanor his daughter his sole heir, who marrying Simon Cheney, of Crall, in Sussex, second son of Sir Richard Cheney, of Shurland, he became, in her right, entitled to it. His grandson Humphry Cheney alienated both Goodneston and Bayford, at the latter end of king Henry VI.'s reign, to Mr. Richard Lovelace, of Queenhyth, in London.
His son Launcelot Lovelace was of Bayford, and purchased the manor of Hever in Kingsdown, near Farningham, under which a more ample account of him and his descendants may be seen. His second son William, heir to his eldest brother Sir Richard, who died S. P. at length became possessed of Goodneston, with Bayford, at which he resided, and dying anno 17 king Henry VII. left two sons, John and William Lovelace, esqrs. who possessed this manor and seat between them; the former of whom resided at Bayford, where he died in the 2d year of Edward VI. holding the moiety of this manor in capite, by knight's service, and leaving seven sons, of whom Thomas Lovelace, esq. his eldest son, inherited his interest in this manor and seat. He procured his lands to be disgavelled, by the act passed anno 2 and 3 Edward VI. and afterwards in the 10th year of queen Elizabeth, together with his cousin William Lovelace, by a joint conveyance, alienated Goodneston, with Bayford, to Mr. Ralph Finch, of Kingsdown, in this neighbourhood, whose son Mr. Thomas Finch, of that place, passed it away by sale to Sir William Garrard, who had been lord mayor in 1555, whose ancestors had been of this parish for several generations before, and perhaps were seated at Fulston in it, as many of them lie buried, in the chancel belonging to that seat, in this church. (fn. 4)
He died in 1571, and was buried in St. Magnus's church, in London, bearing for his arms, Argent, on a fess sable, a lion passant of the field; which arms, borne by his ancestors, are carved on the roof of the cloysters at Canterbury. After which it descended down to his grandson Sir John Garrard, or Gerrard, as this family now began to spell their name, who was of Whethamsted, in Hertfordshire, and was created a baronet in 1621. He was succeeded in it by his eldest son of the same name (at which time Bayford was become no more than a farm-house, being called Bayford-court farm). He died in 1700, leaving an only daughter and heir Mary, who carried the manor of Goodneston, with Bayford, among the rest of her inheritance, in marriage to Montague Drake, esq. of Shardeloes, in Agmondesham, in Buckinghamshire, who bore for his arms, Argent, a wivern, with wings displayed, and tail moved, gules. In whose descendants it continued down to William Drake, esq. M. P. for the borough of Agmondesham, as his ancestors had been, some few intermissions only excepted, ever since its being restored to its privilege of sending members to parliament, as a borough, anno 21 James I. He died possessed of this estate in 1796, and his heirs are at this time possessed of it.
A court baron is held for the manor of Goodneston, with Bayford.
CHILTON is a manor situated in the south-east part of this parish, which was formerly accounted a manor, and had owners of that furname, who held the manor of Chilton in Ash, near Sandwich, both which William de Chilton held at his death in the 31st year of king Edward I. one of whose descendants, in the beginning of king Edward III.'s reign, passed it away to Corbie, whose descendant Robert Corbie, of Boughton Malherb, died possessed of this manor of Chilton, alias Childeston, in the 39th year of that reign. (fn. 5) After which it passed by a female heir of this name in like manner as Boughton Malherb, to the family of Wotton, and from them again to the Stanhopes, (fn. 6) in which it continued till Philip, earl of Chesterfield, about the year 1725, alienated it to Richard Harvey, esq. of Dane-court, whose grandson, the Rev. Richard Harvey, died possessed of it in 1772, leaving his widow surviving, since which it has been sold to Balduck, and by him again to Mr. George Morrison, who now owns it, and resides in it.
FULSTON, called antiently Fogylston, was a large mansion, situated at a small distance southward from Chilton last-described, which, from the burials of the Garrards in the chancel belonging to this estate in Sittingborne church, seems to have been the early residence of that family in this parish. However that be, in the reign of Henry VIII. it was become the estate and residence of John Cromer, esq. the third son of Sir James Cromer, of Tunstall, who died in 1539, and was buried in this church, leaving his three daughters his coheirs; and in one of the windows of this church were the arms of John Cromer, esq. of Fulston, and his two wives, Guldeford and Grove, and their several quarterings.
Probably, by his will, or by a former entail, on his dying without male issue, this seat descended to his nephew Sir James Cromer, of Tunstall, whose grandson, of the same name, dying without male issue in 1613, Christian, one of his daughters and coheirs carried it in marriage to John Hales, esq. eldest son of Sir Edward Hales, of Tenterden, knight and baronet, as has been already more fully mentioned before under Tunstall, and in his descendants it has continued down to Sir Edward Hales, bart. of St. Stephen's, near Canterbury, the present owner of it. The greatest part of this mansion has been pulled down within memory, and a neat farm-house has been erected on the ruins of it.
Charities.
JOHN ALLEN, of Sittingborne, by his will in 1615, gave 40s. per annum for repairing the alms-houses in Crown-key-lane, and firing for the poor in them, to be paid out of Glovers, now Mrs. Bannister's.
ROBERT HODSOLE, by will in 1684, gave 10s. per annum to the poor, payable every Christmas-day yearly, out of Mrs. Rondeau's land.
JOHN GRANT, by will in 1689, gave 20s. per annum, to be paid in corn and bread on January 1, out of Mrs. Trott's farm.
FIVE SEAMS of boiling peas are yearly paid from the parsonage, to be distributed to the poor on every Christmas-day yearly.
KATHERINE DICKS, by her will, left the sum of 25l. to be put out on land security, the interest of it to be said out for ever in six two-penny loaves, to be given to six poor widows &c. who attend divine service, beginning every year on the first Sunday after Christmas-day, of the annual produce of 1l.
The poor annually relieved are about forty; casually eight hundred and fifty.
SITTINGBORNE is within the ECCLESIASTICAL JU RISDICTION of the diocese of Canterbury, and deany of Sittingborne
The church, which is dedicated to St. Michael, is a large, handsome building, of three isles and two chancels, and two cross ones; at the west end is a tower beacon steeple, in which is a clock, a set of chimes, and six bells.
On the stone font, which is an octagon, are the arms of archbishop Arundel, a shield, having on it a cross story; and another with the emblems of Christ's crucifixion on it.
On the 17th of July, 1762, the wind being exceeding high, a fire broke out on the roof of this church, occasioned by the plumbers, who were repairing the leads, having left their fire burning during their absence at dinner, which consumed the whole of it, except the bare walls and the tower. Next year a brief passed for rebuilding of it, which with the contribution of the inhabitants, and a gift of fifty pounds from archbishop Secker, they were enabled to set about.
This was stopped for some little time by the owners of the three chancels, belonging to the Bayford, Chilton, and Fulston estates, refusing to contribute to the rebuilding of them, and they were at length rebuilt at the same cost with the rest of the church; and the whole of it was afterwards completed and fitted up in a very handsome manner. By the fire the monuments against the walls were destroyed, and most of the gravestones broken by the falling of the timbers. The latter, in the rebuilding of the church, have, the greatest part of them, been most absurdly removed from the graves over which they lay, to other parts of the church, and some even from the church-yard, as it suited to make the pavement complete; so that there is now hardly a guess to be made, where the bodies lie, that the inscriptions commemorate, but the gravestones of the Lushingtons, I believe, were none of them removed. In the south cross chancel belonging to the estate of Fulston, is a monument for Thos. Bannister, gent. obt. 1750, arms, Argent, a cross story, sable. The brass plate, on which the inscription was, for John Crowmer, of Fulston, and his two wives, in this chancel, being loose, there was found on the under side of it one in Latin, for Robert Rokele, esq. once dwelling with the most revered lady, the lady Joane de Bohun, countess of Hereford, Essex, and Northton, who died in 1421, an instance of œconomy which has been discovered at times in other churches.
The south-east chancel belonged to the Chilton estate; there are many gravestones of the family of Lushington in it. Dr. Lushington's monument was entirely destroyed at the time of the fire. In the upper part of this chancel is a vault, belonging to the Chilton estate, in which is only one coffin, of Mr. Harvey, who died in 1751, and a great quantity of bonespiled up at one end of it.
The archdeacon's court, in which he holds his visitation, is at the upper end of this chancel.
The coats of arms in the windows of the church, which were many, were entirely destroyed, and they have been since entirely resitted with modern glass.
The middle chancel is the archbishop's, and belongs to the parsonage; in which there is a memorial for Mathew, son of Sir John, and grandson of archbishop Parker, who died in 1645. The north chancel is made use of now as a vestry. The north cross chancel belongs to the Bayford estate. In the north wall of it there is the effigies of a woman, lying at length, in the hollow of the wall, with an arch, carved and ornamented, over her, and midway between the arch and figure, a flat table stone of Bethersden marble: the whole of it seems very antient.
In this church there was, before the reformation, a chantry, called Busherb's chantry.
The church of Sittingborne belonged to the Benedictine nunnery of Clerkenwell, to which it was appropriated before the 8th year of king Richard II. and it remained part of the revenues of it till its dissolution, in the 31st year of king Henry VIII.'s reign.
¶This church thus coming into the king's hands, seems to have remained part of the revenues of the crown till queen Elizabeth, in her 3d year, granted the parsonage of it, with the advowson of the vicarage, the former being then valued at 13l. 6s. 8d. to archbishop Parker. Since which they have continued parcel of the possessions of the archbishopric, and remain so at this time.
The parsonage has been from time to time leased out on a benesicial lease, at the yearly rent of 13l. 6s. 8d. In 1643 John Olebury, gent. was lessee; in later times, Cockin Sole, esq. of Bobbing, whose son John Cockin Sole, esq. died possessed of it in 1790, since which this lease has been sold under the directions of his will.
In the 8th year of king Richard II. this parsonage was valued at 23l. 6s. 8d.
In 1578, on a survey of the diocese of Canterbury, it was returned, that this parsonage was impropriate to the queen's majesty; the vicarage also in her gift; dwelling-houses eighty; communicants three hundred; the tenths twenty shillings.
The vicarage is valued in the king's books at ten pounds, the yearly tenths being one pound. In 1640, it was valued at fifty-six pounds. Communicants three hundred and eighty.
The vicarage is situated not far from the north side of the church-yard, adjoining to which is the only piece of glebe land belonging to it.
Forensic Accounting |LB Bookkeeping & Payroll Services, Inc.
7955 E. Arapahoe Court #1250,
Centennial, CO 80112
(303)347-1442
I have been a Flickr member since 2005 and I'm happy to say I was able to update my expiring Pro Account to a recurring subscription today.
Thanks to Thomas Hawk for tipping me to this option in my settings page!
JOINT BASE PEARL HARBOR-HICKAM, Hawaii (June 24, 2021) U.S. Navy Petty Officer 3rd Class Amanda M. Huddleston, U.S. Pacific Fleet Band, sings the National Anthem during an honorable carry ceremony. The Defense POW/MIA Accounting Agency (DPAA) hosted the two honorable carry ceremonies to return the remains and pay tribute to the 429 Sailors and Marines lost aboard the USS Oklahoma during the attack on Pearl Harbor on December 7th, 1941. The remains were returned from the DPAA Laboratory in Offutt Air Force Base, Nebraska to Hawaii as the USS Oklahoma Project nears completion. The honorable carry celebrates the successes of the project, highlighting the joint effort among DPAA, the U.S. Navy, and mission partners, while honoring the Sailors and Marines of the USS Oklahoma. The identification of more than 338 of the 394 Sailors and Marines that were missing in 2003, to date, from the USS Oklahoma represents the first successful completion of a project of such scope and complexity. DPAA’s mission is to achieve the fullest possible accounting for missing and unaccounted-for U.S. personnel to their families and our nation. (U.S. Army photo by Staff Sgt. Michael O’Neal)
Now for the most painful work-in-progress, my accounting class. It has been a struggle all semester and the most work I've ever had to put into a class. From a grade standpoint it has been a rollercoaster! There were time where I thought there was no way I could have a good grade at the end, but the end is here and I"m done! I'll need to do it again next semester in Accounting 2 but it will get done and I can HAVE a good grade!
An account of Indian serpents, collected on the coast of Coromandel
London :Printed by W. Bulmer and Co. Shakespeare-Press; for G. Nicol,1796-1801 [i.e. 1796-1809?]
Dear Accounts Aspirants – Here is a wonderful opportunity for you to groom your skills in the domain of Accounts and become ‘job ready’ for the corporate sector, with the help of Floraison’s unique, Knowledge Fostering Program (KFP).
Floraison India Strategic Consulting Pvt. Ltd. is a Bangalore-based strategic and business consulting organization. As a company which provides integrated consulting services, we partner with our clients, from the stage of inception to assist them in successfully commencing their operations and further hand-hold them to run their company efficiently. Our focus areas are India Entry Strategies and New-Age Entrepreneur Support.
Floraison’s Knowledge Fostering Program (KFP) is a product of its several years of experience and accumulated expertise in the accounting and compliances industry.
Our USP: Our comprehension and familiarity with our continuing consulting experience which equips us with the right knowledge and an in-depth understanding of the dynamics of various industries, from an accounting and compliance perspective. Both these factors, together, facilitate us with an accurate insight into the requirements of the intellectual capital of the sector.
The end-result is a hands-on course which caters to the needs of all its stakeholders: be it the corporate world- full of opportunities for ‘employable’ freshers, or, the associates wanting to carve a niche for themselves, by exploiting these opportunities to the fullest extent possible.
Program’s curriculum
oCorporate accounts & role of a corporate accountant
oFundamentals of accounting & bookkeeping
oChart of accounts, groups, profit & cost centers
oAccounting principles &Important accounting entries
oBasic accounting standards & practical application thereof
oRelevant provisions of the Indian companies act, 1952
oRelevant provisions of the Indian income tax act, 1961
oIntroduction to value added tax & central sales tax
oIntroduction to the provision of the service tax regulations
oCompensation & benefits including payroll
oBasic Labour Laws – PF, ESI, PT, Gratuity, Bonus act etc
oFundamentals of accounts payable & accounts receivables
oAll about preparation and filing of e-TDS
oSelf review & finalization of accounts
oCorporate MIS reporting – Internal reporting
oSchedule VI reporting – External reporting
oPreparation for statutory audit & CARO
oIntroduction to tax audit & tax returns
Eligibility
Just about any person wanting to build or hone basics of the accounting and compliances domain and obtain firsthand experience of corporate must-knows can enroll for Floraison’s Knowledge Fostering Program. More specifically, the following sets of persons will benefit optimally by enrolling for this Program:
•Students, eager to learn practical fundamentals of the accounting domain while still pursuing their academic courses.
•Fresher’s (Graduates/ Post-graduates), looking for employment opportunities in the accounting domains.
•Freshly employed professionals, keen on refreshing their existing basic skills in the accounting domain, to enhance their career prospects,
•A professional wanting to make a transition from BPO/ Call centers to core accounting profiles
•Any curious layman who is enthusiastic and eager to know and understand the fundamentals of accounting domain!
Duration
Floraison’s Knowledge Fostering Program is spread over a period of 100 hours, spanning over 20 working days. The Program would be conducted in two batches which would each accommodate about 30 associates.
•Batch one: 7.30am to 12.30 pm
•Batch two: 2.30 pm to 7.30 pm.
*Conditions Apply
For further details: Contact - Mukinthan
Floraison India Strategic Consulting Pvt. Ltd.,
#185/7, 2nd Floor, “Chandra Plaza”,
8th F Main, 3rd Block,
Jayanagar, Bangalore 560011.
P: +91 80 2653 8257/58/59.
Email: kfp@floraison.in / mukinthan.r@floraison.in
Website: www.floraison.in/KPF
Designer unknown (佚名)
1949
Settle accounts resolutely
Qingsuan gu (清算固)
Call nr.: PC-1949-s-004 (Private collection)
More? See: chineseposters.net/themes/land-reform
The Philippines’ internet and television sensation Maine Mendoza, more popularly known as “Yaya Dub” of the longest-running noontime variety show Eat Bulaga, has regained control and full access of her Twitter account.
It can be recalled that in the wee hours of Tuesday morning, loose hacking gro...
www.sportsrageous.com/entertainment/yaya-dub-regains-cont...
Dear Accounts Aspirants – Here is a wonderful opportunity for you to groom your skills in the domain of Accounts and become ‘job ready’ for the corporate sector, with the help of Floraison’s unique, Knowledge Fostering Program (KFP).
Floraison India Strategic Consulting Pvt. Ltd. is a Bangalore-based strategic and business consulting organization. As a company which provides integrated consulting services, we partner with our clients, from the stage of inception to assist them in successfully commencing their operations and further hand-hold them to run their company efficiently. Our focus areas are India Entry Strategies and New-Age Entrepreneur Support.
Floraison’s Knowledge Fostering Program (KFP) is a product of its several years of experience and accumulated expertise in the accounting and compliances industry.
Our USP: Our comprehension and familiarity with our continuing consulting experience which equips us with the right knowledge and an in-depth understanding of the dynamics of various industries, from an accounting and compliance perspective. Both these factors, together, facilitate us with an accurate insight into the requirements of the intellectual capital of the sector.
The end-result is a hands-on course which caters to the needs of all its stakeholders: be it the corporate world- full of opportunities for ‘employable’ freshers, or, the associates wanting to carve a niche for themselves, by exploiting these opportunities to the fullest extent possible.
Program’s curriculum
oCorporate accounts & role of a corporate accountant
oFundamentals of accounting & bookkeeping
oChart of accounts, groups, profit & cost centers
oAccounting principles &Important accounting entries
oBasic accounting standards & practical application thereof
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Just about any person wanting to build or hone basics of the accounting and compliances domain and obtain firsthand experience of corporate must-knows can enroll for Floraison’s Knowledge Fostering Program. More specifically, the following sets of persons will benefit optimally by enrolling for this Program:
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Do you have a checking account with Chase?
I used to.
In late 2005 I moved back to Michigan from Arizona.
Something screwed up my account with the address change, and to fix it, they had to give me a new account number.
On march 20, 2006, my balance was $87.76. I decided to close the account, and they would not let me without a $40 termination fee, since the account hadn't been open for more than three months. I had had it more than a year, in reality, but the "new number" they assigned me didn't reflect that.
I decided to take out all of my money after the next interest closing to the highest even dollar amount I could and still maintain a balance of more than $1, pursuant to their guidelines.
My balance has been, since may, $1.73.
This statement that ended the period of Nov 20 shows how they charged me an "inactivity fee" of the entire balance of my account at the time - $1.73.
I called to ask WHAT THE HELL and they told me that inactivity fees are $5, unless there is less than that in the account, and then they are the balance of the account.
I asked him if this is standard, and they answered yes. after 6 months, you're subject to this fee.
I asked him if now since by no fault of my own, i now have a "zero balance" if fees apply (fees apply to their checking accounts if a positive balance isn't maintained). he said no.
I decided to leave the account as-is to see what happens.
I just spoke with customer support with Chase today, as I didn't see my account in my online access anymore. All references to it are completely nonexistant.
I read the account number to the operator. "That account is inactive." I asked her to tell me when it was closed, and she replied December 26th. Let's see, Nope, that wasn't me calling on the day after christmas. I asked her who closed the account and she said that the information wasn't available.
Some logic that I believe a bank should operate by is "You put your money into a bank to keep it in a safe place, where it will be when you need it."
In this case, simply for not having a transaction take place, all of my money was stolen by the bank under the guise of an Inactivity Fee. Next, after the balance was zeroed under no direct action of my own, the account was mysteriously closed the day after christmas...
I haven't received the final statement yet, but I imagine it's going to be a hoot.
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My favorite floor is the second floor, on account of the comical windowlessness of its expansive grid of rectangles, and the comically uneven application of its dark red paint.
My second favorite floor is the third floor, on account of its lozenge-shaped design of dark brown brickwork, set within a field of dark brown bricks.
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In downtown McKeesport, Pennsylvania, on July 1st, 2019, a building on the north side of 5th Avenue, east of Sinclair Street.
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Getty Thesaurus of Geographic Names terms:
• Allegheny (county) (7013272)
• McKeesport (2090470)
Art & Architecture Thesaurus terms:
• abandoned buildings (300008055)
• brick (clay material) (300010463)
• brickwork (works by material) (300015333)
• casement windows (300002998)
• commercial buildings (300005147)
• cream (color) (300266242)
• dark brown (300127526)
• dark red (300126317)
• lozenges (300009791)
• paint (coating) (300015029)
• step pattern (300010229)
• three-story (300163795)
Wikidata items:
• 1 July 2019 (Q57350260)
• July 1 (Q2700)
• July 2019 (Q47087600)
• Pittsburgh metropolitan area (Q7199458)
• Rust Belt (Q781973)
• Treaty of Fort Stanwix (Q246501)
• vacant building (Q56056305)
• Western Pennsylvania (Q7988152)
Library of Congress Subject Headings:
• Buildings—Pennsylvania (sh85017803)
• Grids (Crisscross patterns) (sh2006005408)
Bueno gente decidí cambiar de flickr, la única razón es que ya no me gusta el nombre de este y tampoco mi galería.
Por respeto a las personas que le han gustado mis fotos y las ha puesto como favorita*, no las eliminare lo dejare tal como esta.
Espero que me agreguen a mi nuevo flickr por que yo "sí" lo haré con ustedes :3 .
www.flickr.com/photos/lepetitoiseau/
#GLG #Accounting #firm has several years of experience providing the best accounting services to clients from all over the USA. goo.gl/5kbxmJ
My choice of lyric this week!
Janis Ian – At Seventeen
"Their small town eyes will gape at you
in dull surprise when payment due
Exceeds accounts received"
Rather literal interpretation of a beautifully subtle lyric.
From now on, all my photography (non LEGO) will be posted on it. Add it if you want. Link to Zadok Photo
I am back after a long gap. My free account is expired and I am caught in a fix of whether to move on to the Pro account or stay with the things that Flickr would provide me for a few more days. However one thing is for sure...I miss you friends...I have been addicted to Flickr just because of nice friends like you all which I made on Flickr. Thanks a ton
Do you have information about this picture? Recognize people, places or events? If so, please make a comment with this information (you will need to log in to Flickr to do this) OR you can contact archives@cincinnatistate.edu. Include the photo name/file number in your message.
Picture taken 1983 - digitally captured from paper print
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The Dayak or Dyak or Dayuh /ˈdaɪ.ək/ are the native people of Borneo. It is a loose term for over 200 riverine and hill-dwelling ethnic subgroups, located principally in the interior of Borneo, each with its own dialect, customs, laws, territory and culture, although common distinguishing traits are readily identifiable. Dayak languages are categorised as part of the Austronesian languages in Asia. The Dayak were animist in belief; however many converted to Islam and since the 19th century, mass conversion to Christianity.
HISTORY
The Dayak people of Borneo possess an indigenous account of their history, mostly in oral literature, partly in writing in papan turai (wooden records), and partly in common cultural customary practices. Among prominent accounts of the origin of the Dayak people includes the mythical oral epic of "Tetek Tahtum" by the Ngaju Dayak of Central Kalimantan, it narrates the ancestors of the all Dayak people descended from the heavens before dispensing from the inland to the downstream shores of Borneo.
In the southern Kalimantan flourished the independent state of Nansarunai established by the Ma'anyan Dayaks prior to the 12th century. The kingdom suffered two major attacks from the Majapahit forces that caused the decline and fall of the kingdom by the year 1389, the attacks are known as Nansarunai Usak Jawa (meaning the destruction of the Nansarunai by the Javanese) by the oral accounts of the Ma'anyan people. This contributed to the migration of the Ma'anyans to the Central and South Borneo region.
The colonial accounts and reports of Dayak activity in Borneo detail carefully cultivated economic and political relationships with other communities as well as an ample body of research and study considering historical Dayak migrations. In particular, the Iban or the Sea Dayak exploits in the South China Seas are documented, owing to their ferocity and aggressive culture of war against sea dwelling groups and emerging Western trade interests in the 18th and 19th centuries.
In 1824, as a result of the Anglo-Dutch Treaty of 1824 to settle their commercial regional disputes by switching Java from British to Dutch in return for Malacca, the Malay Archipelago was permanently divided into formerly Dutch-colonized Indonesia and British-colonized Malaysia to this day.
In 1838, British adventurer James Brooke arrived to find the Sultan of Brunei fending off rebellion from warlike inland tribes. Sarawak was in chaos. Brooke put down the rebellion, and was made Governor of Sarawak in 1841, with the title of Rajah. Brooke pacified the natives, including the Dayaks, who became some of his most loyal followers. He suppressed headhunting and piracy. Brooke's most famous Iban enemy was Libau "Rentap"; Brooke led three expeditions against him and finally defeated him at Sadok Hill. Brooke had many Dayaks in his forces at this battle, and famously said "Only Dayaks can kill Dayaks.So he deployed Dayaks to kill Dayaks." Sharif Mashor, a Melanau from Mukah, was another enemy of Brooke.
During World War II, Japanese forces occupied Borneo and treated all of the indigenous peoples poorly - massacres of the Malay and Dayak peoples were common, especially among the Dayaks of the Kapit Division. In response, the Dayaks formed a special force to assist the Allied forces. Eleven US airmen and a few dozen Australian special operatives trained a thousand Dayaks from the Kapit Division in guerrilla warfare. This army of tribesmen killed or captured some 1,500 Japanese soldiers and provided the Allies with vital intelligence about Japanese-held oil fields.
Coastal populations in Borneo are largely Muslim in belief, however these groups (Tidung, Banjarese, Bulungan, Paser, Melanau, Kutainese, Kedayan, Bakumpai, Bisayah) are generally considered to be Malayised and Islamised Dayaks, native to Borneo, and heavily amalgated by the Malay people, culture and sultanate system.
Other groups in coastal areas of Sabah and northeastern Kalimantan; namely the Illanun, Tausūg, Sama and Bajau, although inhabiting and (in the case of the Tausug group) ruling the northern tip of Borneo for centuries, have their origins from the southern Philippines. These groups though may be indigenous to Borneo, they are nonetheless not Dayak, but instead are grouped under the separate umbrella term of Moro.
ETHNICITY
The Indigenous people of the Heart of Borneo are commonly known as Dayak. The term was coined by Europeans referring to the non-Malay inhabitants of Borneo. There are seven main ethnic divisions of Dayaks according to their respective native languages which are:
1. the Ngaju,
2. Apau Kayan,
3. Iban (Sea Dayak),
4. Klemantan (Land Dayak),
5. Murut,
6. Punan and
7. Ot Danum groups.
Under the main classifications, there are dozens of ethnics and hundreds of sub-ethnics dwelling in the Borneo island. There are over 50 ethnic Dayak groups speaking different languages. This cultural and linguistic diversity parallels the high biodiversity and related traditional knowledge of Borneo.
LANGUAGES
Dayaks do not speak just one language, even if just those on the island of Borneo (Kalimantan) are considered. Their indigenous languages belong in the general classification of Malayo-Polynesian languages and to diverse groups of Bornean and Sabahan languages (including Land Dayak), and the Ibanic languages of the Malayic branch. The Dayak are very adaptable and also speak the lingua franca of the place such as those of Malay, Chinese and European origin.
Many of Borneo’s languages are endemic (which means they are spoken nowhere else). It is estimated that around 170 languages and dialects are spoken on the island and some by just a few hundred people, thus posing a serious risk to the future of those languages and related heritage.
Headhunting and peacemaking
In the past, the Dayak were feared for their ancient tradition of headhunting practices (the ritual is also known as Ngayau by the Dayaks). Among the Iban Dayaks, the origin of headhunting was believed to be meeting one of the mourning rules given by a spirit which is as follows:
The sacred jar is not to be opened except by a warrior who has managed to obtain a head, or by a man who can present a human head, which he obtained in a fight; or by a man who has returned from a sojourn in enemy country.
Often, a war leader had at least three lieutenants (called manuk sabong) who in turn had some followers. The war (ngayau) rules among the Iban Dayaks are listed below:
If a warleader leads a party on an expedition, he must not allow his warriors to fight a guiltless tribe that has no quarrel with them.
If the enemy surrenders, he may not take their lives, lest his army be unsuccessful in future warfare and risk fighting empty-handed war raids (balang kayau).
The first time that a warrior takes a head or captures a prisoner, he must present the head or captive to the warleader in acknowledgement of the latter's leadership.
If a warrior takes two heads or captives, or more, one of each must be given to the warleader; the remainder belongs to the killer or captor.
The warleader must be honest with his followers in order that in future wars he may not be defeated (alah bunoh).
THERE WERE VARIOUS REASONS FOR HEADHUNTING
For soil fertility so Dayaks hunted fresh heads before paddy harvesting seasons after which head festival would be held in honour of the new heads.
To add supernatural strength which Dayaks believed to be centred in the soul and head of humans. Fresh heads can give magical powers for communinal protection, bountiful paddy harvesting and disease curing.
To avenge revenge for murders based on "blood credit" principle unless "adat pati nyawa" (customary compensation token) is paid.
To pay dowry for marriages e.g. "derian palit mata" (eye blocking dowry) for Ibans once blood has been splashed prior to agreeing to marriage and of course, new fresh heads show prowess, bravery, ability and capability to protect his family, community and land
For foundation of new buildings to be stronger and meaningful than the normal practice of not putting in human heads.
For protection against enemy attacks according to the principle of "attack first before being attacked".
As a symbol of power and social status ranking where the more heads someone has, the respect and glory due to him. The warleader is called tuai serang (warleader) or raja berani (king of the brave) while kayau anak (small raid) leader is only called tuai kayau (raid leader) whereby adat tebalu (widower rule) after their death would be paid according to their ranking status in the community.
For territorial expansion where some brave Dayaks intentionally migrated into new areas such as Mujah "Buah Raya" migrated from Skrang to Paku to Kanowit while infighting among Ibans themselves in Batang Ai caused the Ulu Ai Ibans to migrate to Batang Kanyau River in Kapuas, Kalimantan and then proceeded to Katibas and later on Ulu Rajang in Sarawak. The earlier migrations from Kapuas to Batang Ai, Batang Lupar, Batang Saribas and Batang Krian rivers were also made possible by fighting the local tribes like Bukitan.
REASONS FOR ABANDONING HEADHUNTING
Peacemaking agreements at Tumbang Anoi, Kalimantan in 1874 and Kapit, Sarawak in 1924.
Coming of Christianity, with education where Dayaks are taught that headhunting is murder and against the Christian Bible's teachings.
Dayaks' own realisation that headhunting was more to lose than to gain.
Among the most prominent legacy during the colonial rule in the Dutch Borneo (present-day Kalimantan) is the Tumbang Anoi Agreement held in 1874 in Damang Batu, Central Kalimantan (the seat of the Kahayan Dayaks). It is a formal meeting that gathered all the Dayak tribes in Kalimantan for a peace resolution. In the meeting that is reputed taken several months, the Dayak people throughout the Kalimantan agreed to end the headhunting tradition as it believed the tradition caused conflict and tension between various Dayak groups. The meeting ended with a peace resolution by the Dayak people.
After mass conversions to Christianity, and anti-headhunting legislation by the colonial powers was passed, the practice was banned and appeared to have disappeared. However, it should be noted that the Brooke-led Sarawak government, although banning unauthorized headhunting, actually allowed "ngayau" headhunting practices by the Brooke-supporting natives during state-sanctioned punitive expeditions against their own fellow people's rebellions throughout the state, thereby never really extinguished the spirit of headhunting especially among the Iban natives. The state-sanctioned troop was allowed to take heads, properties like jars and brassware, burn houses and farms, exempted from paying door taxes and in some cases, granted new territories to migrate into. This Brooke's practice was in remarkable contrast to the practice by the Dutch in the neighbouring West Kalimantan who prohibited any native participation in its punitive expeditions. Initially, James Brooke (the first Rajah of Sarawak) did engage the British Navy troop in the Battle of Beting Maru against the Iban and Malay of the Saribas region and the Iban of Skrang under Rentap's charge but this resulted in the Public Inquiry by the British government in Singapore. Thereafter, the Brooke government gathered a local troop who were its allies.
Subsequently, the headhunting began to surface again in the mid-1940s, when the Allied Powers encouraged the practice against the Japanese Occupation of Borneo. It also slightly surged in the late 1960s when the Indonesian government encouraged Dayaks to purge Chinese from interior Kalimantan who were suspected of supporting communism in mainland China and also in the late 1990s when the Dayak started to attack Madurese emigrants in an explosion of ethnic violence. After formation of Malaysia, some Iban became trackers during the Malayan Emergency against the Communist Insurgency and thereafter they continue to be soldiers in the armed forces.
Headhunting resurfaced in 1963 among Dayak soldiers during the Confrontation Campaign by President Sukarno of Indonesia against the newly created formation of Malaysia between the pre-existing Federation of Malaya, Singapore, Sabah and Sarawak on 16 September 1963. Subsequently, Dayak trackers recruited during the Malayan Emergency against the Communists' Insurgency wanted to behead enemies killed during their military operations but disallowed by their superiors.
It should be noted headhunting or human sacrifice was also practised by other tribes such as follows:
Toraja community in Sulawesi used adat Ma’ Barata (human sacrifice) in Rambu Solo’ ritual which is still held until the arrival of the Hindi Dutch which is a custom to honour someone with a symbol of a great warrior and bravery in a war.
In Gomo, Sumatra, there ware megalithic artefacts where one of them is "batu pancung" (beheading stone) on which to tie any captive or convicted criminals for beheading.
One distinction was their ritual practice of head hunting, once prevalent among tribal warriors in Nagaland and among the Naga tribes in Myanmar. They used to take the heads of enemies to take on their power.
AGRICULTURE, LAND TENURE AND ECONOMY
Traditionally, Dayak agriculture was based on actually Integrated Indigenous Farming System. Iban Dayaks tend to plant paddy on hill slopes while Maloh Dayaks prefer flat lands as discussed by King. Agricultural Land in this sense was used and defined primarily in terms of hill rice farming, ladang (garden), and hutan (forest). According to Prof Derek Freeman in his Report on Iban Agriculture, Iban Dayaks used to practice twenty seven stages of hill rice farming once a year and their shifting cultivation practices allow the forest to regenerate itself rather than to damage the forest, thereby to ensure the continuity and sustainability of forest use and/or survival of the Iban community itself. The Iban Dayaks love virgin forests for their dependency on forests but that is for migration, territorial expansion and/or fleeing enemies.
Dayaks organised their labour in terms of traditionally based land holding groups which determined who owned rights to land and how it was to be used. The Iban Dayaks practice a rotational and reciprocal labour exchange called "bedurok" to complete works on their farms own by all families within each longhouse. The "green revolution" in the 1950s, spurred on the planting of new varieties of wetland rice amongst Dayak tribes.
To get cash, Dayaks collect jungle produce for sales at markets. With the coming of cash crops, Dayaks start to plant rubber, pepper, cocoa, etc. Nowadays, some Dayaks plant oil palm on their lands while others seek employment or involve in trade.
The main dependence on subsistence and mid-scale agriculture by the Dayak has made this group active in this industry. The modern day rise in large-scale monocrop plantations such as palm oil and bananas, proposed for vast swathes of Dayak land held under customary rights, titles and claims in Indonesia, threaten the local political landscape in various regions in Borneo.
Further problems continue to arise in part due to the shaping of the modern Malaysian and Indonesian nation-states on post-colonial political systems and laws on land tenure. The conflict between the state and the Dayak natives on land laws and native customary rights will continue as long as the colonial model on land tenure is used against local customary law. The main precept of land use, in local customary law, is that cultivated land is owned and held in right by the native owners, and the concept of land ownership flows out of this central belief. This understanding of adat is based on the idea that land is used and held under native domain. Invariably, when colonial rule was first felt in the Kalimantan Kingdoms, conflict over the subjugation of territory erupted several times between the Dayaks and the respective authorities.
RELIGION AND FESTIVALS
The Dayak indigenous religion has been given the name Kaharingan, and may be said to be a form of animism. The name was coined by Tjilik Riwut in 1944 during his tenure as a Dutch colonial Resident in Sampit, Dutch East Indies. In 1945, during the Japanese Occupation, the Japanese referred Kaharingan as the religion of the Dayak people. During the New Order in the Suharto regime in 1980, the Kaharingan is registered as a form of Hinduism in Indonesia, as the Indonesian state only recognises 6 forms of religion i.e. Islam, Protestantism, Roman Catholicism, Hinduism, Buddhism and Confucianism respectively. The integration of Kaharingan with Hinduism is not due to the similarities in the theological system, but due to the fact that Kaharingan is the oldest belief in Kalimantan. Unlike the development in Indonesian Kalimantan, the Kaharingan is not recognised as a religion both in Malaysian Borneo and Brunei, thus the traditional Dayak belief system is known as a form of folk animism or pagan belief on the other side of the Indonesian border.
Underlying the world-view is an account of the creation and re-creation of this middle-earth where the Dayak dwell, arising out of a cosmic battle in the beginning of time between a primal couple, a male and female bird/dragon (serpent). Representations of this primal couple are amongst the most pervasive motifs of Dayak art. The primal mythic conflict ended in a mutual, procreative murder, from the body parts of which the present universe arose stage by stage. This primal sacrificial creation of the universe in all its levels is the paradigm for, and is re-experienced and ultimately harmoniously brought together (according to Dayak beliefs) in the seasons of the year, the interdependence of river (up-stream and down-stream) and land, the tilling of the earth and fall of the rain, the union of male and female, the distinctions between and co-operation of social classes, the wars and trade with foreigners, indeed in all aspects of life, even including tattoos on the body, the lay-out of dwellings and the annual cycle of renewal ceremonies, funeral rites, etc.
The best and still unsurpassed study of a traditional Dayak religion in Kalimantan is that of Hans Scharer, Ngaju Religion: The Conception of God among a South Borneo People; translated by Rodney Needham (The Hague: Martinus Nijhoff, 1963). The practice of Kaharingan differs from group to group, but shamans, specialists in ecstatic flight to other spheres, are central to Dayak religion, and serve to bring together the various realms of Heaven (Upper-world) and earth, and even Under-world, for example healing the sick by retrieving their souls which are journeying on their way to the Upper-world land of the dead, accompanying and protecting the soul of a dead person on the way to their proper place in the Upper-world, presiding over annual renewal and agricultural regeneration festivals, etc. Death rituals are most elaborate when a noble (kamang) dies. On particular religious occasions, the spirit is believed to descend to partake in celebration, a mark of honour and respect to past ancestors and blessings for a prosperous future.
Among Iban Dayaks, their belief and way of life can be simply called the Iban religion as per Jenson's book with the same title and has been written by Benedict Sandin and others extensively. It is characterised by a supreme being in the name of Bunsu (Kree) Petara who has no parents and creates everything in this world and other worlds. Under Bunsu Petara are the seven gods whose names are: Sengalang Burong as the god of war and healing, Biku Bunsu Petara as the high priest and second in command, Menjaya as the first shaman (manang) and god of medicine, Selampandai as the god of creation, Sempulang Gana as the god of agriculture and land along with Semarugah, Ini Inda/Inee/Andan as the naturally born doctor and god of justice and Anda Mara as the god of wealth.
The life actions and decision-making processes of Iban Dayaks depend on divination, augury and omens. They have several methods to receive omens where omens can be obtained by deliberate seeking or chance encounters. The first method is via dream to receive charms, amulets (pengaroh, empelias, engkerabun) or medicine (obat) and curse (sumpah) from any gods, people of Panggau Libau and Gelong and any spirits or ghosts. The second method is via animal omens (burong laba) which have long-lasting effects such as from deer barking which is quite random in nature. The third method is via bird omens (burong bisa) which have short term effects that are commonly limited to a certain farming year or a certain activity at hands. The forth method is via pig liver divination after festival celebration At the end of critical festivals, the divination of the pig liver will be interpreted to forecast the outcome of the future or the luck of the individual who holds the festival. The fifth but not the least method is via nampok or betapa (self-imposed isolation) to receive amulet, curse, medicine or healing.
There are seven omen birds under the charge of their chief Sengalang Burong at their longhouse named Tansang Kenyalang (Hornbill Abode), which are Ketupong (Jaloh or Kikeh or Entis) (Rufous Piculet) as the first in command, Beragai (Scarlet-rumped trogon), Pangkas (Maroon Woodpecker) on the righthand side of Sengalang Burong's family room while Bejampong (Crested Jay) as the second in command, Embuas (Banded Kingfisher), Kelabu Papau (Senabong) (Diard's Trogon) and Nendak (White-rumped shama) on the lefthand side. The calls and flights of the omen birds along with the circumstances and social status of the listeners are considered during the omen interpretations.
The praying and propitiation to certain gods to obtain good omens which indicate God's favour and blessings are held in a series of three-tiered classes of minor ceremonies (bedara), intermediate rites (gawa or nimang) and major festivals (gawai) in ascending order and complexity. Any Iban Dayak will undergo some forms of simple rituals and several elaborate festivals as necessary in their lifetime from a baby, adolescent to adulthood until death. The longhouse where the Iban Dayaks stay is constructed in a unique way to function as for both living or accommodation purposes and ritual or religious practices. Nearby the longhouse, there is normally a small and simple hut called langkau ampun/sukor (forgiveness/thanksgiving hut) built to place offerings to deities. Sometimes, when potentially bad omens are encountered, a small hut is quickly built and a fire is started before saying prayers to seek good outcomes.
Common among all these propitiations are that prayers to gods and/or other spirits are made by giving offerings ("piring"), certain poetic leka main and animal sacrifices ("genselan") either chickens or pigs. The number (leka or turun) of each piring offering item is based on ascending odd numbers which have meanings and purposes as below:
- piring 3 for piring ampun (mercy) or seluwak (wastefulness spirit)
- piring 5 for piring minta (request) or bejalai (journey)
- piring 7 for piring gawai (festival) or bujang berani (brave warrior)
- piring 9 for sangkong (including others) or turu (leftover included)
Piring contains offering of various traditional foods and drinks while genselan is made by sacrificing chickens for bird omens or pigs for animal omens.
Bedara is commonly held for any general purposes before holding any rites or festivals during which a simple "miring" ceremony is done to prepare and divide piring offerings into certain portions followed by a "sampi ngau bebiau" (prayer and cleansing) poetic speeches. This most simple ceremonies have categories such as bedara matak held at the longhouse family bilek room, bedara mansau performed at the family ruai gallery, berunsur (cleansing) carried out at the tanju and river, minta ujan tauka panas (request for rain or sunniness).
The intermediate and medium-sized propitiatory rites are known as "gawa" (ritually working) with its main highlight called "nimang" (poetic incantation) that is recited by lemambang bards besides miring ceremonies. This category is smaller than or sometimes relegated from the full-scaled and thus costly festivals for cost savings but still maintaining the effectiveness to achieve the same purpose. Included in this category are "sandau ari" (mid-day ritual) held at the tanju verandah, gawai matak (unripe feast), gawa nimang tuah (Luck feast), enchaboh arong (head feast) and gawa timang beintu-intu (life caring feasts.
The major festivals comprise at least seventh categories which are related to major aspects of Iban's traditional way of life i.e. agriculture, headhunting, fortune, health, death, procreation and weaving.
With paddy being the major sustenance of life among Dayaks, so the first major category comprises the agricultural-related festivals which are dedicated to paddy farming to honour Sempulang Gana who is the deity of agriculture. It is a series of festivals that include Gawai Batu (Whetstone Festival), Gawai Ngalihka Tanah (Soil Ploughing Festival), Gawai Benih (Seed Festival), Gawai Ngemali Umai (Farm Healing Festival), Gawai Matah (Harvest Initiation Festival) and Gawai Basimpan (Paddy Storing Festival). According to Derek Freeman, there are 27 steps of hill paddy farming. One common ritual activity is called "mudas" (making good) any omens found during any farming stages especially the early bush clearing stage.
The second category includes the headhunting-related festivals to honour the most powerful deity of war, Sengalang Burong that comprises Gawai Burong (Bird Festival) and Gawai Amat/Asal (Real/Original Festival) with their successive ascending stages with most famous one being Gawai Kenyalang (Hornbill Festivla). This is perhaps the most elaborate and complex festivals which can last into seven successive days of ritual inchantation by lemambang bards. It is held normally after instructed by spirits in dreams. It is performed by tuai kayau (raid leader) called bujang berani (leading warriors) and war leader (tuai serang) who are known as "raja berani" (bravery king). In the past, this festival is vital to seek divine intervention to defeat enemies such as Baketan, Ukit and Kayan during migrations into new territories.
With the suppression of headhunting, the next important and third category relates to the death-related rituals among which the biggest celebration is the Soul Festival (Gawai Antu) to honour the souls of the deads especially the famous and brave ones who are invited to visit the living for the Sebayan (Haedes) to feast and to bestow all sorts of helpful charms to the living relatives. The raja berani (brave king) can be honoured by his descendants up to three times via Gawai Antu. Other mortuary ceremonies are "beserara bungai" (flower separation) held 3 days after burial, ngetas ulit (mourning termination), berantu (Gawai Antu) or Gawai Ngelumbong (Entombing Festival).
The fourth category in term of complexity and importance is the fortune-related festivals which consist of Gawai Pangkong Tiang (Post Banging Festival) after transferring to a new longhouse, Gawai Tuah (Luck Festival) with three ascending stages to seek and to welcome lucks, and Gawai Tajau (Jar Festival) to welcome newly acquired jars.
The fifth category consists of the health-related festivals to request for curing from sickness by Menjaya or Ini Andan such as in Gawai Sakit (Sickness Festival) which is held after other smaller attempts have failed to cure the sicked persons such as begama (touching), belian (various manang rituals), Besugi Sakit (to ask Keling for curing via magical power) and Berenong Sakit (to ask for curing by Sengalang Burong) in the ascending order. Manang is consecrated via an official ceremony called "Gawai Babangun" (Manang Consecration Festival). The shaman (manang) of the Iban Dayaks have various types of pelian (ritual healing ceremony) to be held in accordance with the types of sickness determined by him through his glassy stone to see the whereabouts of the soul of the sick person. Besides, Gawai Burung can also be used for healing certain difficult-to-cure sickness via magical power by Sengalang Burong especially nowadays after headhunting has been stopped. Other self-caring ritual ceremonies that are related to wellness and longevity are Nimang Bulu (Hair Adding Ceremony), Nimang Sukat (Destiny Ceremony) and Nimang Buloh Ayu (Life-Bamboo Ceremony).
The sixth category of festivals pertains to procreation. Gawai Lelabi (River Turtle Festival) is held to pray to the deity of creation called Selampadani, toannounce the readiness of daughters for marriage and to solicit a suitable suitor. This is where those men with trophy head skulls become leading contenders. The wedding ceremony is called Melah Pinang (Areca nut Splitting). The god of creation Selampandai is invoked here for fertility of the daughters to bear many children. There is a series of ritual rites from birth to adolescence of children.
The last and seventh category is Gawai Ngar (Cotton-Dyeing Festival) which is held by women who are involved in weaving pua kumbu for conventional use and ritual purposes. Ritual textiles woven by Iban women are used in the Bird Festival and in the past used to receive trophy heads. The ritual textiles have specific "enkeramba" (anthropomorphic) motifs that represent igi balang (trophy head), tiang ranyai (shrine pole), cultural heroes of Panggau and Gelong, deities and antu gerasi (demon figure).
Over the last two centuries, some Dayaks converted to Christianity, abandoned certain cultural rites and practices. Christianity was introduced by European missionaries in Borneo. Religious differences between Muslim and Christian natives of Borneo has led, at various times, to communal tensions. Relations, however between all religious groups are generally good.
Muslim Dayaks have however retained their original identity and kept various customary practices consistent with their religion.[citation needed]However many Christian Dayak has changed their name to European name but some minority still maintain their ancestors traditional name.Since Iban has been converted to Christian , some of them abandoned their ancestors belief such as 'Miring' or celebrate 'Gawai Antu' and many celebrate only Christian festivals.
An example of common identity, over and above religious belief, is the Melanau group. Despite the small population, to the casual observer, the coastal dwelling Melanau of Sarawak, generally do not identify with one religion, as a number of them have Islamised and Christianised over a period of time. A few practise a distinct Dayak form of Kaharingan, known as Liko. Liko is the earliest surviving form of religious belief for the Melanau, predating the arrival of Islam and Christianity to Sarawak. The somewhat patchy religious divisions remain, however the common identity of the Melanau is held politically and socially. Social cohesion amongst the Melanau, despite religious differences, is markedly tight within their small community.[citation needed]
Despite the destruction of pagan religions in Europe by Christians, most of the people who try to conserve the Dayaks' religion are missionaries. For example, Reverend William Howell contributed numerous articles on the Iban language, lore and culture between 1909 and 1910 to the Sarawak Gazette. The articles were later compiled in a book in 1963 entitled, The Sea Dayaks and Other Races of Sarawak.
SOCIETY AND CUSTOMS
Kinship in Dayak society is traced in both lines of genealogy (tusut). Although, in Dayak Iban society, men and women possess equal rights in status and property ownership, political office has strictly been the occupation of the traditional Iban patriarch. There is a council of elders in each longhouse.
Overall, Dayak leadership in any given region, is marked by titles, a Penghulu for instance would have invested authority on behalf of a network of Tuai Rumah's and so on to a Pemancha, Pengarah to Temenggung in the ascending order while Panglima or Orang Kaya (Rekaya) are titles given by Malays to some Dayaks.
Individual Dayak groups have their social and hierarchy systems defined internally, and these differ widely from Ibans to Ngajus and Benuaqs to Kayans.
In Sarawak, Temenggong Koh Anak Jubang was the first paramount chief of Dayaks in Sarawak and followed by Tun Temenggong Jugah Anak Barieng who was one of the main signatories for the formation of Federation of Malaysia between Malaya, Singapore, Sabah and Sarawak with Singapore expelled later on. He was said to be the "bridge between Malaya and East Malaysia". The latter was fondly called "Apai" by others, which means father. Unfortunately, he had no western or formal education at all.
The most salient feature of Dayak social organisation is the practice of Longhouse domicile. This is a structure supported by hardwood posts that can be hundreds of metres long, usually located along a terraced river bank. At one side is a long communal platform, from which the individual households can be reached.
The Iban of the Kapuas and Sarawak have organised their Longhouse settlements in response to their migratory patterns. Iban longhouses vary in size, from those slightly over 100 metres in length to large settlements over 500 metres in length. Longhouses have a door and apartment for every family living in the longhouse. For example, a longhouse of 200 doors is equivalent to a settlement of 200 families.
The tuai rumah (long house chief) can be aided by a tuai burong (bird leader), tuai umai (farming leader) and a manang (shaman). Nowadays, each long house will have a Security and Development Committee and ad hoc committee will be formed as and when necessary for example during festivals such as Gawai Dayak.
The Dayaks are peace-loving people who live based on customary rules or adat asal which govern each of their main activities. The adat is administered by the tuai rumah aided by the Council of Elders in the longhouse so that any dispute can be settled amicably among the dwellers themselves via berandau (discussion). If no settlement can be reached at the longhouse chief level, then the dispute will escalate to a pengulu level and so on.
Among the main sections of customary adat of the Iban Dayaks are as follows:
Adat berumah (House building rule)
Adat melah pinang, butang ngau sarak (Marriage, adultery and divorce rule)
Adat beranak (Child bearing and raising rule)
Adat bumai and beguna tanah (Agricultural and land use rule)
Adat ngayau (Headhunting rule)
Adat ngasu, berikan, ngembuah and napang (Hunting, fishing, fruit and honey collection rule)
Adat tebalu, ngetas ulit ngau beserarak bungai (Widow/widower, mourning and soul separation rule)
Adat begawai (festival rule)
Adat idup di rumah panjai (Order of life in the longhouse rule)
Adat betenun, main lama, kajat ngau taboh (Weaving, past times, dance and music rule)
Adat beburong, bemimpi ngau becenaga ati babi (Bird and animal omen, dream and pig liver rule)
Adat belelang (Journey rule)
The Dayak life centres on the paddy planting activity every year. The Iban Dayak has their own year-long calendar with 12 consecutive months which are one month later than the Roman calendar. The months are named in accordance to the paddy farming activities and the activities in between. Other than paddy, also planted in the farm are vegetables like ensabi, pumpkin, round brinjal, cucumber, corn, lingkau and other food sources lik tapioca, sugarcane, sweet potatoes and finally after the paddy has been harvested, cotton is planted which takes about two months to complete its cycle. The cotton is used for weaving before commercial cotton is traded. Fresh lands cleared by each Dayak family will belong to that family and the longhouse community can also use the land with permission from the owning family. Usually, in one riverine system, a special tract of land is reserved for the use by the community itself to get natural supplies of wood, rattan and other wild plants which are necessary for building houses, boats, coffins and other living purposes, and also to leave living space for wild animals which is a source of meat. Beside farming, Dayaks plant fruit trees like rambutan, langsat, durian, isu and mangosteen near their longhouse or on their land plots to amrk their ownership of the land. They also grow plants which produce dyes for colouring their cotton treads if not taken from the wild forest. Major fishing using the tuba root is normally done by the whole longhouse as the river may take some time to recover. Any wild meat obtained will distribute according to a certain customary law.
Headhunting was an important part of Dayak culture, in particular to the Iban and Kenyah. The origin of headhunting in Iban Dayaks can be traced to the story of a chief name Serapoh who was asked by a spirit to obtain a fresh head to open a mourning jar but unfortunately he killed a Kantu boy which he got by exchanging with a jar for this purpose for which the Kantu retaliated and thus starting the headhunting practice. There used to be a tradition of retaliation for old headhunts, which kept the practice alive. External interference by the reign of the Brooke Rajahs in Sarawak via "bebanchak babi" (peacemaking) in Kapit and the Dutch in Kalimantan Borneo via peacemaking at Tumbang Anoi curtailed and limited this tradition.
Apart from massed raids, the practice of headhunting was then limited to individual retaliation attacks or the result of chance encounters. Early Brooke Government reports describe Dayak Iban and Kenyah War parties with captured enemy heads. At various times, there have been massive coordinated raids in the interior and throughout coastal Borneo before and after the arrival of the Raj during Brooke's reign in Sarawak.
The Ibans' journey along the coastal regions using a large boat called "bandong" with sail made of leaves or cloths may have given rise to the term, Sea Dayak, although, throughout the 19th Century, Sarawak Government raids and independent expeditions appeared to have been carried out as far as Brunei, Mindanao, East coast Malaya, Jawa and Celebes.
Tandem diplomatic relations between the Sarawak Government (Brooke Rajah) and Britain (East India Company and the Royal Navy) acted as a pivot and a deterrence to the former's territorial ambitions, against the Dutch administration in the Kalimantan regions and client sultanates.
In the Indonesian region, toplessness was the norm among the Dayak people, Javanese, and the Balinese people of Indonesia before the introduction of Islam and contact with Western cultures. In Javanese and Balinese societies, women worked or rested comfortably topless. Among the Dayak, only big breasted women or married women with sagging breasts cover their breasts because they interfered with their work. Once marik empang (top cover over the shoulders) and later shirts are available, toplessness has been abandoned.
Metal-working is elaborately developed in making mandaus (machetes - parang in Malay and Indonesian). The blade is made of a softer iron, to prevent breakage, with a narrow strip of a harder iron wedged into a slot in the cutting edge for sharpness in a process called ngamboh (iron-smithing).
In headhunting it was necessary to able to draw the parang quickly. For this purpose, the mandau is fairly short, which also better serves the purpose of trailcutting in dense forest. It is holstered with the cutting edge facing upwards and at that side there is an upward protrusion on the handle, so it can be drawn very quickly with the side of the hand without having to reach over and grasp the handle first. The hand can then grasp the handle while it is being drawn. The combination of these three factors (short, cutting edge up and protrusion) makes for an extremely fast drawing-action.
The ceremonial mandaus used for dances are as beautifully adorned with feathers, as are the costumes. There are various terms to describe different types of Dayak blades. The Nyabor is the traditional Iban Scimitar, Parang Ilang is common to Kayan and Kenyah Swordsmiths, pedang is a sword with a metallic handle and Duku is a multipurpose farm tool and machete of sorts.
Normally, the sword is accompanied by a wooden shield called terabai which is decorated with a demon face to scare off the enemy. Another weapons are sangkoh (spear) and sumpit (blowpipe) with lethal poison at the tip of its laja.
WIKIPEDIA
The Ajanta Caves (Ajiṇṭhā leni; Marathi: अजिंठा लेणी) in Aurangabad district of Maharashtra, India are about 30 rock-cut Buddhist cave monuments which date from the 2nd century BCE to about 480 or 650 CE. The caves include paintings and sculptures described by the government Archaeological Survey of India as "the finest surviving examples of Indian art, particularly painting", which are masterpieces of Buddhist religious art, with figures of the Buddha and depictions of the Jataka tales. The caves were built in two phases starting around the 2nd century BCE, with the second group of caves built around 400–650 CE according to older accounts, or all in a brief period of 460 to 480 according to the recent proposals of Walter M. Spink. The site is a protected monument in the care of the Archaeological Survey of India, and since 1983, the Ajanta Caves have been a UNESCO World Heritage Site.
The caves are located in the Indian state of Maharashtra, near Jalgaon and just outside the village of Ajinṭhā 20°31′56″N 75°44′44″E), about 59 kilometres from Jalgaon railway station on the Delhi – Mumbai line and Howrah-Nagpur-Mumbai line of the Central Railway zone, and 104 kilometres from the city of Aurangabad. They are 100 kilometres from the Ellora Caves, which contain Hindu and Jain temples as well as Buddhist caves, the last dating from a period similar to Ajanta. The Ajanta caves are cut into the side of a cliff that is on the south side of a U-shaped gorge on the small river Waghur, and although they are now along and above a modern pathway running across the cliff they were originally reached by individual stairs or ladders from the side of the river 35 to 110 feet below.
The area was previously heavily forested, and after the site ceased to be used the caves were covered by jungle until accidentally rediscovered in 1819 by a British officer on a hunting party. They are Buddhist monastic buildings, apparently representing a number of distinct "monasteries" or colleges. The caves are numbered 1 to 28 according to their place along the path, beginning at the entrance. Several are unfinished and some barely begun and others are small shrines, included in the traditional numbering as e.g. "9A"; "Cave 15A" was still hidden under rubble when the numbering was done. Further round the gorge are a number of waterfalls, which when the river is high are audible from outside the caves.
The caves form the largest corpus of early Indian wall-painting; other survivals from the area of modern India are very few, though they are related to 5th-century paintings at Sigiriya in Sri Lanka. The elaborate architectural carving in many caves is also very rare, and the style of the many figure sculptures is highly local, found only at a few nearby contemporary sites, although the Ajanta tradition can be related to the later Hindu Ellora Caves and other sites.
HISTORY
Like the other ancient Buddhist monasteries, Ajanta had a large emphasis on teaching, and was divided into several different caves for living, education and worship, under a central direction. Monks were probably assigned to specific caves for living. The layout reflects this organizational structure, with most of the caves only connected through the exterior. The 7th-century travelling Chinese scholar Xuanzang informs us that Dignaga, a celebrated Buddhist philosopher and controversialist, author of well-known books on logic, lived at Ajanta in the 5th century. In its prime the settlement would have accommodated several hundred teachers and pupils. Many monks who had finished their first training may have returned to Ajanta during the monsoon season from an itinerant lifestyle.
The caves are generally agreed to have been made in two distinct periods, separated by several centuries.
CAVES OF THE FIRST (SATAVAHANA) PERIOD
The earliest group of caves consists of caves 9, 10, 12, 13 and 15A. According to Walter Spink, they were made during the period 100 BCE to 100 CE, probably under the patronage of the Satavahana dynasty (230 BCE – c. 220 CE) who ruled the region. Other datings prefer the period 300 BCE to 100 BCE, though the grouping of the earlier caves is generally agreed. More early caves may have vanished through later excavations. Of these, caves 9 and 10 are stupa halls of chaitya-griha form, and caves 12, 13, and 15A are vihāras (see the architecture section below for descriptions of these types). The first phase is still often called the Hinayāna phase, as it originated when, using traditional terminology, the Hinayāna or Lesser Vehicle tradition of Buddhism was dominant, when the Buddha was revered symbolically. However the use of the term Hinayana for this period of Buddhism is now deprecated by historians; equally the caves of the second period are now mostly dated too early to be properly called Mahayana, and do not yet show the full expanded cast of supernatural beings characteristic of that phase of Buddhist art. The first Satavahana period caves lacked figurative sculpture, emphasizing the stupa instead, and in the caves of the second period the overwhelming majority of images represent the Buddha alone, or narrative scenes of his lives.
Spink believes that some time after the Satavahana period caves were made the site was abandoned for a considerable period until the mid-5th century, probably because the region had turned mainly Hindu
CAVES OF THE LATER OR VAKATAKA PERIOD
The second phase began in the 5th century. For a long time it was thought that the later caves were made over a long period from the 4th to the 7th centuries CE, but in recent decades a series of studies by the leading expert on the caves, Walter M. Spink, have argued that most of the work took place over the very brief period from 460 to 480 CE, during the reign of Emperor Harishena of the Vakataka dynasty. This view has been criticized by some scholars, but is now broadly accepted by most authors of general books on Indian art, for example Huntington and Harle.
The second phase is still often called the Mahāyāna or Greater Vehicle phase, but scholars now tend to avoid this nomenclature because of the problems that have surfaced regarding our understanding of Mahāyāna.
Some 20 cave temples were simultaneously created, for the most part viharas with a sanctuary at the back. The most elaborate caves were produced in this period, which included some "modernization" of earlier caves. Spink claims that it is possible to establish dating for this period with a very high level of precision; a fuller account of his chronology is given below. Although debate continues, Spink's ideas are increasingly widely accepted, at least in their broad conclusions. The Archaeological Survey of India website still presents the traditional dating: "The second phase of paintings started around 5th – 6th centuries A.D. and continued for the next two centuries". Caves of the second period are 1–8, 11, 14–29, some possibly extensions of earlier caves. Caves 19, 26, and 29 are chaitya-grihas, the rest viharas.
According to Spink, the Ajanta Caves appear to have been abandoned by wealthy patrons shortly after the fall of Harishena, in about 480 CE. They were then gradually abandoned and forgotten. During the intervening centuries, the jungle grew back and the caves were hidden, unvisited and undisturbed, although the local population were aware of at least some of them.
REDISCOVERY
On 28 April 1819, a British officer for the Madras Presidency, John Smith, of the 28th Cavalry, while hunting tiger, accidentally discovered the entrance to Cave No. 10 deep within the tangled undergrowth. There were local people already using the caves for prayers with a small fire, when he arrived. Exploring that first cave, long since a home to nothing more than birds and bats and a lair for other larger animals, Captain Smith vandalized the wall by scratching his name and the date, April 1819. Since he stood on a five-foot high pile of rubble collected over the years, the inscription is well above the eye-level gaze of an adult today. A paper on the caves by William Erskine was read to the Bombay Literary Society in 1822. Within a few decades, the caves became famous for their exotic setting, impressive architecture, and above all their exceptional, all but unique paintings. A number of large projects to copy the paintings were made in the century after rediscovery, covered below. In 1848 the Royal Asiatic Society established the "Bombay Cave Temple Commission" to clear, tidy and record the most important rock-cut sites in the Bombay Presidency, with John Wilson, as president. In 1861 this became the nucleus of the new Archaeological Survey of India. Until the Nizam of Hyderabad built the modern path between the caves, among other efforts to make the site easy to visit, a trip to Ajanta was a considerable adventure, and contemporary accounts dwell with relish on the dangers from falls off narrow ledges, animals and the Bhil people, who were armed with bows and arrows and had a fearsome reputation.
Today, fairly easily combined with Ellora in a single trip, the caves are the most popular tourist destination in Mahrashtra, and are often crowded at holiday times, increasing the threat to the caves, especially the paintings. In 2012, the Maharashtra Tourism Development Corporation announced plans to add to the ASI visitor centre at the entrance complete replicas of caves 1, 2, 16 & 17 to reduce crowding in the originals, and enable visitors to receive a better visual idea of the paintings, which are dimly-lit and hard to read in the caves. Figures for the year to March 2010 showed a total of 390,000 visitors to the site, divided into 362,000 domestic and 27,000 foreign. The trends over the previous few years show a considerable growth in domestic visitors, but a decline in foreign ones; the year to 2010 was the first in which foreign visitors to Ellora exceeded those to Ajanta.
PAINTINGS
Mural paintings survive from both the earlier and later groups of caves. Several fragments of murals preserved from the earlier caves (Caves 9 and 11) are effectively unique survivals of court-led painting in India from this period, and "show that by Sātavāhana times, if not earlier, the Indian painter had mastered an easy and fluent naturalistic style, dealing with large groups of people in a manner comparable to the reliefs of the Sāñcī toraņa crossbars".
Four of the later caves have large and relatively well-preserved mural paintings which "have come to represent Indian mural painting to the non-specialist", and fall into two stylistic groups, with the most famous in Caves 16 and 17, and apparently later paintings in Caves 1 and 2. The latter group were thought to be a century or more later than the others, but the revised chronology proposed by Spink would place them much closer to the earlier group, perhaps contemporary with it in a more progressive style, or one reflecting a team from a different region. The paintings are in "dry fresco", painted on top of a dry plaster surface rather than into wet plaster.
All the paintings appear to be the work of painters at least as used to decorating palaces as temples, and show a familiarity with and interest in details of the life of a wealthy court. We know from literary sources that painting was widely practised and appreciated in the courts of the Gupta period. Unlike much Indian painting, compositions are not laid out in horizontal compartments like a frieze, but show large scenes spreading in all directions from a single figure or group at the centre. The ceilings are also painted with sophisticated and elaborate decorative motifs, many derived from sculpture. The paintings in cave 1, which according to Spink was commissioned by Harisena himself, concentrate on those Jataka tales which show previous lives of the Buddha as a king, rather than as an animal or human commoner, and so show settings from contemporary palace life.
In general the later caves seem to have been painted on finished areas as excavating work continued elsewhere in the cave, as shown in caves 2 and 16 in particular. According to Spink's account of the chronology of the caves, the abandonment of work in 478 after a brief busy period accounts for the absence of painting in caves such as 4 and 17, the later being plastered in preparation for paintings that were never done.
COPIES
The paintings have deteriorated significantly since they were rediscovered, and a number of 19th-century copies and drawings are important for a complete understanding of the works. However, the earliest projects to copy the paintings were plagued by bad fortune. In 1846, Major Robert Gill, an Army officer from Madras presidency and a painter, was appointed by the Royal Asiatic Society to replicate the frescoes on the cave walls to exhibit these paintings in England. Gill worked on his painting at the site from 1844 to 1863 (though he continued to be based there until his death in 1875, writing books and photographing) and made 27 copies of large sections of murals, but all but four were destroyed in a fire at the Crystal Palace in London in 1866, where they were on display.
Another attempt was made in 1872 when the Bombay Presidency commissioned John Griffiths, then principal of the Bombay School of Art, to work with his students to make new copies, again for shipping to England. They worked on this for thirteen years and some 300 canvases were produced, many of which were displayed at the Imperial Institute on Exhibition Road in London, one of the forerunners of the Victoria and Albert Museum. But in 1885 another fire destroyed over a hundred paintings that were in storage. The V&A still has 166 paintings surviving from both sets, though none have been on permanent display since 1955. The largest are some 3 × 6 metres. A conservation project was undertaken on about half of them in 2006, also involving the University of Northumbria. Griffith and his students had unfortunately painted many of the paintings with "cheap varnish" in order to make them easier to see, which has added to the deterioration of the originals, as has, according to Spink and others, recent cleaning by the ASI.
A further set of copies were made between 1909 and 1911 by Christiana Herringham (Lady Herringham) and a group of students from the Calcutta School of Art that included the future Indian Modernist painter Nandalal Bose. The copies were published in full colour as the first publication of London's fledgling India Society. More than the earlier copies, these aimed to fill in holes and damage to recreate the original condition rather than record the state of the paintings as she was seeing them. According to one writer, unlike the paintings created by her predecessors Griffiths and Gill, whose copies were influenced by British Victorian styles of painting, those of the Herringham expedition preferred an 'Indian Renascence' aesthetic of the type pioneered by Abanindranath Tagore.
Early photographic surveys were made by Robert Gill, who learnt to use a camera from about 1856, and whose photos, including some using stereoscopy, were used in books by him and Fergusson (many are available online from the British Library), then Victor Goloubew in 1911 and E.L. Vassey, who took the photos in the four volume study of the caves by Ghulam Yazdani (published 1930–1955).
ARCHITECTURE
The monasteries mostly consist of vihara halls for prayer and living, which are typically rectangular with small square dormitory cells cut into the walls, and by the second period a shrine or sanctuary at the rear centred on a large statue of the Buddha, also carved from the living rock. This change reflects the movement from Hinayana to Mahāyāna Buddhism. The other type of main hall is the narrower and higher chaitya hall with a stupa as the focus at the far end, and a narrow aisle around the walls, behind a range of pillars placed close together. Other plainer rooms were for sleeping and other activities. Some of the caves have elaborate carved entrances, some with large windows over the door to admit light. There is often a colonnaded porch or verandah, with another space inside the doors running the width of the cave.
The central square space of the interior of the viharas is defined by square columns forming a more or less square open area. Outside this are long rectangular aisles on each side, forming a kind of cloister. Along the side and rear walls are a number of small cells entered by a narrow doorway; these are roughly square, and have small niches on their back walls. Originally they had wooden doors. The centre of the rear wall has a larger shrine-room behind, containing a large Buddha statue. The viharas of the earlier period are much simpler, and lack shrines. Spink in fact places the change to a design with a shrine to the middle of the second period, with many caves being adapted to add a shrine in mid-excavation, or after the original phase.
The plan of Cave 1 shows one of the largest viharas, but is fairly typical of the later group. Many others, such as Cave 16, lack the vestibule to the shrine, which leads straight off the main hall. Cave 6 is two viharas, one above the other, connected by internal stairs, with sanctuaries on both levels.
The four completed chaitya halls are caves 9 and 10 from the early period, and caves 19 and 26 from the later period of construction. All follow the typical form found elsewhere, with high ceilings and a central "nave" leading to the stupa, which is near the back, but allows walking behind it, as walking around stupas was (and remains) a common element of Buddhist worship (pradakshina). The later two have high ribbed roofs, which reflect timber forms, and the earlier two are thought to have used actual timber ribs, which have now perished. The two later halls have a rather unusual arrangement (also found in Cave 10 at Ellora) where the stupa is fronted by a large relief sculpture of the Buddha, standing in Cave 19 and seated in Cave 26. Cave 29 is a late and very incomplete chaitya hall.
The form of columns in the work of the first period is very plain and un-embellished, with both chaitya halls using simple octagonal columns, which were painted with figures. In the second period columns were far more varied and inventive, often changing profile over their height, and with elaborate carved capitals, often spreading wide. Many columns are carved over all their surface, some fluted and others carved with decoration all over, as in cave 1.
The flood basalt rock of the cliff, part of the Deccan Traps formed by successive volcanic eruptions at the end of the Cretaceous, is layered horizontally, and somewhat variable in quality, so the excavators had to amend their plans in places, and in places there have been collapses in the intervening centuries, as with the lost portico to cave 1. Excavation began by cutting a narrow tunnel at roof level, which was expanded downwards and outwards; the half-built vihara cave 24 shows the method. Spink believes that for the first caves of the second period the excavators had to relearn skills and techniques that had been lost in the centuries since the first period, which were then transmitted to be used at later rock-cut sites in the region, such as Ellora, and the Elephanta, Bagh, Badami and Aurangabad Caves.
The caves from the first period seem to have been paid for by a number of different patrons, with several inscriptions recording the donation of particular portions of a single cave, but according to Spink the later caves were each commissioned as a complete unit by a single patron from the local rulers or their court elites. After the death of Harisena smaller donors got their chance to add small "shrinelets" between the caves or add statues to existing caves, and some two hundred of these "intrusive" additions were made in sculpture, with a further number of intrusive paintings, up to three hundred in cave 10 alone.
A grand gateway to the site, at the apex of the gorge's horsehoe between caves 15 and 16, was approached from the river, and is decorated with elephants on either side and a nāga, or protective snake deity.
ICONOGRAPHY OF THE CAVES
In the pre-Christian era, the Buddha was represented symbolically, in the form of the stupa. Thus, halls were made with stupas to venerate the Buddha. In later periods the images of the Buddha started to be made in coins, relic caskets, relief or loose sculptural forms, etc. However, it took a while for the human representation of the Buddha to appear in Buddhist art. One of the earliest evidences of the Buddha's human representations are found at Buddhist archaeological sites, such as Goli, Nagarjunakonda, and Amaravati. The monasteries of those sites were built in less durable media, such as wood, brick, and stone. As far as the genre of rock-cut architecture is concerned it took many centuries for the Buddha image to be depicted. Nobody knows for sure at which rock-cut cave site the first image of the Buddha was depicted. Current research indicates that Buddha images in a portable form, made of wood or stone, were introduced, for the first time, at Kanheri, to be followed soon at Ajanta Cave 8 (Dhavalikar, Jadhav, Spink, Singh). While the Kanheri example dates to 4th or 5th century CE, the Ajanta example has been dated to c. 462–478 CE (Spink). None of the rock-cut monasteries prior to these dates, and other than these examples, show any Buddha image although hundreds of rock-cut caves were made throughout India during the first few centuries CE. And, in those caves, it is the stupa that is the object of veneration, not the image. Images of the Buddha are not found in Buddhist sailagrhas (rock-cut complexes) until the times of the Kanheri (4th–5th century CE) and Ajanta examples (c. 462–478 CE).
The caves of the second period, now all dated to the 5th century, were typically described as "Mahayana", but do not show the features associated with later Mahayana Buddhism. Although the beginnings of Mahāyāna teachings go back to the 1st century there is little art and archaeological evidence to suggest that it became a mainstream cult for several centuries. In Mahayana it is not Gautama Buddha but the Bodhisattva who is important, including "deity" Bodhisattva like Manjushri and Tara, as well as aspects of the Buddha such as Aksobhya, and Amitabha. Except for a few Bodhisattva, these are not depicted at Ajanta, where the Buddha remains the dominant figure. Even the Bodhisattva images of Ajanta are never central objects of worship, but are always shown as attendants of the Buddha in the shrine. If a Bodhisattva is shown in isolation, as in the Astabhaya scenes, these were done in the very last years of activities at Ajanta, and are mostly 'intrusive' in nature, meaning that they were not planned by the original patrons, and were added by new donors after the original patrons had suddenly abandoned the region in the wake of Emperor Harisena's death.
The contrast between iconic and aniconic representations, that is, the stupa on one hand and the image of the Buddha on the other, is now being seen as a construct of the modern scholar rather than a reality of the past. The second phase of Ajanta shows that the stupa and image coincided together. If the entire corpus of the art of Ajanta including sculpture, iconography, architecture, epigraphy, and painting are analysed afresh it will become clear that there was no duality between the symbolic and human forms of the Buddha, as far as the 5th-century phase of Ajanta is concerned. That is why most current scholars tend to avoid the terms 'Hinayana' and 'Mahayana' in the context of Ajanta. They now prefer to call the second phase by the ruling dynasty, as the Vākāţaka phase.
CAVES
CAVE 1
Cave 1 was built on the eastern end of the horse-shoe shaped scarp, and is now the first cave the visitor encounters. This would when first made have been a less prominent position, right at the end of the row. According to Spink, it is one of the latest caves to have been excavated, when the best sites had been taken, and was never fully inaugurated for worship by the dedication of the Buddha image in the central shrine. This is shown by the absence of sooty deposits from butter lamps on the base of the shrine image, and the lack of damage to the paintings that would have been happened if the garland-hooks around the shrine had been in use for any period of time. Although there is no epigraphic evidence, Spink believes that the Vākāţaka Emperor Harishena was the benefactor of the work, and this is reflected in the emphasis on imagery of royalty in the cave, with those Jakata tales being selected that tell of those previous lives of the Buddha in which he was royal.
The cliff has a more steep slope here than at other caves, so to achieve a tall grand facade it was necessary to cut far back into the slope, giving a large courtyard in front of the facade. There was originally a columned portico in front of the present facade, which can be seen "half-intact in the 1880s" in pictures of the site, but this fell down completely and the remains, despite containing fine carving, were carelessly thrown down the slope into the river, from where they have been lost, presumably carried away in monsoon torrents.
This cave has one of the most elaborate carved façades, with relief sculptures on entablature and ridges, and most surfaces embellished with decorative carving. There are scenes carved from the life of the Buddha as well as a number of decorative motifs. A two pillared portico, visible in the 19th-century photographs, has since perished. The cave has a front-court with cells fronted by pillared vestibules on either side. These have a high plinth level. The cave has a porch with simple cells on both ends. The absence of pillared vestibules on the ends suggest that the porch was not excavated in the latest phase of Ajanta when pillared vestibules had become a necessity and norm. Most areas of the porch were once covered with murals, of which many fragments remain, especially on the ceiling. There are three doorways: a central doorway and two side doorways. Two square windows were carved between the doorways to brighten the interiors.
Each wall of the hall inside is nearly 12 m long and 6.1 m high. Twelve pillars make a square colonnade inside supporting the ceiling, and creating spacious aisles along the walls. There is a shrine carved on the rear wall to house an impressive seated image of the Buddha, his hands being in the dharmachakrapravartana mudra. There are four cells on each of the left, rear, and the right walls, though due to rock fault there are none at the ends of the rear aisle. The walls are covered with paintings in a fair state of preservation, though the full scheme was never completed. The scenes depicted are mostly didactic, devotional, and ornamental, with scenes from the Jataka stories of the Buddha's former existences as a bodhisattva), the life of the Gautama Buddha, and those of his veneration. The two most famous individual painted images at Ajanta are the two over-life size figures of the protective bodhisattvas Padmapani and Vajrapani on either side of the entrance to the Buddha shrine on the wall of the rear aisle (see illustrations above). According to Spink, the original dating of the paintings to about 625 arose largely or entirely because James Fegusson, a 19th-century architectural historian, had decided that a scene showing an ambassador being received, with figures in Persian dress, represented a recorded embassy to Persia (from a Hindu monarch at that) around that date.
CAVE 2
Cave 2, adjacent to Cave 1, is known for the paintings that have been preserved on its walls, ceilings, and pillars. It looks similar to Cave 1 and is in a better state of preservation.
Cave 2 has a porch quite different from Cave one. Even the façade carvings seem to be different. The cave is supported by robust pillars, ornamented with designs. The front porch consists of cells supported by pillared vestibules on both ends. The cells on the previously "wasted areas" were needed to meet the greater housing requirements in later years. Porch-end cells became a trend in all later Vakataka excavations. The simple single cells on porch-ends were converted into CPVs or were planned to provide more room, symmetry, and beauty.
The paintings on the ceilings and walls of this porch have been widely published. They depict the Jataka tales that are stories of the Buddha's life in former existences as Bodhisattva. Just as the stories illustrated in cave 1 emphasize kingship, those in cave 2 show many "noble and powerful" women in prominent roles, leading to suggestions that the patron was an unknown woman. The porch's rear wall has a doorway in the center, which allows entrance to the hall. On either side of the door is a square-shaped window to brighten the interior.
The hall has four colonnades which are supporting the ceiling and surrounding a square in the center of the hall. Each arm or colonnade of the square is parallel to the respective walls of the hall, making an aisle in between. The colonnades have rock-beams above and below them. The capitals are carved and painted with various decorative themes that include ornamental, human, animal, vegetative, and semi-divine forms.
Paintings appear on almost every surface of the cave except for the floor. At various places the art work has become eroded due to decay and human interference. Therefore, many areas of the painted walls, ceilings, and pillars are fragmentary. The painted narratives of the Jataka tales are depicted only on the walls, which demanded the special attention of the devotee. They are didactic in nature, meant to inform the community about the Buddha's teachings and life through successive rebirths. Their placement on the walls required the devotee to walk through the aisles and 'read' the narratives depicted in various episodes. The narrative episodes are depicted one after another although not in a linear order. Their identification has been a core area of research since the site's rediscovery in 1819. Dieter Schlingloff's identifications have updated our knowledge on the subject.
CAVE 4
The Archeological Survey of India board outside the caves gives the following detail about cave 4: "This is the largest monastery planned on a grandiose scale but was never finished. An inscription on the pedestal of the buddha's image mentions that it was a gift from a person named Mathura and paleographically belongs to 6th century A.D. It consists of a verandah, a hypostylar hall, sanctum with an antechamber and a series of unfinished cells. The rear wall of the verandah contains the panel of Litany of Avalokiteśvara".
The sanctuary houses a colossal image of the Buddha in preaching pose flanked by bodhisattvas and celestial nymphs hovering above.
CAVES 9-10
Caves 9 and 10 are the two chaitya halls from the first period of construction, though both were also undergoing an uncompleted reworking at the end of the second period. Cave 10 was perhaps originally of the 1st century BCE, and cave 9 about a hundred years later. The small "shrinelets" called caves 9A to 9D and 10A also date from the second period, and were commissioned by individuals.
The paintings in cave 10 include some surviving from the early period, many from an incomplete programme of modernization in the second period, and a very large number of smaller late intrusive images, nearly all Buddhas and many with donor inscriptions from individuals. These mostly avoided over-painting the "official" programme and after the best positions were used up are tucked away in less prominent positions not yet painted; the total of these (including those now lost) was probably over 300, and the hands of many different artists are visible.
OTHER CAVES
Cave 3 is merely a start of an excavation; according to Spink it was begun right at the end of the final period of work and soon abandoned. Caves 5 and 6 are viharas, the latter on two floors, that were late works of which only the lower floor of cave 6 was ever finished. The upper floor of cave 6 has many private votive sculptures, and a shrine Buddha, but is otherwise unfinished. Cave 7 has a grand facade with two porticos but, perhaps because of faults in the rock, which posed problems in many caves, was never taken very deep into the cliff, and consists only of the two porticos and a shrine room with antechamber, with no central hall. Some cells were fitted in.
Cave 8 was long thought to date to the first period of construction, but Spink sees it as perhaps the earliest cave from the second period, its shrine an "afterthought". The statue may have been loose rather than carved from the living rock, as it has now vanished. The cave was painted, but only traces remain.
SPINK´S DETAILED CHRONOLOGY
Walter M. Spink has over recent decades developed a very precise and circumstantial chronology for the second period of work on the site, which unlike earlier scholars, he places entirely in the 5th century. This is based on evidence such as the inscriptions and artistic style, combined with the many uncompleted elements of the caves. He believes the earlier group of caves, which like other scholars he dates only approximately, to the period "between 100 BCE – 100 CE", were at some later point completely abandoned and remained so "for over three centuries", as the local population had turned mainly Hindu. This changed with the accession of the Emperor Harishena of the Vakataka Dynasty, who reigned from 460 to his death in 477. Harisena extended the Central Indian Vakataka Empire to include a stretch of the east coast of India; the Gupta Empire ruled northern India at the same period, and the Pallava dynasty much of the south.
According to Spink, Harisena encouraged a group of associates, including his prime minister Varahadeva and Upendragupta, the sub-king in whose territory Ajanta was, to dig out new caves, which were individually commissioned, some containing inscriptions recording the donation. This activity began in 462 but was mostly suspended in 468 because of threats from the neighbouring Asmaka kings. Work continued on only caves 1, Harisena's own commission, and 17–20, commissioned by Upendragupta. In 472 the situation was such that work was suspended completely, in a period that Spink calls "the Hiatus", which lasted until about 475, by which time the Asmakas had replaced Upendragupta as the local rulers.
Work was then resumed, but again disrupted by Harisena's death in 477, soon after which major excavation ceased, except at cave 26, which the Asmakas were sponsoring themselves. The Asmakas launched a revolt against Harisena's son, which brought about the end of the Vakataka Dynasty. In the years 478–480 major excavation by important patrons was replaced by a rash of "intrusions" – statues added to existing caves, and small shrines dotted about where there was space between them. These were commissioned by less powerful individuals, some monks, who had not previously been able to make additions to the large excavations of the rulers and courtiers. They were added to the facades, the return sides of the entrances, and to walls inside the caves. According to Spink, "After 480, not a single image was ever made again at the site", and as Hinduism again dominated the region, the site was again abandoned, this time for over a millennium.
Spink does not use "circa" in his dates, but says that "one should allow a margin of error of one year or perhaps even two in all cases".
IMPACT ON MODERN INDIAN PAINTINGS
The Ajanta paintings, or more likely the general style they come from, influenced painting in Tibet and Sri Lanka.
The rediscovery of ancient Indian paintings at Ajanta provided Indian artists examples from ancient India to follow. Nandlal Bose experimented with techniques to follow the ancient style which allowed him to develop his unique style. Abanindranath Tagore also used the Ajanta paintings for inspiration.
WIKIPEDIA
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Slimbridge War Memorial
The memorial was dedicated in May 1921. An account of the dedication was published in the Gloucester Citizen of 25 May 1921, p. 2. The version in the British Newspaper Archive has been digitised from microfilm, so is quite difficult to decipher (although the general meaning is clear).
Slimbridge.
WAR MEMORIAL DEDICATION.
In the presence of a very large gathering of parishioners and visitors, the memorial [erected?] in Slimbridge Parish Churchyard by [its?] parishioners, in memory of the 22 [?] men from the parish who fell in the war was dedicated on Sunday evening. The ex-Service men of the parish, headed by the Halmore Brass Band walked in procession to the church, where a short service was held, which was conducted by the Rev. A. S. Crawley, M.C., Diocesan Organising Secretary to the C.E.M.S. [the Church of England Men’s Society]. A procession was formed, headed by the choir, [illegible] the singing of the hymn, “O God, our help in ages past,” this proceeded to the [memorial?]. The memorial was unveiled by Mrs. [illegible] mother of one of the fallen men, and the [Rev.?] A. S. Crawley formally dedicated it. An appropriate address was given by the Rev. A. S. Crawley, and the impressive service was [illegible] with “Last Post.” A muffled peal was afterwards rung on the bells. Many [illegible] wreaths were placed on the memorial by [relatives?] of the fallen soldiers. The Rector of Slimbridge (the Rev. J. O. H. Carter) who [lost a?] son in the war was unable to attend [due to?] illness.
The Rev. Arthur Stafford Crawley (1876-1948) was the son of George Baden and Inez Crawley, and was educated at Harrow and Magdalen College, Oxford. He afterwards went to Cuddesdon and was ordained, serving in London parishes before moving to Benenden, Kent. In 1903, he married Anstice (Nancy) Gibbs, one of the children of Antony and Janet Gibbs of Tyntesfield. In 1915, Stafford Crawley volunteered to become an Army Chaplain, and served with the Guards Division on the Western Front and in Italy, being awarded the MC in 1916 for rescuing wounded soldiers while under fire. After the war he worked for the Church of England Men’s Society, then as vicar at East Meon, before taking up mainly administrative posts in York, Canterbury and St. Albans. He was appointed a canon of St George’s Chapel, Windsor in 1934, becoming a chaplain-in-ordinary to the King (George VI) in 1944. See: apps.nationalarchives.gov.uk/nra/lists/GB-0260-M.126.htm
The Panels (reading anticlockwise from front of memorial)
Panel 1:
In loving memory of the men from this parish who gave their lives for their country in the Great War, 1914-1918
Panel 2:
Albert C Brading -- Private Albert Brading (Service No: 8183), 1st Bn., Gloucestershire Regiment; died 16 September 1914; name recorded on the La Ferté-sous-Jouarre Memorial, Seine-et-Marne, France; [the Cheltenham Chronicle, 31 October 1914, p. 3, under “Berkeley Vale Gleanings”: “News has reached Halmore of the death of Private Albert Brading of the 1st Gloucesters, son of Mr. George Brading, of Halmore, who was killed in action in France. He was an Army Reservist, and had been married about a year. He resided at Slimbridge, and was in the employ of Mr. John Burnett, of Old Hurst Farm. A memorial service was held in the Slimbridge Parish Church, and was largely attended.” The Cheltenham Chronicle, 29 May 1915, p. 2, also reported on the death of his brother: “Two brothers from Rendcomb, near Cirencester, have lost their lives in the war. Private Albert Brading of the 1st Gloucesters, was killed in action at the battle of the Aisne on Sept. 16, and Corporal Henry Brading, of the 2nd Gloucesters, was killed in action on May 9 while helping a wounded comrade. They were brothers of Mrs. Taylor, of 34 Rendcomb-buildings, Rendcomb.”]: www.cwgc.org/find-war-dead/casualty/877826/BRADING,%20ALBERT
Richard Brindle -- Private R. W. C. Brindle (Service No: 34657), 2nd Bn., Oxford and Bucks Light Infantry; died 1 October 1918; buried in Anneux British Cemetery, Nord, France (III. D. 12.): www.cwgc.org/find-war-dead/casualty/187753/BRINDLE,%20R%2...
Walter G Browning -- Serjeant Walter G. Browning (Service No: 8001), 1st/6th Bn., Gloucestershire Regiment; died 9 October 1917, aged 33; name recorded on the Tyne Cot Memorial, West-Vlaanderen (Panel 72 to 75.); son of George and Elizabeth Browning, of Old Hurst, Slimbridge, Glos.; husband of Emma E. Browning, of Jasmine Cottage, Tilsdown, Dursley, Glos.; [Sergeant Browning was previously reported wounded in the Gloucester Journal, 24 June 1916; the Cheltenham Chronicle, 10 November 1917, p. 3, under Berkeley Vale Gleanings: “The local roll of honour is increased this week by the names of three more gallant soldiers, all killed on the Western Front. News reached Cam on Saturday of the loss of Sergeant Walter Browning. He belonged to the Regular Army, and had seen service on two battle fronts.”]: www.cwgc.org/find-war-dead/casualty/843432/BROWNING,%20WA...
William J. Burnett -- Flight Sub-Lieutenant William Josiah Burnett, No. 1 Sqdn., Royal Naval Air Service; died 26 September 1917, aged 26; name recorded on the Arras Flying Services Memorial, Pas-de-Calais, France; son of John Francis Burnett, of Hampton House, Hardwicke, Gloucester; [From the Cheltenham Chronicle, 20 October 1917, p. 3, under Berkley Vale Gleanings: “The sacrifices in this war are not confined to one class; all classes are sharing in the sorrow which is resulting from the fighting. So far as our local Roll of Honour is concerned, it has grown rapidly during the past six months, and it is a melancholy task recording week after week some of the bravest and best of our young manhood. I mentioned last week that Flight Sub-Lieutenant W. J. Burnett, of the R.N.A.S., son of Mr. John Burnett , of Hurst Farm, Slimbridge, one of the best known farmers in the Vale, had been reported missing, and news has since come to hand which leaves no doubt that he has laid down his life for his country. He is another of the many Wycliffe College “old boys” who have died during the war, and will be remembered by many Stroud people as a former employee at Dudbridge Iron Works. “Willy” Burnett was a nice young fellow, and he will be mourned by many friends. “; the Gloucester Journal, 22 December 1917, p. 6: “KILLED OVER GERMAN LINES. Mr J. F. Bennett [sic], of Slimbridge, has received information from a German source to the effect that his son, Lieut. W. J. Bennett [sic], was killed whilst flying over the German lines. Some months ago he was reported missing. Deceased was a Wycliffe College boy, and prior to the war was engaged at Dudbridge Iron Works.”]: www.cwgc.org/find-war-dead/casualty/743086/BURNETT,%20WIL...
Bernard R. H. Carter -- Second Lieutenant Bernard Robert Hadow Carter, Royal Flying Corps; died 7 November 1917, aged 19; buried in Slimbridge (St John the Evangelist) Churchyard; Son of the Rev. J. H. Carter and Mrs. Beatrice Helen Carter of Knowle Rd., Boscombe, Hants.; [a bellringer at Slimbridge; the Gloucester Journal, 24 November 1917, p. 6: “THE LATE SEC.-LIEUT. B. R. H. CARTER. Second-Lieutenant Bernard Robert Hadow Carter, R.F.C., third son of the Rev. J. O. H. and Mrs. Carter, of Slimbridge Rectory, Glos., who was killed on November 7th, was educated at Magdalen College School, where he was a chorister, and at St. Edward’s School, Oxford, where he was a Prefect, Captain of the Boats, and Sergeant in the O.T.C. He was also a very good swimmer. He attested while still at school, and at the earliest opportunity entered the Inns of Court O.T.C. From this he was transferred to the R.F.C. and had just earned his “wings.” Writing of his death the Captain of his squadron says: ‘He was engaged on special duty; having been selected as one of my best pilots to go on this special mission. It is of great grief to myself and to everyone in the squadron. Personally I had a very high opinion of your son, so much so that I had asked him to be posted to my squadron as an assistant instructor, and he had just been posted in that capacity.’”]: www.cwgc.org/find-war-dead/casualty/358543/CARTER,%20BERN...
Panel 3:
Percy C Cuff – Private Percy C. Cuff (Service No: 26302), 14th Bn., Gloucestershire Regiment; died 22 October 1917, aged 21; name recorded on the Tyne Cot Memorial, West-Vlaanderen (Panel 72 to 75.); son of William and Fanny Cuff, of Whitney Cottages, Cambridge; [also a bellringer at Slimbridge; the Cheltenham Chronicle, 10 November 1917, p. 3, under Berkeley Vale Gleanings: “The local roll of honour is increased this week by the names of three more gallant soldiers, all killed on the Western Front. […] Private Percy Cuff, of Slimbridge, another of the fallen, had previously served in Mesopotamia. From there he was invalided home, and afterwards sent to France. His major speaks of him as “a splendid fellow, always willing and energetic.”]: www.cwgc.org/find-war-dead/casualty/842028/CUFF,%20PERCY%20C
Charles Fryer – Private C. W. Fryer (Service No: 18922), "B" Coy., 10th Bn., Gloucestershire Regiment ; died 4 April 1916, aged 26; buried in Maroc British Cemetery, Grenay, Pas-de-Calais, France (I. A. 21.); son of Edwin Henry and Elizabeth Ann Fryer; husband of Margaret Hill (formerly Fryer), of Slymbridge St., Cambridge, Stonehouse, Glos.; [there is another Charles Fryer (26921 Private Charles Christopher Fryer, 12th Bn., Gloucestershire Regiment), from nearby Frampton on Severn; there seems to be no report of Private Fryer’s death, but there is this curious account of a serious family dispute in the Gloucester Citizen, 11 April 1910, p. 6, under “Petty Sessions”: “Charles Fryer, a young man of Slimbridge, pleaded ‘guilty under great provocation’ to an assault upon his father-in-law, Edward Theyers. Complainant, answering the Clerk, said that he didn’t know that he was any relation to defendant, but “he married my daughter, that’s all!” (Laughter.) His account of the assault was that defendant came along on a bicycle, and, without any altercation, knocked him on the side of the head. The blow stunned him and he fell to the ground, injuring his arm. Some time ago they had “afew [sic] words” and complainant told Fryer he could leave his house – in which he lived with his wife. They left the same night. The row was over an accusation which defendant made concerning his conduct towards his (Fryer’s) wife. This complainant declared was untrue. He had not seen his daughter since she left the house two months ago – “nor don’t want to,” added Theyers. He had not spoken to Fryer since the night of the row until the assault. – Defendant questioned complainant as to his conduct towards his daughter, and Theyers denied the serious allegation made, or that his wife accused him in his (defendant’s) presence. Fryer told the magistrates that Theyers offered him a sovereign to settle the matter, but (indignantly added defendant) “if I dared I would tar and feather him for what he has done.” – P.C. White spoke to receiving a complaint from Fryer and his wife on February 14th concerning alleged indecent behaviour on the part of Theyers towards his daughter (defendant’s wife). – George Fryer also spoke on the same matter. – Defendant stated that he was married to complainant’s daughter in September of last year, and they lived comfortably at his father-in-law’s house at Cambridge until January last, when he had reason to complain of the conduct of Theyers towards his (Fryer’s) wife. Later he watched certain happenings through a window, and later his wife told him what had occurred on several occasions, and that she had been afraid to tell him before. He spoke to Theyers about it, and the latter ordered him to leave the house in a week. Witness said he would no stay there another night with him, and left at once. He promised complainant a thrashing, and considered he was justified in striking him. -- The Bench dismissed the case under the Probation of Offenders’ Act, but told defendant he must not take advantage of the lenient treatment to commit a further assault. Fryer said he would not strike him again.”]: www.cwgc.org/find-war-dead/casualty/523057/FRYER,%20C%20W
Frederick C Hobbs – Private F. C. Hobbs (Service No: 57806), 2nd/7th Bn., Royal Warwickshire Regiment; died 9 August 1918, aged 18; buried in Aire Communal Cemetery, Pas-de-Calais, France (IV. A. 9.); additional Information:Son of Caleb and Susannah Hobbs, of Cambridge, Stonehouse, Glos.; [the Gloucester Journal , 7 September 1918, p. 6: “Private F. C. Hobbs, of Slimbridge, attached to the Warwickshire Regiment, has been killed in action in France. He was only 18 years old. He joined up last December, and formerly was employed at Cam Mills. He died in hospital following severe wounds.”]: www.cwgc.org/find-war-dead/casualty/467090/HOBBS,%20F%20C
Frederick Medcroft – Lance Corporal Frederick Medcroft (Service No: 355878), 25th (Montgomeryshire and Welsh Horse Yeomanry) Bn., Royal Welsh Fusiliers; died 21 September 1918; name recorded on the Vis-en-Artois Memorial, Pas-de-Calais, France (Panel 6.): www.cwgc.org/find-war-dead/casualty/1746695/MEDCROFT,%20F...
Edward S Morgan – Lieutenant E. S. Morgan, Royal Air Force, 211th Sqdn.; died 7 September 1918; buried in Dunkirk Town Cemetery, Pas-de-Calais, France (IV. C. 16.); [At the time of the 1911 Census, Edward Stanley Morgan was living at Churchend, Slimbridge with his widowed mother (Elizabeth Florence Morgan), three siblings, an aunt and a servant. The census describes him as an 18-year old auctioneer, and he had been born at Hambrook, Gloucestershire. Lieutenant Edward Stanley Morgan of 211 Squadron, Royal Air Force died on 7 September 1918 flying a D.H.9 with Lieut. R. Simpson as 2nd Observer on a bombing raid, being shot down and crashing into the sea north of Gravelines. Morgan’s part in a previous raid had resulted in the award of a Distinguished Flying Cross: Supplement to the London Gazette, 2nd November 1918, p. 12970; Flight, 7th November 1918, p. 1250: “Lieut. Edward Stanley Morgan. -- On August 16th this officer took part in a bomb raid on enemy docks--a well-guarded objective. The weather conditions were most unfavourable. A strong wind compelled the machines to move slowly, and high white clouds made them an easy target for anti-aircraft fire. On nearing the objective the flight leader was shot down and Lieut. Morgan assumed command. He was met by an intense barrage. A second machine was seen to fall, and the pilot of a third was severely wounded, but Lieut. Morgan, persisting in his attack, reached and successfully bombed the objective. The cool determination and gallantry displayed by this officer deserves high praise.”]: www.cwgc.org/find-war-dead/casualty/617341/MORGAN,%20E%20S
Arthur Noad – Private A. Noad (Service No: 16052), 10th Bn., Gloucestershire Regiment; died 13 October 1915, aged 22; buried in Dud Corner Cemetery, Loos, Pas-de-Calais, France ; [a bellringer at Slimbridge; Arthur Noad’s enlistment in “Lord Kitchener’s Army” on 21st November 1914 was recorded in the Gloucester Journal, 28 November 1914, p. 6, listing his residence as Gossington, near Stonehouse.]:
Panel 4:
Samuel Redding -- Private Samuel Redding, Labour Corps
Joseph Robins – Corporal Joseph Robins (Service No: RMA/4190), R.M.H.Q. (Eastney), Royal Marine Artillery; died 31 January 1915, aged 41; buried in Slimbridge (St. John the Evangelist) Churchyard, Gloucestershire (new Ground); husband of Eliza Catherine Robins, of Cambridge, Gloucester: www.cwgc.org/find-war-dead/casualty/358544/ROBINS,%20JOSEPH
Charles J Savage -- Lance Corporal Charles John Savage, 14th Bn., Gloucestershire Regiment
Frederick Simmons -- Corporal Frederick Mahone Simmons, 2nd Bn., Royal Berkshire Regiment
William Smart -- Driver William Smart, Army Service Corps
Frederick Tudor -- Private Frederick Henry Tudor, 7th Bn., Gloucestershire Regiment
Panel 5:
Alfred M Underwood -- Private Alfred M. S. Underwood (Service No: 6641), 1st Bn., Gloucestershire Regiment; died 23 October 1914, aged 30; name recorded on the Ypres (Menin Gate) Memorial, Ieper, West-Vlaanderen (Panel 22 and 34.); son of the late John Underwood, of Westend, Stonehouse; husband of Mary Louisa Underwood, of Cossington, Slimbridge, Stonehouse, Glos.: www.cwgc.org/find-war-dead/casualty/1627280/UNDERWOOD,%20...
George E P Watts -- Private George Edward Watts, Army Veterinary Corps
Frederick A Wherrett – Private F. A. Wherrett (Service No: 40200), Worcestershire Regiment; died 20 June 1917, aged 22; buried in Slimbridge (St. John the Evangelist) Churchyard, Gloucestershire (new Ground); [The Cheltenham Chronicle, 30 June 1917, p. 3, under “Berkeley Vale Gleanings”: “The toll of the brave continues. Scarcely a day passes without the sad news, “Killed in action,” being recorded. Here in the Vale, as elsewhere throughout the land, there is a heavy toll being exacted of the best of our young manhood, and citizens generally will have a sympathetic thought for those who mourn husband, or son, or brother. […] Private Joseph Wherrett [sic?], son of the late Mr. Joseph Wherrett, of Hope House Farm, Slimbridge, died in a London hospital from wounds received in action in the Somme last November. In civil life he was a popular young farmer in the Vale, and a host of friends lament his death. The remains were brought to his native village on Saturday, and buried with full military honours. The family mourners included a brother who is at home receiving treatment for wounds received in action on the Somme.”]: www.cwgc.org/find-war-dead/casualty/358545/WHERRETT,%20F%20A
Joseph Wherrett -- Private Joseph Wherrett, Royal Defence Corps; died 6 June 1920
James Williams
George Shipway -- Lance Corporal George Shipway, Labour Corps
Panel 6:
True love by life, True love by death is tried; Live thou for England, We for England died
Panel 7:
William D Porter
Henry J Granger
Ronald Brown
Arthur Wall
William J Workman
1939-1945
Panel 8: [Quotation from John 15:13]
Greater love hath no man than this, that a man lay down his life for his friends
Hanuman was born to the humanoid creatures called the vanaras. His mother Anjana was an apsara who was born on earth as a female vanara due to a curse. She was redeemed from this curse on her giving birth to a son. The Valmiki Ramayana states that his father Kesari was the son of Brihaspati and that Kesari also fought on Rama's side in the war against Ravana.[10] Anjana and Kesari performed intense prayers to Shiva to get a child. Pleased with their devotion, Shiva granted them the boon they sought.[11] Hanuman, in another interpretation, is the incarnation or reflection of Shiva himself.
Hanuman is often called the son of the deity Vayu; several different traditions account for the Vayu's role in Hanuman's birth. One story mentioned in Eknath's Bhavartha Ramayana (16th century CE) states that when Anjana was worshiping Shiva, the King Dasharatha of Ayodhya was also performing the ritual of Putrakama yagna in order to have children. As a result, he received some sacred pudding (payasam) to be shared by his three wives, leading to the births of Rama, Lakshmana, Bharata, and Shatrughna. By divine ordinance, a kite snatched a fragment of that pudding and dropped it while flying over the forest where Anjana was engaged in worship. Vayu, the Hindu deity of the wind, delivered the falling pudding to the outstretched hands of Anjana, who consumed it. Hanuman was born to her as a result.[10][12] Another tradition says that Anjana and her husband Kesari prayed Shiva for a child. By Shiva's direction, Vayu transferred his male energy to Anjana's womb. Accordingly, Hanuman is identified as the son of the Vayu.
Another story of Hanuman's origins is derived from the Vishnu Purana and Naradeya Purana. Narada, infatuated with a princess, went to his lord Vishnu, to make him look like Vishnu, so that the princess would garland him at swayamvara (husband-choosing ceremony). He asked for hari mukh (Hari is another name of Vishnu, and mukh means face). Vishnu instead bestowed him with the face of a vanara. Unaware of this, Narada went to the princess, who burst into laughter at the sight of his ape-like face before all the king's court. Narada, unable to bear the humiliation, cursed Vishnu, that Vishnu would one day be dependent upon a vanara. Vishnu replied that what he had done was for Narada's own good, as he would have undermined his own powers if he were to enter matrimony. Vishnu also noted that Hari has the dual Sanskrit meaning of vanara. Upon hearing this, Narada repented for cursing his idol. But Vishnu told him not repent as the curse would act as a boon, for it would lead to the birth of Hanuman, an avatar of Shiva, without whose help Rama (Vishnu's avatar) could not kill Ravana.
Birth place[edit]Multiple places in India are claimed as the birthplace of Hanuman.
According to one theory, Hanuman was born on 'Anjaneya Hill', in Hampi, Karnataka.[13] This is located near the Risyamukha mountain on the banks of the Pampa, where Sugreeva and Rama are said to have met in Valmiki Ramayana's Kishkinda Kanda. There is a temple that marks the spot. Kishkinda itself is identified with the modern Anekundi taluk (near Hampi) in Bellary district of Karnataka.[citation needed]
Anjan, a small village about 18 km away from Gumla, houses "Anjan Dham", which is said to be the birthplace of Hanuman.[14] The name of the village is derived from the name of the goddess Anjani, the mother of Hanuman. Aanjani Guha (cave), 4 km from the village, is believed to be the place where Anjani once lived. Many objects of archaeological importance obtained from this site are now held at the Patna Museum.
The Anjaneri (or Anjneri) mountain, located 7 km from Trimbakeshwar in the Nasik district, is also claimed as the birthplace of Hanuman.[15]
According to Anjan Dham, Hanuman was born on Lakshka Hill near Sujangarh in Churu district, Rajasthan.[16]
Childhood[edit]
Hanuman Mistakes the Sun for a Fruit by BSP PratinidhiAs a child, believing the sun to be a ripe mango, Hanuman pursued it in order to eat it. Rahu, a Vedic planet corresponding to an eclipse, was at that time seeking out the sun as well, and he clashed with Hanuman. Hanuman thrashed Rahu and went to take sun in his mouth.[17] Rahu approached Indra, king of devas, and complained that a monkey child stopped him from taking on Sun, preventing the scheduled eclipse. This enraged Indra, who responded by throwing the Vajra (thunderbolt) at Hanuman, which struck his jaw. He fell back down to the earth and became unconscious. A permanent mark was left on his chin (हनुः hanuḥ "jaw" in Sanskrit), due to impact of Vajra, explaining his name.[10][18] Upset over the attack, Hanuman's father figure Vayu deva (the deity of air) went into seclusion, withdrawing air along with him. As living beings began to asphyxiate, Indra withdrew the effect of his thunderbolt. The devas then revived Hanuman and blessed him with multiple boons to appease Vayu.[10]
Brahma gave Hanuman a boon that would protect him from the irrevocable Brahma's curse. Brahma also said: "Nobody will be able to kill you with any weapon in war." From Brahma he obtained the power of inducing fear in enemies, of destroying fear in friends, to be able to change his form at will and to be able to easily travel wherever he wished. From Shiva he obtained the boons of longevity, scriptural wisdom and ability to cross the ocean. Shiva assured safety of Hanuman with a band that would protect him for life. Indra blessed him that the Vajra weapon will no longer be effective on him and his body would become stronger than Vajra. Varuna blessed baby Hanuman with a boon that he would always be protected from water. Agni blessed him with immunity to burning by fire. Surya gave him two siddhis of yoga namely "laghima" and "garima", to be able to attain the smallest or to attain the biggest form. Yama, the God of Death blessed him healthy life and free from his weapon danda, thus death would not come to him. Kubera showered his blessings declaring that Hanuman would always remain happy and contented. Vishwakarma blessed him that Hanuman would be protected from all his creations in the form of objects or weapons. Vayu also blessed him with more speed than he himself had. Kamadeva also blessed him that the sex will not be effective on him.So his name is also Bala Bramhachari.[citation needed]
On ascertaining Surya to be an all-knowing teacher, Hanuman raised his body into an orbit around the sun and requested to Surya to accept him as a student. Surya refused and explained claiming that he always had to be on the move in his chariot, it would be impossible for Hanuman to learn well. Undeterred, Hanuman enlarged his form, with one leg on the eastern ranges and the other on the western ranges, and facing Surya again pleaded. Pleased by his persistence, Surya agreed. Hanuman then learned all of the latter's knowledge. When Hanuman then requested Surya to quote his "guru-dakshina" (teacher's fee), the latter refused, saying that the pleasure of teaching one as dedicated as him was the fee in itself. Hanuman insisted, whereupon Surya asked him to help his (Surya's) spiritual son Sugriva. Hanuman's choice of Surya as his teacher is said to signify Surya as a Karma Saakshi, an eternal witness of all deeds. Hanuman later became Sugriva's minister.[10][19]
Hanuman was mischievous in his childhood, and sometimes teased the meditating sages in the forests by snatching their personal belongings and by disturbing their well-arranged articles of worship. Finding his antics unbearable, but realizing that Hanuman was but a child, (albeit invincible), the sages placed a mild curse on him by which he became unable to remember his own ability unless reminded by another person. The curse is highlighted in Kishkindha Kanda and he was relieved from the curse by the end of Kishkindha Kanda when Jambavantha reminds Hanuman of his abilities and encourages him to go and find Sita and in Sundara Kanda he used his supernatural powers at his best.[10]
Adventures in Ramayana[edit]The Sundara Kanda, the fifth book in the Ramayana, focuses on the adventures of Hanuman.
Meeting with Rama[edit]
Rāma and Lakṣmaṇa meeting Hanumān at RishyamukhaHanuman meets Rama during the Rama's 14-year exile.[20] With his brother Lakshmana, Rama is searching for his wife Sita who had been abducted by Ravana. Their search brings them to the vicinity of the mountain Rishyamukha, where Sugriva, along with his followers and friends, are in hiding from his older brother Vali.
Having seen Rama and Lakshmana, Sugriva sends Hanuman to ascertain their identities. Hanuman approaches the two brothers in the guise of a brahmin. His first words to them are such that Rama says to Lakshmana that none could speak the way the brahmin did unless he or she had mastered the Vedas. He notes that there is no defect in the brahmin's countenance, eyes, forehead, brows, or any limb. He points out to Lakshmana that his accent is captivating, adding that even an enemy with sword drawn would be moved. He praises the disguised Hanuman further, saying that sure success awaited the king whose emissaries were as accomplished as he was.[20]
When Rama introduces himself, the brahman identitifies himself as Hanuman and falls prostrate before Rama, who embraces him warmly. Thereafter, Hanuman's life becomes interwoven with that of Rama. Hanuman then brings about friendship and alliance between Rama and Sugriva; Rama helps Sugriva regain his honour and makes him king of Kishkindha. Sugriva and his vanaras, most notably Hanuman, help Rama defeat Raavana and reunite with Sita.
In their search for Sita, a group of Vanaras reaches the southern seashore. Upon encountering the vast ocean, every vanara begins to lament his inability to jump across the water. Hanuman too is saddened at the possible failure of his mission, until the other vanaras and the wise bear Jambavantha begin to extol his virtues. Hanuman then recollects his own powers, enlarges his body, and flies across the ocean. On his way, he encounters a mountain that rises from the sea, proclaims that it owed his father a debt, and asks him to rest a while before proceeding. Not wanting to waste any time, Hanuman thanks the mountain and carries on. He then encounters a sea-monster, Surasa, who challenges him to enter her mouth. When Hanuman outwits her, she admits that her challenge was merely a test of his courage. After killing Simhika, a rakshasa, he reaches Lanka.
Finding Sita[edit]
Hanuman finds Sita in the ashoka grove, and shows her Rama's ringHanuman reaches Lanka and marvels at its beauty. After he finds Sita in captivity in a garden, Hanuman reveals his identity to her, reassures her that Rama has been looking for her, and uplifts her spirits. He offers to carry her back to Rama, but she refuses his offer, saying it would be an insult to Rama as his honour is at stake. After meeting Sita, Hanuman begins to wreak havoc, gradually destroying the palaces and properties of Lanka. He kills many rakshasas, including Jambumali and Aksha Kumar. To subdue him, Ravana's son Indrajit uses the Brahmastra. Though immune to the effects of this weapon Hanuman, out of respect to Brahma, allows himself be bound. Deciding to use the opportunity to meet Ravana, and to assess the strength of Ravana's hordes, Hanuman allows the rakshasa warriors to parade him through the streets. He conveys Rama's message of warning and demands the safe return of Sita. He also informs Ravana that Rama would be willing to forgive him if he returns Sita honourably.
Enraged, Ravana orders Hanuman's execution, whereupon Ravana's brother Vibhishana intervenes, pointing out that it is against the rules of engagement to kill a messenger. Ravana then orders Hanuman's tail be lit afire. As Ravana's forces attempted to wrap cloth around his tail, Hanuman begins to lengthen it. After frustrating them for a while, he allows it to burn, then escapes from his captors, and with his tail on fire he burns down large parts of Lanka. After extinguishing his flaming tail in the sea, he returns to Rama.
Shapeshifting[edit]In the Ramayana Hanuman changes shape several times. For example, while he searches for the kidnapped Sita in Ravana's palaces on Lanka, he contracts himself to the size of a cat, so that he will not be detected by the enemy. Later on, he takes on the size of a mountain, blazing with radiance, to show his true power to Sita.[21]
Also he enlarges & immediately afterwards contracts his body to out-wit Sirsa, the she-demon, who blocked his path while crossing the sea to reach Lanka. Again, he turns his body microscopically small to enter Lanka before killing Lankini, the she-demon guarding the gates of Lanka.
He achieved this shape-shifting by the powers of two siddhis; Anima and Garima bestowed upon him in his childhood by Sun-God, Surya.
Mountain Lifting[edit]
Hanuman fetches the herb-bearing mountain, in a print from the Ravi Varma Press, 1910sWhen Lakshmana is severely wounded during the battle against Ravana, Hanuman is sent to fetch the Sanjivani, a powerful life-restoring herb, from Dronagiri mountain in the Himalayas, to revive him. Ravana realises that if Lakshmana dies, a distraught Rama would probably give up, and so he dispatches the sorcerer Kalanemi to intercept Hanuman.[22] Kalanemi, in the guise of a sage, deceives Hanuman, but Hanuman uncovers his plot with the help of an apsara, whom he rescues from her accursed state as a crocodile.[22]
Ravana, upon learning that Kalanemi has been slain by Hanuman, summons Surya to rise before its appointed time because the physician Sushena had said that Lakshmana would perish if untreated by daybreak. Hanuman realizes the danger, however, and, becoming many times his normal size, detains the Sun God to prevent the break of day. He then resumes his search for the precious herb, but, when he finds himself unable to identify which herb it is, he lifts the entire mountain and delivers it to the battlefield in Lanka. Sushena then identifies and administers the herb, and Lakshmana is saved. Rama embraces Hanuman, declaring him as dear to him as his own brother. Hanuman releases Surya from his grip, and asks forgiveness, as the Sun was also his Guru.
Hanuman was also called "langra veer"; langra in Hindi means limping and veer means "brave". The story behind Hanuman being called langra is as follows. He was injured when he was crossing the Ayodhya with the mountain in his hands. As he was crossing over Ayodhya, Bharat, Rama's young brother, saw him and assumed that some Rakshasa was taking this mountain to attack Ayodhya. Bharat then shot Hanuman with an arrow, which was engraved with Rama's name. Hanuman did not stop this arrow as it had Rama's name written on it, and it injured his leg. Hanuman landed and explained to Bharat that he was moving the mountain to save his own brother, Lakshmana. Bharat, very sorry, offered to fire an arrow to Lanka, which Hanuman could ride in order to reach his destination more easily. But Hanuman declined the offer, preferring to fly on his own, and he continued his journey with his injured leg.
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Patala incident[edit]In another incident during the war, Rama and Lakshmana are captured by the rakshasa Mahiravana (or Ahiravan), brother of Ravana, who held them captive in their palace in Patala (or Patalpuri) --the netherworld. Mahiravana keeps them as offerings to his deity. Searching for them, Hanuman reaches Patala, the gates of which are guarded by a young creature called Makardhwaja (known also as Makar-Dhwaja or Magar Dhwaja), who is part reptile and part Vanara.
The story of Makardhwaja's birth is said to be that when Hanuman extinguished his burning tail in the ocean, a drop of his sweat fell into the waters, eventually becoming Makardhwaja, who perceives Hanuman as his father. When Hanuman introduces himself to Makardhwaja, the latter asks his blessings, but fights him to fulfill the task of guarding the gate. Hanuman defeats and imprisons him to gain entry.
Upon entering Patala, Hanuman discovers that to kill Mahiravana, he must simultaneously extinguish five lamps burning in different directions. Hanuman assumes the Panchamukha or five-faced form of Sri Varaha facing north, Sri Narasimha facing south, Sri Garuda facing west, Sri Hayagriva facing the sky and his own facing the east, and blows out the lamps. Hanuman then rescues Rama and Lakshmana. Afterwards, Rama asks Hanuman to crown Makardhwaja king of Patala. Hanuman then instructs Makardhwaja to rule Patala with justice and wisdom.
To date Chandraloak Devpuri mandir is located at Dugana a small village 17 km from Laharpur,Sitapur district,Uttar Pradesh. A divine place where Chakleswar Mahadev situated.
Honours[edit]
Hanuman showing Rama in His heartShortly after he is crowned Emperor upon his return to Ayodhya, Rama decides to ceremoniously reward all his well-wishers. At a grand ceremony in his court, all his friends and allies take turns being honoured at the throne. Hanuman approaches without desiring a reward. Seeing Hanuman come up to him, an emotionally overwhelmed Rama embraces him warmly, declaring that he could never adequately honour or repay Hanuman for the help and services he received from the noble Vanara. Sita, however, insists that Hanuman deserved honour more than anyone else, and Sita gives him a necklace of precious stones adorning her neck.
When he receives it, Hanuman immediately takes it apart, and peers into each stone. Taken aback, many of those present demand to know why he is destroying the precious gift. Hanuman answers that he was looking into the stones to make sure that Rama and Sita are in them, because if they are not, the necklace is of no value to him. At this, a few mock Hanuman, saying his reverence and love for Rama and Sita could not possibly be as deep as he implies. In response, Hanuman tears his chest open, and everyone is stunned to see Rama and Sita literally in his heart.
Hanuman Ramayana[edit]
Hanuman beheads Trisiras-from The Freer RamayanaAfter the victory of Rama over Ravana, Hanuman went to the Himalayas to continue his worship of the Lord Rama. There he scripted a version of the Ramayana on the Himalayan mountains using his nails, recording every detail of Rama's deeds. When Maharishi Valmiki visited him to show him his own version of the Ramayana, he saw Hanuman's version and became very disappointed.
When Hanuman asked Valmiki the cause of his sorrow, the sage said that his version, which he had created very laboriously, was no match for the splendour of Hanuman's, and would therefore go ignored. At this, Hanuman discarded his own version, which is called the Hanumad Ramayana. Maharishi Valmiki was so taken aback that he said he would take another birth to sing the glory of Hanuman which he had understated in his version.
Later, one tablet is said to have floated ashore during the period of Mahakavi Kalidasa, and hung at a public place to be deciphered by scholars. Kalidasa is said to have deciphered it and recognised that it was from the Hanumad Ramayana recorded by Hanuman in an extinct script, and considered himself very fortunate to see at least one pada of the stanza.
After the Ramayana war[edit]After the war, and after reigning for several years, the time arrived for Rama to depart to his supreme abode Vaikuntha. Many of Rama's entourage, including Sugriva, decided to depart with him. Hanuman, however, requested from Rama that he will remain on earth as long as Rama's name was venerated by people. Sita accorded Hanuman that desire, and granted that his image would be installed at various public places, so he could listen to people chanting Rama's name. He is one of the immortals (Chiranjivi) of Hinduism.[23]
Mahabharata[edit]Hanuman is also considered to be the brother of Bhima, on the basis of their having the same father, Vayu. During the Pandavas' exile, he appears disguised as a weak and aged monkey to Bhima in order to subdue his arrogance. Bhima enters a field where Hanuman is lying with his tail blocking the way. Bhima, unaware of his identity, tells him to move it out of the way. Hanuman, incognito, refuses. Bhima then tries to move the tail himself but he is unable, despite his great strength. Realising he is no ordinary monkey, he inquires as to Hanuman's identity, which is then revealed. At Bhima's request, Hanuman is also said to have enlarged himself to demonstrate the proportions he had assumed in his crossing of the sea as he journeyed to Lanka and also said that when the war came, he would be there to protect the Pandavas. This place is located at Sariska National Park in the Alwar District of the State of Rajasthan and named as Pandupole(Temple of Hanuman ji).Pandupole is very famous tourist spot of Alwar.
During the great battle of Kurukshetra, Arjuna entered the battlefield with a flag displaying Hanuman on his chariot.[23] The incident that led to this was an earlier encounter between Hanuman and Arjuna, wherein Hanuman appeared as a small talking monkey before Arjuna at Rameshwaram, where Rama had built the great bridge to cross over to Lanka to rescue Sita. Upon Arjuna's wondering aloud at Rama's taking the help of monkeys rather than building a bridge of arrows, Hanuman challenged him to build a bridge capable of bearing him alone; Arjuna, unaware of the vanara's true identity, accepted. Hanuman then proceeded to repeatedly destroy the bridges made by Arjuna, who decided to take his own life. Vishnu then appeared before them both after originally coming in the form of a tortoise, chiding Arjuna for his vanity and Hanuman for making Arjuna feel incompetent. As an act of penitence, Hanuman decided to help Arjuna by stabilizing and strengthening his chariot during the imminent great battle. After, the battle of Kurukshetra was over, Krishna asked Arjuna, that today you step down the chariot before me. After Arjuna got down, Krishna followed him and thanked Hanuman for staying with them during the whole fight in the form of a flag on the chariot. Hanuman came in his original form, bowed to Krishna and left the flag, flying away into the sky. As soon as he left the flag, the chariot began to burn and turned into ashes. Arjuna was shocked to see this, then Krishna told Arjuna, that the only reason his chariot was still standing was because of the presence of Himself and Hanuman, otherwise, it would have burnt many days ago due to effects of celestial weapons thrown at it in the war.
According to legend, Hanuman is one of the four people to have heard the Bhagwad Gita from Krishna and seen his Vishvarupa (universal) form, the other three being Arjuna, Sanjaya and Barbarika, son of Ghatotkacha.
Picture taken 1987 during my 5-month-trip around the world - digitally captured from paper print. Sorry for the bad quality.
I have uploaded a lot of my digitally captured photos, which I took since 2004. But the most interesting journeys I did between 1979 and 2004! Those photos are on slide.
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Fiji (Listeni/ˈfiːdʒiː/ FEE-jee Fijian: Viti; Fiji Hindi: फ़िजी), officially the Republic of Fiji[8] (Fijian: Matanitu Tugalala o Viti; Fiji Hindi: रिपब्लिक ऑफ फीजी[10] Fiji Hindi: Ripablik af Fījī), is an island country in Melanesia in the South Pacific Ocean about 1,100 nautical miles (2,000 km) northeast of New Zealand's North Island. Its closest neighbours are Vanuatu to the west, New Caledonia to the southwest, New Zealand's Kermadec Islands to the southeast, Tonga to the east, the Samoas and France's Wallis and Futuna to the northeast, and Tuvalu to the north.
Fiji is an archipelago of more than 330 islands, of which 110 are permanently inhabited, and more than 500 islets, amounting to a total land area of about 18,300 square kilometres. The farthest island is Ono-i-Lau. The two major islands, Viti Levu and Vanua Levu, account for 87% of the population of almost 860,000. The capital, Suva on Viti Levu, serves as Fiji's principal cruise port. About three-quarters of Fijians live on Viti Levu's coasts, either in Suva or in smaller urban centres like Nadi (tourism) or Lautoka (sugar cane industry). Viti Levu's interior is sparsely inhabited due to its terrain.
Fiji has one of the most developed economies in the Pacific due to an abundance of forest, mineral, and fish resources. Today, the main sources of foreign exchange are its tourist industry and sugar exports. The country's currency is the Fijian dollar. Fiji's local government, in the form of city and town councils, is supervised by the Ministry of Local Government and Urban Development.
The majority of Fiji's islands were formed through volcanic activity starting around 150 million years ago. Today, some geothermal activity still occurs on the islands of Vanua Levu and Taveuni. Fiji has been inhabited since the second millennium BC, and was settled first by Austronesians and later by Melanesians, with some Polynesian influences. Europeans visited Fiji from the 17th century, and, after a brief period as an independent kingdom, the British established the Colony of Fiji in 1874. Fiji was a Crown colony until 1970, when it gained independence as a Commonwealth realm. A republic was declared in 1987, following a series of coups d'état.
In a coup in 2006, Commodore Frank Bainimarama seized power. When the High Court ruled in 2009 that the military leadership was unlawful, President Ratu Josefa Iloilo, whom the military had retained as the nominal Head of State, formally abrogated the Constitution and reappointed Bainimarama. Later in 2009, Iloilo was replaced as President by Ratu Epeli Nailatikau. After years of delays, a democratic election was held on 17 September 2014. Bainimarama's FijiFirst party won with 59.2% of the vote, and the election was deemed credible by international observers.
ETYMOLOGY
Fiji's main island is known as Viti Levu and it is from this that the name "Fiji" is derived, though the common English pronunciation is based on that of their island neighbours in Tonga. Its emergence can be described as follows:
Fijians first impressed themselves on European consciousness through the writings of the members of the expeditions of Cook who met them in Tonga. They were described as formidable warriors and ferocious cannibals, builders of the finest vessels in the Pacific, but not great sailors. They inspired awe amongst the Tongans, and all their Manufactures, especially bark cloth and clubs, were highly valued and much in demand. They called their home Viti, but the Tongans called it Fisi, and it was by this foreign pronunciation, Fiji, first promulgated by Captain James Cook, that these islands are now known.
"Feejee", the Anglicised spelling of the Tongan pronunciation, was used in accounts and other writings until the late 19th century, by missionaries and other travellers visiting Fiji.
HISTORY
EARLY HISTORY
Pottery art from Fijian towns shows that Fiji was settled before or around 3500 to 1000 BC, although the question of Pacific migration still lingers. It is believed that the Lapita people or the ancestors of the Polynesians settled the islands first but not much is known of what became of them after the Melanesians arrived; they may have had some influence on the new culture, and archaeological evidence shows that they would have then moved on to Samoa, Tonga and even Hawai'i.The first settlements in Fiji were started by voyaging traders and settlers from the west about 5000 years ago. Lapita pottery shards have been found at numerous excavations around the country. Aspects of Fijian culture are similar to the Melanesian culture of the western Pacific but have a stronger connection to the older Polynesian cultures. Trade between Fiji and neighbouring archipelagos long before European contact is testified by the canoes made from native Fijian trees found in Tonga and Tongan words being part of the language of the Lau group of islands. Pots made in Fiji have been found in Samoa and even the Marquesas Islands.Across 1,000 kilometres from east to west, Fiji has been a nation of many languages. Fiji's history was one of settlement but also of mobility. Over the centuries, a unique Fijian culture developed. Constant warfare and cannibalism between warring tribes were quite rampant and very much part of everyday life. During the 19th century, Ratu Udre Udre is said to have consumed 872 people and to have made a pile of stones to record his achievement. According to Deryck Scarr, "Ceremonial occasions saw freshly killed corpses piled up for eating. 'Eat me!' was a proper ritual greeting from a commoner to a chief." Scarr also reported that the posts that supported the chief's house or the priest's temple would have sacrificed bodies buried underneath them, with the rationale that the spirit of the ritually sacrificed person would invoke the gods to help support the structure, and "men were sacrificed whenever posts had to be renewed". Also, when a new boat, or drua, was launched, if it was not hauled over men as rollers, crushing them to death, "it would not be expected to float long". Fijians today regard those times as "na gauna ni tevoro" (time of the devil). The ferocity of the cannibal lifestyle deterred European sailors from going near Fijian waters, giving Fiji the name Cannibal Isles; as a result, Fiji remained unknown to the rest of the world.The Dutch explorer Abel Tasman visited Fiji in 1643 while looking for the Great Southern Continent. Europeans settled on the islands permanently beginning in the 19th century. The first European settlers to Fiji were beachcombers, missionaries, whalers, and those engaged in the then booming sandalwood and bêche-de-mer trade.Ratu Seru Epenisa Cakobau was a Fijian chief and warlord from the island of Bau, off the eastern coast of Viti Levu, who united part of Fiji's warring tribes under his leadership. He then styled himself as Tui Viti or King of Fiji, and then Vunivalu, or Protector, after the cession of Fiji to the United Kingdom. The British subjugated the islands as a colony in 1874, and the British brought over Indian contract labourers to work on the sugar plantations as the first governor of Fiji, Arthur Charles Hamilton-Gordon, adopted a policy disallowing the use of native labour or any interference in their culture or way of life. In 1875–76, an epidemic of measles killed over 40,000 Fijians, about one-third of the Fijian population. The population in 1942 was approximately 210,000 of whom 94,000 were Indians, 102,000 native Fijians, 2,000 Chinese and 5,000 Europeans.
INDEPENDENCE (1970)
The British granted Fiji independence in 1970. Democratic rule was interrupted by two military coups in 1987 precipitated by a growing perception that the government was dominated by the Indo-Fijian (Indian) community. The second 1987 coup saw both the Fijian monarchy and the Governor General replaced by a non-executive president and the name of the country changed from Dominion of Fiji to Republic of Fiji and then in 1997 to Republic of the Fiji Islands. The two coups and the accompanying civil unrest contributed to heavy Indo-Fijian emigration; the resulting population loss resulted in economic difficulties and ensured that Melanesians became the majority.
In 1990, the new constitution institutionalised ethnic Fijian domination of the political system. The Group Against Racial Discrimination (GARD) was formed to oppose the unilaterally imposed constitution and to restore the 1970 constitution. In 1992 Sitiveni Rabuka, the Lieutenant Colonel who had carried out the 1987 coup, became Prime Minister following elections held under the new constitution. Three years later, Rabuka established the Constitutional Review Commission, which in 1997 wrote a new constitution which was supported by most leaders of the indigenous Fijian and Indo-Fijian communities. Fiji was re-admitted to the Commonwealth of Nations.
The year 2000 brought along another coup, instigated by George Speight, which effectively toppled the government of Mahendra Chaudhry, who in 1997 had become the country's first Indo-Fijian Prime Minister following the adoption of the new constitution. Commodore Frank Bainimarama assumed executive power after the resignation, possibly forced, of President Ratu Sir Kamisese Mara. Later in 2000, Fiji was rocked by two mutinies when rebel soldiers went on a rampage at Suva's Queen Elizabeth Barracks. The High Court ordered the reinstatement of the constitution, and in September 2001, to restore democracy, a general election was held which was won by interim Prime Minister Laisenia Qarase's Soqosoqo Duavata ni Lewenivanua party.
In 2005, the Qarase government amid much controversy proposed a Reconciliation and Unity Commission with power to recommend compensation for victims of the 2000 coup and amnesty for its perpetrators. However, the military, especially the nation's top military commander, Frank Bainimarama, strongly opposed this bill. Bainimarama agreed with detractors who said that to grant amnesty to supporters of the present government who had played a role in the violent coup was a sham. His attack on the legislation, which continued unremittingly throughout May and into June and July, further strained his already tense relationship with the government.
In late November and early December 2006, Bainimarama was instrumental in the 2006 Fijian coup d'état. Bainimarama handed down a list of demands to Qarase after a bill was put forward to parliament, part of which would have offered pardons to participants in the 2000 coup attempt. He gave Qarase an ultimatum date of 4 December to accede to these demands or to resign from his post. Qarase adamantly refused either to concede or resign, and on 5 December the president, Ratu Josefa Iloilo, was said to have signed a legal order dissolving the parliament after meeting with Bainimarama.
In April 2009, the Fiji Court of Appeal ruled that the 2006 coup had been illegal. This began the 2009 Fijian constitutional crisis. President Iloilo abrogated the constitution, removed all office holders under the constitution including all judges and the governor of the Central Bank. He then reappointed Bainimarama as prime minister under his "New Order" and imposed a "Public Emergency Regulation" limiting internal travel and allowing press censorship.
For a country of its size, Fiji has fairly large armed forces, and has been a major contributor to UN peacekeeping missions in various parts of the world. In addition, a significant number of former military personnel have served in the lucrative security sector in Iraq following the 2003 US-led invasion.
GEOGRAPHY
Fiji covers a total area of some 194,000 square kilometres of which around 10% is land.
Fiji is the hub of the South West Pacific, midway between Vanuatu and Tonga. The archipelago is located between 176° 53′ east and 178° 12′ west. The 180° meridian runs through Taveuni but the International Date Line is bent to give uniform time (UTC+12) to all of the Fiji group. With the exception of Rotuma, the Fiji group lies between 15° 42′ and 20° 02′ south. Rotuma is located 220 nautical miles (410 km) north of the group, 360 nautical miles (670 km) from Suva, 12° 30′ south of the equator.
Fiji consists of 332 islands (of which 106 are inhabited) and 522 smaller islets. The two most important islands are Viti Levu and Vanua Levu, which account for about three-quarters of the total land area of the country. The islands are mountainous, with peaks up to 1,324 metres, and covered with thick tropical forests.
The highest point is Mount Tomanivi on Viti Levu. Viti Levu hosts the capital city of Suva, and is home to nearly three-quarters of the population. Other important towns include Nadi (the location of the international airport), and Lautoka, Fiji's second city with large sugar cane mills and a seaport.
The main towns on Vanua Levu are Labasa and Savusavu. Other islands and islandgroups include Taveuni and Kadavu (the third and fourth largest islands, respectively), the Mamanuca Group (just off Nadi) and Yasawa Group, which are popular tourist destinations, the Lomaiviti Group, off Suva, and the remote Lau Group. Rotuma, some 270 nautical miles (500 km) north of the archipelago, has a special administrative status in Fiji. Ceva-i-Ra, an uninhabited reef, is located about 250 nautical miles (460 km) southwest of the main archipelago.
CLIMATE
The climate in Fiji is tropical marine and warm year round with minimal extremes. The warm season is from November to April and the cooler season lasts from May to October. Temperatures in the cool season still average 22 °C.
Rainfall is variable, with the warm season experiencing heavier rainfall, especially inland. Winds are moderate, though cyclones occur about once a year (10–12 times per decade).
On 20 February 2016, Fiji was hit by the full force of Cyclone Winston, the only Category 5 tropical cyclone to make landfall in the nation. Winston destroyed tens of thousands of homes across the island, killing 44 people and causing an estimated FJ$2 billion ($1 billion USD) in damage.
POLITICS
Politics in Fiji normally take place in the framework of a parliamentary representative democratic republic wherein the Prime Minister of Fiji is the head of government and the President the Head of State, and of a multi-party system. Executive power is exercised by the government, legislative power is vested in both the government and the Parliament of Fiji, and the judiciary is independent of the executive and the legislature.
2006 MILIARY TAKEOVER
Citing corruption in the government, Commodore Josaia Voreqe (Frank) Bainimarama, Commander of the Republic of Fiji Military Forces, staged a military takeover on 5 December 2006 against the prime minister that he had installed after a 2000 coup. There had also been a military coup in 1987. The commodore took over the powers of the presidency and dissolved the parliament, paving the way for the military to continue the takeover. The coup was the culmination of weeks of speculation following conflict between the elected prime minister, Laisenia Qarase, and Commodore Bainimarama. Bainimarama had repeatedly issued demands and deadlines to the prime minister. A particular issue was previously pending legislation to pardon those involved in the 2000 coup. Bainimarama named Jona Senilagakali as caretaker prime minister. The next week Bainimarama said he would ask the Great Council of Chiefs to restore executive powers to the president, Ratu Josefa Iloilo.
On 4 January 2007, the military announced that it was restoring executive power to president Iloilo, who made a broadcast endorsing the actions of the military. The next day, Iloilo named Bainimarama as the interim prime minister, indicating that the military was still effectively in control. In the wake of the takeover, reports emerged of alleged intimidation of some of those critical of the interim regime.
On 9 April 2009, the Court of Appeal overturned the High Court decision that Cdre. Bainimarama's takeover of Qarase's government was lawful and declared the interim government to be illegal. Bainimarama agreed to step down as interim PM immediately, along with his government, and president Iloilo was to appoint "a distinguished person independent of the parties to this litigation as caretaker Prime Minister, ...to direct the issuance of writs for an election."
On 10 April 2009, President Iloilo suspended the Constitution of Fiji, dismissed the Court of Appeal and, in his own words, "appoint[ed] [him]self as the Head of the State of Fiji under a new legal order". As President, Iloilo had been Head of State prior to his abrogation of the Constitution, but that position had been determined by the Constitution itself. The "new legal order" did not depend on the Constitution, thus requiring a "reappointment" of the Head of State. "You will agree with me that this is the best way forward for our beloved Fiji", he said. Bainimarama was re-appointed as Interim Prime Minister; he, in turn, re-instated his previous cabinet.
On 2 May 2009, Fiji became the first nation ever to have been suspended from participation in the Pacific Islands Forum, for its failure to hold democratic elections by the date promised. Nevertheless, it remains a member of the Forum.
On 1 September 2009, Fiji was suspended from the Commonwealth of Nations. The action was taken because Cdre. Bainimarama failed to hold elections by 2010 as the Commonwealth of Nations had demanded after the 2006 coup. Cdre. Bainimarama stated a need for more time to end a voting system that heavily favoured ethnic Fijians at the expense of the multi-ethnic minorities. Critics, however, claimed that he had suspended the constitution and was responsible for human rights violations by arresting and detaining opponents.
In his 2010 New Year's address, Cdre. Bainimarama announced the lifting of the Public Emergency Regulations (PER). The PER had been put in place in April 2009 when the former constitution was abrogated. The PER had allowed restrictions on speech, public gatherings, and censorship of news media and had given security forces added powers. He also announced a nationwide consultation process leading to a new Constitution under which the 2014 elections will be held.
On 14 March 2014, the Commonwealth Ministerial Action Group voted to change Fiji's full suspension from the Commonwealth of Nations to a suspension from the councils of the Commonwealth, allowing them to participate in a number of Commonwealth activities, including the 2014 Commonwealth Games. The suspension was lifted in September 2014.
A general election took place on 17 September 2014. Bainimarama's FijiFirst party won with 59.2% of the vote, and the election was deemed credible by a group of international observers from Australia, India and Indonesia.
ARMED FORCES AND LAW ENFORCEMENT
The military consists of the Republic of Fiji Military Forces (RFMF) with a total manpower of 3,500 active soldiers and 6,000 reservists, and includes a Navy Unit of 300 personnel.
The Land Force comprises the Fiji Infantry Regiment (regular and territorial force organised into six light infantry battalions), Fiji Engineer Regiment, Logistic Support Unit and Force Training Group. The two regular battalions are traditionally stationed overseas on peacekeeping duties.
The Law Enforcement branch is composed of:
Fiji Police Force
Fiji Corrections Service
ADMINISTRATIVE DIVISIONS
Fiji is divided into Four Major Divisions which are further divided into 14 provinces. They are:
Central Division has 5 provinces: Naitasiri, Namosi, Rewa, Serua, and Tailevu.
Eastern Division has 3 provinces: Kadavu, Lau, and Lomaiviti.
Northern Division has 3 provinces: Bua, Cakaudrove, and Macuata.
Western Division has 3 provinces: Ba, Nadroga-Navosa, and Ra.
Fiji was also divided into 3 Confederacies or Governments during the reign of Seru Epenisa Cakobau, though these are not considered political divisions, they are still considered important in the social divisions of the indigenous Fijians:
ECONOMY
Endowed with forest, mineral, and fish resources, Fiji is one of the most developed of the Pacific island economies, though still with a large subsistence sector. Some progress was experienced by this sector when Marion M. Ganey, S.J., introduced credit unions to the islands in the 1950s. Natural resources include timber, fish, gold, copper, offshore oil, and hydropower. Fiji experienced a period of rapid growth in the 1960s and 1970s but stagnated in the 1980s. The coup of 1987 caused further contraction.
Economic liberalisation in the years following the coup created a boom in the garment industry and a steady growth rate despite growing uncertainty regarding land tenure in the sugar industry.[citation needed] The expiration of leases for sugar cane farmers (along with reduced farm and factory efficiency) has led to a decline in sugar production despite subsidies for sugar provided by the EU; Fiji has been the second largest beneficiary of sugar subsidies after Mauritius.[citation needed] Fiji's vital gold mining industry based in Vatukoula, which shut down in 2006, was reactivated in 2008.
Urbanisation and expansion in the service sector have contributed to recent GDP growth. Sugar exports and a rapidly growing tourist industry – with tourists numbering 430,800 in 2003 and increasing in the subsequent years – are the major sources of foreign exchange. Fiji is highly dependent on tourism for revenue. Sugar processing makes up one-third of industrial activity. Long-term problems include low investment and uncertain property rights. The political turmoil in Fiji in the 1980s, the 1990s, and 2000 had a severe impact on the economy, which shrank by 2.8% in 2000 and grew by only 1% in 2001.
The tourism sector recovered quickly, however, with visitor arrivals reaching pre-coup levels in 2002, resulting in a modest economic recovery which continued into 2003 and 2004 but grew by a mere 1.7% in 2005 and by 2.0% in 2006. Although inflation is low, the policy indicator rate of the Reserve Bank of Fiji was raised by 1% to 3.25% in February 2006 due to fears of excessive consumption financed by debt. Lower interest rates have so far not produced greater investment in exports.
However, there has been a housing boom due to declining commercial mortgage rates. The tallest building in Fiji is the fourteen-storey Reserve Bank of Fiji Building in Suva, which was inaugurated in 1984. The Suva Central Commercial Centre, which opened in November 2005, was planned to outrank the Reserve Bank building at seventeen stories, but last-minute design changes ensured that the Reserve Bank building remained the tallest.
Trade and investment with Fiji have been criticised due to the country's military dictatorship. In 2008, Fiji's interim Prime Minister and coup leader Frank Bainimarama announced election delays and said that Fiji would pull out of the Pacific Islands Forum in Niue, where Bainimarama was to have met with Australian Prime Minister Kevin Rudd and New Zealand Prime Minister Helen Clark.
The South Pacific Stock Exchange (SPSE) is the only licensed securities exchange in Fiji and is based in Suva. Its vision is to become a regional exchange.
TOURISM
Fiji has a significant amount of tourism with the popular regions being Nadi, the Coral Coast, Denarau Island, and Mamanuca Islands. The biggest sources of international visitors by country are Australia, New Zealand and the United States. Fiji has a significant number of soft coral reefs, and scuba diving is a common tourist activity.
Fiji's main attractions to tourists are primarily white sandy beaches and aesthetically pleasing islands with all-year-round tropical weather. In general, Fiji is a mid-range priced holiday/vacation destination with most of the accommodations in this range. It also has a variety of world class five-star resorts and hotels. More budget resorts are being opened in remote areas, which will provide more tourism opportunities.
Official statistics show that in 2012, 75% of visitors stated that they came for a holiday/vacation. Honeymoons are very popular as are romantic getaways in general. There are also family friendly resorts with facilities for young children including kids' clubs and nanny options.
Fiji has several popular tourism destinations. The Botanical Gardens of Thursten in Suva, Sigatoka Sand Dunes, and Colo-I-Suva Forest Park are three options on the mainland (Viti Levu). A major attraction on the outer islands is scuba diving. Most visitors arriving to Fiji on short term basis are from the following countries or regions of residence:
TRANSPORT
The Nadi International Airport is located 9 kilometres north of central Nadi and is the largest Fijian hub. Nausori International Airport is about 23 kilometres northeast of downtown Suva and serves mostly domestic traffic. The main airport in the second largest island of Vanua Levu is Labasa Airport located at Waiqele, southwest of Labasa Town. The largest aircraft handled by Labasa Airport is the ATR42. Airports Fiji Limited (AFL) is responsible for the operation of 15 public airports in the Fiji Islands. These include two international airports: Nadi international Airport, Fiji’s main international gateway, and Nausori Airport, Fiji’s domestic hub, and 13 outer island airports. Fiji's main airline was previously known as Air Pacific, but is now known as Fiji Airways.
Fiji's larger islands have extensive bus routes that are affordable and consistent in service. There are bus stops, and in rural areas buses are often simply hailed as they approach. Buses are the principal form of public transport and passenger movement between the towns on the main islands. Buses also serve on roll-on-roll-off inter-island ferries. Bus fares and routes are heavily regulated by the Land Transport Authority (LTA). Bus and taxi drivers hold Public Service Licenses (PSVs) issued by the LTA.
Taxis are licensed by the LTA and operate widely all over the country. Apart from urban, town-based taxis, there are others that are licensed to serve rural or semi-rural areas. The flagfall for regular taxis is F$1.50 and tariff is F$0.10 for every 200 meters. For taxis that are allowed to charge Value Added Tax (VAT), the flagfall is F$1.50 and tariff is F$0.30 for the first 200 meters, and F$0.11 for every 200 meters thereafter. Taxis operating out of Fiji's international airport, Nadi charge a flagfall of F$5. The elderly and Government welfare recipients are given a 20% discount on their taxi fares.
Inter-island ferries provide services between Fiji's principal islands and large vessels operate roll-on-roll-off services, transporting vehicles and large amounts of cargo between the main island of Viti Levu and Vanua Levu, and other smaller islands.
SOCEITY
DEMOGRAPHICS
The 2007 census found that the permanent population of Fiji was 837,000. The population density at the time was 45.8 inhabitants per square kilometre. The life expectancy in Fiji was 72.1 years. Since the 1930s the population of Fiji has increased at a rate of 1.1% per year. The population is dominated by the 15–64 age segment. The median age of the population was 27.9, and the gender ratio was 1.03 males per 1 female.
ETHNIC GROUPS
The population of Fiji is mostly made up of native Fijians, who are Melanesians (54.3%), although many also have Polynesian ancestry, and Indo-Fijians (38.1%), descendants of Indian contract labourers brought to the islands by the British colonial powers in the 19th century. The percentage of the population of Indo-Fijian descent has declined significantly over the last two decades due to migration for various reasons. Indo-Fijians suffered reprisals for a period after the Fiji coup of 2000. There is also a small but significant group of descendants of indentured labourers from the Solomon Islands.
About 1.2% are Rotuman—natives of Rotuma Island, whose culture has more in common with countries such as Tonga or Samoa than with the rest of Fiji. There are also small but economically significant groups of Europeans, Chinese, and other Pacific island minorities. The total membership of other ethnic groups of Pacific Islanders is about 7,300.
Relationships between ethnic Fijians and Indo-Fijians in the political arena have often been strained, and the tension between the two communities has dominated politics in the islands for the past generation. The level of political tension varies among different regions of the country.
DEMONYM
Within Fiji, the term Fijian refers solely to indigenous Fijians: it denotes an ancestral ethnicity, not a nationality. Constitutionally, citizens of Fiji are referred to as "Fiji Islanders" though the term Fiji Nationals is used for official purposes. In August 2008, shortly before the proposed People's Charter for Change, Peace and Progress was due to be released to the public, it was announced that it recommended a change in the name of Fiji's citizens. If the proposal were adopted, all citizens of Fiji, whatever their ethnicity, would be called "Fijians". The proposal would change the English name of indigenous Fijians from "Fijians" to itaukei, the Fijian language endonym for indigenous Fijians.
Deposed Prime Minister Laisenia Qarase reacted by stating that the name "Fijian" belonged exclusively to indigenous Fijians, and that he would oppose any change in legislation enabling non-indigenous Fijians to use it. The Methodist Church, to which a large majority of indigenous Fijians belong, also reacted strongly to the proposal, stating that allowing any Fiji citizen to call themselves "Fijian" would be "daylight robbery" inflicted on the indigenous population.
In an address to the nation during the constitutional crisis of April 2009, military leader and interim Prime Minister Voreqe Bainimarama, who has been at the forefront of the attempt to change the definition of "Fijian", stated:
I know we all have our different ethnicities, our different cultures and we should, we must, celebrate our diversity and richness. However, at the same time we are all Fijians. We are all equal citizens. We must all be loyal to Fiji; we must be patriotic; we must put Fiji first.
In May 2010, Attorney-General Aiyaz Sayed-Khaiyum reiterated that the term "Fijian" should apply to all Fiji nationals, but the statement was again met with protest. A spokesperson for the Viti Landowners and Resource Owners Association claimed that even fourth-generation descendants of migrants did not fully understand "what it takes to be a Fijian", and added that the term refers to a legal standing, since legislation affords specific rights to "Fijians" (meaning, in legislation, indigenous Fijians). Fiji academic Brij Lal, although a prominent critic of the Bainimarama government, said he "would not be surprised" if the new definition of the word "Fijian" were included in the government's projected new Constitution, and that he personally saw "no reason the term Fijian should not apply to everyone from Fiji".
LANGUAGES
Fijian is an Austronesian language of the Malayo-Polynesian family spoken in Fiji. It has 350,000 first-language speakers, which is less than half the population of Fiji, but another 200,000 speak it as a second language. The 1997 Constitution established Fijian as an official language of Fiji, along with English and Fiji Hindi, and there has been discussion about establishing it as the "national language", though English and Hindi would remain official. Fijian is a VOS language.
The Fiji Islands developed many dialects, which may be classified in two major branches — eastern and western. Missionaries in the 1840s chose an Eastern dialect, the speech of Bau Island off the southeast coast of the main island of Viti Levu, to be the written standard of the Fijian language. Bau Island was home to Seru Epenisa Cakobau, the chief who eventually became the self-proclaimed King of Fiji.
RELIGION
According to the 2007 census, 64.4% of the population at the time was Christian, followed by 27.9% Hindu, 6.3% Muslim, 0.8% non-religious, 0.3% Sikh, and the remaining 0.3% belonging to other religions. Among Christians, 54% were counted as Methodist, followed by 14.2% Catholic, 8.9% Assemblies of God, 6.0% Seventh-day Adventist, 1.2% Anglican, with the remaining 16.1% belonging to other denominations.
The largest Christian denomination is the Methodist Church of Fiji and Rotuma. (The general secretary is Revd Tuikilakila Waqairatu.) With 34.6% of the population (including almost two-thirds of ethnic Fijians), the proportion of the population adhering to Methodism is higher in Fiji than in any other nation. In 2012, permission was granted by the government for Methodists to hold their annual conference, for the first time in four years, with the conditions that the conference not coincide with the national Hibiscus Festival and should only last for three days, and that no political matters were to be discussed, only church matters.
Roman Catholics is headed by the Metropolitan Archdiocese of Suva, whose province also includes the dioceses of Raratonga (on the Cook Islands, for those and Niue, both New Zealand-associated countries) and Tarawa and Nauru (with see at Tarawa on Kiribati, also for Nauru) and the Mission Sui Iuris of Tokelau (again with New Zealand). This reflects that much major Roman Catholic missionary activity was conducted through the former Apostolic Prefecture (created in 1863 from the Apostolic Vicariate of Central Oceania), then Apostolic Vicariate of Fiji, which has since been promoted to Archdiocese of Suva, which spans the whole of Fiji.
Furthermore, the Assemblies of God, the Seventh-day Adventists and The Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints (LDS Church) are significant. Fiji also is the base for the Anglican Diocese of Polynesia (part of the Anglican Church in Aotearoa, New Zealand and Polynesia). These and other denominations have small numbers of Indo-Fijian members; Christians of all kinds comprise 6.1% of the Indo-Fijian population.
Hindus belong mostly to the Sanatan sect (74.3% of all Hindus) or else are unspecified (22%). The small Arya Samaj sect claims the membership of some 3.7% of Hindus in Fiji. Muslims are mostly Sunni (96.4%) following the Hanafi school of jurisprudence, with a small Ahmadiyya minority (3.6%). The Sikh religion comprises 0.9% of the Indo-Fijian population, or 0.4% of the national population in Fiji. Their ancestors originated from the Punjab region of India; they are a fairly recent wave of immigrants who did not live through[clarification needed] the indenture system.[citation needed] The Bahá'í Faith has over 21 local Spiritual Assemblies throughout Fiji, and Baha'is live in more than 80 localities. The first Baha'i in the islands was a New Zealander who arrived in 1924. There is also a small Jewish population of about 60 people. Every year the Israeli Embassy organises a Passover celebration with about 50-60 people attending.
EDUCATION
Primary school education in Fiji is compulsory, and free for eight years. As of 2001, attendance was decreasing due to security concerns and the burden of school fees, often due to the cost of transport. Following the government coup in May 2000, more than 5,000 students were reported to have left school.
CULTURE
Fiji's culture is a rich mosaic of indigenous Fijian, Indo-Fijian, Asian and European traditions, comprising social polity, language, food (coming mainly from the sea, plus casava, dalo (taro) and other vegetables), costume, belief systems, architecture, arts, craft, music, dance, and sports.
While indigenous Fijian culture and traditions are very vibrant and are integral components of everyday life for the majority of Fiji's population, Fijian society has evolved over the past century with the introduction of traditions such as Indian and Chinese as well as significant influences from Europe and Fiji's Pacific neighbours, particularly Tonga and Samoa. Thus, the various cultures of Fiji have come together to create a unique multicultural national identity.
Fiji's culture was showcased at the World Exposition held in Vancouver, Canada, in 1986 and more recently at the Shanghai World Expo 2010, along with other Pacific countries in the Pacific Pavilion.
HOLIDAYS AND FESTIVALS
This is a list of holidays celebrated in Fiji:
New Year's Day
Good Friday
Easter Saturday
Easter Monday
Fiji Day
Diwali
Christmas
Boxing Day
Prophet Mohammed's Birthday
The exact dates of public holidays vary from year to year, but the dates for the next year can be found at the Fiji Government Web Site
The following holidays are no longer celebrated in Fiji:
Queen's Official Birthday
National Youth Day
Ratu Sir Lala Sukuna Day
SPORT
Sports are very popular in Fiji, particularly sports involving physical contact. Fiji's national sport is Rugby Sevens.
RUGBY UNION
Rugby Union is the most-popular team sport played in Fiji.
Fiji is one of the few countries where rugby union is the main sport. There are about 80,000 registered players from a total population of around 900,000. One of the problems for Fiji is simply getting their players to play for their home country, as many have contracts in Europe or with Super Rugby teams, where monetary compensation is far more rewarding. The repatriated salaries of its overseas stars have become an important part of some local economies. In addition, a significant number of players eligible to play for Fiji end up representing Australia or New Zealand; notable examples are Fiji-born cousins and former New Zealand All Blacks, Joe Rokocoko and Sitiveni Sivivatu, current All Blacks Waisake Naholo and Seta Tamanivalu as well as Australian Wallabies former winger, Lote Tuqiri and current Wallabies Tevita Kuridrani , Samu Kerevi and Henry Speight. Fiji has won the most Pacific Tri-Nations Championships of the three participating teams.
RUGBY LEAGUE
The Fiji national rugby league team, nicknamed the Bati (pronounced [mˈbatʃi]), represents Fiji in the sport of rugby league football and has been participating in international competition since 1992. It has competed in the Rugby League World Cup on three occasions, with their best results coming when they made consecutive semi-final appearances in the 2008 Rugby League World Cup and 2013 Rugby League World Cup. The team also competes in the Pacific Cup.
Members of the team are selected from a domestic Fijian competition, as well as from competitions held in New Zealand and Australia. For the 2000, 2008 and 2013 World Cups, the Bati were captained by Lote Tuqiri, Wes Naiqama and the legendary Petero Civoniceva respectively. Fiji have also produced stars like Akuila Uate, Jarryd Hayne, Kevin Naiqama, Semi Tadulala, Marika Koroibete, Apisai Koroisau, Sisa Waqa and the Sims brothers Ashton Sims, Tariq Sims and Korbin Sims
RUGBY WAR DANCE (CIBI AND BOLE) AND FIJIAN HYMN
The Cibi (pronounced Thimbi) war dance was traditionally performed by the Fiji rugby team before each match. It was replaced in 2012 with the new "Bole" (pronounced mBolay) war cry.
Tradition holds that the original Cibi was first performed on the rugby field back in 1939 during a tour of New Zealand, when then Fijian captain Ratu Sir George Cakobau felt that his team should have something to match the Haka of the All Blacks. The 'Cibi' had perhaps been used incorrectly though, as the word actually means "a celebration of victory by warriors," whereas 'Bole' is the acceptance of a challenge.
The Fiji Bati rugby league team also gather in a huddle and perform the noqu masu before each match.
NETBALL
Netball is the most popular women's participation sport in Fiji. The national team has been internationally competitive, at Netball World Cup competitions reaching 6th position in 1999, its highest level to date. The team won gold medals at the 2007 and 2015 Pacific Games.
CRICKET
Cricket is a minor sport in Fiji. The Cricket Fiji is an Associate member of International Cricket Council. Fiji U19 cricket team won the 2015 edition of the tournament, and consequently qualified for the 2016 Under-19 World Cup, becoming the first team outside of Papua New Guinea to qualify from the region.
WIKIPEDIA
British conchology, or, An account of the Mollusca which now inhabit the British Isles and the surrounding seas
London :John Van Voorst,1862-1869.
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