Project Babylon

 

Project Babylon was a project with unknown objectives commissioned by the then Iraqi president Saddam Hussein to build a series of 'superguns'. The design was based on research from the 1960s Project HARP led by the Canadian artillery expert Gerald Bull. There were most likely four different devices in the program.

 

The project began in 1988; it was halted in 1990 after Gerald Bull was assassinated, and parts of these superguns were seized in transit around Europe. The components that remained in Iraq were destroyed by the United Nations after the 1991 Gulf War.

 

Baby Babylon

The first of these superguns, "Baby Babylon", was a horizontally-mounted device which was simply a prototype for test purposes. It had a bore of 350 mm (13.8 inches), and a barrel length of 46 metres (151 feet) and weighed some 102 tonnes. After conducting tests with lead projectiles, this gun was set up on a hillside at a 45 degree angle. Supposedly it was able to achieve a range of 750 km. Although its mass was similar to some World War II German "superguns", it was not designed to be a mobile weapon and therefore it was not considered a security risk by Israel.

 

Big Babylon

The second supergun, "Big Babylon", of which a pair were planned (one to be mounted horizontally, at least for test purposes), was much larger. The barrel was to be 156 metres (512 feet) long, with a bore of 1 metre (3.3 feet). Originally intended to be suspended by cables from a steel framework, it would have been over 100 metres (300 feet) high at the tip. The complete device weighed about 2,100 tonnes (the barrel alone weighed 1,655 tons). It was supposedly a space gun intended to shoot projectiles into orbit, a theme of Bull's work since Project HARP. Neither of these devices could be elevated or trained, making them useless for direct military purposes, unless some form of terminal guidance could be used to direct the fired projectile onto its intended target.

 

It is possible that Big Babylon was intended both to launch satellites and to serve as a weapon, but its ability to fire conventional projectiles in the latter role would have been very limited: in addition to the impossibility of aiming it, it would have had a slow rate of fire, and its firing would have produced a very pronounced 'signature' which would have revealed its location. Since it was immobile, it suffered from the same vulnerability as Germany's V-3 cannon, which the RAF readily destroyed in 1944. Also, Iraq already had Scud missiles which would have been far more effective than the dated supergun technology. However, the gun would have offered greater ranges than the Scud variants then used by the Iraqis, and its projectiles would have been more difficult to intercept.

 

Future plans

Very large cannons, which would be capable of being elevated and trained, were also planned. The first was to have a bore of 350 mm (13.8 inches) and a barrel length of about 30 metres (100 feet), and it was expected to have a range of up to 1000 kilometers (about 625 miles),[2] making Israel and central Iran well within reach of Iraqi artillery fire; some sources indicate that there was a second cannon planned, with a bore of 600 mm (23.6 inches) and a barrel length of about 60 metres (200 feet)

 

Outcome

 

The metal tubes for the barrels and gun cradles were purchased from firms in the United Kingdom, including Sheffield Forgemasters of South Yorkshire, and Walter Somers of Wolverhampton. Other components, such as breeches and recoil mechanisms, were ordered from firms in Germany, France, Spain, Switzerland, and Italy. Baby Babylon was completed, and test shots were fired from it, revealing problems with the seals between the barrel segments. However, as those were being worked on, Bull was assassinated in March 1990, possibly by Mossad, halting the project.

 

Most of the barrel sections for Big Babylon were delivered to, and assembled on, a site excavated from the side of a hill; instead of being suspended by cables from a steel framework as originally planned: calculations had shown that the original support framework would be insufficiently rigid. However, it was never completed.

 

In early April 1990, United Kingdom customs officers confiscated several pieces of the second Big Babylon barrel, which were disguised as "petrochemical pressure vessels". The parts were confiscated at Teesport Docks. More pieces were seized in Greece and Turkey in transit by truck to Iraq. Other components, such as slide bearings for Big Babylon, were seized at their manufacturers' sites in Spain and Switzerland.

 

Finally, after the Persian Gulf War in 1991, the Iraqis admitted the existence of Project Babylon, and allowed U.N. inspectors to destroy the hardware in Iraq as part of the disarmament process.

 

Several barrel sections seized by UK customs officers are displayed at the Royal Armouries, Fort Nelson, Portsmouth. Another section is on display at The Royal Artillery Museum, Woolwich, London.

The main objective of the trainings is to impart skills and knowledge to animal health workers to control parasites diseases in livestock, and organize livestock shows across South Sudan.

 

Read more about FAO and the crisis in South Sudan.

 

Photo credit must be given: ©FAO/Paulina Prasuła. Editorial use only. Copyright FAO

The GAZ M21 Volga is an automobile which was produced in the Soviet Union by GAZ ("Gorkovsky Avtomobilniy Zavod", in English : "Gorky automobile factory") from 1956 to 1970. The first car to carry the Volga name, it was developed in the early 1950s.

 

The design process leading to the GAZ 21 began in November 1953. Alexander Nevzorov, head of the design team, was given a free hand to develop whatever he wanted to reach the objective of competing with American automobiles. The designer Lev Eremeyev decided to follow the fashion set by the Chevrolet Bel Air, Plymouth Savoy, and Ford Mainline; the finished product bears a resemblance to the 1955 Mainline.

 

The prototype appeared in the first quarter of 1954, powered by an inline four with overhead camshaft (driven by chain) and cross-flow hemi head. Since the OHV engine was not ready in time, production M21s had a 65 PS (48 kW; 64 hp) 2,432 cc (148.4 cu in) sidevalve four, based on the GAZ-20's.

 

Front suspension was independent, while the rear was a live axle with semi-elliptical springs;

 

The Volga offered front seats able to fold flat (not unlike a contemporary Nash option) and came standard with cigarette lighter and a radio (still optional on most U.S. cars).

 

The Volga made its public debut in 1955, with a three cars on a demonstration drive from Moscow to the Crimea,Full-scale production began in 1957, with a list price of 5,400 rubles. The new 1957 production cars, known as Series Ones, had a brand-new 2,445 cc (149.2 cu in) OHV engine, the first model produced by Zavolzhskiy Motorniy Zavod (Zavolzhye Engine Factory, ZMZ). Unusual for the era, it had aluminum block and head, with gear-driven camshaft and compression ratio of 6.6:1; it produced 70 PS (51 kW; 69 hp) at 4,000 rpm and 123 lb⋅ft (167 N⋅m) at 2,200 rpm.

 

Being October, which had always been the LUGNuts anniversary month, this GAZ M21 Volga has been built to the 66th challenge theme 'Behind the Iron Curtain'.

Mashpee, Massachusetts, April 5, 2012. A controlled burn at the Town of Mashpee Holland Hill Barrens area of Mashpee National Wildlife Refuge helped clear overgrown brush under these pitch pine trees, which will reduce fire risk to neighboring homes. It will also stimulate growth of oak stems, important for the rare New England cottontail. Fire-restistant pines will continue to grow. The burn was conducted by the Town of Mashpee, U.S. Fish and Wildlife Service, State of Massachusetts Department of Conservation and Recreation, and Northeast Forest and Fire Management. Credit: Catherine J. Hibbard/USFWS

Photo of the demo Nikon microscope that my wife is selling.

Subjectively Objective #8. Closed down General Motors Plant. Janesville, Wisconsin, USA.

 

I'm very excited to show you a brand new conceptual series I've been shooting the past month! A nice change from my norm subject matter of travel, lifestyle, landscapes, models, and nature. Retro / old "gems" in simple environments. Subtle colors, angular uncluttered compositions.

  

I hope you enjoy...

  

#subjectivelyobjective #janesville #wisconsin #rockcounty #mattanderson #retro #fineart

  

Thanks for viewing. You can visit my website by clicking here: www.mattandersonphotography.com

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Please E-mail me with any questions.

  

©2018 Matt Anderson All Rights Reserved. This image is not available for use on websites, blogs or other media without permission of the photographer. Hey, just E-mail me me if you have usage questions. Also, if you want to buy an awesome fine art print of this image.

 

Panjwa'i District, Afghanistan 28 October 2010

 

Patrol takes a break

 

2 Combat Engineer Regiment (2CER) rests during their patrol.

 

1st Battalion, The Royal Canadian Regiment Battle Group conducted Operation TOPAK SHKAR (Pashtu for "Gun Hunter") in partnership with Afghan National Security Forces from October 27 - 28, 2010 in the Panjwa'i District. The aim of Operation TOPAK SHKAR was to disrupt insurgents and deny them freedom of movement.

 

Operation ATHENA is Canada's participation in the International Security Assistance Force (ISAF) in Afghanistan. Focused on Kandahar Province in southern Afghanistan since the fall of 2005, Op ATHENA has one over-arching objective: to leave Afghanistan to Afghans, in a country that is better governed, more peaceful and more secure.

 

Canadian Forces Image Number AR2010-0320-33

By Sgt Daren Kraus with Task Force Kandahar, Afghanistan

 

_____________________________Traduction

 

District de Panjwai, Afghanistan

28 octobre 2010

 

Petite pause pour la patrouille

 

Le 2e Régime du génie de combat prend une pause pendant une patrouille.

 

Le groupe tactique du 1er Bataillon, The Royal Canadian Regiment mène l’opération Topak Shkar (« chasseur armé », en pachto) de concert avec les Forces de sécurité nationale afghanes les 27 et 28 octobre 2010, dans le district de Panjwai. Le but de cette opération était d’interrompre les activités des insurgés et d’empêcher leurs déplacements.

 

L’opération Athena est la contribution du Canada à la Force internationale d’assistance à la sécurité (FIAS) en Afghanistan. Menée principalement dans la province de Kandahar, dans le sud de l’Afghanistan, depuis l’automne 2005, l’Op Athena poursuit un grand objectif : laisser aux Afghans un pays mieux gouverné, plus pacifique et plus sécuritaire.

 

Image des Forces canadiennes numéro AR2010-0320-33

Par Sgt Daren Kraus avec Force opérationnelle à Kandahar (Afghanistan)

    

Kamera: Nikon FM

Linse: Nikkor-S Auto 55mm f1.2 (1970)

Film: Rollei P&R 640 @ box speed

Kjemi: Rodinal (1:25 / 13:30 min. @ 20°C)

 

-Friday 23 February 2024: Even more countries speaking on the legality of Israel’s occupation of Palestine in the International Court of Justice in Den Haag today. Namibia, Norway, Oman, Pakistan, Indonesia, Qatar, United Kingdom, Slovenia, Sudan, Switzerland, Syria and Tunisia.

 

I have to say, the UK’s presentation was just abhorrent.

 

Instead of focusing on that, today I would like to highlight and remark on the supreme eloquence of Pakistan and also the strong and morally impressive presentation by Namibia.

 

I also want to share a personal note. If you did not see yesterday’s presentations in Den Haag, then you should see - and feel - the most emotional address to the court by Ali Ahmad Ebraheem S. Al-Dafiri of Kuwait.

 

Yesterday, I too held a lecture but for international students; touching on the german occupation of Norway. As I was lecturing, even I could feel it when I was mentioning that during the 5 years of nazi occupion that we had to endure, Norway suffered ’only’ 12.000 war-related deaths - 600 of whom were jews. Compare that to the 57 years Palestine has endured Israeli occupation and the 30.000 Palestinians that Israel has killed in Gaza in the last 4 months alone.

I was really struggling to keep my composure at this point.

  

International Court of Justice: Day 5 hearing on the legal consequences of Israel's occupation of Palestinian territories (publ. 23 February 2024) [Video]

  

International Court of Justice: Legal Consequences arising from the Policies and Practices of Israel in the Occupied Palestinian Territory, including East Jerusalem [Transcripts and Documents]

  

Mr AL-DAFIRI: [KUWAIT] (22 February 2024)

 

I. INTRODUCTORY REMARKS

 

1. Mr President, honourable Members of the Court, it is a great honour to appear before you as the Agent of the State of Kuwait in these proceedings. Kuwait deeply appreciates the extraordinary efforts taken by the Court to allow this hearing to proceed smoothly, in light of the great number of participants. The current advisory proceedings are of extreme importance to the Palestinian people, Kuwait, the international legal order and the international community as a whole.

 

2. Kuwait has always advocated that peace fosters the observance of law and vice versa. Adherence to the UnitedNations Charter is an indispensable prerequisite for the definitive establishment of international peace. Indeed, peaceful relations are founded on accepted rules and as such, peaceful relations among States are based on the provisions of the United Nations Charter. These include, notably, the principle of non-use of force and the peaceful settlement of disputes. These rules apply to all States. Respect for these fundamental rules contributes to the consolidation of international peace.

 

3. Regrettably, the above-mentioned foundational rules have not been upheld in the case of Palestine. The conflict between Palestine and Israel, hereafter referred to as the “occupying Power”, is an illegal occupation conflict, involving on one side an occupying Power equipped with all military means, and on the other side an occupied nation without defensive capabilities, facing daily expulsion, human rights violations and all sufferings associated with any occupation situation.

 

4. Over the past decades, the situation between the Palestinians and the occupying Power has been extremely tense, resulting in serious human rights law and humanitarian law violations committed by the latter. Various intergovernmental and non-governmental organizations have documented these violations by publishing comprehensive reports. This climate of violence compromises any possibility of reasonably discussing the issues at stake. This is further exacerbated by the recent developments in Gaza. The occupying Power has waged an illegitimate war on the Palestinians in Gaza characterized by numerous international law violations. The ongoing flagrant violations have been highlighted in a series of statements issued, amongst others, by the United Nations Secretary-General, the United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights and the Special Procedures of the United Nations Human Rights Council.

 

5. The unprecedented violence in Gaza is a result of 57 years of illegal occupation of the Palestinian territories and it must stop.

 

The late Emir of the State of Kuwait, His Highness Sheikh Sabah Al-Ahmad Al-Jaber Al-Sabah (1929-2020) summarized this situation in 2018 by stating:

 

“We ask the whole world, why the Palestinian people plight continues? Why do we ignore and do not implement Security Council resolutions? Why is the international community incapable of resolving this cause? Why does the victim continue to be portrayed as the killer according to Israel’s norms? Why does Israel always escape punishment? Why have all these souls been lost amid absence of the world conscience?”

 

6. Mr President, distinguished Members of the Court, it is in this context that Kuwait appears for the first time before the Court, following the adoption by the United Nations General Assembly of resolution 77/247, requesting the Court to deliver an advisory opinion on two legal questions. The first question asks the Court to evaluate the legality of the occupying Power’s specific policies and actions within its occupation of the Palestinian territories, while seeking the Court’s determination of the corresponding legal ramifications. The second question addresses a core issue: has the occupation become illegal? Kuwait will demonstrate the illegality of this occupation, underscoring the necessity of its cessation.

 

7. Mr President, honourable Members of the Court, my distinguished colleagues will now address these issues in greater depth.

 

[…]

  

The PRESIDENT: I shall now give the floor to the representative of Namibia, Honourable Ms Yvonne Dausab. You have the floor, Madam.

 

Ms DAUSAB: [NAMIBIA] (23 February 2024)

 

1. Mr President, Madam Vice-President, Members of the Court, it is a special honour to appear before you today on behalf of the Republic of Namibia.

 

2. With your kind indulgence, I wish to first pay tribute to our late president Dr Hage Geingob (1941-2024), who passed away on 4 February 2024 and will be laid to rest this weekend. President Geingob was a key figure in our struggle for independence. He was a committed anti-apartheid and anti-colonial freedom fighter, who stood up against injustice and oppression wherever it occurred. It is therefore fitting that, in one of his last public statements, he said that “[n]o peace-loving human being can ignore the carnage . . . waged against Palestinians in Gaza”.

 

3. President Geingob was the representative of the South West Africa People’s Organisation (SWAPO) and its petitioner to the United Nations from 1964 to 1971. It was during this period that the General Assembly condemned and declared “the policies of apartheid and racial discrimination” as a “crime against humanity”. Consequently, the General Assembly also appropriately terminated the Mandate in South West Africa.

 

4. Mr President, Members of the Court, I stand before you as a representative of a country where Germany brutally carried out the first genocide of the twentieth century against the Herero and the Nama peoples. A country that has known only too well the pain and suffering of occupation, colonialism, systematic discrimination, apartheid, and their entrenched consequences. It is because of this history that Namibia considers it a moral duty and sacred responsibility to appear before this Court on the question of the indefensible occupation of Palestine by Israel.

 

5. The parallels between Namibia and Palestine are striking and painful. Both were integral parts of the mandate system established after World War I. And in both cases, the so-called “sacred trust of civilisation”, which aimed to guide these nations towards self-determination and independence, was utterly betrayed. Instead of achieving self-government, both Namibians and Palestinians suffered the loss of human dignity, life, liberty and the outright theft of their land and natural resources. Hundreds of thousands of their people were violently expelled from their homes or forced into exile, joining the ranks of the world’s refugees.

 

6. Upon the dissolution of the League of Nations in 1946, the white minority South African régime refused to place Namibia (then South West Africa) under the United Nations Trusteeship and sought to illegally annex our territory as a fifth province, implementing racist homeland policies and apartheid laws targeting Black Africans.

 

7. Today, Palestinians have had to endure the seizure of their land and property, illegal settlements, unlawful killings, forced displacement, drastic movement restrictions, the denial of refugees’ right to return and of equal nationality and citizenship. The lived reality of the people of Palestine evokes painful memories for many Namibians of my generation. Namibians still experience the entrenched and structural impact of inequality, as a direct consequence of colonialism and the prolonged unlawful occupation.

 

8. Mr President, Members of the Court, this Court’s four Advisory Opinions on South West Africa played a vital role in our liberation struggle. In its 1971 Opinion, the Court confirmed the right of self-determination as a legal imperative with decisive consequences for States, paving the way for our independence 19 years later in 1990.

 

9. It is because of Namibia’s experience with apartheid and its long fight for self-determination that we cannot look the other way in the face of the brutal atrocities committed against the Palestinian people.

 

10. Mr President, Members of the Court, we ask you not to look away, either. Rather, we appeal to you: once again, end a historic and ongoing injustice by upholding the fundamental rights of a dispossessed people who have endured 57 years of a suffocating occupation. Today, Palestinians are enduring collective punishment in the besieged Gaza Strip, with civilians being killed in continuous and indiscriminate bombardments at a scale that is unprecedented in recent history. This state of affairs — this “hell on earth” — represents a stain on the collective conscience of the world.

 

11. Civilized nations cannot, and must not, accept images of children covered in blood with gaping wounds; of men and women crying in despair because of the helplessness they feel.

 

12. However, in the midst of the ongoing tragedy, I wish to say the following to the people of Palestine: this advisory opinion is an important moment in your long fight for independence. And I leave you with the words of our Founding President and Father of the Namibian Nation, Dr Sam Nujoma (b. 1929): “a people united, striving to achieve a common good for all members of society will always emerge victorious.”

 

13. Mr President, Members of the Court, I thank you, and I now respectfully ask that Professor Phoebe Okowa be called to address the legal questions before the Court.

 

The PRESIDENT: I thank Ms Dausab. I now give the floor to Professor Phoebe Okowa. You have the floor, Professor.

 

Ms OKOWA: [NAMIBIA] (23 February 2024)

 

I. INTRODUCTION

 

1. Mr President, Madam Vice-President, Members of the Court, it is a great honour for me to appear before you in these proceedings, and a special privilege to do so on behalf of the Republic of Namibia. Our presentation is in three parts.

 

2. First, I will make two general observations on why the Court should answer the request in its entirety, and why Israel’s occupation is illegal.

 

3. Then, I will focus on Israel’s policies and practices in the Occupied Palestinian Territory that grossly violate its obligations under international law, specifically the prohibition of apartheid and racial discrimination, and the principle of self-determination.

 

4. Finally, I will address the legal consequences that arise for Israel, for third States and for the United Nations on account of these violations.

 

A. The Court can and should answer the request in its entirety

 

5. As a threshold matter, Namibia reiterates, as do the overwhelming majority of States in these proceedings, that the Court has jurisdiction to render the requested advisory opinion, and that there are no compelling reasons for the Court to decline the request.

 

B. Israel’s occupation is illegal under international law

 

6. Namibia notes that there is also wide consensus among the participants on “the legal status of the occupation”. Namibia makes only four brief observations.

 

7. First, in so far as the law of occupation envisages any belligerent occupation as a temporary measure, immediately following military operations, Israel’s prolonged— or permanent— occupation breaches the law of occupation. It is a de facto annexation in all but name.

 

8. Second, Israel’s occupation, in and of itself, is unlawful under general international law. This is because it violates the Charter of the United Nations and peremptory norms; specifically, the prohibition on territorial acquisitions through illegal use of force, the principle of self-determination, and the prohibition of apartheid.

 

10. Finally, the continuation of the illegal occupation does not absolve Israel of its obligations and responsibilities under international law. This is consistent with your own conclusions in the Namibia Advisory Opinion that “[p]hysical control of a territory, and not sovereignty or legitimacy of title, is the basis of State liability for acts affecting other States”.

 

II. ISRAEL’S POLICIES AND PRACTICES IN THE OCCUPIED PALESTINIAN TERRITORY VIOLATE THE PROHIBITION OF APARTHEID AND THE PRINCIPLE OF SELF-DETERMINATION

 

A. Israel is bound by the prohibition of apartheid under international law

 

11. In both its written and oral submissions, Namibia focuses on the prohibition of apartheid and of racial discrimination. This is, in part, on account of Namibia’s history, as one of the few countries that were subjected to this egregious form of systematic and institutionalized racial discrimination.

 

12. We also do so on account of the fundamental importance of the Court’s 1971 Namibia Opinion, where this Court declared that the policies of apartheid “constitute a denial of fundamental human rights” and are “a flagrant violation of the purposes and principles of the [United Nations] Charter”.

 

13. But above all, we do this because, notwithstanding the egregious nature of apartheid — as a State delict, as a violation of a peremptory norm and as a crime — it has received virtually no clarification beyond the specific circumstances of southern Africa. An advisory opinion on threshold questions of apartheid will therefore assist the General Assembly in respect of its own action, in identifying the key elements of the illegality and in formulating appropriate responses to Israel’s discriminatory practices in the Occupied Palestinian Territory.

 

14. Specifically, we invite the Court to clarify three aspects of the obligation.

 

15. First, we respectfully ask the Court to make it clear that the prohibition of apartheid is not limited to southern Africa in the last century. It extends to Israel’s policies in the Occupied Palestinian Territory today. Article 3 of CERD places all States parties, including Israel, under an obligation to prevent, prohibit and eradicate apartheid “in territories under their jurisdiction”. This is also the conclusion of the CERD Committee. The 1998 Rome Statute of the International Criminal Court, negotiated after the end of apartheid in South Africa, also recognized apartheid as a crime against humanity without temporal or geographical restriction16.

 

16. Second, the Court should also confirm that the prohibition of apartheid binds all States as a peremptory norm. In your decision in the case under CERD brought by Qatar against United Arab Emirates, you acknowledged the “universal character [of CERD] is confirmed by the fact that 182 States are parties to it”. The International Law Commission and its Special Rapporteur on jus cogens (as Judge Tladi then was) have also expressly recognized the peremptory character of the prohibition of apartheid.

 

17. Finally, Namibia invites the Court to clarify the definition of apartheid. Namibia aligns itself with other participants that the definition in Article 2 of the Apartheid Convention incorporates the three key elements of the delict under international law.

 

18. First, the State must engage in one or more “inhuman acts”. Crucially, these take the form of violations of fundamental human rights within an institutionalized framework of systematic oppression and domination.

 

19. Second, these inhuman acts must be directed against a “racial group” or its members.

 

20. Finally, the State must commit these inhuman acts “for the purpose of establishing and maintaining domination” by one racial group over the other and “systematically oppressing them”.

 

B. Israel’s policies and practices constitute apartheid

 

21. Other participants have already made extensive statements on the discriminatory and inhuman acts carried out against the Palestinians as a racial group. These policies and practices are too many to enumerate in the time available. They include laws that discriminate in matters of citizenship, ownership and transfer of property, and freedom of movement. The systematic and excessive use of force against Palestinian civilians, the arbitrary killings and mass incarceration of Palestinians, including children; the illegal settlements; the discriminatory residency regulations; and, crucially, the denial of a Palestinian identity by refusing to recognize them as a people with a right to determine their own political destiny and to pursue social, economic and cultural development.

 

22. Namibia’s submission will focus on the final requirement: the purpose of establishing, maintaining domination and systematic oppression.

 

First, the term “domination” signifies a pervasive, all-encompassing, serious form of control over a group.

 

Second, “oppression” implies prolonged cruelty, reflecting a sustained violation of human rights.

 

Third, “systematic” implies the organized nature of violent acts and the improbability of their random occurrence.

 

23. Namibia shares the view of other participants that Israel’s policies and practices meet the evidentiary standard for establishing the State delict of apartheid. The Israeli Government’s openly articulated aim is to ensure Jewish Israeli control of all facets of Palestinian life, as evidenced by legislation affirming Israel as the nation State of the Jewish people, with unique self-determination rights reserved for Jewish individuals only.

 

24. It is clear from all the available evidence that these discriminatory practices are not accidental or fortuitous but are designed for the specific purpose of privileging Jewish Israelis over Palestinians. The fact that the practices in question may have other collateral objectives, such as maintaining security, is irrelevant. It will suffice if the primary motive is discriminatory, even if it also serves ancillary purposes.

 

C. Israel’s apartheid practices violate the Palestinian people’s right to self-determination

 

25. It follows in Namibia’s submission that Israel’s policies and practices are inconsistent with the prohibition of apartheid as a State delict under international law. Furthermore, these discriminatory practices, in the context of prolonged occupation of the Palestinian territories, violate the right of the Palestinian people to self-determination.

 

26. As other Participants have highlighted, these discriminatory policies and practices are directed at fragmenting the Palestinian people. These elaborate systems of administrative controls undermine group cohesiveness by dividing the Palestinian people into a number of administrative “domains” or groups, with varying degrees of rights. This strategic fragmentation of the Occupied Palestinian Territory into Bantustans makes Palestinian life burdensome and in many cases unbearable, forcing them to leave their homes.

 

27. Perhaps the epitome of discriminatory laws negating the Palestinian right of self-determination is the 2018 Basic Law, passed with constitutional status, which boldly declares that Israel is the nation of the Jewish people and that Jewish settlement is a national value.

 

III. LEGAL CONSEQUENCES OF ISRAEL’S VIOLATIONS OF ITS OBLIGATIONS UNDER INTERNATIONAL LAW

 

28. I will now turn to the final part of my submission. I will first examine the legal consequences of Israel’s violations, irrespective of the status of the occupation. Second, I will examine the legal consequences arising out of the illegal status of the occupation.

 

A. Legal consequences of Israel’s violations of its obligations under international law

 

29. First, Israel must bear consequences for its violations. This is the most elementary requirement of the law on State responsibility. As others in these proceedings have highlighted, this includes the obligations of cessation and the duty to make reparation for more than five decades of harms inflicted on the Palestinian people.

 

30. The Government of Israel has a legal duty to dismantle all the vestiges of systematic racial discrimination and oppression that permeates all aspects of Palestinian life in the occupied territories.

 

31. As the State of Palestine itself said on Monday, Israel must bring to an end the annexation of Palestinian land, dismantle existing settlements and recognize the right of the Palestinian people to self-determination in a viable State of their own.

 

32. Second, States are under an obligation not to recognize Israel’s breaches of peremptory norms of general international law vis-à-vis the Palestinian people. At the same time, the obligation of non-recognition is matched by a parallel and positive duty of recognition — of the Palestinian people’s right to self-determination realized through a viable and independent State of Palestine.

 

33. Here we ask the Court to pay particular attention to the historical context of these proceedings. Admission to the United Nations, unlike the League of Nations, was not automatic. It was conditioned on the State accepting to uphold the values and principles contained in the Charter, including self-determination. The admission of Israel was no exception.

 

34. In the Wall Opinion, you observed that when Israel proclaimed its independence, it did so “on the strength of” the partition plan resolution of the General Assembly. As is well known, that plan envisaged two States, one Arab and one Jewish. The Israeli Declaration of Independence makes this plain, by recognizing “the natural right of the Jewish people to be masters of their own fate, like all other nations, in their own sovereign State”. If that logic applied to the self-determination and statehood of the Jewish people, it must by the same token also apply to the self-determination and statehood of the Palestinian people.

 

35. We further ask the Court to consider whether there may be circumstances where political discretion in matters of recognition gives way to a positive duty of recognition, especially when it is necessary to safeguard a peremptory norm. And here, Namibia aligns itself with Jordan’s Written Submission that all States are also under an obligation to recognize the right of the Palestinian people to self-determination, including by exercising that right within a viable and independent State of Palestine.

 

B. Legal consequences of Israel’s illegal occupation

 

36. Since Israel’s policies and practices violate peremptory norms of international law, the occupation itself is unlawful. This entails consequences for Israel, for third States and, for the United Nations.

 

37. In the Namibia Opinion, you already set out the legal consequences of unlawful occupation. There, you said that, once the Court is faced with an illegal situation, “it would be failing in the discharge of its judicial functions if it did not declare that there is an obligation, especially upon Members of the United Nations, to bring that situation to an end.”

 

38. In that Opinion, you recognized the clear obligation on South Africa to put an end to the illegal occupation and withdraw its administration from the territory. The same consequences must of necessity attach to the illegal occupation by Israel of the Palestinian territories.

 

39. Cessation cannot be contingent on external factors such as the successful outcome of negotiations, as pointed out by some participants in these proceedings. A withdrawal contingent on the outcome of political negotiations effectively gives Israel a veto over the future of the Palestinian people.

 

40. Namibia invites the Court to set a strict time-limit within which Israel must be asked by the General Assembly to bring the occupation to an end, without conditions. Failure to set a strict time-limit has the perverse effect of being treated as acquiescence in the present occupation, and permission for it to continue indefinitely.

 

41. Of course, Israel has defied this Court and ultimatums issued by the United Nations organs many times. But it is precisely for this kind of egregious violations of peremptory norms that a régime of countermeasures was contemplated in the now widely accepted International Law Commission’s draft Articles on State Responsibility. Equality before the law is a cardinal principle of the Charter of the United Nations. No State — not Israel — should be exempt from the comprehensive régime of sanctions.

 

42. Moreover, Namibia reaffirms the position held by the majority of participants that all States are under an obligation not to recognize, assist, support, or contribute to the continuation of the unlawful occupation. This is also in line with your own settled jurisprudence.

 

43. In the Wall Opinion, you confirmed that the obligations of third States include the “obligation not to render aid or assistance in maintaining the [illegal] situation”. That all States must refrain from all forms of assistance, including transfer of arms, and political support that de facto perpetuates the occupation.

 

44. In Namibia’s view, this means, in particular, that all States are under an obligation to ensure that companies under their jurisdiction or control do not trade in Israeli goods or with Israeli companies originating from or linked to Israel’s illegal occupation.

 

45. Mr President, Members of the Court, I thank you for your kind attention. This concludes Namibia’s oral submissions. Thank you.

 

[…]

 

The Court adjourned from 11.20 a.m. to 11.40 a.m.

 

The PRESIDENT: Please be seated. The sitting is resumed. I now call upon the delegation of Pakistan to address the Court and invite His Excellency Mr Ahmed Irfan Aslam to take the floor.

 

Mr ASLAM: [PAKISTAN] (23 February 2024)

 

PART I

 

1. INTRODUCTION

 

1. Mr President, Members of the Court, it is an honour to appear before you on behalf of the Islamic Republic of Pakistan in these most important of proceedings. These proceedings take place as a whole people struggle to survive through relentless bombardment, the very people who have endured daily persecution for over half a century. And yet, these proceedings inspire hope. They inspire hope because they present an opportunity. They afford this Court an opportunity to develop jurisprudence to advance essential principles of international law that preserves and advances the very basic human right of liberty and dignity.

 

2. Pakistan has always been a defender of the Palestinian people and their right to self-determination. It was Pakistan that proposed the General Assembly’s first resolution, on the first day of the Six-Day War, relating to Israel’s invasion of Jerusalem and the measures taken by Israel to change the status of the city. Since then, Pakistan has continued to engage on these important questions of international justice and it remains committed to contribute and play its part.

 

3. Against this background, I will deal initially with five points and then make some technical legal arguments that Pakistan considers to be of particular importance in these proceedings. First, the question of self-determination. Second, the question of occupation and annexation. Third, systematic racial discrimination and apartheid. Fourth, the question of the City of Jerusalem and its holy places, and finally, the two-State solution.

 

2. SELF-DETERMINATION

 

4. Mr President, Members of the Court, I come to my first point. The Palestinian people have, as the Court itself has recognized, the right to self-determination. This right, which is codified in the two United Nations Human Rights Conventions, is “one of the essential principles of contemporary international law”. All States have a legal interest in protecting that right, which has the status of jus cogens. Israeli measures that severely impede the exercise by the Palestinian people of the right to self-determination are in breach of Israel’s obligations to respect that right. Pakistan strongly believes in the inherent right of people to live freely and in the justice of struggle for freedom from alien subjugation under the right of self-determination.

 

3. OCCUPATION AND ANNEXATION

 

5. I turn to my second point: the question of Israel’s occupation and annexation. It has always been the position of the United Nations that it “cannot condone a change in the status juris resulting from military action contrary to the provisions of the Charter. The Organization must, therefore, maintain that the status juris existing prior to such military action be re-established by a withdrawal of troops, and by the relinquishment or nullification of rights asserted in territories covered by the military action”.

 

6. Thus, after the Six-Day War, the Security Council determined in resolution 242 (1967) that Israel must withdraw its armed forces from territories occupied in the recent conflict. In resolution 476 (1980), the Security Council reaffirmed “the overriding necessity for ending the prolonged occupation of Arab territories occupied by Israel since 1967”.

 

7. Israel’s occupation is no longer, if it ever was, a military occupation; it is annexation. In East Jerusalem, the annexation is de jure; in the rest of the territory, it is de facto. But the formal characterization matters little. To use the words of the Court in the Wall case, the occupation is today, “notwithstanding the formal characterization . . . tantamount to de facto annexation”. This now applies to the entire territory. This may have been the intention all along. Prime Minister Ben-Gurion affirmed in 1950 that “the Israeli Empire must comprise all the territories between the Nile and the Euphrates”, and this was to be achieved as much by invasion as by diplomacy. More recently, Prime Minister Netanyahu has declared that his Government will be “applying Israeli sovereignty over all the communities formed through the transfer of Israeli settlers and not one residential community will be uprooted”.

 

8. Through its settlement policy, Israel has sought to create “irreversible facts on the ground”. It has aimed to create physical facts which in practical terms make it as difficult as possible to bring an end to its prolonged occupation of the West Bank and East Jerusalem. Notwithstanding, the Security Council has reaffirmed that the settlements constitute “a flagrant violation under international law”.

 

9. As this Court said in the Namibia case: “A binding determination made by a competent organ of the United Nations to the effect that a situation is illegal cannot remain without consequence.” As in that case, in answering the legal questions now referred to it, the Court is not concerned with the question of what practical steps would be required to cease the occupation.

 

10. It is worth recalling, however, that even greater practical issues have been overcome in other contexts, such as when the French Government withdrew a million settlers from Algeria in 1962. The French settlers were more numerous than the Israeli settlers in the West Bank and East Jerusalem taken together. France’s settlements in Algeria were not only more numerous: they were also “far older and better established than Israel’s West Bank colonies”.

 

4. SYSTEMATIC RACIAL DISCRIMINATION AND APARTHEID

 

11. I come to my third point, regarding systematic racial discrimination. Israel’s policies and practices amount to systematic racial discrimination and apartheid. Israel has imposed a system of racial discrimination against the Palestinian people since 1967. It is a system that distinguishes - deliberately and systematically — along ethnic and religious lines between the Palestinian population and Jewish Israeli settlers illegally transferred into the territory. The purpose of domination and oppression may be inferred from Israel’s pattern of conduct against the Palestinians.

  

5. THE HOLY CITY OF JERUSALEM AND ITS HOLY PLACES

 

12. I turn to my fourth point: Jerusalem and its holy places. The Holy City of Jerusalem is unique in that it is sacred to all three Abrahamic religions. Under the historic status quo, it is the right of Christian, Jewish and Muslim communities freely to access and worship at their holy places in the city. Ottoman decrees set out these rights in the nineteenth century. The régime was later confirmed in multilateral and bilateral instruments. The historic status quo has today developed into a so-called “objective régime”, which captures the point that it is characterized by a permanence which the instruments that established it do not themselves necessarily enjoy. Every State interested therefore has the right to insist upon compliance with this régime.

 

13. Under Israel’s prolonged occupation, Christians have not been free to access or worship in the Church of the Holy Sepulchre and Muslims have not been free to access or worship at Haram al-Sharif and in the Al Aqsa Mosque, to name only some prominent sites. The rights under the historic status quo must immediately be restored. This issue is of great importance to Pakistan, which is home to the second largest Muslim population in the world.

 

6. THE TWO-STATE SOLUTION

 

14. And now I come to my final point of the first part of my statement. Pakistan believes that the two-State solution must be the basis for peace. In the Wall case, this Court observed that the two-State solution was to be encouraged

 

“with a view to achieving as soon as possible, on the basis of international law, a negotiated solution to the outstanding problems and the establishment of a Palestinian State, existing side by side with Israel and its other neighbours, with peace and security for all in the region”.

 

Pakistan supports this call.

 

15. On 26 October 2023, Pakistan was pleased to vote in favour of the General Assembly resolution which reaffirmed that: “a just and lasting solution to the Israeli-Palestinian conflict can only be achieved . . . in accordance with international law, and on the basis of the two-State solution”. Two months later, on 22 December 2023, the Security Council reiterated its unwavering commitment to the vision of the two States, consistent with international law and relevant United Nations resolutions.

 

16. And these— and numerous other— resolutions by the political organs of the United Nations make clear, a two-State solution, and negotiations leading to it, must be consistent with international law. “Negotiations”, Judge Al-Khasawneh of this Court observed in the Wall case, “are a means to an end and cannot in themselves replace that end”. He continued to say that the discharge of fundamental international obligations cannot be made conditional upon negotiations.

 

17. In this regard, the Court’s advisory opinion in these proceedings will be most important. Far from impeding negotiations and the achievement of a just and lasting two States, the Court’s advisory opinion will further assist such efforts, by making it possible for the parties to make progress on the sound basis of international law and international legitimacy.

 

PART II

 

ISRAEL CANNOT BE ALLOWED TO BENEFIT FROM ITS OWN WRONGS

 

18. Mr President, Members of the Court, I now turn to more technical legal arguments of my submissions.

 

19. The Court has heard various competing submissions this week with respect to question (b) of the request, but there can be little doubt as to the central importance of three matters:

 

(a) First, the role of the rules on the use of force in governing the unlawfulness of a given occupation itself.

 

(b) Second, the series of General Assembly and Security Council resolutions that have consistently and expressly called for Israel’s withdrawal and referred to “the inadmissibility of the acquisition of territory by war”, which is a corollary of those rules.

 

(c) Third, the Court’s Advisory Opinion on Namibia is a helpful reference point for the Court.

 

20. Pakistan hopes to assist the Court by suggesting a slightly different way of looking at things, which leads to the conclusion that Israel’s occupation is unlawful and unlawfulness must have consequences.

 

A. The principle that no State can profit from its own wrong

 

21. In this respect, Pakistan considers that a useful touchstone for the Court is the general principle that no State can benefit from its own wrong.

 

22. As Sir Gerald Fitzmaurice (1901-1982) explained:

 

“The general principle is that States cannot profit from their own wrong . . . and similarly that rights and benefits cannot be derived from wrong-doing. This admits of no doubt. It is a wide general principle having many diverse applications under international law . . . of course these principles apply not merely as regards treaty obligations but to general international law obligations also.”

 

23. Notably, in the Wall case, Israel accepted that this principle is “as relevant in advisory opinions as it is in contentious cases”. The principle is particularly important where, as here, the wrongs at issue are of the most serious kind.

 

B. The principle in the context of the applicable law

 

24. Second, the principle in the context of applicable law. This principle is one of the underpinnings of the prohibition on the acquisition of territory either by force or through the denial of self-determination. The wrongs are obvious and no benefit in terms of lawful possession or a legal entitlement to administer the territory could be derived.

 

25. As to this case, if the Court agrees with Pakistan and with many other States that Israel is in continued breach of these fundamental primary obligations, it cannot allow Israel to benefit from its own ongoing wrongs by somehow avoiding the natural consequences that must follow under this law of State responsibility. These include the obligations of cessation and non-repetition which require immediate and unconditional withdrawal, as well as the obligations of non-recognition and non-assistance for all other States.

 

26. As to the applicable primary rules, it is customary international law and the Charter that govern the illegality of a given occupation at any point in time. As a separate matter, international humanitarian law governs the conduct of an occupying Power with respect to the occupied population.

 

27. But if the occupation itself is unlawful, that carries legal consequences for Israel and for all States under the secondary rules of State responsibility. Those legal consequences are in no way displaced by separate consideration of the lawfulness under international humanitarian law of particular conduct in the course of the occupation, much less by hope for a negotiated solution. Any other approach would effectively permit Israel to benefit from its own wrongdoing.

 

28. For the same reason, there is no scope for an argument that other States, in their dealings with respect to Israel or the Occupied Palestinian Territory, could somehow put to one side the question of the unlawfulness of the occupation itself. They could not, for example, elect instead to focus exclusively on the different questions of whether specific Israeli measures were absolutely necessary to meet legitimate security requirements such that those measures are not unlawful under international humanitarian law.

 

C. The principle in the context of the Namibia Advisory Opinion

 

29. Mr President, Members of the Court, any conclusion could not be reconciled with the Court’s Opinion on Namibia. There are certain clear parallels with the present case. The General Assembly had condemned South Africa’s occupation of Namibia, characterizing this as an “occupation” that engaged the Geneva Conventions, and the Security Council had expressly called for South Africa’s withdrawal.

 

30. In a later resolution, after condemning South Africa’s non-compliance with the earlier resolutions, the Security Council had also declared that “the continued presence of the South African authorities in Namibia is illegal”. This is to be understood as a reference to illegality under the rules on the use of force. Notably, the United States voted in favour of this resolution. With respect to Palestine, however, it now appears to wish to limit those rules to governing the lawfulness of “the initial resort to force” “leading to an occupation” only. Of course, that could not be correct, including because it would allow an aggressor to benefit from an ongoing attempt to acquire territory through annexation.

 

31. Indeed, in its 1971 Advisory Opinion, the Court itself concluded that, “the continued presence of South Africa in Namibia [is] illegal”. The Court held that South Africa was under an obligation to withdraw immediately and that all States were under an obligation to recognize the illegality of the occupation.

 

32. In reaching this conclusion, the Court found that South Africa’s application of the apartheid régime to occupied territories amounted to disowning the Mandate. In this connection, the Court relied on a context specific expression of the general principle that no State can benefit from its own wrong, stating “[o]ne of the fundamental principles governing the international relationship thus established is that a party which disowns or does not fulfil its own obligations cannot be recognized as retaining the rights which it claims to derive from the relationship”.

 

33. South Africa had claimed it had an independent right to administer the territory by reason of its “long occupation”. Evidently, the Court disagreed. Three points follow from this.

 

34. First, the Court in Namibia case implicitly recognized that neither the fact of an occupation nor the law of occupation confer upon the occupying Power any legal entitlement to administer the territory. Any contrary view would allow an occupying Power to benefit from its unlawful use of force.

 

35. Second, the Court made a positive finding that South Africa’s occupation was unlawful. In Namibia, there was a binding Security Council decision to that effect. The Security Council has made no such Security Council decision with respect to Palestine. But this in no way displaces or impedes the Court’s judicial function in determining this legal question for itself.

 

36. Third, the Court plainly did not consider that South Africa’s continued status as an occupying Power made any difference.

 

37. As Judge Greenwood has explained, the basic position under the law of occupation is that an occupying Power has the “liberty to govern within certain limits without being guilty of a violation of the ius in bello”. The occupying Power is required to administer the territory as a temporary conservator or trustee for the benefit of the occupied population. Acting in that capacity, the occupying Power has certain liberties to take measures in good faith in the best interests of the occupied population or, where absolutely necessary, to meet its own legitimate security interests. This, of course, is a separate question to the unlawfulness of the occupation itself.

 

38. As to the position under the law of occupation, again, it is helpful to recall the Namibia case. The Court’s context specific expression of the principle was that “a party which disowns or does not fulfil its own obligations cannot be recognized as retaining the rights which it claims to derive from the relationship”. Pakistan considers that this has relevance when considering whether an occupying Power should be recognized as retaining liberties to administer the occupied territory. In this case, if one were to zoom in exclusively on Israel’s conduct as an occupying Power, the only conclusion could be that Israel has disowned its basic duties. Its policies and practices of occupation deny the right of the Palestinian people to self-determination and amount to systematic racial discrimination and serious violations of international humanitarian law and human rights. Plainly, they cannot be said to be absolutely necessary to meet Israel’s own security interests. They serve Israel’s other interests, including its goal of acquiring the territory.

 

D. Conclusion

 

40. Mr President, Members of the Court. I conclude. With the general principle that no State can be benefit from its own wrong firmly in mind, it cannot be right that, as some States have suggested, the Court should refrain from finding that the occupation itself is unlawful or that there is no obligation to withdraw. This would be to allow Israel to profit from its own continued grave wrongs. And, to adopt the Court’s words in Namibia, the Court “would be failing in the discharge of its judicial functions”. Such abdication of responsibility would not encourage or facilitate the achievement of a negotiated solution on the basis of international law. More generally, the Court would be sending out a clear signal to other States that they too might be allowed to benefit through the prolonged unlawful occupation of the territory of another State.

 

41. Mr President, Members of the Court, these proceedings are a great moment in law, they are a great moment in history. We all have a collective opportunity to develop jurisprudence in a way that advances the cause of humanity. I wish you good luck in your deliberations. Thank you.

 

The PRESIDENT: I thank the delegation of Pakistan for its presentation.

These objectives published in the 1920s are remarkably similar to the Zoo's mission statement today. Saint Louis Zoo archives.

Cross Hair, Tunnel Rat, Bombshell (the original, intended name -- I will not call her Bombstrike), and Heavy Duty.

This is a view from about two thirds of the way up the mountain looking at the stone signal house at the top.

More info here: www.moleskine.com/about_us/news/objectivity_taccuini_hack...

The Millennium Link was an ambitious £84.5m project with the objective of restoring navigability across Scotland on the historic Forth & Clyde Canal and Union Canal, providing a corridor of regenerative activity through central Scotland.

 

A major challenge faced, was to link the Forth and Clyde Canal, which lay 35m (115ft) below the level of the Union Canal. Historically, the two canals had been joined at Falkirk by a flight of 11 locks that stepped down across a distance of 1.5km, but these has been dismantled in 1933, breaking the link.

 

What was required was a method of connecting these two canals by way of a boat lift. British Waterways were keen to present a visionary solution taking full advantage of the opportunity to create a truly spectacular and fitting structure that would suitably commemorate the Millennium and act as an iconic symbol for years to come.

 

The Falkirk Wheel lies at the end of a reinforced concrete aqueduct that connects, via the Roughcastle tunnel and a double staircase lock, to the Union Canal. Boats entering the Wheel’s upper gondola are lowered, along with the water that they float in, to the basin below. At the same time, an equal weight rises up, lifted in the other gondola. This works on the Archimedes principle of displacement. That is, the mass of the boat sailing into the gondola will displace an exactly proportional volume of water so that the final combination of ‘boat plus water’ balances the original total mass.

 

Each gondola runs on small wheels that fit into a single curved rail fixed on the inner edge of the opening on each arm. In theory, this should be sufficient to ensure that they always remain horizontal, but any friction or sudden movement could cause the gondola to stick or tilt. To ensure that this could never happen and that the water and boats always remain perfectly level throughout the whole cycle, a series of linked cogs acts as a back up.

 

To commemorate the completion of The Millennium Link through the opening of The Falkirk Wheel by Her Majesty The Queen during her Golden Jubilee on 24th May 2002.

In this project I documented the continuing redevelopment of Swansea docks. This area has changed rapidly over the last few years and continues to do so, some of the sheds have been converted into restaurants, and modern apartments are being built. For my continuing research into this project, I have been looking at photographers such as Joel Sternfeld, the high line www.thehighline.org/galleries/images/joel-sternfeld and Donovan Wylie’s project documenting the Maze prison in Northern Ireland www.magnumphotos.com/c.aspx?VP=XSpecific_MAG.BookDetail_V.... All the images from these two projects are so interesting yet still objective and detached. Whilst I have always tried to photograph as objectively as possible, my views as to the importance of this subject(Objectivity) are gradually changing. I now no longer know where I stand with regards to editing or changing what was actually seen for a better image. And because of this dilemma- I have decided to keep an open mind.

 

Andreas Gursky regularly edits his images these days, His image of the apartments; Monteparnasse c4gallery.com/artist/database/andreas-gursky/gursky-paris... has been digitally edited to exaggerate what was actually seen, to make things larger than life, to fit in with his own view of the modern world. The apartments shown in the images from my current project have become a central element within the series, but that was never intended. They figure in a lot of the images, which eases the transition from one image to the next. The design of the buildings is definitely of our time, something which I feel is important, because it indicates the time of build, but more importantly it indicates a shift in the UK as a whole. Once thriving industrial areas in a once producing country are now places of residence for office workers and bankers with companies that generate most of their money abroad. This I feel is quite apt in the current economic climate.

 

Working in the SA1 part of Swansea has made me begin to research other bodies of work that I feel are important, such as Donovan Wylie’s Afghanistan images, and some of Harry Gruyaerts work www.magnumphotos.com/C.aspx?VP=XSpecific_MAG.Photographer... because of the actual look and feel of the places photographed, as well as working in areas with restrictions on photography. Harry Gruyaerts use of colour is very inspiring, whilst the way Donovan Wylie composes fits in with my own way of working.

 

All the as yet undeveloped areas of the SA1 part of Swansea, have been cleared ready for development, areas which 20 or so years ago would have been left open, are now fenced off using chain link fencing or 10-12 feet high bright red fence panels to control entry and to signify that the land is owned or controlled. I have never been sure whether the use of red was an intentional subconscious warning symbol for would be trespassers or just a completely random choice of colour by a cash strapped council. Either way, I feel the use of red has added something to the images. The way each area of land has been sectioned off made me initially think of some kind of reserve set aside for North American Indians or maybe the outskirts of a concentration camp. I wanted to try to emphasise the size of the area involved, the sparse nature of the place, and its position between Swansea central to the left and Port Tennant to the right. As each area is redeveloped, pathways between each prepared ‘box’ of land are opened up, which makes it feel like you are being controlled or coerced into going only to places you are allowed.

 

The Cranes around the docks have become monoliths to a previous time, like lego sculptures reaching for the sky, not many remain, and I think they will all eventually be decommissioned. As they are one of the main indicators of the original use of the land, I felt that it was important to show them as often as possible emphasising the split between the past and the present.

 

This work is an ongoing project and more images will be added until completion.

 

More of this project can be seen at-

 

youtube (slideshow)-

 

www.youtube.com/watch?app=desktop&persist_app=1&v...

 

My website-

 

syncopated666.wordpress.com/

 

All images are my own works, ©leecoates2011

 

(CC BY-NC ND 3.0) Lee Coates. No commercial/No derivative works

 

For more information regarding this creative Commons license see-

 

zqjournal.org/wp-content/uploads/2012/10/ZQ_CC_by_NC_ND.pdf

 

For all image useage enquiries, please email me at-

 

leecoates1979@gmail.com

or flickrmail me.

 

Thanks.

 

Sag mal wie schnell verging schonwieder die Zeit? ich genieß den moment. Zu schnell vorbei.

-Clueso .

Hatred is not overcome by hatred; hatred is conquered by love, and so is the order of things from eternity. Unless your name is Henry Ford and Enzo Ferrari just let you down by having lunch with his lawyer and then not returning to the negotiating table. The story is of course known to every Ford and Ferrari enthusiast. Ford developed the GT40 and beat Ferrari fair and square at Le Mans. But the chance of ever buying a Ferrari has gone forever since that afternoon. Fortunately, both brands are still going strong today and Ford uses the GT40 every few years as an excuse to put the most extravagant and excellent sports car on the market. The previous Ford GT was actually a slightly larger GT40 with a huge V8 and a supercharger. This generation of Ford GT, on the other hand, is not a retro car but a futuristic spaceship that forgot to return to the pits after a successful race at La Sartre and pulled into your parking space. What a beautiful machine. This 2021 copy is a so-called Carbon Series. This means that the car is slightly lighter than the already very light “standard” Ford GT, the car has extra visible carbon, a Lexan engine compartment cover, no cup holders, carbon wheels, titanium wheel bolts and a stripe over the hood consisting of blank carbon.

 

The second generation Ford GT, as this car is referred to, is a car built at Multimatic in Canada. The base is a carbon fiber monocoque that is not only extremely stiff but also feather-light. The drive is provided by a 3.5 litre Ford Ecoboost V6. The engine produces 647 hp and enables the car to reach a top speed of no less than 347 kilometres per hour. The car was unveiled in 2016 and Ford immediately announced that it would be taking another shot at victory at Le Mans 50 years later. The Ford GT is therefore also one of the few cars that is basically designed as a race car and not as a street car. This means that for the designers the objectives were very clear in advance: this car must be able to drive as fast as possible at Le Mans and then we must be able to make the car street-legal with not too many adjustments. Finally, it should be noted that this is an almost unique opportunity to obtain a Ford GT Carbon Series. When Ford opened the order books for the GT, it was not the case that everyone could buy such a car, no, buyers had to go through a real application procedure to get a Ford GT. If Ford didn’t think the story was good enough, or the buyer didn’t like the GT, it wasn’t possible to buy one. In addition, buyers of the Ford GT were not allowed to resell the car shortly after purchase.

 

This copy has German papers and is in absolute mint condition. The car comes with delivery miles and is beautifully executed. Black goes perfectly with the car’s sinister looks. The body is unmistakably recognizable as a Ford GT and yet almost incomparable with its predecessors. The carbon wheels are not only very beautiful but also very light. The finish of the car is of course as you would expect from a top product of this calibre. The paint is beautifully sprayed, the finish on the wheels is exceptional, the panels fit together sublimely everywhere and we are only talking about the exterior of the car. The interior is pure practicality. The steering wheel is equipped with many buttons to operate many vital functions of the car and makes driving the car a breeze. The ergonomics are of course perfect for each other and finding a good seating position is child’s play because the seat cannot be adjusted, but the steering column and the pedal box have to be adjusted. Unlike previous hardcore versions of the Ford GT, the Carbon Series is still equipped with the Ford Sync 3 system. This makes covering longer distances a wonderful activity. Things like air conditioning and an excellent sound system make the party complete.

 

In short, an exceptionally rare opportunity to acquire a Ford GT Carbon Series and an absolute top opportunity for the serious investor.

Harvesting Objectives

Logging is, of course, the only way to implement

objectives that focus on the generation of revenue

from timber production. However, it is also a key step

in the development of other management goals. For

example, if you wish to create new forest stands,

whether they are single-species plantations or

mixed-species multi-age natural stands, harvesting is

generally necessary to create the appropriate site

conditions (available sunlight, reduced competitive

vegetation, bare mineral soil) for the establishment

and growth of new seedlings. The type and amount of

regeneration will significantly depend on the

harvesting method that is employed. Similarly,

harvesting is necessary if you want to alter stand

structure, shapes and boundaries to create desirable

aesthetic patterns.

Some of the most productive forests in the world are managed by the BLM in western Oregon. The objectives of the O&C forestry program are to manage for a sustained yield of forest products and qualities needed to contribute to the economic stability of local communities, and continuing forest values and health. This vintage photo depicts forest management that took place in the BLM’s Eugene District in the 1980s.

 

The Eugene District of the Bureau of Land Management, now part of the Northwest Oregon District, extended from the Pacific Coast into the western slopes of the Cascade Range, and encompassed 316,000 acres. The Eugene District managed several ecosystems ranging from coastal inlands to dense Douglas-fir, hemlock, and cedar forests.

 

The Eugene District and the Salem Districts were officially consolidated into the Northwest Oregon District in 2016 and now collectively make up approximately 720,000 acres. The Northwest Oregon District stretches from the Cascades to the Pacific Ocean, where the historic Yaquina Lighthouse greets thousands each year.

 

To learn more about forestry in western Oregon head on over to: www.blm.gov/programs/natural-resources/forests-and-woodla...

 

To learn more about the Northwest Oregon District head on over to: www.blm.gov/office/northwest-oregon-district-office

 

Photo: Don Smurthwaite, BLM

 

Objectiveli.com is the best way to manage all of your organizations or personal goals and objectives in one place. Objectiveli drives Outcomes that matter, fulfilling your Goals and Objectives, instead of losing focus; managing day-to-day emergencies and “things to do”.

 

Objective 3: composition techniques

3. Fill the Frame: the fill the frame aspect in this photo is the bowl, taking up more than 90% of the picture. The bowl was a big part of my photo because it added depth and brought the picture together and followed towards the apples, the main point in this photo. The bowl also created the shadows that I needed to add fill light along with some kept shadows in the photo.

6. Pattern: the pattern is an obvious element in this photo, the colour and lineup of the apples. The reason for this is for the main focus and attraction of the eye to the apples. When I or anyone else looks at this photo we will run our eyes across the line of the apples. The shadowy crevices between each apple add to depth and stay consistent through pattern as well. The other pattern in this photo would be the stems on the top of each apple. This pattern helps to look focus, and help add multiple colours with the vibrance.

Objective 4: lighting

The examples of lighting include fill lighting, side lighting, and hard lighting. Fill lighting is present by adding a reflector and filling the, or most of the shadows. The advantage of having this type of lighting and why I choose to add this to the photo solely because it reduces the harsh light of the photo but keeps it bright. It helps with glare, contrast, and AWB settings too. The second example is side lighting, which is the chandelier light originating from the south left side of the photo hitting the left angle on the apples and bowl. This contributes to the photo by adding a sheen on the apples and also adding a shadow from the apples on the bowl. This is a benefit because it provides extra depth and layers for the whole photo. The last example is hard lighting. This exists because the light, the chandelier bulbs, have not been blocked or tampered with before hitting the object. This helps fortify the image by lighting up the photo, but since the light is artificial, or man-made, it is not too bright to the sensitivity of the lens or the eye while looking at this photo.

Objective 7: photographic styles:

The photographic style is food photography. All of the settings when the photo were taken are: taken in AV mode, an F stop of 5.6, a shutter speed of 1/10, an ISO of 1600, no tampered exposure compensation, so AWB mode, and a focal length of twenty five millimeters. The reason I took it in AV mode is so I could have full control in adjustments and further on later in post-production. I took it with the lowest possible ISO one with 1600, and AWB exposure because there was no reason to alter the white levels. A F stop of 5.6 to slightly blur the background and a shutter speed of 1/10 to take into account of the 1600 ISO and the 5.6 f stop. The overall reason why I choose this specific photographic style was to try something new and see if I enjoyed or was good at food photography.

 

Utrecht University Law Faculty Janskerkhof Utrecht The Netherlands - Marx & Steketee Architects - 2014-2016

 

From January 2016, the Law Faculty of Utrecht University, has a central downtown location. To this end, a monumental complex renovated at the Janskerkhof and internally transformed into teaching building. Marx & Steketee Architects combines the above objectives in a clear organized, readable building that can be used intensively. The oldest part was built in 1246 as a Franciscan monastery; which was extended with the current States Wing in the sixteenth century, from which government functions were exercised at the time of the Union of Utrecht. In 1643 the current ornamented entrance to the Janskerkhof was added to the building.

 

From the nineteenth century 'Janskerkhof 2-3' has been used as a teaching building. The law faculty settled there in the seventies of the last century. The new destination will facilitate students with study places, group rooms, classrooms and an information center; There are also flexible workplaces for employees. "This building is the heart of the law faculty," says architect Ady Steketee. "The building design has three principles: strengthening and legible making of the monumental value, providing a robust, clear and future-proof structure and develop an access that connects the ensemble well with the surroundings."

 

The biggest transformation took place inside. The rooms are rearranged, added later adjustments as suspended ceilings and dividings , were removed as much as possible. Steketee: "where possible, existing elements are spared, as the glass cabinets in which objects from the library were kept. And the cloister - with intact church wall along the Minderbroederstraat - was made legible. We have chosen a fairly unique implementation phase, which was carried out the necessary cleanup, and the contractor then cram a break. During this time we are going to analyze with the client what the demolition came forward so that the work could be better planned. "

A recognizable new element is the integration of a new building core in the States Wing, with a head kick lacquered larch. "This staircase and elevator shaft connects all parts of the building and is a crossroads in the coordinate system." Two courtyards have been restored and sealed with atrium roofs; a former canteen in the States Wing has been converted into lecture hall with 150 seats.

 

The components in the courtyard have been demolished, with the exception of the anatomy room, a separate educational building that is re-coated with a tile system of coated aluminum, which is attached by glass walls and serves as a cafeteria. The dormer windows on the side of the Telingstraat have been replaced by modern variants; The exterior has been left unmolested.

Because of the double layer is monumental door frames renovation glass used for the benefit of the insulation; the required installation space is mainly found in acoustic ceiling islands. The integration of modern systems is the great challenge of the project, said Steketee. "It is always exciting new elements based on contemporary needs and requirements to weave a monumental building. The sport is to seek out the architectural essence, and on this basis to create a clear, comprehensive structure. "

 

The I.DAY.16 event was organized by AMD-ABITARE Ann Maes & Marleen Bruurs

A paratrooper assigned to Company A, 2nd Battalion, 503rd Infantry Regiment, 173rd Airborne Brigade, trains on urban operations, including room and building clearing May 21, at Vaziani Training Area, Georgia, during Exercise Noble Partner. Noble Partner 16 is happening May 11 to 26 and includes approximately 1300 participants from the U.S., Georgia and the U.K. The exercise is a reoccurring training event that takes place at Vaziani Training Area, Georgia. Noble Partner 16 is a critical part of Georgia's training for its contribution of a light infantry company to the NATO Response Force (NRF) and enhances Georgian territorial self-defense capability. (Photo by Sgt. Daniel Cole, U.S. Army Europe Public Affairs)

Objective 3: Elements and Principles of Design

Space – The sky is the negative space and everything else is positive space. The wires connecting to the telephone pole help break up negative space. The sky also helps to outline and emphasize the telephone pole.

 

Texture – The telephone pole has a rough, weathered texture which is emphasized by the dramatic lighting. The places where the clouds are thinner also add a bit of texture to the photo. Since the clouds are more blurred, it adds to the soft texture they already have.

 

Balance – The subject of the photo, the telephone pole, draws the eye the most. The streetlight helps to balance it out a bit. This is informal balance. Also, the rough texture of the wood is balanced by the soft texture of the sky.

 

Objective 7: Photographic Styles (ex. portrait, landscape, etc.)

Type/style of photography: HDR

The camera mode (P, Tv, Av, M): Aperture priority. I wanted to make sure the entire telephone pole was in focus.

f stop used: 11.0

shutter speed used: 1/250, 1/1000, 1/4000

ISO used: 400. It was pretty cloudy, but I did use a tripod. I might have been able to get the ISO even lower, but I liked the way it turned out.

Exposure compensation: -2, 0, 2

Focal length: 18 mm you could see as much of the telephone pole and the streetlight as possible.

 

...and the final product. I believe it was a lines filter... anyway...

 

I like.... how you can still tell what it is. It still has the beauty of the original shot- still won't tell you where....

 

I don't like how white the majority of the sky is... but if I moved the tab anywhere else, it would do one of two things- 1) become beyond recognition or 2) no longer look like it was filtered. Instead it simply looked horribly photoshopped.

 

(16/20)

Objectiveli.com is the best way to manage all of your organizations or personal goals and objectives in one place. Objectiveli drives Outcomes that matter, fulfilling your Goals and Objectives, instead of losing focus; managing day-to-day emergencies and “things to do”.

Assassin's Creed Unity | Camera Tools by HattiWatti | Downsampled from 1440p

www.blaker-skanse.no/

 

Blaker Fortress

  

From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia

 

Blaker skanse

 

Blaker, Norway

Built

1675

 

Battles/wars

Swedish invasion 1718

 

Blaker Fortress is one of the Norwegian fortresses which were constructed in the period of intense competition among the Baltic powers (Denmark-Norway, Sweden, Russia, Poland and the German states) for northern supremacy. The 17th and beginning of the 18th century was a period of virtually continuous war or preparation for war, as follows:

1611 to 1613 - Kalmar War

1618 to 1648 - Thirty Years' War

1655 to 1658 – Northern Wars

1673 to 1675 – Fortification Upgrades

1675 to 1679 – Gyldenløve War

1700 to 1721 – Great Northern War

 

In 1675 Gyldenløve indicated an intent to construct a fortress in the Glomma river where Blaker (a former township in Akershus) lies as part of his general program of Norwegian fortification upgrades. His objective was a stronghold available both to serve as a safe defensive position when necessary and a location to station troops who could take the offensive against invaders when the opportunity availed itself.

 

Blaker Fortress saw action in 1718, when it was surrounded by the invading Swedish army, but the siege collapsed upon the death of Charles XII of Sweden in front of Fredriksten Fortress.

 

Some of the most productive forests in the world are managed by the BLM in western Oregon. The objectives of the O&C forestry program are to manage for a sustained yield of forest products and qualities needed to contribute to the economic stability of local communities, and continuing forest values and health. This vintage photo depicts forest management that took place in the BLM’s Eugene District in the 1980s.

 

The Eugene District of the Bureau of Land Management, now part of the Northwest Oregon District, extended from the Pacific Coast into the western slopes of the Cascade Range, and encompassed 316,000 acres. The Eugene District managed several ecosystems ranging from coastal inlands to dense Douglas-fir, hemlock, and cedar forests.

 

The Eugene District and the Salem Districts were officially consolidated into the Northwest Oregon District in 2016 and now collectively make up approximately 720,000 acres. The Northwest Oregon District stretches from the Cascades to the Pacific Ocean, where the historic Yaquina Lighthouse greets thousands each year.

 

To learn more about forestry in western Oregon head on over to: www.blm.gov/programs/natural-resources/forests-and-woodla...

 

To learn more about the Northwest Oregon District head on over to: www.blm.gov/office/northwest-oregon-district-office

 

Photo: Don Smurthwaite, BLM

Auto Rikenon 55mm 1:1,4 (f/8) Canon 6D Mark II

This is the dashboard of my 2003 Dodge Caravan after it was completely reassembled. The Air Blend Door shaft broke making the temperature control useless. The cost of repair would take $1000.00 or more depending upon who you take it to. The high price is due to the fact that the temperature blend door is located behind the dashboard.

 

At 1st I faulted the mechanics for wanting too much money for such a small part. It's like they think the average person is walking around with $1000 in their pocket. Having seen for myself what was involved with replacing the part, I now understand the cost.

 

By the way, here is an update from a person who found a quicker and easier way to repair/replace the part. It is not a professional fix but, it is a good option for those who do not have either the time or the patience to remove a dashboard.

 

However, what I don't understand is why a vulnerable part is placed in such a way the average person will not be financially able to replace it when it fails. It looks like they are using cheap parts and they don't care. I hope that is not the case but, that is how it looks.

 

Until now, my parents and I have had great results with Chrysler products. A 1966 Oldsmobile Jetstar 88 was the last Non-Chrysler my father owned. At the time I remember him carefully researching all the vehicles of the time. He purchased a 1989 Chrysler Newport. Every 4 or so years he would purchase a new Chrysler. Here is the car he had in 1984.

My Chinon CS film camera from about 1975, I guess with it's 2 objectives. i bought these with a camera bag and the total price was 35€ at flea market.

Descargable en elpegotiblog-hechoamano.blogspot.com.es/2016/01/imprimibl...

 

This was done for a comparison between Flash and xCode/Interface Builder iphone development. See the adjacent pictures...

 

large size: www.flickr.com/photos/danzen/4426553668/sizes/l/

 

full size: www.flickr.com/photos/danzen/4426553668/sizes/o/

Joolia took too long to clean up, so I started snapping at random object..ives... (he he)

From a few ring alternatives I chose this one for Canon EOS bodies (the cheapest available in Evilbay - two euros including postage).

 

The optical scheme of MIR-1 was designed by D. S. Volosov already in 1954 and was based on the Carl Zeiss Jena Flektogon 35mm f/2.8 (manufactured after the WW II by the Carl Zeiss, Jena). It has a negative meniscus as the front lens, which is a remedy for vignetting when wide open.

 

MIR-1 was produced at different times by the KMZ, the Zagorsky Optical and Mechanical Plant (ZOMZ), the Vologda Optical-and-Mechanical Plant (VOMZ) and propably others - with different mounts (including C mount for cinematography).

 

The objective isn't hard-to-find at second hand market (depending on the mount, of course).

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{This is not a test, what you are seeing is real. Straight Out of the Camera, No Photoshop!! Some but not all photos slightly Adjusted in Camera Raw and Saved to Jpeg}