View allAll Photos Tagged Segregation
Exposition : The color line
Du mardi 04 octobre 2016 au dimanche 15 janvier 2017
Quel rôle a joué l’art dans la quête d’égalité et d’affirmation de l’identité noire dans l’Amérique de la Ségrégation ? L'exposition rend hommage aux artistes et penseurs africains-américains qui ont contribué, durant près d’un siècle et demi de luttes, à estomper cette "ligne de couleur" discriminatoire.
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« Le problème du 20e siècle est le problème de la ligne de partage des couleurs ».
Si la fin de la Guerre de Sécession en 1865 a bien sonné l’abolition de l'esclavage, la ligne de démarcation raciale va encore marquer durablement la société américaine, comme le pressent le militant W.E.B. Du Bois en 1903 dans The Soul of Black Folks. L’exposition The Color Line revient sur cette période sombre des États-Unis à travers l’histoire culturelle de ses artistes noirs, premières cibles de ces discriminations.
Des thématiques racistes du vaudeville américain et des spectacles de Minstrels du 19e siècle à l’effervescence culturelle et littéraire de la Harlem Renaissance du début du 20e siècle, des pionniers de l’activisme noir (Frederick Douglass, Booker T. Washington) au réquisitoire de la chanteuse Billie Holiday (Strange Fruit), ce sont près de 150 ans de production artistique – peinture, sculpture, photographie, cinéma, musique, littérature… – qui témoignent de la richesse créative de la contestation noire.
Local college students picket in front of the White House May 17, 1960 on the sixth anniversary of the U.S. Supreme Court’s decision to outlaw segregation in public schools.
At the time, southern states were still engaged in “massive resistance” to the Court’s order.
“If we can organize the Southern States for massive resistance to this order I think that, in time, the rest of the country will realize that racial integration is not going to be accepted in the South.” Senator Harry Flood Byrd, 1954
The NAACP Legal Defense Fund describes the situation at the time:
“Almost immediately after Chief Justice Earl Warren finished reading the Supreme Court’s unanimous opinion in Brown v. Board of Education in the early afternoon of May 17, 1954, Southern white political leaders condemned the decision and vowed to defy it.
“James Eastland, the powerful Senator from Mississippi, declared that “the South will not abide by nor obey this legislative decision by a political body.”
“Senator Harry Byrd of Virginia described the opinion as “the most serious blow that has yet been struck against the rights of the states in a matter vitally affecting their authority and welfare.” At the time, Senator Byrd headed the “Byrd Machine,” Virginia’s most powerful political organization. He became the leading architect behind Virginia’s diehard segregationist campaign.
“In August of 1954, Virginia Governor Thomas Bahnson Stanley created a commission to conspire to defy Brown. The Gray commission, named after State Senator Garland Gray, held that school attendance should not be compulsory; money should be allocated to parents as tuition grants if they opposed integration; and authorized local school boards would assign students to schools themselves.
“By 1956, Senator Byrd had created a coalition of nearly 100 Southern politicians to sign on to his “Southern Manifesto” an agreement to resist the implementation of Brown.
“On February 25, 1956, Senator Byrd issued the call for “Massive Resistance” — a collection of laws passed in response to the Brown decision that aggressively tried to forestall and prevent school integration. For instance, the Massive Resistance doctrine included a law that punished any public school that integrated by eliminating its state funds and eventually closing the school.
“In addition to legal and legislative resistance, the white population of the southern United States mobilized en masse to nullify the Supreme Court’s decree. In states across the South, whites set up private academies to educate their children, at first using public funds to support the attendance of their children in these segregated facilities, until the use of public funds was successfully challenged in court.
“In other instances, segregationists tried to intimidate black families by threats of violence and economic reprisals against plaintiffs in local cases. Thurgood Marshall described the situation in Mississippi to the NAACP’s regional secretary in September 1954 as such:
‘All credit has been withdrawn from the president of new branch, a storekeeper in Lelzoni. Stringer, in Columbus is being smeared through the American Legion…… His credit was withdrawn in Columbus several months ago…One of our members who signed [a] petition in Walthall county did not receive renewal of his contract to drive the school bus….Dr. Battle, one of our key people in Indianola, says a large number of his patients on nearby plantations are now former patients.’
“The most egregious violators simply closed the public schools. In response to a May 1, 1959 order to integrate its schools, officials in Prince Edward County, Virginia closed its entire public school system instead. The entire public school system remained closed for the next five years.
“In September 1958 as schools in Norfolk, Charlottesville, and Warren County were on the verge of integration via court order, they were closed by state officials. Although the Virginia Supreme Court overturned the school-closure law, the General Assembly made school attendance optional.
“Meanwhile, Central High School in Little Rock, Arkansas became a staging ground for an alarming picture of democracy gone astray. The response to the presence of the Little Rock 9 was so violent that President Eisenhower felt compelled to call in the National Guard.
“The Little Rock 9 case resulted in the Supreme Court’s decision Cooper v. Aaron (1958), a landmark ruling in which the Supreme Court reaffirmed its decision in Brown and the obligation of states to follow the mandate of the U.S. Supreme Court to desegregate schools.
“It was not until the Legal Defense Fund’s later victories in Green v. County School Board (1968) and Swann v. Charlotte-Mecklenburg (1971) that the Supreme Court issued mandates that segregation be dismantled “root and branch.” In these rulings, the Court outlined specific factors to be considered to eliminate the effects of segregation and ensured that federal district courts were able to more forthrightly to exercise their authority.
For more information and related images, see flic.kr/s/aHskgSB6Zi
Photo by Paul Schmick. The image is courtesy of the D.C. Public Library Washington Star Collection © Washington Post.
5 wing Segregation W=west cells E=east cells through the door were 6 cells which were closed confindment cells. 2 of the cells didn't have toilets just a hole in the ground which connected to the plumbing system and they would flush every so often.
Five women of the group "Women of the Wailing Wall" were arrested while fighting for there right to pray as men do dressing in a talit and singing the praier in load voice. They say that despite repeated arrests they will repeat this act again and again until they get recognized for their right to pray according to their faith. Rosh Chodesh is considered a holiday for women since the days of the Talmud. First of the month, according to rabbinic tradition, women are exempt from all work, since the compensation received from the Lord on that did not participate with the men act the Golden Calf. Struggle of "Women of the Wailing Wall" began in December 1988 after the first International Conference of Jewish feminists attended by dozens of women from around the world. "As part of the conference, planned to women participating to have a prayer of thanksgiving for the State at the Wall with a Torah scroll. When they arrived and began began to read from the Torah, broke Rampage violent men's section. they spat on them, abused them verbally abused and dragged them to the hand arrangement books. all this, simply because women of prayed aloud, wrapped in shawls and holding a Torah scroll.
A loblolly pine watches over the beach at Jones Lake State Park in Bladen County, North Carolina. The park was founded in 1939 as a recreational park for African-Americans during the segregation era in North Carolina. The park was desegregated in the 1960s. It is on North Carolina Highway 242 just outside of Elizabethtown in Bladen County.
Baton Rouge, LA
Supposedly being renovated for apartments and retail use, but it doesn't look like there's any work going on right now.
Joan Sexton is knocked down and nearly trampled by a mounted police officer after a melee broke out during an attempt to integrate the Anacostia swimming pool June 29, 1949.
Members of the local Progressive Party youth group led the attempt to integrate the facility.
The confrontation took place when 10 white and 10 black members and supporters of the Young Progressives entered the pool reserved for whites only.
Later, about 70 African Americans arrived and entered the pool area while about 100 waiting white opponents began a scuffle. Scattered fighting broke out both inside and outside the facility between the groups.
A white woman was chased by about 50 white youths who believed she was a “Wallacite” One in the crowd yelled, “Go back to Russia, you dirty red.” Henry Wallace ran for president of the U.S. in 1948 on the Progressive Party ticket.
An African American boy was corned by a white mob and sustained cuts when he attempted to climb over a barbed wire fence. Fighting continued between the two groups outside the pool area while the numbers of participants grew to about 1,000.
Two white students distributing Young Progressive handbills in favor of integration were arrested along with two African Americans who were alleged to be fighting with whites. One white youth was arrested for fighting with one of the white Young Progressives distributing handbills.
Several others among the Progressives were injured, including one African American hit in the head with a stone and a white woman trampled by a police horse.
The pool was temporarily closed as result of the clashes. The Interior Department had been scheduled to transfer the six pools to the District’s recreation department, but held off because DC insisted on segregating pools by race.
DC finally integrated its parks and pools in 1954 in the wake of the Bolling v. Sharpe school decision. The Supreme Court outlawed segregation in public parks nationwide in 1958.
For more information and related images, see flic.kr/s/aHskhNEzdC
The photographer is unknown. The image is courtesy of the D.C. Public Library Washington Star Collection © Washington Post.
Following the lead of the students at the Divinity School who petitioned for desegregation, the Men's Student Government Association sent this petition to Chairman of the Board of Trustees Bunyan S. Womble in 1959. They asked for a change in the Board's unwritten admissions policy that rejected qualified black applicants based on their race.
Repository: Duke University Archives. Durham, NC. library.duke.edu/uarchives
Trying to locate this photo at the Duke University Archives? You’ll find it in the Bunyan S. Womble papers, 1900-1976,
A sign in Jackson, Mississippi which reads 'Waiting Room For Colored Only by order Police Dept.', 25th May 1961. (Photo by William Lovelace/Express/Hulton Archive/Getty Images)
A federal appeals court adds to the body of legal decisions against segregated public transportation and facilities. In this case, Freedom Riders — young activists testing enforcement of those rulings in the South — had been arrested for ignoring "Whites Only" and "Colored Only" signs outside bus and train terminals in Jackson, Miss. The court rules the signs unlawful.
Best viewed Original size.
Rugeley Trent Valley station with the up platform buildings visible - c.1958.
Malcolm Peakman tells me:
"Rugeley was an interesting place - it kept its station (who knows why?) when other WCML locations lost theirs, and after BR re-organised the tracks between Colwich and Armitage Junctions it retained one platform as before on the up slow, but the other line became the down fast to allow segregation of the Stoke line traffic, I think unique in this respect."
© 2016 - 53A Models of Hull Collection. Scanned from the original 120 monochrome negative; photograph by the late James S Doubleday.
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Title: Opinion in Brown v. Board of Education of Topeka, 08/31/1951
From: Record Group/Collection: 21
Record Hierarchy Level: Item
Reference Unit: National Archives at Kansas City
Persistent URL: catalog.archives.gov/id/2641494
Repository Contact Information: NARA’s Central Plains Region (Kansas City) (NREA), 400 West Pershing Road, Kansas City, MO, 64108. .
Reproductions may be ordered via an independent vendor. NARA maintains a list of vendors at www.archives.gov/research/order/vendors-photos-maps-dc.html
Access Restrictions: Unrestricted
Use Restrictions: Unrestricted
One core topic in quantitative social science is the measurement of the polarization or segregation of groups. The vast quantity of digital data such as Internet browsing histories, item-level purchase data, or text, allows us to get a picture of interests, opinions, and related behavior. The challenge is that parsing this high-dimensional data requires methods different from the standard, existing practices of measurement. In this talk, Matthew Taddy will discuss how ideas from machine learning can be used to build a new set of metrics for measuring segregation in high dimensions. His talk will focus on how these methods were applied to measure the partisanship of speech in the United States Congress from 1872 to the present, and compare the results with the conclusions drawn from more simplistic, bias-prone measures.
This school was used back in the day for the residents of Eloy. Apparently Eloy was the first town in Arizona to desegregate, but this larger school house was for the whites and Mexican-Americans and the smaller school house was for the African-Americans. Even the brown people had to be separated, who knew.
The windows said a lot to me. You could still see light through the glass, but the opaqueness speaks to the history of this building.
This is Simon doing a speech for Martin Luther King Jr.
Story:
Simon:I am happy to join with you today in what will go down in history as the greatest demonstration for freedom in the history of our nation. [Applause]
Five score years ago, a great American, in whose symbolic shadow we stand signed the Emancipation Proclamation. This momentous decree came as a great beacon light of hope to millions of Negro slaves who had been seared in the flames of withering injustice. It came as a joyous daybreak to end the long night of captivity.
But one hundred years later, we must face the tragic fact that the Negro is still not free. One hundred years later, the life of the Negro is still sadly crippled by the manacles of segregation and the chains of discrimination. One hundred years later, the Negro lives on a lonely island of poverty in the midst of a vast ocean of material prosperity. One hundred years later, the Negro is still languishing in the corners of American society and finds himself an exile in his own land. So we have come here today to dramatize an appalling condition.
In a sense we have come to our nation's capital to cash a check. When the architects of our republic wrote the magnificent words of the Constitution and the declaration of Independence, they were signing a promissory note to which every American was to fall heir. This note was a promise that all men would be guaranteed the inalienable rights of life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness.
It is obvious today that America has defaulted on this promissory note insofar as her citizens of color are concerned. Instead of honoring this sacred obligation, America has given the Negro people a bad check which has come back marked "insufficient funds." But we refuse to believe that the bank of justice is bankrupt. We refuse to believe that there are insufficient funds in the great vaults of opportunity of this nation. So we have come to cash this check -- a check that will give us upon demand the riches of freedom and the security of justice. We have also come to this hallowed spot to remind America of the fierce urgency of now. This is no time to engage in the luxury of cooling off or to take the tranquilizing drug of gradualism. Now is the time to rise from the dark and desolate valley of segregation to the sunlit path of racial justice. Now is the time to open the doors of opportunity to all of God's children. Now is the time to lift our nation from the quicksands of racial injustice to the solid rock of brotherhood.
It would be fatal for the nation to overlook the urgency of the moment and to underestimate the determination of the Negro. This sweltering summer of the Negro's legitimate discontent will not pass until there is an invigorating autumn of freedom and equality. Nineteen sixty-three is not an end, but a beginning. Those who hope that the Negro needed to blow off steam and will now be content will have a rude awakening if the nation returns to business as usual. There will be neither rest nor tranquility in America until the Negro is granted his citizenship rights. The whirlwinds of revolt will continue to shake the foundations of our nation until the bright day of justice emerges.
But there is something that I must say to my people who stand on the warm threshold which leads into the palace of justice. In the process of gaining our rightful place we must not be guilty of wrongful deeds. Let us not seek to satisfy our thirst for freedom by drinking from the cup of bitterness and hatred.
We must forever conduct our struggle on the high plane of dignity and discipline. We must not allow our creative protest to degenerate into physical violence. Again and again we must rise to the majestic heights of meeting physical force with soul force. The marvelous new militancy which has engulfed the Negro community must not lead us to distrust of all white people, for many of our white brothers, as evidenced by their presence here today, have come to realize that their destiny is tied up with our destiny and their freedom is inextricably bound to our freedom. We cannot walk alone.
And as we walk, we must make the pledge that we shall march ahead. We cannot turn back. There are those who are asking the devotees of civil rights, "When will you be satisfied?" We can never be satisfied as long as our bodies, heavy with the fatigue of travel, cannot gain lodging in the motels of the highways and the hotels of the cities. We cannot be satisfied as long as the Negro's basic mobility is from a smaller ghetto to a larger one. We can never be satisfied as long as a Negro in Mississippi cannot vote and a Negro in New York believes he has nothing for which to vote. No, no, we are not satisfied, and we will not be satisfied until justice rolls down like waters and righteousness like a mighty stream.
I am not unmindful that some of you have come here out of great trials and tribulations. Some of you have come fresh from narrow cells. Some of you have come from areas where your quest for freedom left you battered by the storms of persecution and staggered by the winds of police brutality. You have been the veterans of creative suffering. Continue to work with the faith that unearned suffering is redemptive.
Go back to Mississippi, go back to Alabama, go back to Georgia, go back to Louisiana, go back to the slums and ghettos of our northern cities, knowing that somehow this situation can and will be changed. Let us not wallow in the valley of despair.
I say to you today, my friends, that in spite of the difficulties and frustrations of the moment, I still have a dream. It is a dream deeply rooted in the American dream.
I have a dream that one day this nation will rise up and live out the true meaning of its creed: "We hold these truths to be self-evident: that all men are created equal."
I have a dream that one day on the red hills of Georgia the sons of former slaves and the sons of former slave owners will be able to sit down together at a table of brotherhood.
I have a dream that one day even the state of Mississippi, a desert state, sweltering with the heat of injustice and oppression, will be transformed into an oasis of freedom and justice.
I have a dream that my four children will one day live in a nation where they will not be judged by the color of their skin but by the content of their character.
I have a dream today.
I have a dream that one day the state of Alabama, whose governor's lips are presently dripping with the words of interposition and nullification, will be transformed into a situation where little black boys and black girls will be able to join hands with little white boys and white girls and walk together as sisters and brothers.
I have a dream today.
I have a dream that one day every valley shall be exalted, every hill and mountain shall be made low, the rough places will be made plain, and the crooked places will be made straight, and the glory of the Lord shall be revealed, and all flesh shall see it together.
This is our hope. This is the faith with which I return to the South. With this faith we will be able to hew out of the mountain of despair a stone of hope. With this faith we will be able to transform the jangling discords of our nation into a beautiful symphony of brotherhood. With this faith we will be able to work together, to pray together, to struggle together, to go to jail together, to stand up for freedom together, knowing that we will be free one day.
This will be the day when all of God's children will be able to sing with a new meaning, "My country, 'tis of thee, sweet land of liberty, of thee I sing. Land where my fathers died, land of the pilgrim's pride, from every mountainside, let freedom ring."
And if America is to be a great nation this must become true. So let freedom ring from the prodigious hilltops of New Hampshire. Let freedom ring from the mighty mountains of New York. Let freedom ring from the heightening Alleghenies of Pennsylvania!
Let freedom ring from the snowcapped Rockies of Colorado!
Let freedom ring from the curvaceous peaks of California!
But not only that; let freedom ring from Stone Mountain of Georgia!
Let freedom ring from Lookout Mountain of Tennessee!
Let freedom ring from every hill and every molehill of Mississippi. From every mountainside, let freedom ring.
When we let freedom ring, when we let it ring from every village and every hamlet, from every state and every city, we will be able to speed up that day when all of God's children, black men and white men, Jews and Gentiles, Protestants and Catholics, will be able to join hands and sing in the words of the old Negro spiritual, "Free at last! free at last! thank God Almighty, we are free at last!"
marabastad, pretoria. old polaroids and slide scans, around 1980
Marabastad was a culturally diverse community, with the Hindu Mariamman Temple arguably being its most prominent landmark.
Like the residents of other racially diverse areas in South Africa, such as District Six, "Fietas" and Sophiatown, the inhabitants of Marabastad were relocated to single-race townships further away from the city centre.
These removals were due to Apartheid laws like the Group Areas Act. Unlike Sophiatown, Fietas and District Six, it was not bulldozed, but it retained many of its original buildings, and became primarily a business district, with most shops still owned by the Indians who had also lived there previously.
Some property was however owned by the city council and the government, resulting in limited development taking place there. In addition, a large shopping complex was built to house Indian-owned shops.
The black residents of Marabastad were relocated to Atteridgeville (1945),
the Coloured residents to Eersterus (1963), and the Indian residents to Laudium (1968).
There are plans to revive once-picturesque Marabastad, and to reverse years of urban decay and neglect, although few seem to have been implemented as of 2005.
History[edit]
Marabastad was named after the local headman of a village to the west of Steenhoven Spruit. During the 1880s he lived in Schoolplaats and acted as an interpreter.
During this period some Africans lived on the farms where they were being employed and also chose to live on other, undeveloped land. Schoolplaats could also not accommodate all the migrants and this resulted in squatting.
An overflow from Schoolplaats to the north-west and Maraba’s village occurred and in August 1888 the land was surveyed by the government. The location Marabastad was established and was situated between the Apies River in the north, Skinner Spruit in the west, Steenhoven Spruit in the east and De Korte Street in the south.
There were 67 stands varying between 1400 and 2500 square meters each. Residents were not allowed to own stands, but had to rent them from the government at 4 pounds a year.
They were allowed to build their own houses and to plant crops on empty plots. Water was acquired from the various bordering rivers and 58 wells situated in the area.
The township was not private owned and was managed by the Transvaal Boer Republic. At the outbreak of the Second Boer War in 1899 there were no rules and regulations with regard to Marabastad.
Africans who streamed to Pretoria during the war were living in squatter camps near the artillery barracks, the brickworks and the railway stations at Prinshof.
This resulted in the development of ‘New Marabastad’ in the area between Marabastad and the Asiatic Bazaar in 1900 by the British military authorities. They had been occupying the city since June 1900 and resettled refugees in the area. By 1901 there were 392 occupied stands in the New Marabastad and there was no real segregation between Africans, Asians and Coloured people.
Although New Marabastad was intended as a temporary settlement the military authorities granted permission for in their employ to erect brick houses. This resulted in the erection of other permanent structures like schools and churches.
The new Town Council was established in 1902 and it was accepted that the residents of New Marabastad would be moved to other, planned townships.
In 1903 New Marabastad had grown to 412 stands while Old Marabastad still only had 67. Along with the Cape Location, which was situated in the southern part of the Asiatic Bazaar, it fell under the jurisdiction of the City Council of that year.
The greatest problem was the provision of water and this was only addressed after the war. Due to the fear of epidemic all wells in the area had been filled during the war, and a single public tap had replaced the entire system.
New Marabastad didn’t have any wells or taps. There was an attempt to rectify this in 1903 by providing more taps, but the number was still inadequate.
In 1906 New and Old Marabastad became one location.
Rates were determined and sanitary and building regulations came into effect. These regulations didn’t achieve their objections as a result of municipal maladministration and the fact that Africans could not own land and afford well-built permanent houses.
Streets remained unpaved, the water supply was inadequate and there were no sanitary facilities worth mentioning. More and more shacks appeared. By 1907 conditions improved marginally, but the streets were left in their unkempt state and by 1910 this had still not been addressed.
The Native Affairs Department accused the Pretoria Town Council of inefficient administration, which had led directly to this situation.
Removals[edit]
South Africa portal
The relocation of residents of Old Marabastad had been on the agenda of the town council since 1903 and in 1907, when the council decided to build a new sewage farm, it became a reality.
It was decided to remove all residents of the area to a new location further away from the city centre and to demolish the old township. Now followed the struggle of finding a suitable site.
The site on the southern slope of Daspoortrand was decided on in 1912 and in January planning for the ‘New Location’ started. It would include a number of brick houses that could be rented from the municipality.
By September of the same year the first relocations were taking place and demolishing of old structures commenced. It was a slow process and Old Marabastad was only completely destroyed by 1920.
The lack of space remained a problem and New Marabastad was experiencing severe overcrowding.
By 1923 the last houses of the second municipal project was completed in New Location and Marabastad residents who had been exposed to the worst conditions were allowed to move in first.
In 1934 part of the Schoolplaats population was moved to Marabastad and the squatter problem became more severe.
There was no room for expansion due to a lack of space.
An attempt to solve these problems manifested itself in the establishment of Atteridgeville in 1939. The Marabastad community would be moved here and compensation was offered to previous owners of property in the form of new houses they could rent, but not own.
The war slowed down the process considerably, but 1949 had moved three quarters of the population of Marabastad to Atteridgeville, and by 1950 the transition was complete
De los mejores intercambios culturales que hemos tenido en la Caravana están los que hemos cruzado con la comunidad negra, como el de hoy en Baltimore.
Los sectores negro y latino sufren de la misma segregación racial estúpida engendrada por los grupos en el poder a partir de las diferencias en el color de la piel.
El apartamiento cultural es similar, sin embargo, esto facilita que entre ambos grupos sea sencillo encontrar similitudes cuando hay un ambiente de tolerancia propicio.
Lamentablemente, los poderes hegemónicos se esfuerzan porque este ambiente no ocurra, por eso promueven tanto las confrontaciones como la separación.
Pero hoy, en Baltimore, compartimos todo: cultura, música, idioma y dolor.
Incluso la tormenta que cayó hacia el final del evento nos empapó a todos por igual.
Fue hermoso.
Title: Opinion in Brown v. Board of Education of Topeka, 08/31/1951
From: Record Group/Collection: 21
Record Hierarchy Level: Item
Reference Unit: National Archives at Kansas City
Persistent URL: catalog.archives.gov/id/2641494
Repository Contact Information: NARA’s Central Plains Region (Kansas City) (NREA), 400 West Pershing Road, Kansas City, MO, 64108. .
Reproductions may be ordered via an independent vendor. NARA maintains a list of vendors at www.archives.gov/research/order/vendors-photos-maps-dc.html
Access Restrictions: Unrestricted
Use Restrictions: Unrestricted
I thought others might appreciate these tidbits of forgotten history.
Please feel free to leave any comments or thoughts or impressions... Thanks in advance!
A twin maize cob found during segregation of maize population at CIMMYT's Harare research station in Zimbabwe.
Photo credit: A. Tarekegne/CIMMYT.
To improve segregation and collection of recyclables, Tobyhanna Army Depot purchased 116 recycling containers manufactured with 75-100% recycled plastic. TYAD buys recycled-content and biobased items because it strengthens the recycling program by closing the recycling loop and stimulates demand for domestic renewable materials.
Alabama Governor George Wallace ducks behind a bulletproof podium May 12, 1972 at Capital Plaza, MD as protesters hurl pennies, fruit, rocks, paper cartons and other objects at the presidential candidate.
Wallace was a segregationist who in his inaugural speech in 1963 called for “segregation now, segregation tomorrow and segregation forever” and who famously “stood in the schoolhouse door” to block African American students from entering the University of Alabama.
He ran for the Democratic nomination for president in 1964, 1972 and 1976. He ran as a third party candidate in 1968 and is the last third party candidate to win electoral votes. In his campaigns, he called for “states’ rights” and used other coded racial language.
In 1972, Wallace was the object of protesters in Maryland at Frederick, Hagerstown and Wheaton Plaza prior to being shot at Laurel Shopping Center May 15, 1972 by Arthur Bremer.
At his appearance in Cambridge, Maryland during the height of desegregation protest and occupation by the National Guard, a demonstration was broken up by police and National Guard using tear gas and batons.
Wallace later moderated his racial views and expressed regret for his earlier remarks. He died in 1998.
For more information and related images, see flic.kr/s/aHskzBFDmR
The photographer is unknown. The image is an auction find.
The Lincoln Theatre, at 1215 U Street, NW, opened in 1922, serving the city's African American community when segregation kept them out of other venues. Designed by Reginald W. Geare, in collaboration with Harry Crandall, a local theater operator, it hosted jazz and big band performers such as Duke Ellington, Pearl Bailey, Louis Armstrong, Ella Fitzgerald, and Billie Holiday.
In 1927, the Lincoln Theatre was sold to A.E. Lichtman, who decided to turn it into a luxurious movie house, and added a ballroom, the Lincoln Colonnade. The Lincoln Theatre struggled financially after desegregation opened other movie theaters in 1953. In the late 1950s, the Colonnade was demolished. The theater fell into disrepair after the 1968 riots and in 1978, was divided into two theaters, known as the Lincoln "Twins". The Lincoln Theatre was sold to developer Jeffrey Cohen in 1983, who closed it for years. In 1993, the theatre was restored by the U Street Theatre Foundation, with $9 million of governmental aid.
The greater U Street Historic District, roughly bounded by New Hampshire Avenue, Florida Avenue, 6th Street, R Street and 16th Street, in the Shaw neighborhood of northwestern Washognton DC, is largely a Victorian-era neighborhood, made up of row houses constructed in response to the city's high demand for housing following the Civil War and the growth of the federal government in the late 19th century. The area was predominately white and middle class until 1900, but as Washington became progressively more segregated, the U Street Corridor emerged as the city's most important concentration of businesses and entertainment facilities owned and operated by blacks, becoming known as "Black Broadway" in its cultural heyday. The late 1960's saw the neighborhood begin a fall into decline, marred by violence and drug tacking, that would last well into the revitalization and gentrification of the 1990's.
Lincoln Theatre National Register #93001129 (1993)
Greater U Street Historic District National Register #98001557 (1998)
The following is the exact text of the spoken speech, transcribed from recordings.
--------------------------------------------------------------------------------
I am happy to join with you today in what will go down in history as the greatest demonstration for freedom in the history of our nation.
Five score years ago, a great American, in whose symbolic shadow we stand today, signed the Emancipation Proclamation. This momentous decree came as a great beacon light of hope to millions of Negro slaves who had been seared in the flames of withering injustice. It came as a joyous daybreak to end the long night of their captivity.
But one hundred years later, the Negro still is not free. One hundred years later, the life of the Negro is still sadly crippled by the manacles of segregation and the chains of discrimination. One hundred years later, the Negro lives on a lonely island of poverty in the midst of a vast ocean of material prosperity. One hundred years later, the Negro is still languishing in the corners of American society and finds himself an exile in his own land. So we have come here today to dramatize a shameful condition.
In a sense we have come to our nation's capital to cash a check. When the architects of our republic wrote the magnificent words of the Constitution and the Declaration of Independence, they were signing a promissory note to which every American was to fall heir. This note was a promise that all men, yes, black men as well as white men, would be guaranteed the unalienable rights of life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness.
It is obvious today that America has defaulted on this promissory note insofar as her citizens of color are concerned. Instead of honoring this sacred obligation, America has given the Negro people a bad check, a check which has come back marked "insufficient funds." But we refuse to believe that the bank of justice is bankrupt. We refuse to believe that there are insufficient funds in the great vaults of opportunity of this nation. So we have come to cash this check — a check that will give us upon demand the riches of freedom and the security of justice. We have also come to this hallowed spot to remind America of the fierce urgency of now. This is no time to engage in the luxury of cooling off or to take the tranquilizing drug of gradualism. Now is the time to make real the promises of democracy. Now is the time to rise from the dark and desolate valley of segregation to the sunlit path of racial justice. Now is the time to lift our nation from the quick sands of racial injustice to the solid rock of brotherhood. Now is the time to make justice a reality for all of God's children.
It would be fatal for the nation to overlook the urgency of the moment. This sweltering summer of the Negro's legitimate discontent will not pass until there is an invigorating autumn of freedom and equality. Nineteen sixty-three is not an end, but a beginning. Those who hope that the Negro needed to blow off steam and will now be content will have a rude awakening if the nation returns to business as usual. There will be neither rest nor tranquility in America until the Negro is granted his citizenship rights. The whirlwinds of revolt will continue to shake the foundations of our nation until the bright day of justice emerges.
But there is something that I must say to my people who stand on the warm threshold which leads into the palace of justice. In the process of gaining our rightful place we must not be guilty of wrongful deeds. Let us not seek to satisfy our thirst for freedom by drinking from the cup of bitterness and hatred.
We must forever conduct our struggle on the high plane of dignity and discipline. We must not allow our creative protest to degenerate into physical violence. Again and again we must rise to the majestic heights of meeting physical force with soul force. The marvelous new militancy which has engulfed the Negro community must not lead us to distrust of all white people, for many of our white brothers, as evidenced by their presence here today, have come to realize that their destiny is tied up with our destiny and their freedom is inextricably bound to our freedom. We cannot walk alone.
As we walk, we must make the pledge that we shall march ahead. We cannot turn back. There are those who are asking the devotees of civil rights, "When will you be satisfied?" We can never be satisfied as long as the Negro is the victim of the unspeakable horrors of police brutality. We can never be satisfied, as long as our bodies, heavy with the fatigue of travel, cannot gain lodging in the motels of the highways and the hotels of the cities. We can never be satisfied as long as a Negro in Mississippi cannot vote and a Negro in New York believes he has nothing for which to vote. No, no, we are not satisfied, and we will not be satisfied until justice rolls down like waters and righteousness like a mighty stream.
I am not unmindful that some of you have come here out of great trials and tribulations. Some of you have come fresh from narrow jail cells. Some of you have come from areas where your quest for freedom left you battered by the storms of persecution and staggered by the winds of police brutality. You have been the veterans of creative suffering. Continue to work with the faith that unearned suffering is redemptive.
Go back to Mississippi, go back to Alabama, go back to South Carolina, go back to Georgia, go back to Louisiana, go back to the slums and ghettos of our northern cities, knowing that somehow this situation can and will be changed. Let us not wallow in the valley of despair.
I say to you today, my friends, so even though we face the difficulties of today and tomorrow, I still have a dream. It is a dream deeply rooted in the American dream.
I have a dream that one day this nation will rise up and live out the true meaning of its creed: "We hold these truths to be self-evident: that all men are created equal."
I have a dream that one day on the red hills of Georgia the sons of former slaves and the sons of former slave owners will be able to sit down together at the table of brotherhood.
I have a dream that one day even the state of Mississippi, a state sweltering with the heat of injustice, sweltering with the heat of oppression, will be transformed into an oasis of freedom and justice.
I have a dream that my four little children will one day live in a nation where they will not be judged by the color of their skin but by the content of their character.
I have a dream today.
I have a dream that one day, down in Alabama, with its vicious racists, with its governor having his lips dripping with the words of interposition and nullification; one day right there in Alabama, little black boys and black girls will be able to join hands with little white boys and white girls as sisters and brothers.
I have a dream today.
I have a dream that one day every valley shall be exalted, every hill and mountain shall be made low, the rough places will be made plain, and the crooked places will be made straight, and the glory of the Lord shall be revealed, and all flesh shall see it together.
This is our hope. This is the faith that I go back to the South with. With this faith we will be able to hew out of the mountain of despair a stone of hope. With this faith we will be able to transform the jangling discords of our nation into a beautiful symphony of brotherhood. With this faith we will be able to work together, to pray together, to struggle together, to go to jail together, to stand up for freedom together, knowing that we will be free one day.
This will be the day when all of God's children will be able to sing with a new meaning, "My country, 'tis of thee, sweet land of liberty, of thee I sing. Land where my fathers died, land of the pilgrim's pride, from every mountainside, let freedom ring."
And if America is to be a great nation this must become true. So let freedom ring from the prodigious hilltops of New Hampshire. Let freedom ring from the mighty mountains of New York. Let freedom ring from the heightening Alleghenies of Pennsylvania!
Let freedom ring from the snowcapped Rockies of Colorado!
Let freedom ring from the curvaceous slopes of California!
But not only that; let freedom ring from Stone Mountain of Georgia!
Let freedom ring from Lookout Mountain of Tennessee!
Let freedom ring from every hill and molehill of Mississippi. From every mountainside, let freedom ring.
And when this happens, When we allow freedom to ring, when we let it ring from every village and every hamlet, from every state and every city, we will be able to speed up that day when all of God's children, black men and white men, Jews and Gentiles, Protestants and Catholics, will be able to join hands and sing in the words of the old Negro spiritual, "Free at last! free at last! thank God Almighty, we are free at last!"
................................Martin Luther King
August, 1963
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Two ball chains (the kind you find on light switches or inside toilets) are shaken on a square horizontal plate. The shaking provides something like temperature and the chains are something like 2D self-avoiding polymers. The two chains are each 709cm long and identical except that they are colored red and blue. After a while, they exhibit a kind of phase separation in which they each occupy non-overlapping regions of the plate. This is supposed to be an entropic effect: there are more separated configurations than mixed ones.
The shaking frequency was 20Hz. The pictures are taken 5s apart and animated at 10fps, so each second of the movie is 50 seconds of real time.
Video by Justin Bondy
Mendez family championed end of educational segregation in California
LOS ANGELES — With the theme “many backgrounds, many stories,” the U.S. Army Corps of Engineers Los Angeles District closed out Hispanic Heritage Month Oct. 13 at the District headquarters by hearing a first-hand account of a historic journey.
Sylvia Mendez was just 8 years old in 1943 when she and her brothers were denied enrollment in the Westminster School District in Orange County. At the time, roughly 80 percent of California school districts were segregated.
Sylvia’s father, Gonzalo, tried reasoning with the principal, the school board and finally the school district, to no-avail. He and other parents organized protests demanding an end to the segregation, ultimately filing the lawsuit.
They won their case in 1946, but the school district appealed. On April 14, 1947 the U.S. 9th Circuit Court of Appeals upheld the decision and California Governor Earl Warren signed a law repealing the state’s remaining school segregation statutes on June 14, 1947.
“Mendez v. Westminster School District was the precedent for Brown v. Board of Education,” said Mendez. “Seven years before the rest of the nation, California was integrated.”
The Brown v. Board of Education case in 1954 does not mention the Mendez case, but it is no coincidence that two of the key players in both cases were Warren, by then Chief Justice of the United States Supreme Court, and Thurgood Marshall, the chief counsel for the NAACP in both cases.
“As she became very sick, my mother would say, ‘nobody knows about this case and that California was the first state to be integrated, seven years before the rest of the nation’ and that’s when I promised my mother I would go around the country and talk about Mendez v. Westminster,” said Mendez.
Her mother, Felicitas, died in 1998 and Mendez has kept her promise, championing the family’s story.
Mendez’s passion has been recognized in California and around the country. Two public schools are currently named after her parents. In 2007, a U.S. Postage stamp marked the 60th anniversary of the case and on Feb. 15, 2011, President Barack Obama presented Mendez with the Presidential Medal of Freedom. With it, she once again joins Warren and Marshall.
“I talk to our folks a lot about passion in what they are doing; I see the passion in your eyes in what you are doing,” said District Commander Col. Mark Toy. “If we could all do that, it would be amazing.”
(USACE photo by Richard Rivera)
Oakland Tribune, 15 Oct 1909, Page 16 (via Newspapers dot com)
“No Oriental nor negro will ever be your neighbor, no flat nor apartment house will ever affront your eye, no unkempt garden will spoil the general beauty, no shack will ever encumber the lot next to yours. The deed we give makes these things impossible.”
I live in Rockridge. Our neighborhood (like so many others in the US) must remember the blatant racism and state-sponsored segregation that is part of its birth story. We can’t ignore this reality and its continuing effects. It should inform every housing decision we make and every local cause for which we advocate.
Recommended Reading:
More about Laymance and Rock Ridge Park (now Rockridge) →
English follows the Hebrew:
ב-11/2/13 נעצרו 10 מנשות הכותל שהחלו לפעול ב- 1988 ומאז נלחמות על זכותן הפמיניסטית להתפלל כמו הגברים בשירה בקול ולבושות בתלית,.
הן אומרות שלמרות המעצרים החוזרים הן יחזרו לשם בכל פעם מחדש עד שיכירו בזכותן להתפלל לפי אמונתן.
Ten women of the group "Women of the Wailing Wall" were arrested while fighting for there right to pray as men do dressing in a talit and singing the praier in load voice.
They say that despite repeated arrests they will repeat this act again and again until they get recognized for their right to pray according to their faith
.
ראש חודש נחשב חג עבור נשים עוד מתקופת התלמוד. בראש חודש, לפי מסורת חז"ל, הנשים פטורות מכל מלאכה, מאחר וקיבלו תגמול מאת ה' על כי לא השתתפו עם הגברים במעשה עגל הזהב.
המאבק של נשות הכותל התחיל בדצמבר 1988 לאחר הכנס הבינלאומי הראשון של פמיניסטיות יהודיות בה השתתפו עשרות נשים מכל העולם ". כחלק מהכנס, תכננו הנשים המשתתפות לקיים תפילת הודיה לשלום המדינה ברחבת הכותל עם ספר תורה. כאשר הגיעו והחלו החלו לקרוא בתורה, התפרצה השתוללות אלימה מצד עזרת הגברים. הם ירקו עליהן, התעללו בהן התעללות מילולית וסחבו להן את ספרי הסידור מהיד. כל זאת, רק בשל העובדה שנשות הכותל התפללו בקול, עטופות בטליתות ואוחזות ספר תורה.
Rosh Chodesh is considered a holiday for women since the days of the Talmud. First of the month, according to rabbinic tradition, women are exempt from all work, since the compensation received from the Lord on that did not participate with the men act the Golden Calf.
Struggle of "Women of the Wailing Wall" began in December 1988 after the first International Conference of Jewish feminists attended by dozens of women from around the world. "As part of the conference, planned to women participating to have a prayer of thanksgiving for the State at the Wall with a Torah scroll. When they arrived and began began to read from the Torah, broke Rampage violent men's section. they spat on them, abused them verbally abused and dragged them to the hand arrangement books. all this, simply because women of prayed aloud, wrapped in shawls and holding a Torah scroll.
President Edens wrote this response to Virgil Stroud when he applied to Duke. He notes that there has been "no change in policy" (meaning Duke's unwritten policy of not admitting black students) and suggests several schools that Stroud might be interested in attending.
Repository: Duke University Archives. Durham, NC. library.duke.edu/uarchives
Trying to locate this photo at the Duke University Archives? You’ll find it in the A. Hollis Edens papers, circa 1850s - 1976.
marabastad, pretoria. old polaroids and slide scans, around 1980
Marabastad was a culturally diverse community, with the Hindu Mariamman Temple arguably being its most prominent landmark.
Like the residents of other racially diverse areas in South Africa, such as District Six, "Fietas" and Sophiatown, the inhabitants of Marabastad were relocated to single-race townships further away from the city centre.
These removals were due to Apartheid laws like the Group Areas Act. Unlike Sophiatown, Fietas and District Six, it was not bulldozed, but it retained many of its original buildings, and became primarily a business district, with most shops still owned by the Indians who had also lived there previously.
Some property was however owned by the city council and the government, resulting in limited development taking place there. In addition, a large shopping complex was built to house Indian-owned shops.
The black residents of Marabastad were relocated to Atteridgeville (1945),
the Coloured residents to Eersterus (1963), and the Indian residents to Laudium (1968).
There are plans to revive once-picturesque Marabastad, and to reverse years of urban decay and neglect, although few seem to have been implemented as of 2005.
History[edit]
Marabastad was named after the local headman of a village to the west of Steenhoven Spruit. During the 1880s he lived in Schoolplaats and acted as an interpreter.
During this period some Africans lived on the farms where they were being employed and also chose to live on other, undeveloped land. Schoolplaats could also not accommodate all the migrants and this resulted in squatting.
An overflow from Schoolplaats to the north-west and Maraba’s village occurred and in August 1888 the land was surveyed by the government. The location Marabastad was established and was situated between the Apies River in the north, Skinner Spruit in the west, Steenhoven Spruit in the east and De Korte Street in the south.
There were 67 stands varying between 1400 and 2500 square meters each. Residents were not allowed to own stands, but had to rent them from the government at 4 pounds a year.
They were allowed to build their own houses and to plant crops on empty plots. Water was acquired from the various bordering rivers and 58 wells situated in the area.
The township was not private owned and was managed by the Transvaal Boer Republic. At the outbreak of the Second Boer War in 1899 there were no rules and regulations with regard to Marabastad.
Africans who streamed to Pretoria during the war were living in squatter camps near the artillery barracks, the brickworks and the railway stations at Prinshof.
This resulted in the development of ‘New Marabastad’ in the area between Marabastad and the Asiatic Bazaar in 1900 by the British military authorities. They had been occupying the city since June 1900 and resettled refugees in the area. By 1901 there were 392 occupied stands in the New Marabastad and there was no real segregation between Africans, Asians and Coloured people.
Although New Marabastad was intended as a temporary settlement the military authorities granted permission for in their employ to erect brick houses. This resulted in the erection of other permanent structures like schools and churches.
The new Town Council was established in 1902 and it was accepted that the residents of New Marabastad would be moved to other, planned townships.
In 1903 New Marabastad had grown to 412 stands while Old Marabastad still only had 67. Along with the Cape Location, which was situated in the southern part of the Asiatic Bazaar, it fell under the jurisdiction of the City Council of that year.
The greatest problem was the provision of water and this was only addressed after the war. Due to the fear of epidemic all wells in the area had been filled during the war, and a single public tap had replaced the entire system.
New Marabastad didn’t have any wells or taps. There was an attempt to rectify this in 1903 by providing more taps, but the number was still inadequate.
In 1906 New and Old Marabastad became one location.
Rates were determined and sanitary and building regulations came into effect. These regulations didn’t achieve their objections as a result of municipal maladministration and the fact that Africans could not own land and afford well-built permanent houses.
Streets remained unpaved, the water supply was inadequate and there were no sanitary facilities worth mentioning. More and more shacks appeared. By 1907 conditions improved marginally, but the streets were left in their unkempt state and by 1910 this had still not been addressed.
The Native Affairs Department accused the Pretoria Town Council of inefficient administration, which had led directly to this situation.
Removals[edit]
South Africa portal
The relocation of residents of Old Marabastad had been on the agenda of the town council since 1903 and in 1907, when the council decided to build a new sewage farm, it became a reality.
It was decided to remove all residents of the area to a new location further away from the city centre and to demolish the old township. Now followed the struggle of finding a suitable site.
The site on the southern slope of Daspoortrand was decided on in 1912 and in January planning for the ‘New Location’ started. It would include a number of brick houses that could be rented from the municipality.
By September of the same year the first relocations were taking place and demolishing of old structures commenced. It was a slow process and Old Marabastad was only completely destroyed by 1920.
The lack of space remained a problem and New Marabastad was experiencing severe overcrowding.
By 1923 the last houses of the second municipal project was completed in New Location and Marabastad residents who had been exposed to the worst conditions were allowed to move in first.
In 1934 part of the Schoolplaats population was moved to Marabastad and the squatter problem became more severe.
There was no room for expansion due to a lack of space.
An attempt to solve these problems manifested itself in the establishment of Atteridgeville in 1939. The Marabastad community would be moved here and compensation was offered to previous owners of property in the form of new houses they could rent, but not own.
The war slowed down the process considerably, but 1949 had moved three quarters of the population of Marabastad to Atteridgeville, and by 1950 the transition was complete
Panola County - Batesville School District - 1st Grade Classroom - 1955
University of Mississippi Visual Collections
John Elon Phay Collection
This is used in the blog article "Tennessee Republicans Yearn for Days of Lore" on Truthmonk blog.
On July 26, 1948, President Harry Truman issued Executive Order 9981, which ended segregation in the military based on race, color, religion, or national origin. Truman’s order was the first major blow to segregation, and a great victory for civil rights. It also gave real hope that more change was possible.
LONDON, ENGLAND - DECEMBER 19: The segregation line between the Arsenal and Tottenham fans during the Carabao Cup Quarter Final match between Arsenal and Tottenham Hotspur at Emirates Stadium on December 19, 2018 in London, United Kingdom. (Photo by Stuart MacFarlane/Arsenal FC via Getty Images)
LRCHS was the focal point of the Little Rock Integration Crisis of 1957.[7] Nine African-American students, known as the Little Rock Nine, were denied entrance to the school in defiance of the 1954 U.S. Supreme Court ruling ordering integration of public schools.[7] This provoked a showdown between the Governor Orval Faubus and President Dwight D. Eisenhower that gained international attention.[7]
On the morning of September 23, 1957, the nine African-American high school students faced an angry mob of over 1,000 White Americans protesting integration in front of Central High School in Little Rock, Arkansas.[7] As the students were escorted inside by the Little Rock police, violence escalated and they were removed from the school.[7] The next day, President Dwight D. Eisenhower ordered the 1,200-man 101st Airborne Battle Group of the U.S. Army's 101st Airborne Division from Fort Campbell, Kentucky, to escort the nine students into the school.[7] By the same order, the entire 10,000 man Arkansas National Guard was federalized, to remove them from the control of Governor Faubus.[7] At nearby Camp Robinson, a hastily organized Task Force 153rd Infantry drew guardsmen from units all over the state.[7] Most of the Arkansas Guard was quickly demobilized, but the ad hoc TF153Inf assumed control at Thanksgiving when the 327th withdrew, and patrolled inside and outside the school for the remainder of the school year. As Melba Pattillo Beals, one of the nine students, remembered, and quoted in her book, "After three full days inside Central [High School], I know that integration is a much bigger word than I thought."
On assignment for a documentary film about the Tule Lake Segregation Center during WW II. We were granted access to some stuff the general public isn't privy to. This is the inside of one of the Guard Towers that will eventually be restored.
"The Tule Lake Unit of the World War II Valor in the Pacific National Monument[4] in Modoc and Siskiyou counties in California, consists primarily of the site of the Tule Lake War Relocation Center, one of ten concentration camps constructed in 1942 by the United States government to incarcerate Japanese Americans forcibly removed from their homes on the West Coast. They totaled nearly 120,000 people, two-thirds of whom were United States citizens.
After a period of use, this facility was renamed the Tule Lake Segregation Center in 1943, and used as a maximum security, segregation camp to separate and hold those prisoners considered disloyal or disruptive to the other camps' operations. That year inmates from other camps were sent here to segregate them from the general population. Draft resisters and others who protested the injustices of the camps, including by their answers on the loyalty questionnaire, were sent here. At its peak, Tule Lake Segregation Center (with 18,700 inmates) was the largest of the ten camps and most controversial.[3]
After the war it became a holding area for Japanese Americans slated for deportation or expatriation to Japan, including some who had renounced US citizenship under duress. Many joined a class action suit because of civil rights abuses; many gained the chance to stay in the United States through court hearings but did not regain their citizenship due to opposition by the Department of Justice. The camp was not closed until March 1946, months after the end of the war. Twenty years later, members of the class action suit gained restoration of US citizenship through court rulings.
California later designated this Tule Lake camp site as a California Historical Landmark[2] and in 2006, it was ranked as a National Historic Landmark.[3] In December 2008, the Tule Lake Unit was designated by President George W. Bush as one of nine sites—the only one in the contiguous 48 states—to be part of the new World War II Valor in the Pacific National Monument, marking areas of major events during the war.[4] In addition to remains of the concentration camp, this unit includes Tulelake camp, also used during the war; as well as the rock formation known as the Peninsula/Castle Rock."
en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Tule_Lake_Unit,_World_War_II_Valor_...
#366 #project366 #project3662016 #eyefimobipro #eyefi #onephotoaday #aphotoaday #365project #project366 #project365 #lightroom #nikond800e #nikond800
Apple revived its groundbreaking Think Different advertising campaign, which featured images of great people and creative thinkers of our time, for one day only on October 26 2005 to mark the passing of Rosa Parks, the black woman who in 1955 refused to give up her seat for a white bus passenger. This action started a chain of events that brought about the end of legally enforced segregation of blacks and whites in the US.
Two young women carry Local 2609 signs during the Youth March for Integrated Schools held in Washington, D.C. April 18, 1959.
United Steelworkers of America Local 2609 represented skilled workers at Bethlehem Steel in Baltimore and would itself soon be wracked by civil rights issues as black workers demanded access and credited seniority in higher skilled jobs at the mill.
The demonstration drew 26,000 people to Washington, D.C. April 18, 1959 as estimated by U.S. Park Police.
The group met at 7th Street NW on the national Mall before marching down Madison drive to the Washington Monument grounds where they rallied at the Sylvan Theater and were addressed by Rev. Dr. Martin Luther King Jr. of the SCLC, Roy Wilkins of the NAACP and Tom Mboya of the All African People’s Conference.
This was the third national march in as many years designed to speed progress implementing the 1954 Supreme Court decision outlawing racial segregation in schools.
The 15,000 who attended the Prayer Pilgrimage for Freedom, the 10,000 who attended the 1958 youth march for school integration and the 26,000 who attended the 1959 youth march for school integration seem small by today’s standards, they exceeded any protest march since the 30,000 who attended the 1932 Bonus Army demonstrations.
These national marches also provided the test runs for mobilization and logistics that would be necessary to successfully stage the seminal 1963 March for Jobs and Freedom.
The national actions also cemented Rev. King’s status as the pre-eminent civil rights leader.
For more information and related images, see flic.kr/s/aHskWwU99i
The photographer is unknown. The image was an Internet find.
New Worlds / Magazin-Reihe
- Brian W. Aldiss / Segregation
- Sydney J. Bounds / Outside
- Lester del Rey / Keepers of the House
- John Kippax / Tower for One
- John Wyndham / The Thin Gnat-Voices
- Arthur Sellings / The Shadow People
Cover: Brian Lewis
Editor: John Carnell
Nova Publications LTD.
(London/England; July 1958)
ex libris MTP
A white mob opposed to desegregation gathers outside Southern High School in Baltimore, Maryland on either October 1 or October 4, 1954 following implementation of the U.S. Supreme Court decision barring segregation earlier in the spring.
Hundreds of white students and supporters opposed to the admittance of black students rallied outside Southern High School in south Baltimore October 1, 1954 on the first day of school desegregation.
The mob attacked four black students and one black student was beaten as they left school. Another part of the mob attempted to overturn a police car. Later a school bus was stoned.
Out of the 1780 students at Southern, only 36 were African American.
Picketing took place at five other schools. The demonstrations at Southern resumed October 4th when upwards of 2,000 marched throughout the city demanding that African American students continue to be barred from attending white schools.
In a separate rally of 500 people at the Ritchie Raceway by the National Association for the Advancement of White People, Bryant Bowles urged all Baltimore residents to keep their children out of school.
The boycott was briefly effective, but was all but over within a week.
The school system had about 140,000 students at that time—85,000 white and 55,000 black. The initial modest desegregation occurred at 52 of the city’s 190 schools.
For more information and related images, see flic.kr/s/aHskquzhMu
The photographer is unknown. Courtesy of Baltimorecitypolicehistory.com
The Rev.Jack Boelens, pastor of the Garden Memorial Presbyterian Church at 1720 Minnesota Ave. SE, urges white Anacostia High School students who staged a walkout to protest integration October 4, 1954 to return to class.
Boelens told the students:
“I want to remind you that Jesus loves you all and He died for al, white and colored. If He loved all, that’s enough for me and we should all try to do likewise.”
“The Bible says if a man says he loves God and hates he brother, he is a liar. You’ve got to look back to the very basis of your religion to make this decision and you’ve got to decide it with your God.”
Few heeded Boelens’ plea.
Upwards of 1,000 white students staged a strike and a noisy demonstration and clashed with several black students outside of Anacostia High School.
About 300 students at McKinley High School also staged a strike October 4th, the first day of integration.
The student strike spread to Eastern and six junior high schools on October 5th.
McKinley students marched to the Board of Education building October 5th and were herded into Franklin Park by police. A delegation of three students met with assistant school superintendent Norman J. Nelson.
Eastern and Anacostia students attempted marches to link up to build support for a school boycott October 5th, but were largely prevented from joining forces by District of Columbia police who halted them on the Sousa Bridge on Pennsylvania Ave. SE.
By October 6th, the strikes and school boycotts collapsed with attendance near normal.
Integration of D.C. school in the fall of 1954 followed the Supreme Court’s decision in the Bolling v. Sharpe case in May 1954.
The suit was brought by the Consolidated Parents Group, composed of working class African Americans living along the H Street/Benning Road corridor.
The Group waged a seven-year fight beginning in 1947 to improve conditions for African Americans that began with a boycott of deplorable conditions at the all black Browne Junior High on Benning Road and ended with the Court’s school desegregation order.
The District of Columbia was one of the few major segregated school systems that moved quickly to integrate schools in the wake of the four May 1954 U.S. Supreme Court decisions outlawing school segregations, including the Bolling v. Sharpe decision banning Jim Crow public schools in Washington, D.C.
However, the school system soon implemented a track system where black students were placed in the lowest tracks that included no college preparation courses and effectively segregated most black students within the schools.
The June 1967 Hobson v. Hansen decision broke up the track system, but by then white flight to the suburbs had effectively re-segregated District of Columbia public schools.
For a background post on the fight to break up D.C.’s Jim Crow schools, see washingtonareaspark.com/2015/08/20/dcs-fighting-barber-th...
For more information and related images, see flic.kr/s/aHskivJu7g
The photographer is unknown. The image is a Washington Daily News photograph courtesy of the D.C. Public Library Washington Star Collection © Washington Post.