Rapid strata formation in soft sand (field evidence).

Photo of strata formation in soft sand on a beach, created by tidal action of the sea.

Formed in a single, high tidal event. Stunning evidence which displays strata/layers revealed by digging into beach sand.

This natural example of rapid, simultaneous stratification refutes the Superposition Principle and the Principle of Lateral Continuity.

The Superposition Principle only applies on a rare occasion of sedimentary deposits in perfectly, still water. Superposition is required for the long evolutionary timescale, but the evidence shows it is not the general rule, as was once believed. Most sediment is laid down in moving water, where particle segregation is the general rule, resulting in the simultaneous deposition of strata/layers as shown in the photo.

See many other examples of rapid stratification with geological features: www.flickr.com/photos/101536517@N06/sets/72157635944904973/

Rapid, simultaneous formation of layers/strata, through particle segregation in moving water, is so easily created it has even been described by sedimentologists (working on flume experiments) as a law ...

"Upon filling the tank with water and pouring in sediments, we immediately saw what was to become the rule: The sediments sorted themselves out in very clear layers. This became so common that by the end of two weeks, we jokingly referred to Andrew's law as "It's difficult not to make layers," and Clark's law as "It's easy to make layers." Later on, I proposed the "law" that liquefaction destroys layers, as much to my surprise as that was." Ian Juby, www.ianjuby.org/sedimentation/

The example in the photo is the result of normal, everyday tidal action i a single incident. Where the water current or movement is more turbulent, violent, or catastrophic, great depths (many metres) of stratified sediment can be laid down in a short time. Certainly not the many millions of years assumed by evolutionists.

The composition of strata formed in any deposition event. is related to whatever materials are in the sediment mix, not to any particular timescale. Whatever is in the mix will be automatically sorted into strata/layers. It could be sand, or other material added from mud slides, erosion of chalk deposits, coastal erosion, volcanic ash etc. Any organic material (potential fossils), alive or dead, engulfed by, or swept into, a turbulent sediment mix, will also be sorted and buried within the rapidly, forming layers.

See many other examples of rapid stratification with geological features: www.flickr.com/photos/101536517@N06/sets/72157635944904973/

Stratified, soft sand deposit. demonstrates the rapid, stratification principle.

Important, field evidence which supports the work of the eminent, sedimentologist Dr Guy Berthault MIAS - Member of the International Association of Sedimentologists.

(Dr Berthault's experiments (www.sedimentology.fr/)

And also the experimental work of Dr M.E. Clark (Professor Emeritus, U of Illinois @ Urbana), Andrew Rodenbeck and Dr. Henry Voss, (www.ianjuby.org/sedimentation/)

Location: Sandown beach, Isle of Wight. Formed 19/01/2018, This field evidence demonstrates that multiple strata in sedimentary deposits do not need millions of years to form and can be formed rapidly. This natural example confirms the principle demonstrated by the sedimentation experiments carried out by Dr Guy Berthault and other sedimentologists. It calls into question the standard, multi-million year dating of sedimentary rocks, and the dating of fossils by depth of burial or position in the strata.

Mulltiple strata/layers and several, geological features are evident in this example.

Dr Berthault's experiments (www.sedimentology.fr/) and other experiments (www.ianjuby.org/sedimentation/) and field studies of floods and volcanic action show that, rather than being formed by gradual, slow deposition of sucessive layers superimposed upon previous layers, with the strata or layers representing a particular timescale, particle segregation in moving water or airborne particles can form strata or layers very quickly, frequently, in a single event.

And, most importantly, lower strata are not older than upper strata, they are the same age, having been created in the same sedimentary episode.

Such field studies confirm experiments which have shown that there is no longer any reason to conclude that strata/layers in sedimentary rocks relate to different geological eras and/or a multi-million year timescale. www.youtube.com/watch?v=5PVnBaqqQw8&feature=share&amp.... they also show that the relative position of fossils in rocks is not indicative of an order of evolutionary succession. Obviously, the uniformitarian principle, on which the geologic column is based, can no longer be considered valid. And the multi-million, year dating of sedimentary rocks and fossils needs to be reassessed. Rapid deposition of stratified sediments also explains the enigma of polystrate fossils, i.e. large fossils that intersect several strata. In some cases, tree trunk fossils are found which intersect the strata of sedimentary rock up to forty feet in depth. upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/commons/thumb/0/08/Lycopsi... They must have been buried in stratified sediment in a short time (certainly not millions, thousands, or even hundreds of years), or they would have rotted away. youtu.be/vnzHU9VsliQ

In fact, the vast majority of fossils are found in good, intact condition, which is testament to their rapid burial. You don't get good fossils from gradual burial, because they would be damaged or destroyed by decay, predation or erosion. The existence of so many fossils in sedimentary rock on a global scale is stunning evidence for the rapid depostion of sedimentary rock as the general rule. It is obvious that all rock containing good intact fossils was formed from sediment laid down in a very short time, not millions, or even thousands of years.

See set of photos of other examples of rapid stratification: www.flickr.com/photos/101536517@N06/sets/72157635944904973/

Carbon dating of coal should not be possible if it is millions of years old, yet significant amounts of Carbon 14 have been detected in coal and other fossil material, which indicates that it is less than 50,000 years old. www.ldolphin.org/sewell/c14dating.html

www.grisda.org/origins/51006.htm

Evolutionists confidently cite multi-million year ages for rocks and fossils, but what most people don't realise is that no one actually knows the age of sedimentary rocks or the fossils found within them. So how are evolutionists so sure of the ages they so confidently quote? The astonishing thing is they aren't. Sedimentary rocks cannot be dated by radiometric methods*, and fossils can only be dated to less than 50,000 years with Carbon 14 dating. The method evolutionists use is based entirely on assumptions. Unbelievably, fossils are dated by the assumed age of rocks, and rocks are dated by the assumed age of fossils, that's right ... it is known as circular reasoning.

* Regarding the radiometric dating of igneous rocks, which is claimed to be relevant to the dating of sedimentary rocks, in an occasional instance there is an igneous intrusion associated with a sedimentary deposit -

Prof. Aubouin says in his Précis de Géologie: "Each radioactive element disintegrates in a characteristic and constant manner, which depends neither on the physical state (no variation with pressure or temperature or any other external constraint) nor on the chemical state (identical for an oxide or a phosphate)."

"Rocks form when magma crystallizes. Crystallisation depends on pressure and temperature, from which radioactivity is independent. So, there is no relationship between radioactivity and crystallisation.

Consequently, radioactivity doesn't date the formation of rocks. Moreover, daughter elements contained in rocks result mainly from radioactivity in magma where gravity separates the heavier parent element, from the lighter daughter element. Thus radiometric dating has no chronological signification." Dr. Guy Berthault www.sciencevsevolution.org/Berthault.htm

Visit the fossil museum:

www.flickr.com/photos/101536517@N06/sets/72157641367196613/

Just how good are peer reviews of scientific papers?

www.sciencemag.org/content/342/6154/60.full

www.examiner.com/article/want-to-publish-science-paper-ju...

The neo-Darwinian idea that the human genome consists entirely of an accumulation of billions of mutations is, quite obviously, completely bonkers. Nevertheless, it is compulsorily taught in schools and universities as 'science'.

www.flickr.com/photos/truth-in-science/35505679183

_______________________________________________

GEOLOGIC PRINCIPLES (established by Nicholas Steno in the 17th Century):

What Nicolas Steno believed about strata formation is the basis of the principle of Superposition and the principle of Original Horizontality.

dictionary.sensagent.com/Law_of_superposition/en-en/

“Assuming that all rocks and minerals had once been fluid, Nicolas Steno reasoned that rock strata were formed when particles in a fluid such as water fell to the bottom. This process would leave horizontal layers. Thus Steno's principle of original horizontality states that rock layers form in the horizontal position, and any deviations from this horizontal position are due to the rocks being disturbed later.”)

BEDDING PLANES.

'Bedding plane' describes the surface in between each stratum which are formed during sediment deposition.

science.jrank.org/pages/6533/Strata.html

“Strata form during sediment deposition, that is, the laying down of sediment. Meanwhile, if a change in current speed or sediment grain size occurs or perhaps the sediment supply is cut off, a bedding plane forms. Bedding planes are surfaces that separate one stratum from another. Bedding planes can also form when the upper part of a sediment layer is eroded away before the next episode of deposition. Strata separated by a bedding plane may have different grain sizes, grain compositions, or colours. Sometimes these other traits are better indicators of stratification as bedding planes may be very subtle.”

______________________________________________

This school was used back in the day for the residents of Eloy. Apparently Eloy was the first town in Arizona to desegregate, but this larger school house was for the whites and Mexican-Americans and the smaller school house was for the African-Americans. Even the brown people had to be separated, who knew.

The windows said a lot to me. You could still see light through the glass, but the opaqueness speaks to the history of this building.

Cumbernauld’s segregation of traffic and pedestrians meant that it had consistently low road accident statistics involving pedestrians.

Reference No: North Lanarkshire Archives, U34/689

Copyright: North Lanarkshire Council

If you would like to order a copy of this image please contact us at HeritageCentre@northlan.gov.uk. Charges and copyright restrictions apply.

Columbia, South Carolina

Listed 1/14/2021

Reference Number: 100006020

Leevy’s Funeral Home built in 1951, was listed in the National Register of Historic Places in 2020 for its significance in black history and the system of segregation in Columbia, South Carolina. The funeral home was part of a community effort by the city’s Black citizens, to create alternative spaces to gather and provide one another with essential services, including funerary services. The building’s significance expands beyond funeral services as it was also a site for politics as it assisted in African American voter registration and education. The funeral home was owned and operated by Isaac Samuel (I. S.) Leevy, a prominent local political activist and community leader. The funeral home was Leevy’s home, place of business, and the center of his political actions. Leevy was heavily involved in South Carolina politics as a registered Republican who advocated for the two-party system and voter registration. Black-owned funeral homes like Leevy’s that emerged in the early twentieth century did so out of both necessity and a desire for the African American dead to be afforded the same respect as whites. Around the turn of the twentieth century, few American communities had a Black-owned funeral home. African Americans who sought out mortuary services therefore had to seek the services of white undertakers. Some simply refused to serve African Americans altogether. Black funeral homes offered African Americans the full range of services associated with caring for the dead, including embalming, burial, and, in some cases, even casket manufacturing. Leevy’s itself was ultimately among the Black funeral homes that placed emphasis on the ambulance services they offered to the local community and the respectful services they deserved.

National Register of Historic Places Homepage

Leevy's Funeral Home Columbia, South Carolina

National Register of Historic Places on Facebook

African American man walking up the stairs to a colored only entrance in the rear alley of a movie house, Belzoni, Mississippi Delta, 1939. Price of admission....10 cents. Bill board above reads, ""When you drink a Dr. Pepper ("good for life") you drink a bite to eat."

Vintage African American photography courtesy of Black History Album, The Way We Were.

Follow Us On Twitter @blackhistoryalb

Exposition : The color line

Du mardi 04 octobre 2016 au dimanche 15 janvier 2017

Quel rôle a joué l’art dans la quête d’égalité et d’affirmation de l’identité noire dans l’Amérique de la Ségrégation ? L'exposition rend hommage aux artistes et penseurs africains-américains qui ont contribué, durant près d’un siècle et demi de luttes, à estomper cette "ligne de couleur" discriminatoire.

—————

« Le problème du 20e siècle est le problème de la ligne de partage des couleurs ».

Si la fin de la Guerre de Sécession en 1865 a bien sonné l’abolition de l'esclavage, la ligne de démarcation raciale va encore marquer durablement la société américaine, comme le pressent le militant W.E.B. Du Bois en 1903 dans The Soul of Black Folks. L’exposition The Color Line revient sur cette période sombre des États-Unis à travers l’histoire culturelle de ses artistes noirs, premières cibles de ces discriminations.

Des thématiques racistes du vaudeville américain et des spectacles de Minstrels du 19e siècle à l’effervescence culturelle et littéraire de la Harlem Renaissance du début du 20e siècle, des pionniers de l’activisme noir (Frederick Douglass, Booker T. Washington) au réquisitoire de la chanteuse Billie Holiday (Strange Fruit), ce sont près de 150 ans de production artistique – peinture, sculpture, photographie, cinéma, musique, littérature… – qui témoignent de la richesse créative de la contestation noire.

The photograph of the sign was taken at the exhibit called “Testify: Americana From Slavery to Today” at the Minneapolis Central Library. Testify was an exhibit of art and artifacts from the Diane and Alan Page Collection. The exhibit ran from January 8 to February 6, 2018.

Following the Civil War to the mid-20th century, the segregation of races in places that served the public, especially in transportation and transportation facilities, was legal and widely applied in the South and portions of the Midwest United States. This practice was made the law of the land by the Plessy vs Ferguson Supreme Court decision of 1896 that upheld a Louisiana law which required provision of "separate but equal" accommodations for black and white passenger traveling by train. In 1954, Brown vs. Board of Education overturned Plessy, finding that "separate but equal" was invalid and banned racial segregation.

Jackson, MS (est. 1821, pop. 165,000)

Marker:

"On May 28, 1961, a Greyhound bus with nine Freedom Riders aboard arrived here, the third group of Riders into Jackson. The first two came on Trailways buses May 24. That summer 329 people were arrested in Jackson for integrating public transportation facilities. Convicted on "breach of peace" and jailed, most refused bail and were sent to the state penitentiary. Their protest worked. In September 1961, the federal government mandated that segregation in interstate transportation end."

The Farish Street Historic District

“but out of the bitterness we wrought an ancient past here in this separate place and made our village here.” —African Village by Margaret Walker (1915-1998)

• during the Reconstruction era that followed the American Civil War, white Southerners struggled to reclaim their lives as millions of black Southerners sought new ones • with the stroke of a pen, the Emancipation Proclamation had transformed African slaves into African Americans & released them into hostile, vengeful & well-armed white communities amid the ruins of a once flourishing society

• the antebellum South had been home to over 262,000 rights-restricted "free blacks" • post-emancipation, the free black population soared to 4.1 million • given that the South had sacrificed 20% of it's white males to the war, blacks now comprised over half the total population of some southern states • uneducated & penniless, most of the new black Americans depended on the Freedman's Bureau for food & clothing

• the social & political implications of this disruptive shift in demographics fueled a violence-laced strain of American racism • in this toxic environment, de facto racial segregation was a given, ordained as Mississippi law in 1890 • with Yankees (the U.S. Army) patrolling Jackson & Maine-born Republican Adelbert Ames installed in the Governor's Mansion, the Farish Street neighborhood was safe haven for freedmen

• as homeless African American refugees poured into Jackson from all reaches of the devastated state, a black economy flickered to life in the form of a few Farish Street mom-and-pops • unwelcome at white churches, the liberated slaves built their own, together with an entire neighborhood's worth of buildings, most erected between 1890 & 1930

• by 1908 1/3 of the district was black-owned, & half of the black families were homeowners • the 1913-1914 business directory listed 11 African American attorneys, 4 doctors, 3 dentists, 2 jewelers, 2 loan companies & a bank, all in the Farish St. neighborhood • the community also had 2 hospitals & numerous retail & service stores —City Data

• by mid-20th c. Farish Street, the state's largest economically independent African American community, had become the cultural, political & business hub for central Mississippi's black citizens [photos] • on Saturdays, countryfolk would come to town on special busses to sell produce & enjoy BBQ while they listened to live street music • vendors sold catfish fried in large black kettles over open fires • hot tamales, a Mississippi staple, were also a popular street food —The Farish District, Its Architecture and Cultural Heritage

“I’ve seen pictures. You couldn’t even get up the street. It was a two-way street back then, and it was wall-to-wall folks. It was just jam-packed: people shopping, people going to clubs, people eating, people dancing.” — Geno Lee, owner of the Big Apple Inn

• as Jackson's black economy grew, Farish Street entertainment venues prospered, drawing crowds with live & juke blues music • the musicians found or first recorded in the Neighborhood include Robert Johnson, Sonny Boy Williamson II & Elmore James

• Farish Street was also home to talent scouts & record labels like H.C. Speir, & Trumpet Records, Ace Records • both Speir & Trumpet founder Lillian McMurry were white Farish St. business owners whose furniture stores also housed recording studios • both discovered & promoted local Blues musicians —The Mississippi Encyclopedia

• Richard Henry Beadle (1884-1971), a prominent Jackson photographer, had a studio at 199-1/2 N. Farish • he was the son of Samuel Alfred Beadle (1857-1932), African-American poet & attorney • born the son of a slave, he was the author of 3 published books of poetry & stories

• The Alamo Theatre was mainly a movie theater but periodically presented musical acts such as Nat King Cole, Elmore James & Otis Spann • Wednesday was talent show night • 12 year old Jackson native Dorothy Moore entered the contest, won & went on to a successful recording career, highlighted by her 1976 no. 1 R&B hit, "Misty Blue" [listen] (3:34)

• in their heyday, Farish Street venues featured African American star performers such as Bessie Smith & the Rabbit Foot Minstrels, Louis Armstrong, Count Basie, Duke Ellington & Dinah Washington —Farish Street Records

• on 28 May, 1963, John Salter, a mixed race (white/Am. Indian) professor at historically black Tougaloo College, staged a sit-in with 3 African American students at the "Whites Only" Woolworth's lunch counter in downtown Jackson • they were refused service • an estimated 300 white onlookers & reporters filled the store

• police officers arrived but did not intercede as, in the words of student Anne Moody, "all hell broke loose" while she and the other black students at the counter prayed • "A man rushed forward, threw [student] Memphis from his seat and slapped my face. Then another man who worked in the store threw me against an adjoining counter." • this act of civil disobedience is remembered as the the signature event of Jackson's protest movement —L.A. Times

"This was the most violently attacked sit-in during the 1960s and is the most publicized. A huge mob gathered, with open police support while the three of us sat there for three hours. I was attacked with fists, brass knuckles and the broken portions of glass sugar containers, and was burned with cigarettes. I'm covered with blood and we were all covered by salt, sugar, mustard, and various other things." —John Salter

• the Woolworth Sit-in was one of many non-violent protests by blacks against racial segregation in the South • in 1969 integration of Jackson's public schools began • this new era in Jackson history also marked the beginning of Farish Street's decline —The Farish Street Project

"Integration was a great thing for black people, but it was not a great thing for black business... Before integration, Farish Street was the black mecca of Mississippi.” — Geno Lee, Big Apple Inn

• for African Americans, integration offered the possibility to shop outside of the neighborhood at white owned stores • as increasing numbers of black shoppers did so, Farish Street traffic declined, businesses closed & the vacated buildings fell into disrepair

• in 1983, a Farish St. redevelopment plan was presented

• in 1995 the street was designated an endangered historic place by the National Trust for Historic Preservation

• in the 1990s, having redeveloped Memphis' Beale Street, Performa Entertainment Real Estate was selected to redevelop Farish St

• in 2008, The Farish Street Group took over the project with plans for a B.B. King's Blues Club to anchor the entertainment district

• in 2012, having spent $21 million, the redevelopment — limited to repaving of the street, stabilizating some abandoned buildings & demolishing many of the rest — was stuck in limbo —Michael Minn

• 2017 update:

"Six mayors and 20 years after the City of Jackson became involved in efforts to develop the Farish Street Historic District, in hopes of bringing it back to the bustling state of its heyday, the project sits at a standstill. Recent Mayor Tony Yarber has referred to the district as “an albatross.” In September of 2014, the U.S. Department of Housing and Urban Development sanctioned the City of Jackson, the Jackson Redevelopment Authority, and developers for misspending federal funds directed toward the development of the Farish Street Historic District. Work is at a halt and "not scheduled to resume until December 2018, when the City of Jackson repays HUD $1.5 million." —Mississippi Dept. of Archives & History

• Farish Street Neighborhood Historic District, National Register # 80002245, 1980

Miami est. 1896, pop. 2.6MM

R • McCrory Building (early 1900s), originally 50-room McCrory Hotel managed by J. G. Urmey • open year round • photos: 1926 & 1928 • entire building converted to McCrory’s 5 and 10 Cent Store, 1936 • façade altered, store took over adjoining property behind it giving it an entrance on SE 1st St • had typical downtown arcaded walkway

L • W.T. Grant Building (1938), façade substantially altered • 1950 photo of E. Flagler St showing both bldgs.

• both stores were sites of historic CORE (Congress of Racial Equality) civil rights actions led by Dr. John O. Brown, Sr. (1922-2007) • although sit-ins targeting racial segregation already staged at St. Louis, MO & Charleston, WV, South's first sit-in occurred at the downtown Miami W.T. Grant building on the left

• in Miami, African-Americans were permitted to eat at stand-up sections of counters but not at main sections with stools • on 29, April, 1959, 20 African-American & white CORE members sat down at Grant's lunch counter & remained after service refused • The Civil Rights Movement & the Black Experience in Miami -U. of Miami

• survey by local TV commentator outside Grant's suggested Miami ready for change • 98 of 100 white participants had no objection to African-Americans being served seated, & claimed to be unaware of the law that prohibited it • during sit-ins at Grant's 5 mos. later, white customers casually took seats next to interracial groups sitting-in • according to CORE, white customers showed little hostility with just a few making anti-black or anti-Semitic remarks. -Cracking the Color Line, CORE

The city of Gary plans to raze the long-abandoned St. John's Hospital, which was built in 1929 during an era of segregation to serve the city's black community at a time when they were not welcome at "white hospitals." The decrepit hospital building at 22nd Avenue and Massachusetts Street in Midtown had been vacant since it closed in 1950, and was repeatedly named one of Indiana's most endangered buildings by Indiana Landmarks in recent years.

www.washingtonpost.com/history/2019/10/18/son-former-slav...

www.nwitimes.com/business/local/historic-st-john-hospital...

www.insideindianabusiness.com/story/41079270/historic-hos...

sites.google.com/site/stjohnshospitaldpg/

blackchristiannews.com/2019/09/gary-indiana-to-demolish-h...

Shown here is an image of Case 1 from the exhibit "The Virginia Way of Life Must Be Preserved", on display in the Nancy Marshall Gallery on the 1st floor of Swem Library at the College of William & Mary. This exhibit is part of "From Fights to Rights: The Long Road to a More Perfect Union," Swem Library's project to commemorate the 150th anniversary of the Civil War and the 50th anniversary of the Civil Rights Movement. The exhibit is on display from June 18-October 22, 2012.

The following is a transcription of the labels presented in this case:

Brown v. Board of Education, 1954:

The students and parents of Farmville’s Moton High School worked with the National Association for the Advancement of Colored People (NAACP) in suing the school board of Prince Edward County. The NAACP previously had sought to force school boards to make black schools equal to white ones, but in 1950 it had changed its strategy to try to overturn segregation as unconstitutional. It was involved in cases all over the country, not just in Virginia. The Supreme Court bundled four of the cases, including the Farmville case, together into Brown v. Board of Education of Topeka. Thurgood Marshall and other NAACP lawyers argued before the Court that segregation violated the “equal protection” clause of the Fourteenth Amendment to the U.S. constitution. Based on tests showing that black children preferred white dolls over black dolls, they also argued that mandatory segregation psychologically damaged children of color, making them internalize feelings of racial inferiority.

On May 17, 1954, the Supreme Court ruled in the Brown case that “separate educational facilities are inherently unequal.” Chief Justice Earl Warren, pictured here speaking at William & Mary later that year, worked hard to get a unanimous decision and became the target of white Southerners’ worst venom. In May 1955, in Brown II, the Supreme Court ordered that desegregation proceed “with all deliberate speed” but left supervision of the task to federal district courts.

The photograph of Moton High’s Class of 1956 visibly demonstrates that desegregation did not happen overnight. The school was just as segregated in 1956 as the schools attended by class sponsor Mabel Ragsdale Watson and her sister Laura Ragsdale when they were school girls in Roanoke decades earlier, as seen in Laura’s photo album.

The Gray Commission, 1954-1955:

The Brown decision stunned Virginia’s leaders. At first, they seemed willing to accept the Court’s ruling, but angry newspaper editors and white voters called for resistance. Governor Thomas Stanley then appointed a commission, chaired by State Senator Garland Gray and consisting entirely of white legislators, to determine how to respond. In November 1955, the Gray Commission issued recommendations designed to delay desegregation but allow localities to decide if they would desegregate quickly or not. Among other proposals, the Gray plan recommended giving tuition vouchers so parents could send their children to segregated private schools. The assembly quickly adopted the Gray Commission report in principle. Since the state constitution did not allow public money to be used for private schools, it needed to be amended for tuition vouchers to be possible. A referendum on January 9, 1956 overwhelmingly approved calling a constitutional convention which did just that.

Massive Resistance, 1956-1957:

In response to Brown II, the Arlington County School Board announced in late 1955 that it would gradually integrate. The NAACP helped parents and students file lawsuits to force integration elsewhere in Virginia. Ardent segregationists, fearing that integration anywhere

could lead to integration everywhere, demanded stronger resistance to Brown. Nowhere was resistance greater than among the white population of Southside, the most heavily black region in Virginia. Southside was the heart of the Byrd Organization, the Democratic machine that had run the state since the 1920s under the leadership of U.S. Senator Harry F. Byrd, pictured here with Republican State Senator Ted Dalton. In February 1956, Byrd proposed a program of “massive resistance” to school integration. Byrd supported the Virginia assembly’s resolution of “interposition” that declared the Brown decision unconstitutional and unenforceable, although this had no actual legal effect. More importantly, in September 1956, the assembly passed a program of massive resistance laws, known as the Stanley Plan after the governor. The plan denied state aid to any locality that allowed desegregation of even one school, authorized the governor to close any school that federal courts ordered integrated, and provided tuition grants to help white parents send their children to segregated private schools if their local public school closed.

School Closings, 1959:

The Stanley Plan met with immediate challenges in federal courts, with cases pending through 1957 and into 1958. As the school year began in the fall of 1958, federal judges ordered previously all-white schools in Warren County, Charlottesville, and Norfolk to integrate. Governor J. Lindsay Almond, Jr. shut the schools down rather than allowing them to integrate. In November, Norfolk voters voted against petitioning the governor to reopen the city schools, even though the closing affected 10,000 white students and seventeen black students. On January 19, 1959, the state supreme court ruled that the closings violated the state constitution’s provision requiring there to be public schools and the federal district court ruled that the closings violated the Fourteenth Amendment’s equal protection clause. The courts ordered that the schools be reopened.

Prince Edward County, 1959-1964 and Beyond:

After briefly considering shutting the state’s public schools down entirely, Governor Almond conceded defeat and reluctantly allowed integration to proceed very slowly. The more extreme segregationists denounced Almond as a traitor. The state legislature once again adopted a local-option plan, with tuition grants and a pupil placement program that allowed students to be assigned to schools in ways that minimized “race mixing.” The county government in Prince Edward County, in the heart of Southside, shut down its public school system entirely. Using state tuition grants, many white students attended a new private academy, but other white students and all the students of color were left without formal schooling unless they left the county. The Supreme Court in 1964 ordered Prince Edward to reopen its public schools. At that point, only five percent of African American students statewide attended integrated schools.

In 1968, the Supreme Court invalidated the pupil-placement program and ordered an end to separate white and black school systems in a decision involving New Kent County. And in 1970, a federal judge ordered a busing plan implemented to desegregate Richmond schools. Not until the late 1980s did busing end.

From the Special Collections Research Center, Earl Gregg Swem Library at the College of William and Mary. See swem.wm.edu/scrc/ for further information and assistance.

Shown here is an image of Case 1 from the exhibit "The Virginia Way of Life Must Be Preserved", on display in the Nancy Marshall Gallery on the 1st floor of Swem Library at the College of William & Mary. This exhibit is part of "From Fights to Rights: The Long Road to a More Perfect Union," Swem Library's project to commemorate the 150th anniversary of the Civil War and the 50th anniversary of the Civil Rights Movement. The exhibit is on display from June 18-October 22, 2012.

The following is a transcription of the labels presented in this case:

Brown v. Board of Education, 1954:

The students and parents of Farmville’s Moton High School worked with the National Association for the Advancement of Colored People (NAACP) in suing the school board of Prince Edward County. The NAACP previously had sought to force school boards to make black schools equal to white ones, but in 1950 it had changed its strategy to try to overturn segregation as unconstitutional. It was involved in cases all over the country, not just in Virginia. The Supreme Court bundled four of the cases, including the Farmville case, together into Brown v. Board of Education of Topeka. Thurgood Marshall and other NAACP lawyers argued before the Court that segregation violated the “equal protection” clause of the Fourteenth Amendment to the U.S. constitution. Based on tests showing that black children preferred white dolls over black dolls, they also argued that mandatory segregation psychologically damaged children of color, making them internalize feelings of racial inferiority.

On May 17, 1954, the Supreme Court ruled in the Brown case that “separate educational facilities are inherently unequal.” Chief Justice Earl Warren, pictured here speaking at William & Mary later that year, worked hard to get a unanimous decision and became the target of white Southerners’ worst venom. In May 1955, in Brown II, the Supreme Court ordered that desegregation proceed “with all deliberate speed” but left supervision of the task to federal district courts.

The photograph of Moton High’s Class of 1956 visibly demonstrates that desegregation did not happen overnight. The school was just as segregated in 1956 as the schools attended by class sponsor Mabel Ragsdale Watson and her sister Laura Ragsdale when they were school girls in Roanoke decades earlier, as seen in Laura’s photo album.

The Gray Commission, 1954-1955:

The Brown decision stunned Virginia’s leaders. At first, they seemed willing to accept the Court’s ruling, but angry newspaper editors and white voters called for resistance. Governor Thomas Stanley then appointed a commission, chaired by State Senator Garland Gray and consisting entirely of white legislators, to determine how to respond. In November 1955, the Gray Commission issued recommendations designed to delay desegregation but allow localities to decide if they would desegregate quickly or not. Among other proposals, the Gray plan recommended giving tuition vouchers so parents could send their children to segregated private schools. The assembly quickly adopted the Gray Commission report in principle. Since the state constitution did not allow public money to be used for private schools, it needed to be amended for tuition vouchers to be possible. A referendum on January 9, 1956 overwhelmingly approved calling a constitutional convention which did just that.

Massive Resistance, 1956-1957:

In response to Brown II, the Arlington County School Board announced in late 1955 that it would gradually integrate. The NAACP helped parents and students file lawsuits to force integration elsewhere in Virginia. Ardent segregationists, fearing that integration anywhere

could lead to integration everywhere, demanded stronger resistance to Brown. Nowhere was resistance greater than among the white population of Southside, the most heavily black region in Virginia. Southside was the heart of the Byrd Organization, the Democratic machine that had run the state since the 1920s under the leadership of U.S. Senator Harry F. Byrd, pictured here with Republican State Senator Ted Dalton. In February 1956, Byrd proposed a program of “massive resistance” to school integration. Byrd supported the Virginia assembly’s resolution of “interposition” that declared the Brown decision unconstitutional and unenforceable, although this had no actual legal effect. More importantly, in September 1956, the assembly passed a program of massive resistance laws, known as the Stanley Plan after the governor. The plan denied state aid to any locality that allowed desegregation of even one school, authorized the governor to close any school that federal courts ordered integrated, and provided tuition grants to help white parents send their children to segregated private schools if their local public school closed.

School Closings, 1959:

The Stanley Plan met with immediate challenges in federal courts, with cases pending through 1957 and into 1958. As the school year began in the fall of 1958, federal judges ordered previously all-white schools in Warren County, Charlottesville, and Norfolk to integrate. Governor J. Lindsay Almond, Jr. shut the schools down rather than allowing them to integrate. In November, Norfolk voters voted against petitioning the governor to reopen the city schools, even though the closing affected 10,000 white students and seventeen black students. On January 19, 1959, the state supreme court ruled that the closings violated the state constitution’s provision requiring there to be public schools and the federal district court ruled that the closings violated the Fourteenth Amendment’s equal protection clause. The courts ordered that the schools be reopened.

Prince Edward County, 1959-1964 and Beyond:

After briefly considering shutting the state’s public schools down entirely, Governor Almond conceded defeat and reluctantly allowed integration to proceed very slowly. The more extreme segregationists denounced Almond as a traitor. The state legislature once again adopted a local-option plan, with tuition grants and a pupil placement program that allowed students to be assigned to schools in ways that minimized “race mixing.” The county government in Prince Edward County, in the heart of Southside, shut down its public school system entirely. Using state tuition grants, many white students attended a new private academy, but other white students and all the students of color were left without formal schooling unless they left the county. The Supreme Court in 1964 ordered Prince Edward to reopen its public schools. At that point, only five percent of African American students statewide attended integrated schools.

In 1968, the Supreme Court invalidated the pupil-placement program and ordered an end to separate white and black school systems in a decision involving New Kent County. And in 1970, a federal judge ordered a busing plan implemented to desegregate Richmond schools. Not until the late 1980s did busing end.

From the Special Collections Research Center, Earl Gregg Swem Library at the College of William and Mary. See swem.wm.edu/scrc/ for further information and assistance.

Montgomery Bus Boycott

Sparked by the arrest of Rosa Parks on 1 December 1955, the Montgomery bus boycott was a 13-month mass protest that ended with the U.S. Supreme Court ruling that segregation on public buses is unconstitutional. The Montgomery Improvement Association (MIA) coordinated the boycott, and its president, Martin Luther King, Jr., became a prominent civil rights leader as international attention focused on Montgomery. The bus boycott demonstrated the potential for nonviolent mass protest to successfully challenge racial segregation and served as an example for other southern campaigns that followed.

In 1951, Duke hosted Temple University in a basketball game. Temple had an African American starter, Samuel Sylvester. This was Duke's first interracial basketball contest. When Sylvester's playing time was up, he received a nearly two minute standing ovation from the crowd.

Repository: Duke University Archives. Durham, NC. library.duke.edu/uarchives

Trying to locate this photo at the Duke University Archives? You’ll find it in the University Archives Photograph Collection [1860-ongoing].

The Steinhof Church ( also: Church of St. Leopold) was built in 1904-1907, designed by Otto Wagner, and is considered one of the most important buildings of the Vienna Art Nouveau. The Roman Catholic church building is located on the grounds of "Social Medical Center Baumgartnerhöhe" in the 14th district of Vienna Penzing.

History

The Church of "St. Leopold", better known as Steinhof church (or Otto Wagner church Steinhof ) arose from the construction of the Lower Austrian State Hospital and Nursing Home for nervous and mental patients at the stone courtyard (Steinhof) 1904 until 1907. The staff responsible for the planning architect Otto Wagner had to take into account that there is a church institution for mentally ill patients, and elicited in discussions with doctors and nurses, the specific requirements of such a structure. A doctor's room, toilets and emergency exits were planned, the pews have due to injury no sharp corners. Wagner, in which projects the hygienic aspects have always been a big concern, designed instead of an ordinary holy water basin, a variant with dripping holy water to reduce the risk of infections. He designed the ground sloping down to the altar, so that patients could see better in the back rows to the front. There were also separate inputs not only for nurses but also for male and female patients, since at that time in mental hospitals segregation was prescribed. Lack of money, however, both the Cross as well as the Unterkirchen (Lower Churches) for Protestants and Jews were not realized. Also a heater was not installed.

8 October 1907 the church was opened by Archduke Franz Ferdinand. Between the Archduke, who was not very fond of the Art Nouveau style, and Otto Wagner, however, there was already the beginning of creative disagreements, why Wagner was not mentioned in the opening statement, and subsequently by the Imperial Household got no more orders. These resulting from very different views on architecture and aesthetics gap misled the Neue Freie Presse in its issue of opening day to the question: "And it's not a pretty ironic histroy that pretty much the first sensible large-scale secession building in Vienna has been built for the insanes?".

After about six years of extensive renovation, the church was established and on in October 1st 2006 reopened. Among other things, the dome was re-gilded using 2 kg of gold, replaced the drum base with artificially patinated copper sheets and the marble facade completely replaced. Windows, mosaics and figures have been carefully cleaned and restored. Now radiant with the new look and highly visible in the western part of Vienna golden dome, reminiscent of half a lemon, incidentally, owes Baumgartnerhöhe on which the church stands, it's nickname" Lemoniberg" . The church, in 2007, three new bells were made by the Grassmayr bell foundry. The church is only open for worship, as well as on Saturdays and Sundays to prevent entry. On these days, guided tours.

Architecture

St. Leopold

Severin

The church Steinhof is next to the Secession building one of the masterpieces of Art Nouveau in Vienna and has parallels with the design, designed by Otto Wagner student of Max Hegele and 1910 finished Charles Borromeo Church in Vienna's central cemetery. One of the distinctive features of the church is based on a Byzantine motif golden dome, lined the inside of a structure is supported. On the bell towers on the west front of St. Leopold enthroned as the patron of Lower Austria and Vienna and to the east of the preacher Severin. The figures were created by Richard Luksch. As well as the orientation of the church to the south rather than east introduced the representation of saints sitting rather than standing one represents a breakthrough

Under the cornice is a decorative strip with crosses and Loorbeerkränzen (laurel wreaths) that are often incorporated in Otto Wagner buildings, such as, for example, in the Postal Savings Bank or the cast iron railings of the rail. About the time used only to larger celebrations are four main entrance created by Othmar Schimkowitz angel figurines with heads bowed to the church square. In a storm the second angel was torn away from the right head and been re-soldered from the janitor, but with their heads held high. This situation was corrected for the renovation.

Stained glass window

The physical virtues

The arrangement of the stained glass windows were designed by Otto Wagner, so that the church interior is flooded with natural light as possible. The glass mosaic window in Tiffany Style created by Koloman Moser. The west window with the motto "Verily I say unto you. Inasmuch as ye have done it unto one of these my brethren ye have done it unto me " shows the physical virtues. The angels on the Saints hold the humble grave cloth of Jesus. Reduces the altar when viewed from bottom to top the head.

St. Elizabeth with Roses: Feed the hungry

Rebecca St. in offering the potion: The Thirsty soak

St. Bernard: The strangers house

St. Martin with the sword to divide the mantle: The naked clothe

Visit the sick: John of God, the founder of the Order of the Brothers of Charity

John of Matha, founder of the Order of the Trinity: The released prisoners

Tobias with a shovel: the dead bury

The intellectual virtues

The east window with the motto " Blessed are the merciful for they shall obtain mercy " shows the intellectual virtues. The angel looking up at a dove. The altar lift up the head.

John the Baptist: rebuke the sinner

Francis de Sales: instruct the ignorant

Clement Mary Hofbauer advise the doubters right

St. Therese: The Afflicted comfort

The suffering injustice with patience: Joseph of Egypt

Stephan: To those who have offended us a pardon

Abraham ask for living and the dead with God

The four windows in the dome, the four evangelists.

Altarpiece

The altarpiece the promise of heaven should be originally designed by Koloman Moser. Even with the side windows there had been criticism and objections from Henry Swoboda prelate, who had been entrusted with the supervision of the Church. However, as Moser married Ditha Susi Mautner married and he converted to Protestantism, he was removed from the job despite intercessions of Otto Wagner. The already operating in parallel at this time of the order Carl Ederer submitted a design that was similar to that of Moser and originated in this form at the urging Swoboda. Moser Ederer consequently accused of plagiierens (plagiating), whereupon he had left at the urging of the other members of the Secession, from the Moser in 1905, filed suit. The trial ended with a settlement and the apology Moser Expressing liveliest regret" about the " ignorance of the circumstances". At the opening of the church in 1907, only the design of Ederer thus could be issued on cardboard. In agreement with Moser and Wagner 1910 was a renewed design of Remigius Geyling, but because of "lack of suitability" in 1911 he took off the job. The execution of 84.8 m2 and four-ton mosaic was ultimately performed by Leopold Forstner.

The altarpiece is in the middle of the blessing Christ and two angels .

Stand at his right

The Virgin Mary

St. Dymphna, patron saint of the mentally ill

St. Aloysius, who took care of plague victims and the dignified burial

St. Margaret, patron saint of women in labor and in all wounds, one of the Fourteen Holy Helpers

St. Vitus, helpers in mental illness and the patron saint of epilepsy, one of the Fourteen Holy Helpers

Severin of Noricum, the patron saint of Bavaria, the prisoners, growers and weavers as well as for fertility of the vines

Standing to his left

St. Joseph

St. Elizabeth of Thuringia, a symbol of active charity

Hermann the German, the first prior of a Dominican convent in the German speaking Friesach

St. Christopher, helpers against unsuspecting death, patron saint of travelers, one of the Fourteen Holy Helpers

St. Francis of Assisi, patron saint of the poor and social work. Helper for headaches and the plague

St. Pantaleon, Patron of doctors and midwives, one of the Fourteen Holy Helpers

On the steps of the Church kneels St. Leopold kneels and he is handing over the Steinhofkirche. The figures at the side of the altarpiece are representing Paul with sword and Peter with keys. The altar was made ​​according to designs by Otto Wagner. The mosaics of the side altars have been made by Rudolf Jettmar. The right shows the Annunciation left the Archangel Gabriel. The confessionals were manufactured by the Wiener Werkstätte.

Otto Wagner, Kirche Am Steinhof, 1904-07, Church Am Steinhof - Projekt Museum Am Steinhof, Otto-Wagner-Spital (Hospital)

de.wikipedia.org/wiki/Kirche_am_Steinhof

Blue Triangle Branch YWCA, Wheeling, W. Va., March, 1948

#blackhistorymonth

▶ Read more about the Blue Triangle Branch of the YWCA in Wheeling

- photo from the YWCA Collection of the Ohio County Public Library Archives.

▶ Visit the Library's Wheeling History website

The photos on the Ohio County Public Library's Flickr site may be freely used by non-commercial entities for educational and/or research purposes as long as credit is given to the "Ohio County Public Library, Wheeling WV." These photos may not be reproduced in any format for profit or other presentation without the permission of The Ohio County Public Library.

why there was thought to be the necessity for such a turnout on behalf of police agencies (none of them were there because they think it beautiful (hey & where the fuck was Jeff "the" Leiper, anyway?)) is beyond my ability to rationalize: did they really expect a buncha do-gooder hipsters to get rowdy & break out the machetes or something? [there was one in the boat downstairs...

The dugong is an example of a living fossil, it is un-evolved after millions of years and remains alive today unchanged from its fossil ancestors.

Rapid formation of strata, latest evidence:

www.flickr.com/photos/101536517@N06/sets/72157635944904973/

Fossil museum: www.flickr.com/photos/101536517@N06/sets/72157641367196613/

The formation of fossils.

What many people don't seem to realise is that all good, intact fossils require rapid burial in sufficient sediment to prevent decay or predatory destruction.

So it is evident that rock containing good, undamaged fossils was laid down rapidly, quite likely in catastrophic conditions.

Another important factor is that many large fossils (tree trunks, large fish, dinosaurs etc.) intersect several or many strata (sometimes called layers) which indicates that multiple strata were formed simultaneously in a single event by grading/segregation of sedimentary particles into distinct layers, and not stratum by stratum over long periods of time or different geological eras, which is the evolutionist's, uniformitarian interpretation of the geological column.

Rapid formation of strata, latest evidence:

www.flickr.com/photos/101536517@N06/sets/72157635944904973/

Fossil museum: www.flickr.com/photos/101536517@N06/sets/72157641367196613/

There is no credible mechanism for progressive evolution.

The dugong is an example of a living fossil, it is un-evolved after millions of years and remains alive today unchanged from its fossil ancestors.

Rapid formation of strata, latest evidence:

www.flickr.com/photos/101536517@N06/sets/72157635944904973/

Fossil museum: www.flickr.com/photos/101536517@N06/sets/72157641367196613/

The formation of fossils.

What many people don't seem to realise is that all good, intact fossils require rapid burial in sufficient sediment to prevent decay or predatory destruction.

So it is evident that rock containing good, undamaged fossils was laid down rapidly, quite likely in catastrophic conditions.

Another important factor is that many large fossils (tree trunks, large fish, dinosaurs etc.) intersect several or many strata (sometimes called layers) which indicates that multiple strata were formed simultaneously in a single event by grading/segregation of sedimentary particles into distinct layers, and not stratum by stratum over long periods of time or different geological eras, which is the evolutionist's, uniformitarian interpretation of the geological column.

Rapid formation of strata, latest evidence:

www.flickr.com/photos/101536517@N06/sets/72157635944904973/

Fossil museum: www.flickr.com/photos/101536517@N06/sets/72157641367196613/

There is no credible mechanism for progressive evolution.

Darwin believed that there was unlimited variability in the gene pool of all creatures and plants.

However, the changes possible through selective breeding were known by breeders to be strictly limited.

This was due to the fact that the changes seen in selective breeding were due to the shuffling, deletion and emphasis of genetic information already existing in the gene pool (micro-evolution). There was no viable mechanism for creating new, beneficial, genetic information required to create entirely new structures and features (macro-evolution).

Darwin ignored the limits which were well known to breeders (even though he selectively bred pigeons himself, and should have known better). He simply extrapolated the limited, minor changes observed in selective breeding to major, unlimited, progressive changes able to create new structures, organs etc. through natural selection, over millions of years.

Of course, the length of time involved made no difference, the existing, genetic information could not increase of its own accord, no matter how long the timescale.

That was a gigantic flaw in Darwinism, and opponents of Darwin's ideas tried to argue that changes were limited, as selective breeding had demonstrated. But because Darwinism had acquired an ideological status, belief in it outweighed the verdict of observational and experimental science, and classical Darwinism became scientific orthodoxy for nearly a century.

Opponents continued to argue all this time, that Darwinism was unscientific nonsense, but they were ostracised and ridiculed as cranks, weirdoes or religious fanatics.

Finally however, it was discovered that the opponents of Darwin were perfectly correct - and that constructive, genetic changes require new, additional, genetic information.

This looked like the ignominious end of Darwinism, as there was no credible, natural mechanism able to create new, constructive, genetic information. And Darwinism should have been heading for the dustbin of history,

However, rather than ditch the whole idea, the vested interests in Darwinism had become so great, with numerous, lifelong careers and an ideological agenda involved in the Darwinian belief system, a desperate attempt was made to rescue it from its justified demise.

A mechanism had to be invented to explain the origin of new, constructive information.

That invented mechanism was 'mutations'. Mutations are ... genetic, copying MISTAKES.

The public had already been convinced that classical Darwinism was a scientific fact, and that anyone who questioned it was a crank, so all that had to be done was to give the impression that the theory had simply been refined and updated in the light of modern science.

The fact that classical Darwinism had been wrong all along, and was fatally flawed from the outset was kept quiet.

The new developments were simply portrayed as the evolution and development of the theory. The impression was given that there was nothing wrong with the idea of progressive (macro) evolution, it had simply evolved in the light of greater knowledge.

The new, improved Darwinism became known as Neo-Darwinism.

So what is Neo-Darwinism?

It is progressive, macro evolution based on the ludicrous idea that random mutations (accidental, genetic, copying mistakes) selected by natural selection, can provide constructive, genetic information capable of creating entirely new features, structures, organs, and biological systems. Macro evolution is based on a belief in a complete progression from microbes to man through millions of random, genetic, copying MISTAKES. There is no evidence for it whatsoever, it is unscientific nonsense which defies logic.

Micro-evolution is simply the small changes which take place, through natural selection or selective breeding, but only within the strict limits of the built-in variability of the existing gene pool. Any changes outside the extent of the existing gene pool requires a credible mechanism for the creation of new, constructive, genetic information, that is what is essential for macro evolution. Micro evolution does not involve or require the creation of any new, genetic information. So micro evolution and macro evolution are entirely different. There is no connection between them at all.

Neo-Darwinian, macro evolution is the ridiculous idea that everything in the genome of humans and every living thing past and present (apart from the original genetic information in the very first living cell) is the result of millions of genetic copying mistakes..... mutations ... of mutations .... of mutations.... of mutations .... and so on - and on - and on.

In other words, Neo-Darwinism proposes that the complete genome (every scrap of genetic information in the DNA) of every living thing that has ever lived was created by a series ... of mistakes ... of mistakes .... of mistakes .... of mistakes etc. etc.

If we look at the whole picture we soon realise that what is actually being proposed by evolutionists is that, apart from the original information in the first living cell - every additional scrap of genetic information for all - features, structures, systems and processes that exist, or have ever existed in living things, such as:

skin, bones, bone joints, shells, flowers, leaves, wings, scales, muscles, fur, hair, teeth, claws, toe and finger nails, horns, beaks, nervous systems, blood, blood vessels, brains, lungs, hearts, digestive systems, vascular systems, liver, kidneys, pancreas, bowels, immune systems, senses, eyes, ears, sex organs, sexual reproduction, sperm, eggs, pollen, the process of metamorphosis, marsupial pouches, marsupial embryo migration, mammary glands, hormone production, melanin etc. .... have been created from scratch, by an incredibly long series of small, accumulated mistakes ... mistake - upon mistake - upon mistake - upon mistake - over and over again, millions of times. That is ... every part, system and process of all living things are the result of literally billions of genetic MISTAKES of MISTAKES, accumulated over many millions of years.

So what we are asked to believe is that something like a vascular system, or reproductive organs, developed in small, random, incremental steps, with every step being the result of a copying mistake, and with each step being able to provide a significant survival or reproductive advantage in order to be preserved and become dominant in the gene pool. Incredible!

If you believe that ... you will believe anything.

Even worse, evolutionists have yet to cite a single example of a positive, beneficial, mutation which adds constructive information to the genome of any creature. Yet they expect us to believe that we have been converted from an original, single living cell into humans by an accumulation of billions of beneficial mutations (mistakes).

Conclusion:

Progressive, microbes-to-man evolution is impossible - there is no credible mechanism to produce all the new, genetic information which is essential for that to take place.

The evolution story is an obvious fairy tale presented as scientific fact.

However, nothing has changed - those who dare to question Neo-Darwinism are still portrayed as idiots, retards, cranks, weirdoes, anti-scientific ignoramuses or religious fanatics.

Want to join the club?

What about the fossil record?

All creatures and plants alive today, which are found as fossils, are the same in their fossil form as the living examples, in spite of the fact that the fossils are claimed to be millions of years old. So all living things today could be called 'living fossils' inasmuch as there is no evidence of any evolutionary changes in the alleged multi-million year timescale. The fossil record shows either extinct species or unchanged species, that is all.

The Cambrian Explosion.

Trilobites and other many creatures appeared suddenly in some of the earliest rocks of the fossil record, with no intermediate ancestors. This sudden appearance of a great variety of advanced, fully developed creatures is called the Cambrian Explosion. Trilobites are especially interesting because they have complex eyes, which would need a lot of progressive evolution to develop such advanced features However, there is no evidence of any evolution leading up to the Cambrian Explosion, and that is a serious dilemma for evolutionists.

Trilobites are now thought to be extinct, although it is possible that similar creatures could still exist in unexplored parts of deep oceans.

Rapid formation of strata - latest evidence:

www.flickr.com/photos/101536517@N06/sets/72157635944904973/

See fossil of a crab unchanged after many millions of years:

www.flickr.com/photos/101536517@N06/12702046604/in/set-72...

Fossil museum: www.flickr.com/photos/101536517@N06/sets/72157641367196613/

What about all the claimed scientific evidence that evolutionists have found for evolution?

The evolutionist 'scientific' method has resulted in a serious decline in scientific integrity, and has given us such scientific abominations as:

Piltdown Man (a fake),

Nebraska Man (a pig),

South West Colorado Man (a horse),

Orce man (a donkey),

Embryonic Recapitulation (a fraud),

Archaeoraptor (a fake),

Java Man (a giant gibbon),

Peking Man (a monkey),

The Horse Series (unrelated species cobbled together),

Peppered Moth (faked photographs)

Etc. etc.

Anyone can call anything 'science' ... it doesn't make it so.

All these examples were trumpeted by evolutionists as scientific evidence for evolution.

Do we want to trust evolutionists claims about scientific evidence, when they have such an appalling record?

Just how good are peer reviews of scientific papers?

www.sciencemag.org/content/342/6154/60.full

www.examiner.com/article/want-to-publish-science-paper-ju...

Piltdown Man and Nebraska Man were even used in the famous, Scopes Trial as positive evidence for evolution.

Piltdown Man reigned for over 40 years, as a supreme example of human evolution, before it was exposed as a crudely, fashioned fake.

Is that 'science'?

The ludicrous Hopeful Monster Theory and so-called Punctuated Equilibrium (evolution in big jumps) were invented by evolutionists as a desperate attempt to explain away the lack of fossil evidence for evolution. They are proposed methods of evolution which, it is claimed, need no fossil evidence. They are actually an admission that the required fossil evidence does not exist.

Piltdown Man... it survived as alleged proof of evolution for over 40 years in evolution textbooks and was taught in schools and universities, it survived peer reviews etc. and was used as supposed irrefutable evidence for evolution at the famous Scopes Trial..

Nebraska Man, this was a single tooth of a peccary. it was trumpeted as evidence for the evolution of humans, and artists impressions of an ape-like man appeared in newspapers magazines etc. It was also used as 'scientific' evidence for evolution in the Scopes Trial. Such 'scientific' evidence is enough to make any genuine, respectable scientist weep.

South West Colorado Man, another tooth .... of a horse this time... It was presented as evidence for human evolution.

Orce man, a fragment of skullcap, which was most likely from a donkey, but even if it was human. such a tiny fragment is certainly not any proof of human evolution as it was made out to be.

Embryonic Recapitulation, the evolutionist zealot Ernst Haeckel (who was a hero of Hitler) published fraudulent drawings of embryos and his theory was readily accepted by evolutionists as proof of evolution. Even after he was exposed as a fraudster, evolutionists still continued to use his fraudulent evidence in books and publications on evolution, including school textbooks, until very recently.

Archaeoraptor, A so-called feathered dinosaur from the Chinese fossil faking industry. It managed to fool credulous evolutionists, because it was exactly what they were looking for. The evidence fitted the wishful thinking.

Java Man, Dubois, the man who discovered Java Man and declared it a human ancestor ..... admitted much later that it was actually a giant gibbon, however, that spoilt the evolution story which had been built up around it, so evolutionists were reluctant to get rid of it, and still maintained it was a human ancestor. Dubois had also 'forgotten' to mention that he found the bones of modern humans at the same site.

Peking Man, made up from monkey skulls which were found in an ancient limestone burning industrial site where there were crushed monkey skulls and modern human bones. Drawings were made of Peking Man, but the original skull conveniently disappeared. So that allowed evolutionists to continue to use it as evidence without fear of it ever being debunked.

The Horse Series, unrelated species cobbled together, They were from different continents and were in no way a proper series of intermediates, They had different numbers of ribs etc. and the very first in the line, is similar to a creature alive today - the Hyrax.

Peppered Moth, moths were glued to trees to fake photographs for the peppered moth evidence. They don't normally rest on trees in daytime. In any case, the selection of a trait which is part of the variability of the existing gene pool, is not progressive evolution. It is just normal, natural selection within limits, which no-one disputes.

Forrest Carter / Wartet auf mich am Fuße des Berges

Der Untergang der Apachen

Originaltitel: Watch for me on the Mountain

aus dem Amerikanischen übersetzt von Rudolf Röder

cover: Wolfgang Bethke

Bertelsmann Club / Deutschland

Copyright: Hestia Verlag / Bayreuth 1980

ex libris MTP

en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Asa_Earl_Carter

waste segregation unit cum residential home

Highmast not in used many months

Title: [Gov. Farris Bryant Addresses Senate Commerce Committee]

Date of film: July 30, 1963.

Physical descrip: B&W; sound; original length: 12:30.

Local call number: V-57; BA151.

General note: Excerpt of original. Governor Bryant addresses the Senate Commerce Committee in Washington concerning Senate Bill 1732 on rights and interstate busing. Bryant argues for the rights of property owners to discriminate against customers, that if customers have the right to choose which businesses they will use, then businesses equally have the right to choose which customers they will serve. Florida Senator Spessard Holland introduces Bryant to the committee, and Strom Thurmond, who sits on the committee, tells Bryant that he agrees with him. Produced by FDC.

To see full-length versions of this and other videos from the State Archives of Florida, visit www.floridamemory.com/video/.

Repository: State Library and Archives of Florida, 500 S. Bronough St., Tallahassee, FL 32399-0250 USA. Contact: 850.245.6700. Archives@dos.state.fl.us

Persistent URL: www.floridamemory.com/items/show/232423

Iran - Bus - entrées et files séparées pour les femmes et les hommes - porte arrière pour les femmes, porte avant pour les hommes

segregation

Shown here is a label from Case 1 of the exhibit "The Virginia Way of Life Must Be Preserved", on display in the Nancy Marshall Gallery on the 1st floor of Swem Library at the College of William & Mary. This exhibit is part of "From Fights to Rights: The Long Road to a More Perfect Union," Swem Library's project to commemorate the 150th anniversary of the Civil War and the 50th anniversary of the Civil Rights Movement. The exhibit is on display from June 18-October 22, 2012.

The following is a transcription of the labels presented in this case:

Brown v. Board of Education, 1954:

The students and parents of Farmville’s Moton High School worked with the National Association for the Advancement of Colored People (NAACP) in suing the school board of Prince Edward County. The NAACP previously had sought to force school boards to make black schools equal to white ones, but in 1950 it had changed its strategy to try to overturn segregation as unconstitutional. It was involved in cases all over the country, not just in Virginia. The Supreme Court bundled four of the cases, including the Farmville case, together into Brown v. Board of Education of Topeka. Thurgood Marshall and other NAACP lawyers argued before the Court that segregation violated the “equal protection” clause of the Fourteenth Amendment to the U.S. constitution. Based on tests showing that black children preferred white dolls over black dolls, they also argued that mandatory segregation psychologically damaged children of color, making them internalize feelings of racial inferiority.

On May 17, 1954, the Supreme Court ruled in the Brown case that “separate educational facilities are inherently unequal.” Chief Justice Earl Warren, pictured here speaking at William & Mary later that year, worked hard to get a unanimous decision and became the target of white Southerners’ worst venom. In May 1955, in Brown II, the Supreme Court ordered that desegregation proceed “with all deliberate speed” but left supervision of the task to federal district courts.

The photograph of Moton High’s Class of 1956 visibly demonstrates that desegregation did not happen overnight. The school was just as segregated in 1956 as the schools attended by class sponsor Mabel Ragsdale Watson and her sister Laura Ragsdale when they were school girls in Roanoke decades earlier, as seen in Laura’s photo album.

The Gray Commission, 1954-1955:

The Brown decision stunned Virginia’s leaders. At first, they seemed willing to accept the Court’s ruling, but angry newspaper editors and white voters called for resistance. Governor Thomas Stanley then appointed a commission, chaired by State Senator Garland Gray and consisting entirely of white legislators, to determine how to respond. In November 1955, the Gray Commission issued recommendations designed to delay desegregation but allow localities to decide if they would desegregate quickly or not. Among other proposals, the Gray plan recommended giving tuition vouchers so parents could send their children to segregated private schools. The assembly quickly adopted the Gray Commission report in principle. Since the state constitution did not allow public money to be used for private schools, it needed to be amended for tuition vouchers to be possible. A referendum on January 9, 1956 overwhelmingly approved calling a constitutional convention which did just that.

Massive Resistance, 1956-1957:

In response to Brown II, the Arlington County School Board announced in late 1955 that it would gradually integrate. The NAACP helped parents and students file lawsuits to force integration elsewhere in Virginia. Ardent segregationists, fearing that integration anywhere

could lead to integration everywhere, demanded stronger resistance to Brown. Nowhere was resistance greater than among the white population of Southside, the most heavily black region in Virginia. Southside was the heart of the Byrd Organization, the Democratic machine that had run the state since the 1920s under the leadership of U.S. Senator Harry F. Byrd, pictured here with Republican State Senator Ted Dalton. In February 1956, Byrd proposed a program of “massive resistance” to school integration. Byrd supported the Virginia assembly’s resolution of “interposition” that declared the Brown decision unconstitutional and unenforceable, although this had no actual legal effect. More importantly, in September 1956, the assembly passed a program of massive resistance laws, known as the Stanley Plan after the governor. The plan denied state aid to any locality that allowed desegregation of even one school, authorized the governor to close any school that federal courts ordered integrated, and provided tuition grants to help white parents send their children to segregated private schools if their local public school closed.

School Closings, 1959:

The Stanley Plan met with immediate challenges in federal courts, with cases pending through 1957 and into 1958. As the school year began in the fall of 1958, federal judges ordered previously all-white schools in Warren County, Charlottesville, and Norfolk to integrate. Governor J. Lindsay Almond, Jr. shut the schools down rather than allowing them to integrate. In November, Norfolk voters voted against petitioning the governor to reopen the city schools, even though the closing affected 10,000 white students and seventeen black students. On January 19, 1959, the state supreme court ruled that the closings violated the state constitution’s provision requiring there to be public schools and the federal district court ruled that the closings violated the Fourteenth Amendment’s equal protection clause. The courts ordered that the schools be reopened.

Prince Edward County, 1959-1964 and Beyond:

After briefly considering shutting the state’s public schools down entirely, Governor Almond conceded defeat and reluctantly allowed integration to proceed very slowly. The more extreme segregationists denounced Almond as a traitor. The state legislature once again adopted a local-option plan, with tuition grants and a pupil placement program that allowed students to be assigned to schools in ways that minimized “race mixing.” The county government in Prince Edward County, in the heart of Southside, shut down its public school system entirely. Using state tuition grants, many white students attended a new private academy, but other white students and all the students of color were left without formal schooling unless they left the county. The Supreme Court in 1964 ordered Prince Edward to reopen its public schools. At that point, only five percent of African American students statewide attended integrated schools.

In 1968, the Supreme Court invalidated the pupil-placement program and ordered an end to separate white and black school systems in a decision involving New Kent County. And in 1970, a federal judge ordered a busing plan implemented to desegregate Richmond schools. Not until the late 1980s did busing end.

From the Special Collections Research Center, Earl Gregg Swem Library at the College of William and Mary. See swem.wm.edu/scrc/ for further information and assistance.

Homer Plessy was a African-American famed for his defeat in the landmark Civil Rights case Plessy vs Ferguson, in which the US Supreme Court under Chief Justice Henry Brown upheld racial segregation under the doctrine of the doctrine of "separate but equal".

Homer Plessey was born to a middle class family and was 1/8 black and 7/8 white. Under the old French Code Noir, Plessey counted as an "octoroon", a colored Creole with rights and privileges above that of higher African blood. However under the American "one drop rule" that finally entered New Orleans after the White League takeover, Plessy was black. For all appearances, he looked white.

Plessy evidently lived a middle-class life as a shoemaker, clerk, and selling insurance. However he was active as a member of the Comité des Citoyens, a Civil Rights group that opposed the increased back-stepping of New Orleans following Reconstruction. In 1890, Louisiana passed the Separate Car Act, which required "equal, but separate" train car accommodations for Blacks and Whites. Opposing this move, the Comité hoped to send a test case before the United States Supreme Court, where it would be struck down under the 14th Amendment of the Constitution. The first case failed after the law was struck down over violating the interstate commerce instead. Hence, another attempt was needed. Homer Plessy volunteered.

On June 7, 1892, Plessy purchased a first-class ticket from New Orleans to Covington, LA and sat in the "white's only" car. Being light-skinned, he could pass off as white. However when the conductor came to collect the ticket, Plessy announced that he was in fact only 7/8 white and refused to sit in the "blacks-only" car. Plessy was immediately arrested by Detective Chris Cain, and imprisoned then released on $500 bail.

The case went to the Louisiana Supreme Court, where the law was upheld, as expected. However the case was appealed to the Supreme Court. Plessy's lawyers argued that Louisiana had violated the 13th Amendment granting freedom to the slaves, as well as the 14th Amendment stating that, "no state shall make or enforce any law which shall abridge the privileges or immunities of citizens of the United States;nor shall any state deprive any person of life, liberty, and property without due process of law."

On May 18, 1896, Justice Henry Brown delivered the majority opinion 7/8 justices (one absent due to a family emergency), agreeing with Louisiana and stating that "The object of the Fourteenth Amendment ... could not have been intended to abolish distinctions based on color, or to enforce social, as distinguished from political equality, or a commingling of the two races upon terms unsatisfactory to the either...".

Only Justice John Marshall Harlan, a Kentucky Republican, disagreed, writing a emphatic dissent, declaring:

"The white race deems itself to be the dominant race in this country...But in view of the constitution, in the eye of the law, there is in this country no superior, dominant, ruling class of citizens. There is no caste here. Our constitution is color-blind, and neither knows nor tolerates classes among citizens. In respect of civil rights, all citizens are equal before the law. The humblest is the peer of the most powerful. The law regards man as man, and takes no account of his surroundings or of his color when his civil rights as guaranteed by the supreme law of the land are involved. It is therefore to be regretted that this high tribunal, the final expositor of the fundamental law of the land, has reached the conclusion that it is competent for a state to regulate the enjoyment by citizens of their civil rights solely upon the basis of race.

In my opinion, the judgment this day rendered will, in time, prove to be quite as pernicious as the decision made by this tribunal in the Dred Scott Case."

The "Separate but Equal" doctrine, enshrined by Plessy vs Ferguson, remained valid until it was finally overturned Brown v. Board of Education (1954), and later completely outlawed by the federal Civil Rights Act of 1964.

Homer Plessy was fined $25. He lived out his days without further incident. After his death, his friends buried him in St. Louis Cemetery No. 1, hero of the first post-Reconstruction Civil Rights Case. Many more would follow.

Tremé, New Orleans, Louisiana

Parts of the Birwood Wall, a 6 foot tall half mile long wall built to separate a new white neighborhood from an existing black neighborhood in 1940 near 8 Mile Road in Detroit. It was built in order to satisfy Federal Housing Administration Loan Requirements for segregated neighborhoods.

Olympus IS-3

Kodak Ektar 100

John Paul Dietrich (center, with tie) prepares to board a bus in Montgomery, Al. bound for New Orleans as a “freedom rider” May 24, 1961 seeking to break Jim Crow on interstate buses.

Dietrich, from Arlington, Va., was a student at Georgetown University and an activist with the Washington, D.C. based Non-Violent Action Group (NAG) and a veteran of picket lines and sit-ins in the greater Washington, D.C. area 1960-61.

Civil rights leader Rev. Martin Luther King Jr. came to see this group of freedom riders off and his pictured immediately behind Dietrich.

Two U.S. Supreme Court decisions outlawing segregation on interstate travel, including restrooms and lunchrooms at terminals, made little difference to the white supremacists.

Dietrich was part of an integrated group that followed previous attempts that ended in mob violence at Anniston, Al.; Birmingham Al.; and Montgomery. The Ku Klux Klan, aided by local police, beat the freedom riders with iron pipes, baseball bats and other implements and attempted to burn them alive in one of the buses and at a church in Montgomery.

When Dietrich’s group reached Jackson, Mississippi, local police arrested them for being in the whites-only section of the bus terminal. The group was transferred from local jails to the notorious Parchman Farm prison after being sentenced to 60 days in jail.

There they were issued only underwear, no exercise, and no mail privileges. When the Freedom Riders refused to stop singing freedom songs, prison officials took away their mattresses, sheets, and toothbrushes.

At one point over 300 freedom riders were jailed at Parchman.

By September Congress of Racial Equality and Student Non-Violent Coordinating Committee leaders made tentative plans for a mass demonstration known as the "Washington Project". This would mobilize hundreds, perhaps thousands, of nonviolent demonstrators to the capital city to apply pressure on the Interstate Commerce Commission and the Kennedy administration.

The idea was pre-empted when the ICC finally issued the necessary orders just before the end of the month. The new policies went into effect on November 1, 1961, six years after the ruling in Sarah Keys v. Carolina Coach Company and sixteen years after Morgan v. Virginia.

After the new ICC rule took effect, passengers were permitted to sit wherever they pleased on interstate buses and trains; "white" and "colored" signs were removed from the terminals; racially segregated drinking fountains, toilets, and waiting rooms serving interstate customers were consolidated; and the lunch counters began serving all customers, regardless of race.

The D.C. – based NAG’s direct action was responsible for desegregating all Drug Fairs in greater D.C. area; People’s Drug Store in Arlington, Woolworth’s in Northern Virginia; Glen Echo amusement park in Md; the Hi-Boy restaurant in Rockville, Md. and Alexandria, Va.; Gifford’s restaurants in Alexandria and Bailey’s Crossroads in Va.; and the Hizer theater in Bethesda, Md. This is only a partial listing.

Among the activists that came out of NAG were Stokely Carmichael, Joan Trumphauer, Travis Britt, Gwendolyn Greene (Britt), Dion Diamond, Laurence Henry, Courtland Cox, Michael Thelwell, Muriel Tillinghast, Ed Brown, Ruth Howard, Jean Wheeler, Charlie Cobb, Jan Triggs, and Dietrich among others.

Direct action was controversial at the time with many white liberals and sections of the black population fearing it would inflame racial tension. However despite years of talk, little progress in ending Jim Crow had been made until direct action tactics were employed.

For more information and related images, see flic.kr/s/aHsjEARANB

The photographer is unknown. The image is an Associated Press wire photo.

Large bronze tabs at both ends of this monument base are all that remains of a bronze monument.

Humble Negro Cemetery, otherwise known as the Pipe Yard Cemetery, is north of the FM 1960 bypass, just east of the railroad tracks, behind the Home Depot and an Humble ISD administration building.

Jim Crow Laws, segregation, were brutally enforced at the time that burials were being made there. Not only could African-Americans not be buried in the Humble Cemetery, but after 1933, when Humble was incorporated, new laws were passed, forcing African-Americans to move, some to nearby Bordersville, just outside the city limits. There are reports that the graves of the few African-Americans who had been buried in the Humble Cemetery were moved, some to the Humble Negro Cemetery.

Grace Church now attempts to maintain the cemetery.

On the day that I was there, an empty flagpole stood.

The concrete ruins of an old kerosene refinery are on the north boundary of the cemetery, and dense woods are on all sides.

Time, and the elements, take a toll on cemeteries, especially those essentially abandoned for many years.

We know where our parents are buried, may visit their graves, but how many of us regularly visit our grandparents' graves? Commercial, perpetual care, cemeteries, and those associated with churches and municipalities have systems in place for maintenance, but there are many cemeteries, such as those that were no longer in use after desegregation, that are nearly forgotten, descendants moving away, passing away...

At Evergreen and Olivewood, both essentially abandoned, but for the efforts of volunteers, there are occasional signs of vandalism. I've never seen vandalism, desecration, though, on the scale that I found at Humble Negro Cemetery. Over the years, most of the stones have been broken, many to fragments. Many graves are unmarked, but for sunken places on the ground. Graves of veterans have been used for target practice. Some of the graves had concrete slabs over them. In every case, the slab has been shattered, and the earth beneath disturbed, though now, somewhat, replaced. Graves have clearly been violated.

The range of weathering of the damage indicates that it has taken place over decades.

It might not be hard to make an argument that the graves in such cemeteries should be the responsibilty of descendants, survivors, but I strongly feel that the graves of those who have helped to defend this country deserve better, from the nation, from the community ,than those veterans' graves at Elmview, Olivewood, and here.

A part of me feels that there is, perhaps, something to be said for letting such sites return completely to nature, but our history lies here, with those who helped build this country, this community.

www.usgwarchives.net/tx/cemph/harris/humble-n.htm

archiver.rootsweb.ancestry.com/th/read/TX-CEMETERY-PRESER...

www.chron.com/disp/story.mpl//5787895.html

Borderville Learning Service Project directly available at YouTube -

www.youtube.com/watch?v=ddBP-VF6KGc

"Claiming King" Genealogy blog is located here -

claimingkin.livejournal.com/2577.html

Saudi gang rape sentence 'unjust'

news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/middle_east/7098480.stm

A lawyer for a gang-rape victim in Saudi Arabia who was sentenced to 200 lashes and six-months in jail says the punishment contravenes Islamic law.

The woman was initially punished for violating laws on segregation of the sexes - she was in an unrelated man's car at the time of the attack.

When she appealed, judges doubled her sentence, saying she had been trying to use the media to influence them.

Her lawyer has been suspended from the case and faces a disciplinary session.

Abdel Rahman al-Lahem told the BBC Arabic Service that the sentence was in violation of Islamic law:

"My client is the victim of this abhorrent crime. I believe her sentence contravenes the Islamic Sharia law and violates the pertinent international conventions," he said.

"The judicial bodies should have dealt with this girl as the victim rather than the culprit."

The lawyer also said that his client would appeal against the decision to increase her punishment.

Segregation laws

According to the Arab News newspaper, the 19-year-old woman, who is from Saudi Arabia's Shia minority, was gang-raped 14 times in an attack in Qatif in the eastern province a year-and-a-half ago.

Seven men were found guilty of the rape and sentenced to prison terms ranging from just under a year to five years.

The rapists' sentences were also doubled by the court. Correspondents say the sentences were still low considering the rapists could have faced the death penalty.

The rape victim was punished for violating Saudi Arabia's laws on segregation that forbid unrelated men and women from associating with each other. She was initially sentenced to 90 lashes for being in the car of a strange man.

On appeal, the Arab News reported that the punishment was not reduced but increased to 200 lashes and a six-month prison sentence.

'Personal views'

Mr Lahem accused the court of letting personal views influence its decision.

"It seems that the sentence was influenced by the fact that the woman escalated the issue with her lawyer and also with the supreme judicial authorities," he said.

"This is astonishing because justice is supposed to be independent from all pressures as well as personal considerations, be it a feeling towards the lawyer or defendant herself," he added.

The Arab News quoted an official as saying the judges had decided to punish the girl for trying to aggravate and influence the judiciary through the media.

Mr Lahem said that the judges' decision to confiscate his licence to work and stop him from representing his client is illegal.

weeping womanhood

in womanly throes

sorrowful seeds to plough

whether she was sentenced harshly

because she is shia or

simply because she is a woman

in a male chauvinistic society

one does not know

Islamic path as it glows

womanhood burns on the pyre

and it shows

woman in Islam were treated thus

as the winds from Karbala blow

sham as damacus was called

yazid on his throne crows

princess zainab of the hashemites

with a single call of kutba

in his courtyard

his power and his

opulence overthrows

tilawate koran

a head of hussain

recites Allahs verses

decapitated but

a head that wont bow

humanity thy name hussain

although

lost everything

to yazidi forces did no kowtow

True Islam Hussainiyat

to him as a tribute we owe

Peace and Brotherhood

to the entire human world

he did bestow

Five women of the group "Women of the Wailing Wall" were arrested while fighting for there right to pray as men do dressing in a talit and singing the praier in load voice. They say that despite repeated arrests they will repeat this act again and again until they get recognized for their right to pray according to their faith. Rosh Chodesh is considered a holiday for women since the days of the Talmud. First of the month, according to rabbinic tradition, women are exempt from all work, since the compensation received from the Lord on that did not participate with the men act the Golden Calf. Struggle of "Women of the Wailing Wall" began in December 1988 after the first International Conference of Jewish feminists attended by dozens of women from around the world. "As part of the conference, planned to women participating to have a prayer of thanksgiving for the State at the Wall with a Torah scroll. When they arrived and began began to read from the Torah, broke Rampage violent men's section. they spat on them, abused them verbally abused and dragged them to the hand arrangement books. all this, simply because women of prayed aloud, wrapped in shawls and holding a Torah scroll.

marabastad, pretoria. old polaroids and slide scans, around 1980

Marabastad was a culturally diverse community, with the Hindu Mariamman Temple arguably being its most prominent landmark.

Like the residents of other racially diverse areas in South Africa, such as District Six, "Fietas" and Sophiatown, the inhabitants of Marabastad were relocated to single-race townships further away from the city centre.

These removals were due to Apartheid laws like the Group Areas Act. Unlike Sophiatown, Fietas and District Six, it was not bulldozed, but it retained many of its original buildings, and became primarily a business district, with most shops still owned by the Indians who had also lived there previously.

Some property was however owned by the city council and the government, resulting in limited development taking place there. In addition, a large shopping complex was built to house Indian-owned shops.

The black residents of Marabastad were relocated to Atteridgeville (1945),

the Coloured residents to Eersterus (1963), and the Indian residents to Laudium (1968).

There are plans to revive once-picturesque Marabastad, and to reverse years of urban decay and neglect, although few seem to have been implemented as of 2005.

History[edit]

Marabastad was named after the local headman of a village to the west of Steenhoven Spruit. During the 1880s he lived in Schoolplaats and acted as an interpreter.

During this period some Africans lived on the farms where they were being employed and also chose to live on other, undeveloped land. Schoolplaats could also not accommodate all the migrants and this resulted in squatting.

An overflow from Schoolplaats to the north-west and Maraba’s village occurred and in August 1888 the land was surveyed by the government. The location Marabastad was established and was situated between the Apies River in the north, Skinner Spruit in the west, Steenhoven Spruit in the east and De Korte Street in the south.

There were 67 stands varying between 1400 and 2500 square meters each. Residents were not allowed to own stands, but had to rent them from the government at 4 pounds a year.

They were allowed to build their own houses and to plant crops on empty plots. Water was acquired from the various bordering rivers and 58 wells situated in the area.

The township was not private owned and was managed by the Transvaal Boer Republic. At the outbreak of the Second Boer War in 1899 there were no rules and regulations with regard to Marabastad.

Africans who streamed to Pretoria during the war were living in squatter camps near the artillery barracks, the brickworks and the railway stations at Prinshof.

This resulted in the development of ‘New Marabastad’ in the area between Marabastad and the Asiatic Bazaar in 1900 by the British military authorities. They had been occupying the city since June 1900 and resettled refugees in the area. By 1901 there were 392 occupied stands in the New Marabastad and there was no real segregation between Africans, Asians and Coloured people.

Although New Marabastad was intended as a temporary settlement the military authorities granted permission for in their employ to erect brick houses. This resulted in the erection of other permanent structures like schools and churches.

The new Town Council was established in 1902 and it was accepted that the residents of New Marabastad would be moved to other, planned townships.

In 1903 New Marabastad had grown to 412 stands while Old Marabastad still only had 67. Along with the Cape Location, which was situated in the southern part of the Asiatic Bazaar, it fell under the jurisdiction of the City Council of that year.

The greatest problem was the provision of water and this was only addressed after the war. Due to the fear of epidemic all wells in the area had been filled during the war, and a single public tap had replaced the entire system.

New Marabastad didn’t have any wells or taps. There was an attempt to rectify this in 1903 by providing more taps, but the number was still inadequate.

In 1906 New and Old Marabastad became one location.

Rates were determined and sanitary and building regulations came into effect. These regulations didn’t achieve their objections as a result of municipal maladministration and the fact that Africans could not own land and afford well-built permanent houses.

Streets remained unpaved, the water supply was inadequate and there were no sanitary facilities worth mentioning. More and more shacks appeared. By 1907 conditions improved marginally, but the streets were left in their unkempt state and by 1910 this had still not been addressed.

The Native Affairs Department accused the Pretoria Town Council of inefficient administration, which had led directly to this situation.

Removals[edit]

South Africa portal

The relocation of residents of Old Marabastad had been on the agenda of the town council since 1903 and in 1907, when the council decided to build a new sewage farm, it became a reality.

It was decided to remove all residents of the area to a new location further away from the city centre and to demolish the old township. Now followed the struggle of finding a suitable site.

The site on the southern slope of Daspoortrand was decided on in 1912 and in January planning for the ‘New Location’ started. It would include a number of brick houses that could be rented from the municipality.

By September of the same year the first relocations were taking place and demolishing of old structures commenced. It was a slow process and Old Marabastad was only completely destroyed by 1920.

The lack of space remained a problem and New Marabastad was experiencing severe overcrowding.

By 1923 the last houses of the second municipal project was completed in New Location and Marabastad residents who had been exposed to the worst conditions were allowed to move in first.

In 1934 part of the Schoolplaats population was moved to Marabastad and the squatter problem became more severe.

There was no room for expansion due to a lack of space.

An attempt to solve these problems manifested itself in the establishment of Atteridgeville in 1939. The Marabastad community would be moved here and compensation was offered to previous owners of property in the form of new houses they could rent, but not own.

The war slowed down the process considerably, but 1949 had moved three quarters of the population of Marabastad to Atteridgeville, and by 1950 the transition was complete

Title: Complaint against Segregated South Carolina Schools, 1950

From: Record Group/Collection: 21

Record Hierarchy Level: Item

Reference Unit: National Archives at Atlanta

Persistent URL: catalog.archives.gov/id/641621

Repository Contact Information: NARA’s Southeast Region (Atlanta) (NRCA), 5780 Jonesboro Road, Morrow, GA, 30260

Reproductions may be ordered via an independent vendor. NARA maintains a list of vendors at www.archives.gov/research/order/vendors-photos-maps-dc.html

Access Restrictions: Unrestricted

Use Restrictions: Unrestricted

Discrimination...?

At least they make it easy.

Five women of the group "Women of the Wailing Wall" were arrested while fighting for there right to pray as men do dressing in a talit and singing the praier in load voice. They say that despite repeated arrests they will repeat this act again and again until they get recognized for their right to pray according to their faith. Rosh Chodesh is considered a holiday for women since the days of the Talmud. First of the month, according to rabbinic tradition, women are exempt from all work, since the compensation received from the Lord on that did not participate with the men act the Golden Calf. Struggle of "Women of the Wailing Wall" began in December 1988 after the first International Conference of Jewish feminists attended by dozens of women from around the world. "As part of the conference, planned to women participating to have a prayer of thanksgiving for the State at the Wall with a Torah scroll. When they arrived and began began to read from the Torah, broke Rampage violent men's section. they spat on them, abused them verbally abused and dragged them to the hand arrangement books. all this, simply because women of prayed aloud, wrapped in shawls and holding a Torah scroll.

Shown here is a label from Case 1 of the exhibit "The Virginia Way of Life Must Be Preserved", on display in the Nancy Marshall Gallery on the 1st floor of Swem Library at the College of William & Mary. This exhibit is part of "From Fights to Rights: The Long Road to a More Perfect Union," Swem Library's project to commemorate the 150th anniversary of the Civil War and the 50th anniversary of the Civil Rights Movement. The exhibit is on display from June 18-October 22, 2012.

The following is a transcription of the labels presented in this case:

Brown v. Board of Education, 1954:

The students and parents of Farmville’s Moton High School worked with the National Association for the Advancement of Colored People (NAACP) in suing the school board of Prince Edward County. The NAACP previously had sought to force school boards to make black schools equal to white ones, but in 1950 it had changed its strategy to try to overturn segregation as unconstitutional. It was involved in cases all over the country, not just in Virginia. The Supreme Court bundled four of the cases, including the Farmville case, together into Brown v. Board of Education of Topeka. Thurgood Marshall and other NAACP lawyers argued before the Court that segregation violated the “equal protection” clause of the Fourteenth Amendment to the U.S. constitution. Based on tests showing that black children preferred white dolls over black dolls, they also argued that mandatory segregation psychologically damaged children of color, making them internalize feelings of racial inferiority.

On May 17, 1954, the Supreme Court ruled in the Brown case that “separate educational facilities are inherently unequal.” Chief Justice Earl Warren, pictured here speaking at William & Mary later that year, worked hard to get a unanimous decision and became the target of white Southerners’ worst venom. In May 1955, in Brown II, the Supreme Court ordered that desegregation proceed “with all deliberate speed” but left supervision of the task to federal district courts.

The photograph of Moton High’s Class of 1956 visibly demonstrates that desegregation did not happen overnight. The school was just as segregated in 1956 as the schools attended by class sponsor Mabel Ragsdale Watson and her sister Laura Ragsdale when they were school girls in Roanoke decades earlier, as seen in Laura’s photo album.

The Gray Commission, 1954-1955:

The Brown decision stunned Virginia’s leaders. At first, they seemed willing to accept the Court’s ruling, but angry newspaper editors and white voters called for resistance. Governor Thomas Stanley then appointed a commission, chaired by State Senator Garland Gray and consisting entirely of white legislators, to determine how to respond. In November 1955, the Gray Commission issued recommendations designed to delay desegregation but allow localities to decide if they would desegregate quickly or not. Among other proposals, the Gray plan recommended giving tuition vouchers so parents could send their children to segregated private schools. The assembly quickly adopted the Gray Commission report in principle. Since the state constitution did not allow public money to be used for private schools, it needed to be amended for tuition vouchers to be possible. A referendum on January 9, 1956 overwhelmingly approved calling a constitutional convention which did just that.

Massive Resistance, 1956-1957:

In response to Brown II, the Arlington County School Board announced in late 1955 that it would gradually integrate. The NAACP helped parents and students file lawsuits to force integration elsewhere in Virginia. Ardent segregationists, fearing that integration anywhere

could lead to integration everywhere, demanded stronger resistance to Brown. Nowhere was resistance greater than among the white population of Southside, the most heavily black region in Virginia. Southside was the heart of the Byrd Organization, the Democratic machine that had run the state since the 1920s under the leadership of U.S. Senator Harry F. Byrd, pictured here with Republican State Senator Ted Dalton. In February 1956, Byrd proposed a program of “massive resistance” to school integration. Byrd supported the Virginia assembly’s resolution of “interposition” that declared the Brown decision unconstitutional and unenforceable, although this had no actual legal effect. More importantly, in September 1956, the assembly passed a program of massive resistance laws, known as the Stanley Plan after the governor. The plan denied state aid to any locality that allowed desegregation of even one school, authorized the governor to close any school that federal courts ordered integrated, and provided tuition grants to help white parents send their children to segregated private schools if their local public school closed.

School Closings, 1959:

The Stanley Plan met with immediate challenges in federal courts, with cases pending through 1957 and into 1958. As the school year began in the fall of 1958, federal judges ordered previously all-white schools in Warren County, Charlottesville, and Norfolk to integrate. Governor J. Lindsay Almond, Jr. shut the schools down rather than allowing them to integrate. In November, Norfolk voters voted against petitioning the governor to reopen the city schools, even though the closing affected 10,000 white students and seventeen black students. On January 19, 1959, the state supreme court ruled that the closings violated the state constitution’s provision requiring there to be public schools and the federal district court ruled that the closings violated the Fourteenth Amendment’s equal protection clause. The courts ordered that the schools be reopened.

Prince Edward County, 1959-1964 and Beyond:

After briefly considering shutting the state’s public schools down entirely, Governor Almond conceded defeat and reluctantly allowed integration to proceed very slowly. The more extreme segregationists denounced Almond as a traitor. The state legislature once again adopted a local-option plan, with tuition grants and a pupil placement program that allowed students to be assigned to schools in ways that minimized “race mixing.” The county government in Prince Edward County, in the heart of Southside, shut down its public school system entirely. Using state tuition grants, many white students attended a new private academy, but other white students and all the students of color were left without formal schooling unless they left the county. The Supreme Court in 1964 ordered Prince Edward to reopen its public schools. At that point, only five percent of African American students statewide attended integrated schools.

In 1968, the Supreme Court invalidated the pupil-placement program and ordered an end to separate white and black school systems in a decision involving New Kent County. And in 1970, a federal judge ordered a busing plan implemented to desegregate Richmond schools. Not until the late 1980s did busing end.

From the Special Collections Research Center, Earl Gregg Swem Library at the College of William and Mary. See swem.wm.edu/scrc/ for further information and assistance.

Title: Complaint against Segregated South Carolina Schools, 1950

From: Record Group/Collection: 21

Record Hierarchy Level: Item

Reference Unit: National Archives at Atlanta

Persistent URL: catalog.archives.gov/id/641621

Repository Contact Information: NARA’s Southeast Region (Atlanta) (NRCA), 5780 Jonesboro Road, Morrow, GA, 30260

Reproductions may be ordered via an independent vendor. NARA maintains a list of vendors at www.archives.gov/research/order/vendors-photos-maps-dc.html

Access Restrictions: Unrestricted

Use Restrictions: Unrestricted

Exposition : The color line

Du mardi 04 octobre 2016 au dimanche 15 janvier 2017

Quel rôle a joué l’art dans la quête d’égalité et d’affirmation de l’identité noire dans l’Amérique de la Ségrégation ? L'exposition rend hommage aux artistes et penseurs africains-américains qui ont contribué, durant près d’un siècle et demi de luttes, à estomper cette "ligne de couleur" discriminatoire.

—————

« Le problème du 20e siècle est le problème de la ligne de partage des couleurs ».

Si la fin de la Guerre de Sécession en 1865 a bien sonné l’abolition de l'esclavage, la ligne de démarcation raciale va encore marquer durablement la société américaine, comme le pressent le militant W.E.B. Du Bois en 1903 dans The Soul of Black Folks. L’exposition The Color Line revient sur cette période sombre des États-Unis à travers l’histoire culturelle de ses artistes noirs, premières cibles de ces discriminations.

Des thématiques racistes du vaudeville américain et des spectacles de Minstrels du 19e siècle à l’effervescence culturelle et littéraire de la Harlem Renaissance du début du 20e siècle, des pionniers de l’activisme noir (Frederick Douglass, Booker T. Washington) au réquisitoire de la chanteuse Billie Holiday (Strange Fruit), ce sont près de 150 ans de production artistique – peinture, sculpture, photographie, cinéma, musique, littérature… – qui témoignent de la richesse créative de la contestation noire.

You can see the difference on each side of the segregation wall, on the left (Palestine), a huge bustling crowd of Palestinians waiting to be let through to go to work, school, or just to the mosque, and on the right (Israel) clear and empty. The guy on the right walking towards me was a border policeman, and I am just about to have a huge fight with him about the right to take photos, the border police were a lot worse than the soldiers.

Mactromya Cardiodes.

Jurassic.

What many people don't realise is that - most bivalve fossils are found (like this one) tightly closed.

Bivalves open when they die, that is why you will find many open bivalves or half shells on the beach. If you find any closed ones they are likely to still be alive.

A closed fossil bivalve indicates that it was rapidly buried whilst still alive, in a sufficient weight of sediment to prevent the bivalve opening.

The fact that the majority of fossil bivalves are found tightly closed, indicates that most were buried rapidly. This goes against the popular idea that fossils are formed by gradual burial in a slow build up of sediment.

In fact, all good, intact fossils require rapid burial in sufficient sediment to prevent decay or predatory destruction.

So it is evident that rock containing good, undamaged fossils was laid down rapidly, quite likely in catastrophic conditions.

Another important factor is that many large fossils (tree trunks, large fish, dinosaurs etc.) intersect several or many strata (sometimes called layers) which indicates that multiple strata were formed simultaneously in a single event by grading/segregation of sedimentary particles into distinct layers, and not stratum by stratum over long periods of time or different geological eras, which is the evolutionist's, uniformitarian interpretation of the geological column.

Rapid formation of strata, latest evidence:

www.flickr.com/photos/101536517@N06/sets/72157635944904973/

Fossil museum: www.flickr.com/photos/101536517@N06/sets/72157641367196613/

There is no credible mechanism for progressive evolution.

A rally at Lubber Run Park in Arlington climaxes a three-day, 14-mile open housing march through Northern Virginia October 10, 1966.

A green-robed Ku Klux Klan member (probably Xavier Edwards) and American Nazi Party members, along with some neighborhood whites, heckled and booed speakers.

The march, sponsored by the Action Coordinating Committee to End Segregation (ACCESS), passed through some of the areas where poor housing conditions of many black people in the area were highlighted. It also passed by the whites-only apartment complexes that denied African Americans the opportunity to rent.

On the first day of the march that began in Fairfax County, Nazi Frank Drager mounted a horse and paraded in front of the civil rights group with a sign that read “The N_____s are Coming” until the group entered Alexandria, Va. where police made Drager take down his sign.

On the second day of the march, a short, minor clash between police and supporters occurred at South 24th Street and Shirlington Road.

Police donned riot helmets and shouldered tear gas guns during a peaceful block party that marchers were invited to. Residents briefly hurled rocks and bottles at the officers before dispersing.

On the third day, marchers reached the Buckingham Apartments, the scene of an ongoing campaign by ACCESS to desegregate the complex.

About 300 marchers paraded around the parking lot in front of the rental office while a group of Klan and Nazis counter-protested. The group then moved on to nearby Lubber Run Park for a final rally.

The ACCESS campaign to desegregate Washington, D.C. suburban housing began in March 1966 with picketing at the offices of Carl M. Freeman Associates that managed 12 Americana Apartment developments in suburban Maryland and Virginia.

In what became a common refrain, Freeman claimed to be in “complete agreement with the principle of open occupancy, but only if other apartment complex operators did the same.

The Buckingham Apartment complex in Arlington, Va. quickly became on ongoing target of weekly pickets and sit-ins, including one where 10 people were arrested.

ACCESS would go on to picket HUD offices, rally in Annapolis, picket the Olney farm of apartment owner Milton Polinger, the Whitehall and Aldon Apartments in Montgomery County, and complexes in Prince Georges County, Md.

Rev. Charles Jones, ACCESS chair, led a 66-mile march around the Beltway in June 1966 to highlight the lack of open housing in the suburbs.

Late in 1966, the group shifted its strategy to place pressure on the military to declare “off limits” apartment complexes that were not open to black and other minority Americans.

As part of the pressure, the group briefly staged a sit-in at Defense Secretary Robert McNamara’s office and picketed Andrews Air Force base.

An informal survey found that only 129 of the 1300 apartment complexes in the Washington metropolitan suburbs had registered as “open.” A Defense Department spokesperson said the numbers were “roughly accurate.”

In June 1967, McNamara put “off limits” apartment complexes and trailer parks within 3.5 miles of Andrews that wouldn’t open their doors to black service personnel.

ACCESS proclaimed it as a start, but refused to be placated.

However, the Buckingham apartments remained a focus of ACCESS throughout their year-and-a-half campaign.

Picketing was held weekly—sometimes more often—and a march through Fairfax and Arlington ending at the Buckingham was held.

The group was harassed by Xavier Edwards’ Interstate Ku Klux Klan group and by the American Nazi Party, but didn’t back down.

The state of Maryland rejected an open housing law in a referendum in 1967 and the state legislature replaced it with a weak law that did not even cover home sales.

ACCESS achieved victory in Montgomery County, Md. in August 1967 which the passage of the toughest and most comprehensive county open housing law in the country.

Despite the belief at that time that enacting open housing would be political suicide, an informal survey of 675 families in Montgomery County selected at random from the phone book found that only 33 percent of homeowners and 31 percent of apartment renters were opposed to open housing.

ACCESS never achieved victory at Buckingham. It wasn’t until after the passage of the 1968 federal open housing law that the complex desegregated.

However, ACCESS can be credited with changing public opinion through their high profile actions that ultimately helped lead to changes in the Defense Department policies and open housing laws at the federal and local level.

For more information and related images, see flic.kr/s/aHsk4S6zrA

Photo by Pete Schmick. The image is courtesy of the D.C. Public Library Washington Star Collection © Washington Post.

Five women of the group "Women of the Wailing Wall" were arrested while fighting for there right to pray as men do dressing in a talit and singing the praier in load voice. They say that despite repeated arrests they will repeat this act again and again until they get recognized for their right to pray according to their faith. Rosh Chodesh is considered a holiday for women since the days of the Talmud. First of the month, according to rabbinic tradition, women are exempt from all work, since the compensation received from the Lord on that did not participate with the men act the Golden Calf. Struggle of "Women of the Wailing Wall" began in December 1988 after the first International Conference of Jewish feminists attended by dozens of women from around the world. "As part of the conference, planned to women participating to have a prayer of thanksgiving for the State at the Wall with a Torah scroll. When they arrived and began began to read from the Torah, broke Rampage violent men's section. they spat on them, abused them verbally abused and dragged them to the hand arrangement books. all this, simply because women of prayed aloud, wrapped in shawls and holding a Torah scroll.

Shown here is a label from Case 1 of the exhibit "The Virginia Way of Life Must Be Preserved", on display in the Nancy Marshall Gallery on the 1st floor of Swem Library at the College of William & Mary. This exhibit is part of "From Fights to Rights: The Long Road to a More Perfect Union," Swem Library's project to commemorate the 150th anniversary of the Civil War and the 50th anniversary of the Civil Rights Movement. The exhibit is on display from June 18-October 22, 2012.

The following is a transcription of the labels presented in this case:

Brown v. Board of Education, 1954:

The students and parents of Farmville’s Moton High School worked with the National Association for the Advancement of Colored People (NAACP) in suing the school board of Prince Edward County. The NAACP previously had sought to force school boards to make black schools equal to white ones, but in 1950 it had changed its strategy to try to overturn segregation as unconstitutional. It was involved in cases all over the country, not just in Virginia. The Supreme Court bundled four of the cases, including the Farmville case, together into Brown v. Board of Education of Topeka. Thurgood Marshall and other NAACP lawyers argued before the Court that segregation violated the “equal protection” clause of the Fourteenth Amendment to the U.S. constitution. Based on tests showing that black children preferred white dolls over black dolls, they also argued that mandatory segregation psychologically damaged children of color, making them internalize feelings of racial inferiority.

On May 17, 1954, the Supreme Court ruled in the Brown case that “separate educational facilities are inherently unequal.” Chief Justice Earl Warren, pictured here speaking at William & Mary later that year, worked hard to get a unanimous decision and became the target of white Southerners’ worst venom. In May 1955, in Brown II, the Supreme Court ordered that desegregation proceed “with all deliberate speed” but left supervision of the task to federal district courts.

The photograph of Moton High’s Class of 1956 visibly demonstrates that desegregation did not happen overnight. The school was just as segregated in 1956 as the schools attended by class sponsor Mabel Ragsdale Watson and her sister Laura Ragsdale when they were school girls in Roanoke decades earlier, as seen in Laura’s photo album.

The Gray Commission, 1954-1955:

The Brown decision stunned Virginia’s leaders. At first, they seemed willing to accept the Court’s ruling, but angry newspaper editors and white voters called for resistance. Governor Thomas Stanley then appointed a commission, chaired by State Senator Garland Gray and consisting entirely of white legislators, to determine how to respond. In November 1955, the Gray Commission issued recommendations designed to delay desegregation but allow localities to decide if they would desegregate quickly or not. Among other proposals, the Gray plan recommended giving tuition vouchers so parents could send their children to segregated private schools. The assembly quickly adopted the Gray Commission report in principle. Since the state constitution did not allow public money to be used for private schools, it needed to be amended for tuition vouchers to be possible. A referendum on January 9, 1956 overwhelmingly approved calling a constitutional convention which did just that.

Massive Resistance, 1956-1957:

In response to Brown II, the Arlington County School Board announced in late 1955 that it would gradually integrate. The NAACP helped parents and students file lawsuits to force integration elsewhere in Virginia. Ardent segregationists, fearing that integration anywhere

could lead to integration everywhere, demanded stronger resistance to Brown. Nowhere was resistance greater than among the white population of Southside, the most heavily black region in Virginia. Southside was the heart of the Byrd Organization, the Democratic machine that had run the state since the 1920s under the leadership of U.S. Senator Harry F. Byrd, pictured here with Republican State Senator Ted Dalton. In February 1956, Byrd proposed a program of “massive resistance” to school integration. Byrd supported the Virginia assembly’s resolution of “interposition” that declared the Brown decision unconstitutional and unenforceable, although this had no actual legal effect. More importantly, in September 1956, the assembly passed a program of massive resistance laws, known as the Stanley Plan after the governor. The plan denied state aid to any locality that allowed desegregation of even one school, authorized the governor to close any school that federal courts ordered integrated, and provided tuition grants to help white parents send their children to segregated private schools if their local public school closed.

School Closings, 1959:

The Stanley Plan met with immediate challenges in federal courts, with cases pending through 1957 and into 1958. As the school year began in the fall of 1958, federal judges ordered previously all-white schools in Warren County, Charlottesville, and Norfolk to integrate. Governor J. Lindsay Almond, Jr. shut the schools down rather than allowing them to integrate. In November, Norfolk voters voted against petitioning the governor to reopen the city schools, even though the closing affected 10,000 white students and seventeen black students. On January 19, 1959, the state supreme court ruled that the closings violated the state constitution’s provision requiring there to be public schools and the federal district court ruled that the closings violated the Fourteenth Amendment’s equal protection clause. The courts ordered that the schools be reopened.

Prince Edward County, 1959-1964 and Beyond:

After briefly considering shutting the state’s public schools down entirely, Governor Almond conceded defeat and reluctantly allowed integration to proceed very slowly. The more extreme segregationists denounced Almond as a traitor. The state legislature once again adopted a local-option plan, with tuition grants and a pupil placement program that allowed students to be assigned to schools in ways that minimized “race mixing.” The county government in Prince Edward County, in the heart of Southside, shut down its public school system entirely. Using state tuition grants, many white students attended a new private academy, but other white students and all the students of color were left without formal schooling unless they left the county. The Supreme Court in 1964 ordered Prince Edward to reopen its public schools. At that point, only five percent of African American students statewide attended integrated schools.

In 1968, the Supreme Court invalidated the pupil-placement program and ordered an end to separate white and black school systems in a decision involving New Kent County. And in 1970, a federal judge ordered a busing plan implemented to desegregate Richmond schools. Not until the late 1980s did busing end.

From the Special Collections Research Center, Earl Gregg Swem Library at the College of William and Mary. See swem.wm.edu/scrc/ for further information and assistance.

Exposition : The color line

Du mardi 04 octobre 2016 au dimanche 15 janvier 2017

Quel rôle a joué l’art dans la quête d’égalité et d’affirmation de l’identité noire dans l’Amérique de la Ségrégation ? L'exposition rend hommage aux artistes et penseurs africains-américains qui ont contribué, durant près d’un siècle et demi de luttes, à estomper cette "ligne de couleur" discriminatoire.

—————

« Le problème du 20e siècle est le problème de la ligne de partage des couleurs ».

Si la fin de la Guerre de Sécession en 1865 a bien sonné l’abolition de l'esclavage, la ligne de démarcation raciale va encore marquer durablement la société américaine, comme le pressent le militant W.E.B. Du Bois en 1903 dans The Soul of Black Folks. L’exposition The Color Line revient sur cette période sombre des États-Unis à travers l’histoire culturelle de ses artistes noirs, premières cibles de ces discriminations.

Des thématiques racistes du vaudeville américain et des spectacles de Minstrels du 19e siècle à l’effervescence culturelle et littéraire de la Harlem Renaissance du début du 20e siècle, des pionniers de l’activisme noir (Frederick Douglass, Booker T. Washington) au réquisitoire de la chanteuse Billie Holiday (Strange Fruit), ce sont près de 150 ans de production artistique – peinture, sculpture, photographie, cinéma, musique, littérature… – qui témoignent de la richesse créative de la contestation noire.

Rapid strata formation in soft sand (field evidence).

Photo of strata formation in soft sand on a beach, created by tidal action of the sea.

Formed in a single, tidal event of turbulent, high tide.

See many other examples of rapid stratification with geological features: www.flickr.com/photos/101536517@N06/sets/72157635944904973/

This natural example of rapid, simultaneous stratification refutes the Superposition Principle and the Principle of Lateral Continuity.

Superposition only applies on a rare occasion of sedimentary deposits in perfectly, still water. Superposition is required for the long evolutionary timescale, but the evidence shows it is not the general rule, as was once believed. Most sediment is laid down in moving water, where particle segregation is the rule, resulting in the simultaneous deposition of strata/layers as shown in the photo.

Where the water movement is very turbulent, violent, or catastrophic, great depths of stratified sediment can be laid down in a short time. Certainly not the many millions of years assumed by evolutionists.

The composition of strata formed in any deposition event. is related to whatever materials are in the sediment mix. Whatever is in the mix will be automatically sorted into strata/layers. It could be sand, or material added from mud slides, erosion of chalk deposits, volcanic ash etc. Any organic material (potential fossils) will also be sorted and buried within the rapidly, formed strata.

tratified, soft sand deposit. demonstrates the rapid, stratification principle.

Important, field evidence which supports the work of the eminent, sedimentologist Dr Guy Berthault MIAS - Member of the International Association of Sedimentologists.

(Dr Berthault's experiments (www.sedimentology.fr/)

And also the experimental work of Dr M.E. Clark (Professor Emeritus, U of Illinois @ Urbana), Andrew Rodenbeck and Dr. Henry Voss, (www.ianjuby.org/sedimentation/)

Location: Yaverland beach, Isle of Wight. UK.

Date: 20/09/13. Depth of sand deposit: approx. 8 inches.

This field evidence demonstrates that multiple strata in sedimentary deposits do not need millions of years to form and can be formed rapidly. This natural example confirms the principle demonstrated by the sedimentation experiments carried out by Dr Guy Berthault and other sedimentologists. It calls into question the standard, multi-million year dating of sedimentary rocks, and the dating of fossils by depth of burial or position in the strata.

Mulltiple strata/layers are evident in this example.

Dr Berthault's experiments (www.sedimentology.fr/) and other experiments (www.ianjuby.org/sedimentation/) and field studies of floods and volcanic action show that, rather than being formed by gradual, slow deposition of sucessive layers superimposed upon previous layers, with the strata or layers representing a particular timescale, particle segregation in moving water or airborne particles can form strata or layers very quickly, frequently, in a single event.

Such field studies confirm experiments which have shown that there is no longer any reason to conclude that strata/layers in sedimentary rocks relate to different geological eras and/or a multi-million year timescale. www.youtube.com/watch?v=5PVnBaqqQw8&feature=share&amp.... they also show that the relative position of fossils in rocks is not indicative of an order of evolutionary succession. Obviously, the uniformitarian principle, on which the geologic column is based, can no longer be considered valid. And the multi-million, year dating of sedimentary rocks and fossils needs to be reassessed. Rapid deposition of stratified sediments also explains the enigma of polystrate fossils, i.e. large fossils that intersect several strata. In some cases, tree trunk fossils are found which intersect the strata of sedimentary rock up to forty feet in depth. upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/commons/thumb/0/08/Lycopsi... They must have been buried in stratified sediment in a short time (certainly not millions, thousands, or even hundreds of years), or they would have rotted away. youtu.be/vnzHU9VsliQ

In fact, the vast majority of fossils are found in good, intact condition, which is testament to their rapid burial. You don't get good fossils from gradual burial, because they would be damaged or destroyed by decay, predation or erosion. The existence of so many fossils in sedimentary rock on a global scale is stunning evidence for the rapid depostion of sedimentary rock as the general rule. It is obvious that all rock containing good intact fossils was formed from sediment laid down in a very short time, not millions, or even thousands of years.

See set of photos of other examples of rapid stratification: www.flickr.com/photos/101536517@N06/sets/72157635944904973/

Carbon dating of coal should not be possible if it is millions of years old, yet significant amounts of Carbon 14 have been detected in coal and other fossil material, which indicates that it is less than 50,000 years old. www.ldolphin.org/sewell/c14dating.html

www.grisda.org/origins/51006.htm

Evolutionists confidently cite multi-million year ages for rocks and fossils, but what most people don't realise is that no one actually knows the age of sedimentary rocks or the fossils found within them. So how are evolutionists so sure of the ages they so confidently quote? The astonishing thing is they aren't. Sedimentary rocks cannot be dated by radiometric methods*, and fossils can only be dated to less than 50,000 years with Carbon 14 dating. The method evolutionists use is based entirely on assumptions. Unbelievably, fossils are dated by the assumed age of rocks, and rocks are dated by the assumed age of fossils, that's right ... it is known as circular reasoning.

* Regarding the radiometric dating of igneous rocks, which is claimed to be relevant to the dating of sedimentary rocks, in an occasional instance there is an igneous intrusion associated with a sedimentary deposit -

Prof. Aubouin says in his Précis de Géologie: "Each radioactive element disintegrates in a characteristic and constant manner, which depends neither on the physical state (no variation with pressure or temperature or any other external constraint) nor on the chemical state (identical for an oxide or a phosphate)."

"Rocks form when magma crystallizes. Crystallisation depends on pressure and temperature, from which radioactivity is independent. So, there is no relationship between radioactivity and crystallisation.

Consequently, radioactivity doesn't date the formation of rocks. Moreover, daughter elements contained in rocks result mainly from radioactivity in magma where gravity separates the heavier parent element, from the lighter daughter element. Thus radiometric dating has no chronological signification." Dr. Guy Berthault www.sciencevsevolution.org/Berthault.htm

Visit the fossil museum:

www.flickr.com/photos/101536517@N06/sets/72157641367196613/

Just how good are peer reviews of scientific papers?

www.sciencemag.org/content/342/6154/60.full

www.examiner.com/article/want-to-publish-science-paper-ju...

The neo-Darwinian idea that the human genome consists entirely of an accumulation of billions of mutations is, quite obviously, completely bonkers. Nevertheless, it is compulsorily taught in schools and universities as 'science'.

www.flickr.com/photos/truth-in-science/35505679183