Developed and scanned by Silverpan, levels tweaked in Lightroom

 

Audley Road, Barthomley

Svema 200, my favorite B/W film has a very strong but thin base. It is so thin it can be a challenge to load on a developing reel. Thinking a wider flange, like the one pictured on the bottom would make life a lot easier since getting it started is the hardest part. It did seem to load easier but I was having unusual problems of large areas not developing. hummmmm. So I loaded a strip in daylight and found the film was loading in the same spiral right behind itself. No more Arista reels for Svema.

 

The top reel is my good old faithful Paterson, I have many of these. AP, Coast and many other brands make reels very close to this design, although I have used some that do not have plastic as smooth and slick as Paterson. I really stick to the Paterson brand on these. Some consider this to be a standard reel and offer the wide flange as a premium reel.

 

The middle reel is a Vivitar branded reel, I don't know who really made it but I have only seen it with the Vivitar name. It works well for any film including Svema. I would love a few more of these, they are a little easier to teach newbies how to load a reel.

 

The bottom is the Arista Premium wide flange reel, I have seen it made under Samigon, AP, and Omega names, often referred to as a premium reel. Sorry but I need a reel to work with any film I load on it so out it went.

 

The short pieces of film in reels are simply there to make the loading flanges easier to see although nano_burger's comment below about film chimping is hilarious.

  

The Milkweed has grown tentacles and is now developing pods.

Developed with Knoxville Locomotive Works, 7100 is the first hybrid coming with a 700hp battery unit that increases power to 3200hp with better fuel economy. Not sure if it is here in Kitchener to stay or just passing thru.

Developed in Capture One Pro 10

Bronica S2a

Fuji Acros 100

Caffenol-CL stand dev x 100 min

Lomography LC-A120

MINIGON_XL 38mm F4.5

Arista EDU Ultra 400

Self_developed Stearman_Press SP-110EC_Dev (1+63@20˚C)

EPSON GT-X980

developing film by JOMO Film Lab

Film Lab of BKK, THAILAND

Kodak colorplus 200 with olympus om-1

Nikkormat EL using Ilford HP5 developed in Rodinal.

Developed near the end of the war, the T.A.H. MK XXIX "Halberd" was designed as medium range artillery to support the Marine infantry.This hardsuit was a direct response to the Separatist Army's various aerial threats- and was capable of withstanding heavy direct fire and dishing it back. Most commonly armed with heat seeking "hot round" plasma missiles and a six barreled 52mm cannon, most targets never knew what hit them.

MK XXIX pilots loved the new bubble canopy as it provided much more visibility than the viewscreens on previous hardsuits. The canopy itself was a feat in engineering- it was comprised of a (formula still classified) clear composite armor that was protected the pilot just as much as the standard plate armor.

The introduction of the Halberd (and it's far-reaching payload) to the battlefield instilled a deep fear into the hearts of Separatist pilots.

Some background:

The VF-1 was developed by Stonewell/Bellcom/Shinnakasu for the U.N. Spacy by using alien Overtechnology obtained from the SDF-1 Macross alien spaceship. Its production was preceded by an aerodynamic proving version of its airframe, the VF-X. Unlike all later VF vehicles, the VF-X was strictly a jet aircraft, built to demonstrate that a jet fighter with the features necessary to convert to Battroid mode was aerodynamically feasible. After the VF-X's testing was finished, an advanced concept atmospheric-only prototype, the VF-0 Phoenix, was flight-tested from 2005 to 2007 and briefly served as an active-duty fighter from 2007 to the VF-1's rollout in late 2008, while the bugs were being worked out of the full-up VF-1 prototype (VF-X-1).

 

The space-capable VF-1's combat debut was on February 7, 2009, during the Battle of South Ataria Island - the first battle of Space War I - and remained the mainstay fighter of the U.N. Spacy for the entire conflict. Introduced in 2008, the VF-1 would be out of frontline service just five years later, though.

 

The VF-1 proved to be an extremely capable craft, successfully combating a variety of Zentraedi mecha even in most sorties which saw UN Spacy forces significantly outnumbered. The versatility of the Valkyrie design enabled the variable fighter to act as both large-scale infantry and as air/space superiority fighter. The signature skills of U.N. Spacy ace pilot Maximilian Jenius exemplified the effectiveness of the variable systems as he near-constantly transformed the Valkyrie in battle to seize advantages of each mode as combat conditions changed from moment to moment.

 

The basic VF-1 was deployed in four sub-variants (designated A, D, J, and S) and its success was increased by continued development of various enhancements including the GBP-1S "Armored" Valkyrie, FAST Pack "Super" Valkyrie and the additional RÖ-X2 heavy cannon pack weapon system for the VF-1S for additional firepower. The FAST Pack system was designed to enhance the VF-1 Valkyrie variable fighter, and the initial V1.0 came in the form of conformal pallets that could be attached to the fighter’s leg flanks for additional fuel – primarily for Long Range Interdiction tasks in atmospheric environment. Later FAST Packs were designed for space operations.

 

After the end of Space War I, the VF-1 continued to be manufactured both in the Sol system and throughout the UNG space colonies. Although the VF-1 would be replaced in 2020 as the primary Variable Fighter of the U.N. Spacy by the more capable, but also much bigger, VF-4 Lightning III, a long service record and continued production after the war proved the lasting worth of the design.

The versatile aircraft underwent constant upgrade programs. For instance, about a third of all VF-1 Valkyries were upgraded with Infrared Search and Track (IRST) systems from 2016 onwards, placed in a streamlined fairing in front of the cockpit. This system allowed for long-range search and track modes, freeing the pilot from the need to give away his position with active radar emissions, and it could also be used for target illumination and guiding precision weapons.

Many Valkyries also received improved radar warning systems, with sensor arrays, depending on the systems, mounted on the wing-tips, on the fins and/or on the LERXs. Improved ECR measures were also added to some machines, typically in conformal fairings on the flanks of the legs/engine pods.

 

The U.N.S. Marine Corps, which evolved from the United States Marine Corps after the national service was transferred to the global U.N. Spacy command in 2008, was a late adopter of the VF-1, because the Valkyries’ as well as the Destroids’ potential for landing operations was underestimated. But especially the VF-1’s versatility and VTOL capabilities made it a perfect candidate as a replacement for the service’s AV-8B Harrier II and AH-1 Cobra fleet in the close air support (CAS) and interdiction role. The first VF-1s were taken into service in January 2010 by SVMF-49 “Vikings” at Miramar Air Base in California/USA, and other units followed soon, immediately joining the battle against the Zentraedi forces.

 

The UNSMC’s VF-1s were almost identical to the standard Valkyries, but they had from the start additional hardpoints for light loads like sensor pods added to their upper legs, on the lower corners of the air intake ducts. These were intended to carry FLIR, laser target designators (for respective guided smart weapons) or ECM pods, while freeing the swiveling underwing hardpoints to offensive ordnance.

 

Insisting on their independent heritage, the UNSMC’s Valkyries were never repainted in the U.N. Spacy’s standard tan and white livery. They either received a unique two tone low visibility gray paint scheme (the fighter units) or retained paint schemes that were typical for their former units, including some all-field green machines or VF-1s in a disruptive wraparound livery in grey, green and black.

Beyond A and J single-seaters (the UNSMC did not receive the premium S variant), a handful of VF-1D two-seaters were upgraded to the UNSMC’s specification and very effectively operated in the FAC (Forward Air Control) role, guiding both long-range artillery as well as attack aircraft against enemy positions.

 

The UNSMC’s VF-1s suffered heavy losses, though – for instance, SVMF-49 was completely wiped out during the so-called “Zentraedi Rain of Death” in April 2011, when the Zentraedi Imperial Grand Fleet, consisting of nearly five million warships, appeared in orbit around the Earth. Commanded by Dolza, Supreme Commander of the Zentraedi, they were ordered to incinerate the planet's surface, which they did. 70% of the Earth was utterly destroyed, according to the staff at Alaska Base. Dolza initially believed this to be total victory, until a massive energy pulse began to form on the Earth's surface. This was the Grand Cannon, a weapon of incredible destructive power that the Zentraedi were unaware of, and it disintegrated a good deal of the armada that was hanging over the Northern Hemisphere. While the Zentraedi were successful in rendering the weapon inoperable before it could fire a second time, the SDF-1 began a counterattack of its own alongside the renegade Imperial-Class Fleet and Seventh Mechanized Space Division, which destroyed the Imperial Grand Fleet. After this event, though, the UNSMC as well as other still independent services like the U.N. Navy were dissolved and the respective units integrated into the all-encompassing U.N. Spacy.

 

The VF-1 was without doubt the most recognizable variable fighter of Space War I and was seen as a vibrant symbol of the U.N. Spacy even into the first year of the New Era 0001 in 2013. At the end of 2015 the final rollout of the VF-1 was celebrated at a special ceremony, commemorating this most famous of variable fighters. The VF-1 Valkryie was built from 2006 to 2013 with a total production of 5,459 VF-1 variable fighters with several variants (VF-1A = 5,093, VF-1D = 85, VF-1J = 49, VF-1S = 30, VF-1G = 12, VE-1 = 122, VT-1 = 68)

 

However, the fighter remained active in many second line units and continued to show its worthiness years later, e. g. through Milia Jenius who would use her old VF-1 fighter in defense of the colonization fleet - 35 years after the type's service introduction!

 

General characteristics:

All-environment variable fighter and tactical combat Battroid,

used by U.N. Spacy, U.N. Navy, U.N. Space Air Force and U.N.S. Marine Corps

 

Accommodation:

Pilot only in Marty & Beck Mk-7 zero/zero ejection seat

 

Dimensions:

Fighter Mode:

Length 14.23 meters

Wingspan 14.78 meters (at 20° minimum sweep)

Height 3.84 meters

Battroid Mode:

Height 12.68 meters

Width 7.3 meters

Length 4.0 meters

Empty weight: 13.25 metric tons;

Standard T-O mass: 18.5 metric tons;

MTOW: 37.0 metric tons

 

Power Plant:

2x Shinnakasu Heavy Industry/P&W/Roice FF-2001 thermonuclear reaction turbine engines, output 650 MW each, rated at 11,500 kg in standard or 225.63 kN in overboost

4x Shinnakasu Heavy Industry NBS-1 high-thrust vernier thrusters (1 x counter reverse vernier thruster nozzle mounted on the side of each leg nacelle/air intake, 1 x wing thruster roll control system on each wingtip)

18x P&W LHP04 low-thrust vernier thrusters beneath multipurpose hook/handles

 

Performance:

Battroid Mode: maximum walking speed 160 km/h

Fighter Mode: at 10,000 m Mach 2.71; at 30,000+ m Mach 3.87

g limit: in space +7

Thrust-to-weight ratio: empty 3.47; standard T-O 2.49; maximum T-O 1.24

 

Design Features:

3-mode variable transformation; variable geometry wing; vertical take-off and landing; control-configurable vehicle; single-axis thrust vectoring; three "magic hand" manipulators for maintenance use; retractable canopy shield for Battroid mode and atmospheric reentry; option of GBP-1S system, atmospheric-escape booster, or FAST Pack system

 

Transformation:

Standard time from Fighter to Battroid (automated): under 5 sec.

Min. time from Fighter to Battroid (manual): 0.9 sec.

 

Armament:

2x Mauler RÖV-20 anti-aircraft laser cannon, firing 6,000 pulses per minute

1x Howard GU-11 55 mm three-barrel Gatling gun pod with 200 RPG, fired at 1,200 rds/min

4x underwing hard points for a wide variety of ordnance, including…

12x AMM-1 hybrid guided multipurpose missiles (3/point), or

12x MK-82 LDGB conventional bombs (3/point), or

6x RMS-1 large anti-ship reaction missiles (2/outboard point, 1/inboard point), or

4x UUM-7 micro-missile pods (1/point) each carrying 15 x Bifors HMM-01 micro-missiles,

or a combination of above load-outs

2x auxiliary hardpoints on the legs for light loads like a FLIR sensor, laser rangefinder/

target designator or ECM pod (typically not used for offensive ordnance)

  

The kit and its assembly:

This fictional VF-1 was born from spontaneous inspiration and the question if the USMC could have adopted the Valkyrie within the Macross time frame and applied its rather special grey/green/black paint scheme from the Nineties that was carried by AH-1s, CH-46s and also some OV-10s.

 

The model is a simple, vintage ARII VF-1 in Fighter mode, in this case a VF-1D two-seater that received the cockpit section and the head unit from a VF-1J Gerwalk model to create a single seater. While the parts are interchangeable, the Gerwalk and the Fighter kit have different molds for the cockpit sections and the canopies, too. This is mostly evident through the lack of a front landing gear well under the Gerwalk's cockpit - I had to "carve" a suitable opening into the bottom of the nose, but that was not a problem.

The kit was otherwiese built OOB, with the landing gear down and (finally, after the scenic flight pictures) with an open canopy for final display among the rest of my VF-1 fleet. However, I added some non-canonical small details like small hardpoints on the upper legs and the FLIR and targeting pods on them, scratched from styrene bits.

 

The ordnance was changed from twelve AMM-1 missiles under the wings to something better suited for attack missions. Finding suitable material became quite a challenge, though. I eventually settled on a pair of large laser-guided smart bombs and two pairs of small air-to-ground missile clusters. The LGBs are streamlined 1:72 2.000 lb general purpose bombs, IIRC from a Hobby Boss F-5E kit, and the launch tubes were scratched from a pair of Bazooka starters from an Academy 1:72 P-51 kit. The ventral standard GU-11 pod was retained and modified to hold a scratched wire display for in-flight pictures at its rear end.

 

Some blade antennae were added around the hull as a standard measure to improve the simple kit’s look. The cockpit was taken OOB, I just added a pilot figure for the scenic shots and the thick canopy was later mounted on a small lift arm in open position.

 

Painting and markings:

Adapting the characteristic USMC three-tone paint scheme for the VF-1 was not easy; I used the symmetric pattern from the AH-1s as starting point for the fuselage and gradually evolved it onto the wings into an asymmetric free-form pattern, making sure that the areas where low-viz roundels and some vital stencils would sit on grey for good contrast and readability. The tones became authentic: USMC Field Green (FS 34095, Humbrol 105), USN Medium Grey (FS 35237, Humbrol 145) and black (using Revell 06 Tar Black, which is a very dark grey and not pure black). For some contrast the wings' leading edges were painted with a sand brown/yellow (Humbrol 94).

 

The landing gear became standard white (Revell 301), the cockpit interior medium grey (Revell 47) with a black ejection seat with brown cushions, and the air intakes as well as the interior of the VG wings dark grey (Revell 77). To set the camouflaged nose radome apart I gave it a slightly different shade of green. The GU-11 pod became bare metal (Revell 91). The LGBs were painted olive drab overall while the AGMs became light grey.

 

Roundels as well as the UNSMC and unit tags were printed at home in black on clear decal sheet. The unit markings came from an Academy OV-10. The modex came from an 1:72 Revell F8F sheet. Stencils becvame eitrher black or white to keep the low-viz look, just a few tiny color highlights bereak the camouflage up. Some of the characteristic vernier thrusters around the hull are also self-made decals.

Finally, after some typical details and position lights were added with clear paint over a silver base, the small VF-1 was sealed with a coat of matt acrylic varnish.

  

A spontaneous interim project - and the UMSC's three-tone paint scheme suits the VF-1 well, which might have been a very suitable aircraft for this service and its mission profiles. I am still a bit uncertain about the camouflage's effectiveness, though - yes, it's disruptive, but the color contrasts are so high that a hiding effect seems very poor, even though I find that the scheme works well over urban terrain? It's fictional, though, and even though there are canonical U.N.S. Marines VF-1s to be found in literature, none I came across so far carried this type of livery.

Developed during the Cold War, the P-3's primary mission was to track Soviet Navy ballistic missile and fast attack submarines and to eliminate same in the event of full scale war. (Wikipedia)

 

3xp HDR

 

Facebook | Twitter | Google+ | Instagram

konica t3n - hexanon 40mm 1.8 - foma100 - r09 9"@20degrC - reflecta 10t @5k ppi

Aérospatiale developed the AS332 Super Puma out of the original Puma transport helicopter, the major improvements being the use of more powerful Turbomeca Makila engines and a beefed-up airframe incorporating various design enhancements. Now an Airbus Helicopters product, and still being built in modernised EC225 form, it has served extensively with both military and civil operators. The Swiss Air Force operates fifteen AS332M1 Super Pumas, capable of carrying 18 passengers or up to 3,000kg of payload. It also operates 11 AS532UL Cougar versions. Lufttransportstaffel 6 (Air Transport Squadron 6) based at Alpnach is providing a flying example at RIAT 2015. Another will be exhibited in the static park by RUAG Aviation, which conducts engineering, upgrade programmes, system integrations and logistical management for the Swiss Air Force Super Pumas and Cougars. The aircraft participating in RIAT 2015 was the TH06 upgraded variant.

Statue named "Song for poplar trees". Nopporo, Ebetsu, Hokkaido.

Fuji-Holga 120( www.flickr.com/photos/threepinner/22015924430/ ), negative ISO 160, developed normally.

cinestill 400d + yashica t4 | home developed & scanned on epson v600

The Boeing B-17 Flying Fortress is a four-engined heavy bomber developed in the 1930s for the United States Army Air Corps. Competing against Douglas and Martin for a contract to build 200 bombers, the Boeing entry outperformed both competitors and exceeded the air corps' performance specifications.

 

Sally B / Memphis Belle. B17 bomber - Duxford, ENGLAND 2018

 

(Wikipedia)

Sally B is the name of an airworthy 1945-built Boeing B-17G Flying Fortress, it is the only airworthy B-17 left in Europe, as well as one of three B-17s in the United Kingdom. The aircraft is based at the Imperial War Museum Duxford, England, Sally B flies at airshows in the UK and across Europe as well as serving as an airborne memorial to the United States Army Air Forces airmen who lost their lives in the European theatre during World War II.

The aircraft was delivered to the United States Army Air Forces (USAAF) on 19 June 1945 as 44-85784, too late to see active service in the war. After being converted to both a TB-17G training variant and then an EB-17G it was struck off charge in 1954. In 1954 the Institut Géographique National in France bought the plane for use as a survey aircraft. In 1975 it moved to England and was registered with the CAA as G-BEDF to be restored to wartime condition.

The Sally B was first fitted with accurate gun turrets and other much needed additions for her role as Ginger Rogers, a B-17 bomber of the fictitious bomber unit featured in the 1981 LWT series We'll Meet Again.

During the winter of 1983–84, Sally B was painted in an olive drab and neutral grey colour scheme, in place of the bare metal scheme she had worn since construction, in order to protect the airframe from the damp UK weather. At the same time, she received the markings of the 447th Bomb Group.

The Sally B was used in the 1990 film Memphis Belle as one of five flying B-17s needed for various film scenes, and it was used to replicate the real Memphis Belle in one scene. Half of the aircraft is still in the Memphis Belle livery, following restoration of the Sally B nose art and the black and yellow checkerboard pattern on the cowling of the starboard inner (no 3) engine, carried as a tribute to Elly Sallingboe's companion Ted White, whose Harvard aircraft had the same pattern on its cowling. Sally B was reworked to B-17F configuration for filming.

Since 1985, Sally B has been operated by Elly Sallingboe's 'B-17 Preservation Ltd and maintained by Chief Engineer Peter Brown and a team of volunteers. The aircraft is flown by volunteer experienced professional pilots. The B17 Charitable Trust exists to raise funds to keep the plane flying. In 2008, Elly Sallingboe was awarded the Transport Trust 'Lifetime Achievement Award' in recognition of over thirty years of dedication to the preservation and operation of Britain's only airworthy Boeing B-17 Flying Fortress as a flying memorial to the tens of thousands of American aircrew who lost their lives in her sister aircraft during the Second World War.

One of the key events in the flying calendar for Sally B is an annual tribute flypast following the Memorial Day service at the American Military Cemetery at Madingley, Cambridge. This takes place over the May Bank Holiday weekend. Flypasts over former Eighth Air Force bases are also carried out whenever possible during the summer months.

Photographed May 2017 : Agfa ISOLETTE II (Agfa SOLINAR 75mm/3.5). ILFORD FP4 PLUS rated ASA 80 developed in ADOX ATOMAL 49 (100ml > 600ml, 10min 30sec, 20*C). Negative was illuminated on a light box and scanned with an iPad mini using FilmScanner app; image then processed in Flickr.

GOMZ Tourist

GOMZ Industar7 10.5cm F3.5

ILFORD HP5+ 400

Self_developed

EPSON GT-X980

Scientists at the Defence Science and Technology Laboratory (Dstl) are continuing to work with a range of industry partners to develop the Army’s Future Soldier Vision (FSV), showcasing the personal equipment that soldiers could be using by the mid-2020s.

 

As well as the design of advanced combat clothing, which includes new materials like four-way stretch fabric and silent hook and loop pockets, new body armour will be lighter, and a new high-tech helmet will have state-of-the- art built-in communication systems.

 

The Vision is part of the Ministry of Defence’s (MOD) plan to ensure that British Soldiers have high-quality equipment utilising the latest technologies, as part of an integrated system. Future Soldier Vision (FSV) gives companies an aim point – an example of an integrated soldier system that balances military need with technology that delivers distributed power to data, scaleable and integrated protection, augmented surveillance and target acquisition, and a range of functional fabrics incorporated into the clothing.

 

Partners include The Royal College of Art (RCA) who provided professional designers, who – when they weren’t working in London on high-end jewellery – spent months working on the clothing to ensure prototypes were fitted to the body, were easy to run in and comfortable to wear.

 

-------------------------------------------------------

© Crown Copyright 2014

Photographer: DSTL Porton Down Photographer

Image 45163929.jpg from www.defenceimages.mod.uk

  

This image is available for high resolution download at www.defenceimagery.mod.uk subject to the terms and conditions of the Open Government License at www.nationalarchives.gov.uk/doc/open-government-licence/. Search for image number 45163929.jpg

 

For latest news visit www.gov.uk/government/organisations/ministry-of-defence

Follow us:

www.twitter.com/defenceimages

 

Developed using darktable 3.0.0

My entry for Worldwide Pinhole Photography Day 2020.

 

Taken on Pinhole day 2020 (4/26/2020)

 

Lensless 75mm pinhole camera

 

Arista EDU 100 4x5 sheet film

 

Stand developed Rodinal 1+100

 

Printed on Ilford Multrigrade IV developed in Kodak Dektol

 

Development details on FilmDev

 

Check it out on the Pinholeday site, and also check out the other entries this year!

pinholeday.org/gallery/2020/index.php?id=1136

Develop: Tetenal Monopack RA-4 21C-1,20 min

Zeiss Ikon Donata 9x12 , Tessar 1:4,5/135 ( 1928 )

Paper: Kodak Supra Endura

This beached yacht has been sat on the south bank of the River Aln since at least Easter 2023.

 

Taken with my Chinon CE-5 with a Pentax 50mm f1.7 lens using Ilford FP4+ and developed in 510 Pyro

two-section articulated streetcar model 71-421R "Dovlatov" was developed specially for St. Petersburg at Uraltransmash of Rostec State Corporation. Uraltransmash is a subsidiary of Uralvagonzavod, one of the leading companies in the field of locomotive and railcar construction in Russia. The enterprise is known primarily for its military products - artillery systems, the production of streetcars is part of the conversion program. Two versions of streetcars are produced, which are named after famous Russian and Soviet writers: three-section model 71-431R "Dostoevsky" and two-section model 71-421R - "Dovlatov". They operate on route No. 6, which runs through the center of St. Petersburg. A total of 76 units of retro streetcars were ordered - 42 model 71-431R "Dostoevsky" and 34 cars of model 71-421R "Dovlatov". The design of the new streetcars echoes the famous Leningrad streetcar LM-57 informally named "Stilyaga" (the mod) but uses the most advanced technologies. In particular, it integrates an active safety system that can independently perform braking, as well as a system for monitoring the driver's condition.

 

For a long time the progress in city tram design was retarded by the absency of low-level bogie. Old Soviet bogie model can not allowed to develop really modern low-floor tram models. Old type can be seen see here www.flickr.com/photos/cetus13/50020591482/in/album-721577...

At early 2000s the one of the leaders in streetcar production in the USSR and Russia, The Ust-Katav Wagon-Building Plant named after S. M. Kirov (Ust-Katavskiy Carriage Works, UKCW; Усть-Катавский вагоностроительный завод имени С. М. Кирова) located in Ust-Katav, Chelyabinsk Oblast, Russia started to develop modern model of city tram with all low-level floor that needed design of new special bogies. But the innovation tram of the model 71-625 has never been produced. After the design of the new tramway bogie was completed, the UKCW unexpectedly broke off relations with its Trading house that had sponsored the development. In 2013 the chief engineer of UKCP moved to a new company founded by Felix Vinokur which bought the rights for the bogie after his leaving the founders of the Trading house Ust-Katav Wagon-Building Plant LLC. Thus, a new tram manufacturer appeared in Russia, The PC Transport Systems LLC. Example of their bogie see here www.flickr.com/photos/cetus13/52962023548/in/album-721577...

It seems that another type of modern bogie was redeveloped by Ust-Katavskiy Carriage Works or even Uraltransmash (?) that utilise simplified Chevron rubber primary suspension instead of helical spring and swing arm.

 

Galle Face | West Coast, Sri Lanka

Subscribe for my future posts via 😍😍😍

www.facebook.com/GihanAnuradhaPhotography/

www.instagram.com/bg_anuradha_photo/

#colombo #galleface #city #architecture #building #night #dusk #architecturalphotography #travel #photography #srilanka #HPOW #natgeo #canon #canonphotos

Curitiba developed a non subsidized, private owned, public transport system called BRT (Bus Rapid Transit). Today it stands as a model recognized internationally. Insightful, long term planning with several innovative solutions has provided the citizens with an effective system that gives priority to public instead of private transport. Besides being model in public transportation and urban planning, Curitiba is also considered the ecologic capital of Brazil. The city recently won the “Sustainable Transport Award 2010” a prize annually offered to the best public transport projects of the world, organized by the United States ITDP and a commission composed of more eight international institutions.

----------

Curitiba desenvolveu um sistema de transporte público denominado RIT (Rede Integrada de Transportes), que atualmente é reconhecido internacionalmente e serviu de inspiração para a implantação de sistemas semelhantes em diversas cidades do mundo. Além de ser referência mundial em transporte público e planejamento urbano, Curitiba é considerada também a capital ecológica do Brasil, devido a sua grande quantidade de parks e áreas verdes. A cidade ganhou recentemente o “Prêmio Transporte Sustentável 2010”, organizado pelo ITDP, dos Estados Unidos e por uma comissão com mais oito instituições internacionais que premia os projetos de transporte público do mundo.

 

(By Guilherme Mendes Thomaz)

 

www.curitiba-travel.com.br

OLYMPUS DIGITAL CAMERA

Needs more study, likewise more shell.

Develop: Paterson FX-37

Film 24x36: Fomapan 100

ap: Nikon FG

 

Camera: Yashica Mat 124 G,

Lens:Yashinon 80/3.5,

ight meter: Sekonic L-308B reading the incident light,

Film: Ilford FP4+,

Film Developing: PYROCAT HD 1+1+100

Time: 20C° - 45 min, Stand development. Agitate for first minute only, then allow to stand undisturbed.

 

scanned with Epson Photo V 500

 

Deutschland / Nordrhein-Westfalen - Tagebau Hambach

 

seen from Viewpoint Berrendorf / Forum terra nova

 

gesehen vom Aussichtspunkt Berrendorf / Forum terra nova

 

The Tagebau Hambach is a large open-pit coal mine (German: Tagebau) in Niederzier and Elsdorf, North Rhine–Westphalia, Germany. It is operated by RWE and used for mining lignite.

 

The mine is on the site of the ancient Hambach Forest which was purchased by RWE in 1978. They then cut most of it down and cleared it to mine. Only 10% of the forest area remains. RWE plans to clear half of the remaining area of the forest between around 2018 and 2020; this plan was met with massive protests in autumn 2018, and was temporarily stopped in October 2018 by the supreme administrative court of North Rhine–Westphalia (Oberverwaltungsgericht für das Land Nordrhein-Westfalen).

 

Begun in 1978, the mine's operation area currently (as of end of 2017) has a size of 43,8 km2, with the total area designated for mining having a size of 85 km2. It is the deepest open pit mine with respect to sea level: the bottom of the pit with up to 500 metres (1,640 ft) from the surface is 299 metres (981 ft) below sea level, the deepest artificially made point in North Rhine–Westphalia.

 

The open pit operator RWE, then known as Rheinbraun, initiated the permitting process for open pit mining in 1974 and was able to commence operations in 1978. The first excavator began its work on 15 October 1978. This was accompanied by the resettlement of local villages and towns and the largest forest area in the region, the Hambach Forest, was largely cleared. On 17 January 1984, the first brown coal was mined.

 

Hambach is the largest open pit mine in Germany with an area of 3,389 hectares (as of 2007) with an approved maximum size of 8500 hectares. About 40 million tons of lignite are produced annually in this mine. It has recently been estimated that 1772 million tons of lignite are still available for mining. The lignite was created from extensive forests and bogs, which developed in the Lower Rhine Bay between 30 and 5 million years ago. The geology of the Lower Rhine Bay is characterized by long-lasting subsidence movements in the last 30 million years, which led to the deposition of up to 1300 m thick sediment layers through the North Sea and many rivers, which today consist of lignite seams up to 100 m thick.

 

At 299 m below sea level, the deepest point of the Hambach open-pit mine forms the deepest artificial depression in North-Rhine Westphalia.

 

Since 1995, the giant bucket-wheel excavator Bagger 293 is used to remove the overburden. It hold several Guinness records for terrestrial vehicles.

 

The opencast mine annually produces a spoil amount of 250 to 300 million m³. The ratio of overburden to coal is 6.2:1. The extracted lignite is transported via the Hambach industrial spur to Bergheim - Auenheim and from there transported via the North–South industrial spur to the power stations Niederaussem, Neurath, Frimmersdorf and Goldenberg near Hürth-Knapsack. The overburden was until 16 April 2009 partially transported by conveyor belt to the Bergheim mine, which has run out of coal and therefore been refilled and recultivated. The visible mark of the open pit is the Sophienhöhe spoil tip, which is considered to be the largest man-made hill, towering over the flat landscape by 200 metres.

 

From 2013, the open pit area is to be extended southeast. For this, the villages Morschenich and Manheim must be relocated. The A4 motorway and the Hambach industrial spur, via which the lignite is transported to the power stations, were laid around three kilometres to the south parallel to the Cologne-Aachen railway line. In addition, a small piece of the federal highway 477 was moved east.

 

The open pit mine was put into operation in 1978. Every year about 0.3 cubic kilometres are moved, so that coal and soil with a volume of about 18.6 km³ will be mined by the time the coal runs out in 2040. By April 2009, the overburden, which was hitherto incurred in Hambach is now transported by conveyor belt in the now exhausted Bergheim mine to fill this in again. Now it is tilted exclusively on the western edge of the opencast mine and on the Sophienhöhe. Due to the accumulation of about 1 km³ of material at the Sophienhöhe and the extracted coal, a residual hole is created, which is to be filled up with water after completion of the mining activities.

 

A lake with an area of 4 ha and a depth of up to 400 m is planned. Size and volume depend on whether the west-located open pit Inden after its decarburization as well as the mine Bergheim filled with material from the open pit Hambach or left open. Lake Hambach would then be the deepest and (in terms of volume) after Lake Constance the second largest lake in Germany. How to fill the opencast mine is still controversial. Some voices suggest taking water from the Rur and / or the Erft or even filling the open pit with a pipeline of Rhine water. However this happens, the filling of the open pit mine is expected to take several decades. Thus, a completion of this artificial water is not expected before the year 2100.

 

In addition to the complete flooding is also possible to build a pumped storage power plant. A patent from 1995 states that such a pumped storage plant in the Hambach opencast mine can be realized and can provide a multiple of the pumped storage capacity currently available in Germany. The increased use of renewable energy makes this option more important and is being followed with interest by the Mining Authority.

 

On May 6, 2020, Meyer Burger, a manufacturer of solar cell production machinery, presented its idea for a huge solar park in the Hambach open-cast mine.[9] This would generate electricity with a capacity of around ten gigawatts, which would roughly correspond to the capacity of the Weisweiler, Neurath, Niederaussem and Frimmersdorf coal-fired power plants, which are currently dependent on the open-cast mines. Considerations for a later use of the area of 50 square kilometres include flooding to form a lake landscape. According to Meyer Burger CEO Gunter Erfurt, it would be conceivable to cover Lake Hambach with solar modules. Up to 50 million solar modules with a capacity of 10 gigawatts could be installed - as a floating solar park, as has already been realised in other parts of the world.

 

According to Meyer Burger CEO Gunter Erfurt, the construction of a state-of-the-art plant for cell and module production is currently being evaluated. In an interview with Radio Rur, Uwe Rau replied that such an idea was feasible, as a major advantage of the Hambach opencast mine was the power transmission lines already in place due to the power plants, which could thus continue to be used.

 

RWE Power AG announced in May 2020 that photovoltaic projects for the Sophienhöhe are conceivable.

 

Andreas Pinkwart, Minister for Economic Affairs, Innovation, Digitisation and Energy of North Rhine-Westphalia, also expressed his support for the project.

 

Since around 2012, an area within the remaining part of the Hambach Forest has been occupied by environmentalists to prevent its planned destruction by RWE.

 

The occupation involves a settlement with around two dozen tree houses and numerous road barricades. The barricades were erected to prevent mining company and police vehicles from entering.

 

In November 2017, environmentalists entered the mine and temporarily halted operations. They were met with police using horses and pepper spray.

 

In 2004, Greenpeace activists demonstrated against climate damage in the Hambach mine due to power generation using lignite. They flew over the open pit with a hot air balloon, occupied an excavator for several days and painted it partly pink. On 13 May 2009, the joint action of the local action group of citizens' initiatives against the relocation of the A4 and Friends of the Earth Germany (BUND) failed before the Federal Administrative Court. The plaintiffs tried to stop the relocation of the A4, which was deemed necessary for the planned extension of the open pit mine and justified this, inter alia, with feared noise pollution as well as the possible threat to the protected Bechstein bat and other species. In 2009, the construction of the new section of motorway began, in September 2014, it was opened to traffic.

 

Since 2008, there have increasing complaints about possible damage to the hill in the Elsdorf-Heppendorf area; since the burden of proof lies with the complainants, it is difficult to prove the mining operator guilty. The newly formed brown coal committee therefore decided on 16 April 2010, to set up the Bergschaden Braunkohle NRW reclamation service for damage victims in the Rhenish lignite mining area. The former chairman of the Higher Regional Court Hamm Gero Debusmann was appointed chairman of the recourse office. He is already chairman of the conciliation body mining damage in the coal industry. He can be contacted if attempts at reconciliation with RWE Power remain unsatisfactory. The procedure is free of charge for the applicant.

 

In November 2012 and March 2013, the police cleared tent and hut camps of mining opponents in the remaining Hambacher Forst. In 2012, a squatter had to be fetched from a six-metre deep tunnel and the following year two activists were roped off a tree platform. Later, a new camp was built at another location in the Hambacher forest.

 

In September 2018, a journalist died after falling from the tree structures built by activists.

 

(Wikipedia)

 

Der Tagebau Hambach ist der größte von der RWE Power AG betriebene Tagebau im Rheinischen Braunkohlerevier. Er betrifft die Gemeinden Niederzier, Kreis Düren, und Elsdorf, Rhein-Erft-Kreis. Der Tagebau Hambach ist aufgrund der mit ihm einhergehenden Abgase der Kohleverbrennung und weiterer Umweltzerstörung, unter anderem der Rodung des Hambacher Forsts, umstritten. Über 1000 Jahre alte Ortschaften wie Manheim müssen dem Tagebau weichen.

 

Der damals noch unter dem Namen Rheinbraun firmierende Tagebaubetreiber leitete 1974 das Genehmigungsverfahren für den Tagebau ein und konnte 1978 mit dem Aufschluss beginnen. Der erste Bagger begann seine Arbeit am 16. Oktober 1978. Damit ging die Umsiedlung von Ortschaften einher und das größte Waldgebiet in der Jülicher Börde, der Bürgewald – bekannter als Hambacher Forst –, wurde weitgehend gerodet. Am 17. Januar 1984 wurde die erste Braunkohle gefördert.

 

Hambach ist mit einer Betriebsfläche von 4.380 Hektar (2017) bei einer genehmigten Maximalgröße des Abbaufeldes von 8.500 Hektar der größte in Betrieb befindliche Braunkohletagebau in Deutschland. Laut RWE lagerten im Geschäftsjahr 1973/74 geschätzte 4.500 Mio. Tonnen Braunkohle in einer Tiefe bis zu 500 Metern. Gegen 2011 standen noch geschätzte 1.772 Mio. Tonnen Braunkohle zum Abbau zur Verfügung und es wurden auf dieser Fläche jährlich etwa 40 Mio. Tonnen Braunkohle gefördert. Die Braunkohle entstand aus weitflächigen Wäldern und Mooren, die sich in der Niederrheinischen Bucht vor 30 bis vor 5 Mio. Jahren entwickelten. Die Geologie der Niederrheinischen Bucht ist gekennzeichnet durch langanhaltende Senkungsbewegungen in den letzten 30 Mio. Jahren, die zur Ablagerung eines bis zu 1300 m mächtigen Sedimentpaketes durch die Nordsee und durch viele Flüsse geführt haben, in dem sich heute bis zu 100 m mächtige Braunkohleflöze befinden.

 

Mit 299 m unter NHN bildet der tiefste Punkt des Tagebaus Hambach die tiefste künstliche Senke Nordrhein-Westfalens.

 

Der Tagebau fördert jährlich eine Abraummenge von 250 bis 300 Mio. m³. Das Verhältnis von Abraum zu Kohle beträgt 6,2 : 1. Die geförderte Braunkohle wird über die Hambachbahn nach Bergheim-Auenheim und von dort aus weiter über die Nord-Süd-Bahn zu den Kraftwerken Niederaußem, in die Kraftwerke Neurath und Frimmersdorf in Grevenbroich sowie nach Goldenberg bei Hürth-Knapsack transportiert. Der Abraum wurde bis zum 16. April 2009 zum Teil per Band zum Tagebau Bergheim befördert, der bereits ausgekohlt ist und deshalb verkippt und rekultiviert wurde. Weithin sichtbares Markenzeichen des Tagebaus ist die Hochkippe Sophienhöhe im Nordwesten des Tagebaus, sie gilt als größter künstlich angelegter Berg, der die ebene Bördenlandschaft um 200 Meter überragt.

 

Seit Oktober 2014 leitet der Bergbauingenieur Thomas Körber den Tagebau.

 

Seit 2013 wird die Tagebaufläche südöstlich erweitert. Dazu werden die Ortschaften Morschenich und Manheim umgesiedelt. Die Autobahn A 4 und die Hambachbahn, über die der Transport der Braunkohle zu den Kraftwerken geschieht, wurden um rund drei Kilometer nach Süden parallel zur Eisenbahnstrecke Köln–Aachen verlegt. Außerdem wurde ein kleines Stück der Bundesstraße 477 Richtung Osten verlegt.

 

Im August 2020 wurde bekanntgegeben, dass an der Abbruchkante ein Brunnen aus dem 2. Jahrhundert ausgegraben werden konnte.

 

Die CO2-Emissionen aus der Verbrennung der 2019 noch verbliebenen Braunkohle würden rechnerisch für eine Erhöhung des natürlichen CO2-Gehalts der Atmosphäre um ca. 0,7 Promille weltweit ausreichen, oder zusammengezogen eine CO2-Verdoppelung auf der Gesamtfläche Deutschlands bewirken, gerechnet mit 4 kg CO2 je m2 und einer Tonne CO2-Emissionen je Tonne Braunkohle. Das entspricht einer Gesamtmenge von 2,4 % des CO2-Budgets (9,9 Mrd. t CO2), welches sich Deutschland bis 2050 gesteckt hat.

 

Der Tagebau Hambach ist an Feinstaub-Emissionen in seinem näheren Umfeld beteiligt. Der Anteil des vom Tagebau herrührenden Feinstaubs wird vom Landesamt für Natur, Umwelt und Verbraucherschutz Nordrhein-Westfalen (LANUV NRW) mit 25 % angegeben.

 

Für das Jahr 2004 wird vom LANUV NRW für Überschreitungen des Feinstaub-Grenzwertes von 50 µg/m³ kein vollständiges Messjahr aufgelistet, der erlaubte Jahresmittelwert von 40 µg/m³ wird jedoch mit 30 µg/m³, der an der Messstation Niederzier festgestellt wird, deutlich unterschritten.

 

Seit Anfang 2005 gelten EU-weit neue Grenzwerte für Feinstaub-Emissionen. Unter Federführung der Bezirksregierung Köln wurde ein Aktionsplan zur Feinstaubminderung in der Umgebung des Tagebaus Hambach erarbeitet, der am 29. September 2005 in Kraft trat. Der Tagebaubetreiber hatte bereits vorlaufend mit der Umsetzung von Maßnahmen zur Feinstaub-Reduzierung begonnen. Im Jahr 2006 wurden in Niederzier 35 Überschreitungen des Grenzwertes verzeichnet, was genau den erlaubten Überschreitungstagen entsprach. Der Jahresmittelwert sank für diesen Zeitraum auf 29 µg/m³.

 

Nach der EU-Richtlinie 1999/30/EG sind ab dem 1. Januar 2005 maximal 35 Überschreitungen des PM10-Tagesmittelwertes von 50 µg/m³ pro Jahr zulässig. Seit dem 1. Januar 2010 darf der einzuhaltende Tagesmittelwert für PM10 weiterhin 50 µg/m³ betragen. Seit dem Jahr 2010 sollte der Jahresmittelwert für PM10 nur noch 20 µg/m³ betragen. Dies ist durch die Richtlinie 2008/50/EG vom 21. Mai 2008 (Anhang XI) wieder entschärft worden, so dass ab 2010 weiter der Jahresmittelwert für PM10 40 µg/m³ gilt.

 

Folgende Maßnahmen zur Bekämpfung von Feinstaub werden laut RWE im Tagebau umgesetzt:

 

Anpflanzen von Bäumen auf der Abraumseite

Grasbewuchs auf brachliegenden Flächen

Straßen werden befestigt und Bandanlagen auf festen Untergrund gestellt, was Staub vermindert

Berieseln der oberen Sohle auf der Baggerseite

Berieseln der Nordwand

Berieseln von Kohlebunker und Kohlebändern

beim Baggern wird Wasser auf den Abraum gesprüht.

 

In Betrieb genommen wurde der Tagebau 1978. Jährlich werden etwa 0,3 Kubikkilometer bewegt, sodass gegen Ende der Auskohlung im Jahr 2040 Kohle und Erdreich mit einem Volumen von etwa 18,6 km³ abgebaut sein werden. Bis April 2009 wurde der Abraum, der bis dahin in Hambach anfiel, zum Teil durch Bandanlagen in den ausgekohlten Tagebau Bergheim geschafft, um diesen wieder zu füllen. Nun wird ausschließlich am westlichen Rand des Tagebaus und auf der Sophienhöhe verkippt. Durch die Anhäufung von rund 1 km³ Material an der Sophienhöhe und durch die entnommene Kohle entsteht ein Restloch, das nach Abschluss der Abbautätigkeiten mit Wasser aufgefüllt werden soll.

 

Als Bergbaufolgelandschaft ist ein Tagebausee mit einer Fläche von 4200 ha, einer Tiefe bis 400 m und einem Volumen von 3,6 Mrd. m³ geplant. Größe und Volumen hängen davon ab, ob der westlich gelegene Tagebau Inden nach dessen Auskohlung ebenso wie der Tagebau Bergheim durch Material aus dem Tagebau Hambach verfüllt oder offen gelassen wird. Der See Hambach wäre dann der tiefste und (nach Volumen) nach dem Bodensee der zweitgrößte See Deutschlands. Wie der Tagebau befüllt werden soll, ist noch umstritten. Einige Stimmen schlagen vor, Wasser aus der Rur und/oder der Erft zu entnehmen oder gar den Tagebau über eine Pipeline mit Rheinwasser zu füllen. Wie dies auch geschieht, die Füllung des Tagebaus wird voraussichtlich einige Jahrzehnte in Anspruch nehmen. Somit ist mit einer Fertigstellung dieses künstlichen Gewässers nicht vor dem Jahr 2100 zu rechnen.

 

Am 6. Mai 2020 stellte zudem Meyer Burger, ein Hersteller von Solarzellen-Produktionsmaschinen, seine Idee für einen Solarpark vor. Dadurch würde Strom mit der Leistung von etwa zehn Gigawatt erzeugt, was in etwa der Leistung der heute von den Tagebauen abhängigen Kohlekraftwerke Weisweiler, Neurath, Niederaußem und Frimmersdorf entspreche. Überlegungen für eine spätere Nutzung des Gebietes mit einer Fläche von 50 Quadratkilometern sehen die Flutung zur Seenlandschaft vor. Gemäß Meyer Burger CEO ist es denkbar, den Hambacher See mit Solarmodulen zu bedecken. Bis zu 50 Millionen Solarmodule mit einer Leistung von 10 Gigawatt könnten installiert werden – als schwimmender Solarpark, wie er in anderen Teilen der Welt bereits realisiert wurde.[14] Gemäß Uwe Rau ist ein wesentlicher Vorteil des Braunkohletagebau Hambach, dass Stromübertragungsleitungen aufgrund der Kraftwerke bereits vorhanden seien und genutzt werden könnten.

 

Gemäß RWE Power AG ist ein Photovoltaik-Projekte für die Sophienhöhe vorstellbar.

 

Unterstützend äußerte sich auch der Minister für Wirtschaft, Innovation, Digitalisierung und Energie von Nordrhein-Westfalen, Andreas Pinkwart.

 

Neben der vollständigen Flutung des Tagebaurestloches besteht auch die Möglichkeit, ein Pumpspeicherkraftwerk zu errichten. Ein Patent von 1995 führt aus, dass ein solches Pumpspeicherwerk im Tagebau Hambach realisierbar ist und ein Vielfaches der aktuell in Deutschland verfügbaren Pumpspeicherkapazität zur Verfügung stellen kann.[18] Durch die zunehmende Nutzung erneuerbarer Energien gewinnt diese Option an Bedeutung und wird vom Bergamt mit Interesse verfolgt.

 

Die RWE Power AG gab im Mai 2020 bekannt, dass ein Pumpspeicherwerk zumindest für die Sophienhöhe keine Lösung sei, da dort die Anlage eines Obersees nicht möglich sei. Hingegen seien Photovoltaik-Projekte vorstellbar.

 

Es gibt ein weiteres Konzept zur Speicherung von elektrischer Energie. Dabei soll aus dem Restloch des Tagebaus Wasser nach oben gepumpt werden und bei Strombedarf wieder an Turbinen vorbei nach unten gelassen werden. Abhängig von der Größe der realisierten Anlagen sind dort gemäß Konzept Speicherkapazitäten von einigen 100 bis einigen 1000 GWh möglich, die Speicherkosten sollen bei 1 bis 2 ct/kWh liegen.

 

An Pfingsten 2004 demonstrierten Greenpeace-Aktivisten im Tagebau Hambach gegen die Klimaschädigung durch die Braunkohleverstromung. Sie überflogen den Tagebau mit einem Heißluftballon, hielten mehrere Tage einen Bagger besetzt und strichen diesen zum Teil rosa an. Am 13. Mai 2009 scheiterte die gemeinsame Klage der lokalen Aktionsgemeinschaft der Bürgerinitiativen gegen die Verlegung der A 4 und des BUND vor dem Bundesverwaltungsgericht. Die Kläger versuchten, die zur geplanten Erweiterung des Tagebaus notwendige Verlegung der A 4 zu stoppen, und begründeten dies u. a. mit befürchteten Lärmbelastungen sowie der möglichen Bedrohung der unter Naturschutz stehenden Bechsteinfledermaus und andere Arten. 2009 wurde mit dem Bau des neuen Autobahnteilstücks begonnen, im September 2014 wurde es dem Verkehr übergeben.

 

Seit 2008 werden vermehrt Beschwerden wegen möglicher Bergschäden im Bereich Elsdorf-Heppendorf laut; da die Beweislast bei den Beschwerdeführern liegt, ist der Nachweis gegenüber dem Bergbautreibenden schwierig. Der neugebildete Braunkohlenausschuss beschloss deshalb am 16. April 2010 die Einrichtung der Anrufungsstelle Bergschaden Braunkohle NRW für Betroffene von Bergschäden im rheinischen Braunkohlenrevier. Zum Vorsitzenden der Anrufungsstelle wurde der ehemalige Präsident des Oberlandesgerichts Hamm, Gero Debusmann, berufen. Er ist bereits Vorsitzer der Schlichtungsstelle Bergschäden im Steinkohlenbergbau. Er kann angerufen werden, wenn Einigungsversuche mit RWE Power unbefriedigend geblieben sind. Das Verfahren ist für den Antragsteller kostenfrei.

 

Im November 2012 und März 2013 räumte die Polizei Zelt- und Hüttenlager von Tagebaugegnern im verbliebenen Hambacher Forst. 2012 musste ein Platzbesetzer aus einem sechs Meter tiefen Erdversteck geholt und im Folgejahr zwei Aktivisten von einer Baumplattform abgeseilt werden. Später entstand ein neues Camp an einer anderen Stelle im Hambacher Forst.

 

Am 23. Oktober 2016 fand eine Demonstration im Hambacher Forst statt, um das letzte Stück des Waldes zu schützen. Es nahmen laut Polizeiangaben über 1000 Personen teil, die sich in Rot kleideten, um eine rote Linie auf der alten A4 bei Buir zu bilden. Sie wollten mit der Aktion ein Zeichen gegen die Abholzung des letzten Stückes des Hambacher Forstes setzen.

 

Am 5. November 2017, einen Tag vor Beginn des Weltklimagipfels in Bonn, besetzten rund 3.000 Aktivisten Teile des Tagebaus, um darauf aufmerksam zu machen, dass wenige Kilometer vom Konferenzort entfernt mit dem rheinischen Braunkohlerevier die ihren Angaben zufolge größte CO2-Quelle Europas liegt.

 

Die Hambach-Gruppe war eine 1977 gegründete Initiative von jungen Wissenschaftlern der RWTH Aachen, die sich kritisch mit Braunkohleabbau und dessen Folgen beschäftigte; beispielsweise dem Aufkauf und Abriss von Ortschaften durch den Tagebau und somit der Vertreibung der dort ansässigen Bewohner. Von 1984 bis 1985 war der spätere Politiker Rüdiger Sagel Geschäftsführer dieser Bürgerinitiative in Aachen. Ihre Aktivitäten endeten vor 1990.

 

Die Aktionsgemeinschaft der Bürgerinitiativen gegen die Verlegung der Autobahn A4 war ein von 1992 bis 2013 aktiver Zusammenschluss von sechs örtlichen Bürgerinitiativen der Ortschaften Arnoldsweiler, Buir, Manheim, Merzenich und Morschenich gegen den Tagebau Hambach und die Verlegung der Bundesautobahn 4. Der Aktionsgemeinschaft gelang es erstmals, die enormen und irreversiblen Umweltschäden des Tagebaus Hambach in groß angelegten Aktionen darzulegen und so den betroffenen Bürgern vor Augen zu führen, dass Widerstand möglich ist. Die Aktionsgemeinschaft hat viele Widerstandsformen – wie z. B. regelmäßige Waldspaziergänge – erfunden, um auf das Abbaggern des Hambacher Forstes aufmerksam zu machen.

 

(Wikipedia)

Leica M3 Zeiss Planar 50mm f2 ZM

Long Expired Ektachrome 100 Professional

Arista Rapid E6 Slide Developing Kit

developed in Borax and Tartaric acid, no toning

Getting into character backstage at The Crucible

 

Yashica Lynx 5000, 50mm/1.8 lens, 1/30 sec @ f1.8, Tri-X at EI 1000, developed in Diafine post work by John and Sharon

 

Developed by Whampoa Colour Centre

Fire Hydrant.

Taken in Alpbach, Austria.

24/6/18

Yashica Mat TLR camera with yellow filter

Ilford HP5+ 400 120 format film, 6 X 6.

Developed by me.

Rodinal 1+50, 11 mins, 20C, water stop, Fomafix p, spiral tank.

Scanned with Epson Scan V550.

Adjusted in darktable running in Linux Mint.

116007.

Kyrenia Castle-Girne Kalesi), at the east end of the old harbour in Kyrenia is a 16th-century castle built by the Venetians over a previous Crusader fortification. Within its walls lies a twelfth-century chapel showing reused late Roman capitals, and the Shipwreck Museum.

 

Kyrenia has existed since the 10th century BC. Excavations have revealed Greek traces that date back to the 7th century BC, but the site was developed into a city under Roman rule.

 

Research carried out at the site suggests that the Byzantines built the original castle in the 7th Century to guard the city against the new Arab maritime threat. The first historical reference to the castle occurs in 1191, when King Richard I of England captured it on his way to the Third Crusade by defeating Isaac Comnenus, an upstart local governor who had proclaimed himself emperor.

 

After a short period, Richard sold the island to the Knights Templar who could not control it because of peasant revolt, and then to his cousin Guy de Lusignan, the former king of Jerusalem. This began the 300 years of the Frankish Lusignan Kingdom of Cyprus (1192–1489). Initially the castle was quite small. John d'Ibelin enlarged it between 1208 and 1211. The Castle's main function was military and the improvements consisted of a new entrance, square and horseshoe-shaped towers, embrasures for archers, and dungeons.

 

The castle was subjected to several sieges. A Genoese attack in 1373 almost destroyed the castle, and the longest amongst the sieges, in the 15th century, lasted nearly four years and reduced the unfortunate occupants to eating mice and rats. By 1489 the Venetians had taken control of Cyprus and in 1540 they enlarged the castle, giving it its present-day appearance. The chief changes, such as the addition of thick walls and embrasures for cannons, were adaptations to changes in warfare in the form of gunpowder artillery. The Venetians also installed gun ports at three levels so that they could direct cannon fire against attackers from the land. Inside the castle, they built huge long ramps so as to be able to drag artillery up on the walls. When the work on the castle was finished, its walls also encompassed the small church of St. George, which the Byzantines may have built in the 11th or 12th century.

 

In 1570, Kyrenia surrendered to the Ottomans. The Ottomans too made changes to the castle, but the British removed these during their occupation. The castle contains the tomb of the Ottoman Admiral Sadik Pasha. The British used the castle as a police barracks and training school. They also used the castle as a prison for members of the Greek Cypriot EOKA organization.

 

The Kyrenia Department of Antiquities took over custodianship of the castle in 1950, though it reverted to British control during the EOKA turmoil. The Department regained control in 1959 and since 1960 the castle has been open to the public. However, during the period from 1963 to 1967 the Cypriot National Guard used the castle as a military headquarters. Following the Turkish invasion of Cyprus, in 1974 the Girne Department of Antiquities and Museums took over responsibility for the castle's preservation and use. The Department is keeping icons that were collected from churches in the Kyrenia area pre-1974 and has stored them in the castle's locked rooms for safekeeping. Some of these are now on display in the Archangel Michael Church.

 

The moat on the landward side of the castle was full of water prior to the 14th Century AD and served as a harbour to the castle. One enters the Castle through its north-west entrance, which opens on a bridge spanning the moat. From the first gate, lying to the north west of the fortified wall that the Venetians built, one comes to a vaulted corridor that leads to the entrance of the Lusignan castle. A passage to the left of the corridor gives entry to the cruciform Church of St. George. The dome of this church rests on marble columns with Corinthian capitals that were salvaged from an older building elsewhere and placed here.

 

The tomb in the entrance corridor of the Lusignan castle belongs to the Ottoman Admiral Sadik Pasha who conquered Kyrenia in 1570. The corridor then leads to the castle's large inner courtyard, which is lined with guardrooms, stables and living quarters. The arched rooms (royal guard rooms, prison etc.) to the north and east of the yard belong to the Lusignan Period. The Royal quarters to the west of the yard, as well as the big and arched windows of the little Latin Temple also date back to the Lusignan Period. On the southern part of the yard there are fortifications and remains belonging to the Byzantine Period. Ramps lead to the defences on the upper sections of the walls. One can climb steps to the Lusignan royal apartments and a small chapel. The depths of Kyrenia Castle contain dungeons, storage rooms and the powder magazines. Off the courtyard, there is a room displaying the finds from various archaeological sites such as the Akdeniz village tomb, the neolithic settlement at Vrysi, and the Kirni Bronze Age tomb. There is also a small souvenir shop and simple cafe at the northern end of the courtyard.

 

Kyrenia is a city on the northern coast of Cyprus, noted for its historic harbour and castle. It is under the de facto control of Northern Cyprus.

 

While there is evidence showing that the wider region of Kyrenia has been populated before, the city was built by the Greeks named Achaeans from the Peloponnese after the Trojan War (1300 BC). According to Greek mythology, Kyrenia was founded by the Achaeans Cepheus and Praxandrus who ended up there after the Trojan War. The heroes gave to the new city the name of their city of Kyrenia located in Achaia, Greece.

 

As the town grew prosperous, the Romans established the foundations of its castle in the 1st century AD. Kyrenia grew in importance after the 9th century due to the safety offered by the castle, and played a pivotal role under the Lusignan rule as the city never capitulated. The castle has been most recently modified by the Venetians in the 15th century, but the city surrendered to the Ottoman Empire in 1571.

 

The city's population was almost equally divided between Muslims and Christians in 1831, with a slight Muslim majority. However, with the advent of British rule, many Turkish Cypriots fled to Anatolia, and the town came to be predominantly inhabited by Greek Cypriots. While the city suffered little intercommunal violence, its Greek Cypriot inhabitants, numbering around 2,650, fled or were forcefully displaced in the wake of the Turkish invasion in 1974. Currently, the city is populated by Turkish Cypriots, mainland Turkish settlers, and British expats, with a municipal population of 33,207.

 

Kyrenia is a cultural and economical centre, described as the tourism capital of Northern Cyprus. It is home to numerous hotels, nightlife and a port. It hosts an annual culture and arts festival with hundreds of participating artists and performers and is home to three universities with a student population around 14,000.

 

The history of Kyrenia, a city in Cyprus that the Turks have occupied since 1974, dates back to Prehistoric Cyprus and continues into the present.

 

Prehistoric and ancient times

Kyrenia dates to the end of the Trojan War when many settlers arrived there from Achaea in the Peloponnese with Kephios[1] and established towns in the district. Evidence from archeological sites excavated in and around the town of Kyrenia bespeak of the area's settlement since the Neolithic period, 5800-3000 BC. Moreover, many Mycenaean, Geometric and Achaean tombs dating from 14th to 5th centuries BC, were also discovered. A fine climate, fertile soil and an abundance of water offered ideal conditions for the town's early settlement.

 

Cepheus from Arcadia is believed to be the founder of the town of Kyrenia. A military leader, he arrived at the north coast of the island bringing with him many settlers from various towns in Achaea. One such town, located near present-day Aigio in the Peloponnese, was also called Kyrenia.

 

The earliest reference made to the town of Kyrenia is found, together with that of the other seven city kingdoms of Cyprus, in Egyptian scripts dating from the period of Ramesses III, c. 1186–1155 BC.

 

From its early days of settlement, Kyrenia's commerce and maritime trade benefited enormously from its proximity to the Asia Minor coast. Boats set sail from the Aegean islands, travelled along the Asia Minor coast, and then crossed over the short distance to the northern shores of Cyprus to reach the two city kingdoms of Lapithos and Kyrenia. This lively maritime activity (late 4th or early 3rd century BC) is evident in an ancient shipwreck discovered by Andreas Kariolou in 1965, just outside Kyrenia harbour. The vessel's route along Samos, Kos, Rhodes, the Asia Minor coastline and then Kyrenia, demonstrates the town's close maritime relations with other city kingdoms in the eastern Mediterranean.

 

During the succession struggle between Ptolemy and Antigonus that followed Alexander the Great's death in 323 BC, Kyrenia was subdued under the rule of the kingdom of Lapithos that allied itself with Antigonus. Once the Ptolemies were successful in dominating the whole island, all city kingdoms were abolished. Kyrenia however, because of its maritime trade, continued to prosper. In the 2nd century BC, it is cited as one of six Cypriot towns which were benefactors to the Oracle at Delphi, that is, it received its special representatives who collected contributions and gifts. The town's prosperity at this time is also evident from its two temples, one dedicated to Apollo and the other to Aphrodite, and from the rich archeological finds dating from the Hellenistic period excavated within the present-day town limits.

 

The Romans succeeded the Ptolemies as rulers of Cyprus and during this time Lapithos became the administrative centre of the district. The numerous tombs excavated and the rich archeological finds dating from this period indicate however, that Kyrenia continued to be a populous and prosperous town. An inscription found at the base of a limestone statue dating from 13 to 37 AD, refers to "Kyrenians Demos" that is, the town's inhabitants. Here the Romans left their mark by constructing a castle with a seawall in front of it so that boats and ships could anchor in safety.

 

Christianity found fertile ground in the area. The first Christian martyrs used the old quarries of Chrysokava, just east of Kyrenia castle, as catacombs and cut-rock cemeteries which are considered among the island's most important remains from this period. Later, some of these caves were converted into churches and feature beautiful iconography, the most representative of which is that found at Ayia Mavri. From these early days, the town of Kyrenia was an episcopal see. One of its first bishops, Theodotus, was arrested and tortured between 307 and 324, under the reign of Licinius.

 

The persecution of Christians officially ended in 313, when Constantine I and his co-emperor, Licinius, issued the Edict of Milan, which mandated toleration of Christians in the Roman Empire and freedom of worship. The martyrdom of Theodotus, however, occurred in 324 and it is this event that the Church annually commemorates on March 2.

 

Medieval Ages

With the division of the Roman empire into an eastern and western empire, in 395 Cyprus came under the Byzantine emperors and the Greek Orthodox Church. The Byzantine emperors fortified Kyrenia's Roman castle and in the 10th century, they constructed in its vicinity a church dedicated to St. George, which the garrison used as a chapel. Then, when in 806, Lambousa was destroyed in the Arab raids, Kyrenia grew in importance because its castle and garrison offered its inhabitants protection and security. Isaac Komnenos of Cyprus, the island's last Byzantine governor, sent his family and treasures to the castle for safety in 1191 when King Richard I of England of England went to war with him. However, Richard defeated Comnenus and became the island's new master.

 

King Richard's rule was not welcomed in Cyprus so he sold the island first to the Templars, and then in 1192, to Guy of Lusignan. Under Frankish rule, the villages of the district of Kyrenia became feudal estates and the town became once again the administrative and commercial centre for its region. The Lusignans enlarged the castle, built a wall and towers around the town, and extended the fortifications to the harbour. They also fortified the Byzantine castles of Saint Hilarion, Bouffavento and Kantara, which, together with Kyrenia Castle, protected the town from land and sea attacks. Kyrenia castle played a pivotal role in the island's history during the many disputes among the Frankish kings, as well as the conflicts with the Genoese. On numerous occasions the castle came under siege, but it never capitulated.

 

In 1489, Cyprus came under Venetian rule. The Venetians modified Kyrenia Castle to meet the threat that the use of gunpowder and cannons posed. The castle's royal quarters and three of its four thin and elegant Frankish towers were demolished and replaced by thickset circular towers that could better withstand cannon fire. These new towers, however, were never put to the test. In 1571, the castle and the town surrendered to the Ottoman army.

 

Kyrenia Under Ottoman Rule

Under Ottoman rule, Kyrenia district was at first one of four, then one six, administrative districts of the island and the town remained its administrative capital. The town's fortunes declined however as it was transformed into a garrison town. The Christian population was expelled from the fortified city, and no one was allowed to reside within the castle other than the artillerymen and their families. These men terrorized the town's inhabitants and those of the surrounding villages, Christian and Muslim alike, with their arbitrary looting and crimes. The few local inhabitants who dared to stay were merchants and fishermen whose livelihood depended on the sea. They built their homes outside the city wall, which through time, neglect and disrepair, turned to ruin. The rest of the inhabitants moved further out to the area known as Pano Kyrenia or the ‘Riatiko' (so called because it once belonged to a king) or fled further inland and to the mountain villages of Thermeia, Karakoumi, Kazafani, Bellapais and Karmi.

 

The town revived again when bribes and gifts paid to local Turkish officials caused them to permit local maritime trade with Asia Minor and the Aegean islands to resume. In 1783, the church of Chrysopolitissa was renovated. Then in 1856, following the Hatt-I-Humayum, which introduced social and political reform and greater religious freedom for the various peoples of the Ottoman Empire, the church of Archangel Michael was rebuilt on a rocky mount overlooking the sea. At about this time, many of the Christian inhabitants of the surrounding villages reestablished themselves in the town. Local agriculture and maritime trade, particularly the export of carobs to Asia Minor, allowed the people of Kyrenia to have a comfortable living, and some even to educate their children and pursue other cultural activities.

 

Under British Rule

In 1878, following a secret agreement between the British and Ottoman governments, the island was ceded to Great Britain as a military base in the eastern Mediterranean. At first, Great Britain did not undertake major administrative changes, so Kyrenia remained the district's capital. A road was constructed through the mountain pass to connect the town to the island's capital, Nicosia, and the harbour was repaired and expanded to accommodate increasing trade with the opposite coast. The town's municipal affairs were put in order and the municipal council took an active role in cleaning and modernizing the town. In 1893, a hospital was built through private contributions and effort. By the 1900s (decade), Kyrenia was a buzzing little town with a new school building, its own newspaper, social, educational and athletic clubs. It was also a favoured vacation spot for many wealthy Nicosia families. Many homes were converted into pensions and boarding houses and in 1906, the first hotel, The ‘Akteon,' was built by the sea. These first decades of British rule however, also saw increased economic hardship for the population. High taxation, frequent droughts and a world economic depression were precipitating factors for a mass exodus of people from the town and district, first to Egypt and then to the United States.

 

Kyrenia from the air in 1959

In 1922, the episcopal see of Kyrenia returned to the town after the completion of a new metropolitan building. That same year, the Greco-Turkish war brought to a halt all trade with the opposite coast causing a serious economic depression. To the rescue came a young repatriate from the USA who built the town's first modern hotels; first the ‘Seaview' in 1922 followed by the ‘Dome' in 1932 - both built with a foreign tourist clientele in mind. Kyrenia's mild climate, picturesque harbour, numerous archeological sites, panoramic views that combined sea, mountains and vegetation, coupled with modern amenities, soon attracted many travellers and Kyrenia's economy revived through tourism. After the Second World War, more hotels were built and the town remained a favoured vacation spot for Nicosia residents and foreign travellers alike. To the town's Greek and Turkish inhabitants were added many from Great Britain who chose Kyrenia as their permanent place of residence.

 

After Cypriot Independence

In 1960, Cyprus gained its independence from Great Britain. However, the intercommunal conflict that broke out in 1963-64 between the island's Greek and Turkish population again eroded Kyrenia's prosperity. While skirmishes in Kyrenia were minimal, Turkish Cypriot irregulars blockaded the Kyrenia-Nicosia road and occupied Saint Hilarion castle. Despite these difficulties, the 1960s and early 1970s was a period of lively cultural and economic activity. A new town hall was built and a Folklore Museum established. The ancient shipwreck [1] already alluded to was reassembled, together with all its amphorae and cargo, and permanently exhibited at the castle. The number of new hotels and tourists multiplied and a new road was constructed in the early 1970s connecting the town to Nicosia from the east. The town's cultural activities greatly increased. Other than the many traditional cultural and religious fairs and festivals annually celebrated, flower shows, yachting races, concerts and theatre performances were organized. Kyrenia, the smallest of Cypriot towns, was undoubtedly the island's most precious jewel.

 

The town's inhabitants, Greek, Turk, Maronite, Armenian, Latin and British peacefully coexisted and cooperated in their daily affairs and the town had grown beyond its two historic neighbourhoods of Kato (Lower) Kyrenia and Pano (Upper) Kyrenia. It expanded towards the mountain slopes to form the new neighbourhood of "California", and eastward it had just about reached the outskirts of Thermeia, Karakoumi and Ayios Georgios. On July 20, 1974, Turkey landed on the island to protect the Turkish minority from attack from the Greek military coup for enosis . The Greek Cypriots of Kyrenia abandoned their homes and headed to south of what is now the green line.

 

In 1974, there were 47 villages in the district of Kyrenia . Greek and Maronite Cypriots constituted 83% of the district's total population, while the Turkish Cypriots constituted just 15% of the total.

 

After the Turkish invasion

In 1974 the Turkish military conducted the Turkish Invasion of Cyprus. As a result, the Greeks of Kyrenia were expelled from their homes and became refugees. Today, the Republic of Cyprus continues to have a bishop of Kyrenia and the pre-1974 Greek inhabitants of Kyrenia continue to participate elections for the Kyrenia municipality in exile.

 

Northern Cyprus, officially the Turkish Republic of Northern Cyprus (TRNC), is a de facto state that comprises the northeastern portion of the island of Cyprus. It is recognised only by Turkey, and its territory is considered by all other states to be part of the Republic of Cyprus.

 

Northern Cyprus extends from the tip of the Karpass Peninsula in the northeast to Morphou Bay, Cape Kormakitis and its westernmost point, the Kokkina exclave in the west. Its southernmost point is the village of Louroujina. A buffer zone under the control of the United Nations stretches between Northern Cyprus and the rest of the island and divides Nicosia, the island's largest city and capital of both sides.

 

A coup d'état in 1974, performed as part of an attempt to annex the island to Greece, prompted the Turkish invasion of Cyprus. This resulted in the eviction of much of the north's Greek Cypriot population, the flight of Turkish Cypriots from the south, and the partitioning of the island, leading to a unilateral declaration of independence by the north in 1983. Due to its lack of recognition, Northern Cyprus is heavily dependent on Turkey for economic, political and military support.

 

Attempts to reach a solution to the Cyprus dispute have been unsuccessful. The Turkish Army maintains a large force in Northern Cyprus with the support and approval of the TRNC government, while the Republic of Cyprus, the European Union as a whole, and the international community regard it as an occupation force. This military presence has been denounced in several United Nations Security Council resolutions.

 

Northern Cyprus is a semi-presidential, democratic republic with a cultural heritage incorporating various influences and an economy that is dominated by the services sector. The economy has seen growth through the 2000s and 2010s, with the GNP per capita more than tripling in the 2000s, but is held back by an international embargo due to the official closure of the ports in Northern Cyprus by the Republic of Cyprus. The official language is Turkish, with a distinct local dialect being spoken. The vast majority of the population consists of Sunni Muslims, while religious attitudes are mostly moderate and secular. Northern Cyprus is an observer state of ECO and OIC under the name "Turkish Cypriot State", PACE under the name "Turkish Cypriot Community", and Organization of Turkic States with its own name.

 

Several distinct periods of Cypriot intercommunal violence involving the two main ethnic communities, Greek Cypriots and Turkish Cypriots, marked mid-20th century Cyprus. These included the Cyprus Emergency of 1955–59 during British rule, the post-independence Cyprus crisis of 1963–64, and the Cyprus crisis of 1967. Hostilities culminated in the 1974 de facto division of the island along the Green Line following the Turkish invasion of Cyprus. The region has been relatively peaceful since then, but the Cyprus dispute has continued, with various attempts to solve it diplomatically having been generally unsuccessful.

 

Cyprus, an island lying in the eastern Mediterranean, hosted a population of Greeks and Turks (four-fifths and one-fifth, respectively), who lived under British rule in the late nineteenth-century and the first half of the twentieth-century. Christian Orthodox Church of Cyprus played a prominent political role among the Greek Cypriot community, a privilege that it acquired during the Ottoman Empire with the employment of the millet system, which gave the archbishop an unofficial ethnarch status.

 

The repeated rejections by the British of Greek Cypriot demands for enosis, union with Greece, led to armed resistance, organised by the National Organization of Cypriot Struggle, or EOKA. EOKA, led by the Greek-Cypriot commander George Grivas, systematically targeted British colonial authorities. One of the effects of EOKA's campaign was to alter the Turkish position from demanding full reincorporation into Turkey to a demand for taksim (partition). EOKA's mission and activities caused a "Cretan syndrome" (see Turkish Resistance Organisation) within the Turkish Cypriot community, as its members feared that they would be forced to leave the island in such a case as had been the case with Cretan Turks. As such, they preferred the continuation of British colonial rule and then taksim, the division of the island. Due to the Turkish Cypriots' support for the British, EOKA's leader, Georgios Grivas, declared them to be enemies. The fact that the Turks were a minority was, according to Nihat Erim, to be addressed by the transfer of thousands of Turks from mainland Turkey so that Greek Cypriots would cease to be the majority. When Erim visited Cyprus as the Turkish representative, he was advised by Field Marshal Sir John Harding, the then Governor of Cyprus, that Turkey should send educated Turks to settle in Cyprus.

 

Turkey actively promoted the idea that on the island of Cyprus two distinctive communities existed, and sidestepped its former claim that "the people of Cyprus were all Turkish subjects". In doing so, Turkey's aim to have self-determination of two to-be equal communities in effect led to de jure partition of the island.[citation needed] This could be justified to the international community against the will of the majority Greek population of the island. Dr. Fazil Küçük in 1954 had already proposed Cyprus be divided in two at the 35° parallel.

 

Lindley Dan, from Notre Dame University, spotted the roots of intercommunal violence to different visions among the two communities of Cyprus (enosis for Greek Cypriots, taksim for Turkish Cypriots). Also, Lindlay wrote that "the merging of church, schools/education, and politics in divisive and nationalistic ways" had played a crucial role in creation of havoc in Cyprus' history. Attalides Michael also pointed to the opposing nationalisms as the cause of the Cyprus problem.

 

By the mid-1950's, the "Cyprus is Turkish" party, movement, and slogan gained force in both Cyprus and Turkey. In a 1954 editorial, Turkish Cypriot leader Dr. Fazil Kuchuk expressed the sentiment that the Turkish youth had grown up with the idea that "as soon as Great Britain leaves the island, it will be taken over by the Turks", and that "Turkey cannot tolerate otherwise". This perspective contributed to the willingness of Turkish Cypriots to align themselves with the British, who started recruiting Turkish Cypriots into the police force that patrolled Cyprus to fight EOKA, a Greek Cypriot nationalist organisation that sought to rid the island of British rule.

 

EOKA targeted colonial authorities, including police, but Georgios Grivas, the leader of EOKA, did not initially wish to open up a new front by fighting Turkish Cypriots and reassured them that EOKA would not harm their people. In 1956, some Turkish Cypriot policemen were killed by EOKA members and this provoked some intercommunal violence in the spring and summer, but these attacks on policemen were not motivated by the fact that they were Turkish Cypriots.

 

However, in January 1957, Grivas changed his policy as his forces in the mountains became increasingly pressured by the British Crown forces. In order to divert the attention of the Crown forces, EOKA members started to target Turkish Cypriot policemen intentionally in the towns, so that Turkish Cypriots would riot against the Greek Cypriots and the security forces would have to be diverted to the towns to restore order. The killing of a Turkish Cypriot policeman on 19 January, when a power station was bombed, and the injury of three others, provoked three days of intercommunal violence in Nicosia. The two communities targeted each other in reprisals, at least one Greek Cypriot was killed and the British Army was deployed in the streets. Greek Cypriot stores were burned and their neighbourhoods attacked. Following the events, the Greek Cypriot leadership spread the propaganda that the riots had merely been an act of Turkish Cypriot aggression. Such events created chaos and drove the communities apart both in Cyprus and in Turkey.

 

On 22 October 1957 Sir Hugh Mackintosh Foot replaced Sir John Harding as the British Governor of Cyprus. Foot suggested five to seven years of self-government before any final decision. His plan rejected both enosis and taksim. The Turkish Cypriot response to this plan was a series of anti-British demonstrations in Nicosia on 27 and 28 January 1958 rejecting the proposed plan because the plan did not include partition. The British then withdrew the plan.

 

In 1957, Black Gang, a Turkish Cypriot pro-taksim paramilitary organisation, was formed to patrol a Turkish Cypriot enclave, the Tahtakale district of Nicosia, against activities of EOKA. The organisation later attempted to grow into a national scale, but failed to gain public support.

 

By 1958, signs of dissatisfaction with the British increased on both sides, with a group of Turkish Cypriots forming Volkan (later renamed to the Turkish Resistance Organisation) paramilitary group to promote partition and the annexation of Cyprus to Turkey as dictated by the Menderes plan. Volkan initially consisted of roughly 100 members, with the stated aim of raising awareness in Turkey of the Cyprus issue and courting military training and support for Turkish Cypriot fighters from the Turkish government.

 

In June 1958, the British Prime Minister, Harold Macmillan, was expected to propose a plan to resolve the Cyprus issue. In light of the new development, the Turks rioted in Nicosia to promote the idea that Greek and Turkish Cypriots could not live together and therefore any plan that did not include partition would not be viable. This violence was soon followed by bombing, Greek Cypriot deaths and looting of Greek Cypriot-owned shops and houses. Greek and Turkish Cypriots started to flee mixed population villages where they were a minority in search of safety. This was effectively the beginning of the segregation of the two communities. On 7 June 1958, a bomb exploded at the entrance of the Turkish Embassy in Cyprus. Following the bombing, Turkish Cypriots looted Greek Cypriot properties. On 26 June 1984, the Turkish Cypriot leader, Rauf Denktaş, admitted on British channel ITV that the bomb was placed by the Turks themselves in order to create tension. On 9 January 1995, Rauf Denktaş repeated his claim to the famous Turkish newspaper Milliyet in Turkey.

 

The crisis reached a climax on 12 June 1958, when eight Greeks, out of an armed group of thirty five arrested by soldiers of the Royal Horse Guards on suspicion of preparing an attack on the Turkish quarter of Skylloura, were killed in a suspected attack by Turkish Cypriot locals, near the village of Geunyeli, having been ordered to walk back to their village of Kondemenos.

 

After the EOKA campaign had begun, the British government successfully began to turn the Cyprus issue from a British colonial problem into a Greek-Turkish issue. British diplomacy exerted backstage influence on the Adnan Menderes government, with the aim of making Turkey active in Cyprus. For the British, the attempt had a twofold objective. The EOKA campaign would be silenced as quickly as possible, and Turkish Cypriots would not side with Greek Cypriots against the British colonial claims over the island, which would thus remain under the British. The Turkish Cypriot leadership visited Menderes to discuss the Cyprus issue. When asked how the Turkish Cypriots should respond to the Greek Cypriot claim of enosis, Menderes replied: "You should go to the British foreign minister and request the status quo be prolonged, Cyprus to remain as a British colony". When the Turkish Cypriots visited the British Foreign Secretary and requested for Cyprus to remain a colony, he replied: "You should not be asking for colonialism at this day and age, you should be asking for Cyprus be returned to Turkey, its former owner".

 

As Turkish Cypriots began to look to Turkey for protection, Greek Cypriots soon understood that enosis was extremely unlikely. The Greek Cypriot leader, Archbishop Makarios III, now set independence for the island as his objective.

 

Britain resolved to solve the dispute by creating an independent Cyprus. In 1959, all involved parties signed the Zurich Agreements: Britain, Turkey, Greece, and the Greek and Turkish Cypriot leaders, Makarios and Dr. Fazil Kucuk, respectively. The new constitution drew heavily on the ethnic composition of the island. The President would be a Greek Cypriot, and the Vice-President a Turkish Cypriot with an equal veto. The contribution to the public service would be set at a ratio of 70:30, and the Supreme Court would consist of an equal number of judges from both communities as well as an independent judge who was not Greek, Turkish or British. The Zurich Agreements were supplemented by a number of treaties. The Treaty of Guarantee stated that secession or union with any state was forbidden, and that Greece, Turkey and Britain would be given guarantor status to intervene if that was violated. The Treaty of Alliance allowed for two small Greek and Turkish military contingents to be stationed on the island, and the Treaty of Establishment gave Britain sovereignty over two bases in Akrotiri and Dhekelia.

 

On 15 August 1960, the Colony of Cyprus became fully independent as the Republic of Cyprus. The new republic remained within the Commonwealth of Nations.

 

The new constitution brought dissatisfaction to Greek Cypriots, who felt it to be highly unjust for them for historical, demographic and contributional reasons. Although 80% of the island's population were Greek Cypriots and these indigenous people had lived on the island for thousands of years and paid 94% of taxes, the new constitution was giving the 17% of the population that was Turkish Cypriots, who paid 6% of taxes, around 30% of government jobs and 40% of national security jobs.

 

Within three years tensions between the two communities in administrative affairs began to show. In particular disputes over separate municipalities and taxation created a deadlock in government. A constitutional court ruled in 1963 Makarios had failed to uphold article 173 of the constitution which called for the establishment of separate municipalities for Turkish Cypriots. Makarios subsequently declared his intention to ignore the judgement, resulting in the West German judge resigning from his position. Makarios proposed thirteen amendments to the constitution, which would have had the effect of resolving most of the issues in the Greek Cypriot favour. Under the proposals, the President and Vice-President would lose their veto, the separate municipalities as sought after by the Turkish Cypriots would be abandoned, the need for separate majorities by both communities in passing legislation would be discarded and the civil service contribution would be set at actual population ratios (82:18) instead of the slightly higher figure for Turkish Cypriots.

 

The intention behind the amendments has long been called into question. The Akritas plan, written in the height of the constitutional dispute by the Greek Cypriot interior minister Polycarpos Georkadjis, called for the removal of undesirable elements of the constitution so as to allow power-sharing to work. The plan envisaged a swift retaliatory attack on Turkish Cypriot strongholds should Turkish Cypriots resort to violence to resist the measures, stating "In the event of a planned or staged Turkish attack, it is imperative to overcome it by force in the shortest possible time, because if we succeed in gaining command of the situation (in one or two days), no outside, intervention would be either justified or possible." Whether Makarios's proposals were part of the Akritas plan is unclear, however it remains that sentiment towards enosis had not completely disappeared with independence. Makarios described independence as "a step on the road to enosis".[31] Preparations for conflict were not entirely absent from Turkish Cypriots either, with right wing elements still believing taksim (partition) the best safeguard against enosis.

 

Greek Cypriots however believe the amendments were a necessity stemming from a perceived attempt by Turkish Cypriots to frustrate the working of government. Turkish Cypriots saw it as a means to reduce their status within the state from one of co-founder to that of minority, seeing it as a first step towards enosis. The security situation deteriorated rapidly.

 

Main articles: Bloody Christmas (1963) and Battle of Tillyria

An armed conflict was triggered after December 21, 1963, a period remembered by Turkish Cypriots as Bloody Christmas, when a Greek Cypriot policemen that had been called to help deal with a taxi driver refusing officers already on the scene access to check the identification documents of his customers, took out his gun upon arrival and shot and killed the taxi driver and his partner. Eric Solsten summarised the events as follows: "a Greek Cypriot police patrol, ostensibly checking identification documents, stopped a Turkish Cypriot couple on the edge of the Turkish quarter. A hostile crowd gathered, shots were fired, and two Turkish Cypriots were killed."

 

In the morning after the shooting, crowds gathered in protest in Northern Nicosia, likely encouraged by the TMT, without incident. On the evening of the 22nd, gunfire broke out, communication lines to the Turkish neighbourhoods were cut, and the Greek Cypriot police occupied the nearby airport. On the 23rd, a ceasefire was negotiated, but did not hold. Fighting, including automatic weapons fire, between Greek and Turkish Cypriots and militias increased in Nicosia and Larnaca. A force of Greek Cypriot irregulars led by Nikos Sampson entered the Nicosia suburb of Omorphita and engaged in heavy firing on armed, as well as by some accounts unarmed, Turkish Cypriots. The Omorphita clash has been described by Turkish Cypriots as a massacre, while this view has generally not been acknowledged by Greek Cypriots.

 

Further ceasefires were arranged between the two sides, but also failed. By Christmas Eve, the 24th, Britain, Greece, and Turkey had joined talks, with all sides calling for a truce. On Christmas day, Turkish fighter jets overflew Nicosia in a show of support. Finally it was agreed to allow a force of 2,700 British soldiers to help enforce a ceasefire. In the next days, a "buffer zone" was created in Nicosia, and a British officer marked a line on a map with green ink, separating the two sides of the city, which was the beginning of the "Green Line". Fighting continued across the island for the next several weeks.

 

In total 364 Turkish Cypriots and 174 Greek Cypriots were killed during the violence. 25,000 Turkish Cypriots from 103-109 villages fled and were displaced into enclaves and thousands of Turkish Cypriot houses were ransacked or completely destroyed.

 

Contemporary newspapers also reported on the forceful exodus of the Turkish Cypriots from their homes. According to The Times in 1964, threats, shootings and attempts of arson were committed against the Turkish Cypriots to force them out of their homes. The Daily Express wrote that "25,000 Turks have already been forced to leave their homes". The Guardian reported a massacre of Turks at Limassol on 16 February 1964.

 

Turkey had by now readied its fleet and its fighter jets appeared over Nicosia. Turkey was dissuaded from direct involvement by the creation of a United Nations Peacekeeping Force in Cyprus (UNFICYP) in 1964. Despite the negotiated ceasefire in Nicosia, attacks on the Turkish Cypriot persisted, particularly in Limassol. Concerned about the possibility of a Turkish invasion, Makarios undertook the creation of a Greek Cypriot conscript-based army called the "National Guard". A general from Greece took charge of the army, whilst a further 20,000 well-equipped officers and men were smuggled from Greece into Cyprus. Turkey threatened to intervene once more, but was prevented by a strongly worded letter from the American President Lyndon B. Johnson, anxious to avoid a conflict between NATO allies Greece and Turkey at the height of the Cold War.

 

Turkish Cypriots had by now established an important bridgehead at Kokkina, provided with arms, volunteers and materials from Turkey and abroad. Seeing this incursion of foreign weapons and troops as a major threat, the Cypriot government invited George Grivas to return from Greece as commander of the Greek troops on the island and launch a major attack on the bridgehead. Turkey retaliated by dispatching its fighter jets to bomb Greek positions, causing Makarios to threaten an attack on every Turkish Cypriot village on the island if the bombings did not cease. The conflict had now drawn in Greece and Turkey, with both countries amassing troops on their Thracian borders. Efforts at mediation by Dean Acheson, a former U.S. Secretary of State, and UN-appointed mediator Galo Plaza had failed, all the while the division of the two communities becoming more apparent. Greek Cypriot forces were estimated at some 30,000, including the National Guard and the large contingent from Greece. Defending the Turkish Cypriot enclaves was a force of approximately 5,000 irregulars, led by a Turkish colonel, but lacking the equipment and organisation of the Greek forces.

 

The Secretary-General of the United Nations in 1964, U Thant, reported the damage during the conflicts:

 

UNFICYP carried out a detailed survey of all damage to properties throughout the island during the disturbances; it shows that in 109 villages, most of them Turkish-Cypriot or mixed villages, 527 houses have been destroyed while 2,000 others have suffered damage from looting.

 

The situation worsened in 1967, when a military junta overthrew the democratically elected government of Greece, and began applying pressure on Makarios to achieve enosis. Makarios, not wishing to become part of a military dictatorship or trigger a Turkish invasion, began to distance himself from the goal of enosis. This caused tensions with the junta in Greece as well as George Grivas in Cyprus. Grivas's control over the National Guard and Greek contingent was seen as a threat to Makarios's position, who now feared a possible coup.[citation needed] The National Guard and Cyprus Police began patrolling the Turkish Cypriot enclaves of Ayios Theodoros and Kophinou, and on November 15 engaged in heavy fighting with the Turkish Cypriots.

 

By the time of his withdrawal 26 Turkish Cypriots had been killed. Turkey replied with an ultimatum demanding that Grivas be removed from the island, that the troops smuggled from Greece in excess of the limits of the Treaty of Alliance be removed, and that the economic blockades on the Turkish Cypriot enclaves be lifted. Grivas was recalled by the Athens Junta and the 12,000 Greek troops were withdrawn. Makarios now attempted to consolidate his position by reducing the number of National Guard troops, and by creating a paramilitary force loyal to Cypriot independence. In 1968, acknowledging that enosis was now all but impossible, Makarios stated, "A solution by necessity must be sought within the limits of what is feasible which does not always coincide with the limits of what is desirable."

 

After 1967 tensions between the Greek and Turkish Cypriots subsided. Instead, the main source of tension on the island came from factions within the Greek Cypriot community. Although Makarios had effectively abandoned enosis in favour of an 'attainable solution', many others continued to believe that the only legitimate political aspiration for Greek Cypriots was union with Greece.

 

On his arrival, Grivas began by establishing a nationalist paramilitary group known as the National Organization of Cypriot Fighters (Ethniki Organosis Kyprion Agoniston B or EOKA-B), drawing comparisons with the EOKA struggle for enosis under the British colonial administration of the 1950s.

 

The military junta in Athens saw Makarios as an obstacle. Makarios's failure to disband the National Guard, whose officer class was dominated by mainland Greeks, had meant the junta had practical control over the Cypriot military establishment, leaving Makarios isolated and a vulnerable target.

 

During the first Turkish invasion, Turkish troops invaded Cyprus territory on 20 July 1974, invoking its rights under the Treaty of Guarantee. This expansion of Turkish-occupied zone violated International Law as well as the Charter of the United Nations. Turkish troops managed to capture 3% of the island which was accompanied by the burning of the Turkish Cypriot quarter, as well as the raping and killing of women and children. A temporary cease-fire followed which was mitigated by the UN Security Council. Subsequently, the Greek military Junta collapsed on July 23, 1974, and peace talks commenced in which a democratic government was installed. The Resolution 353 was broken after Turkey attacked a second time and managed to get a hold of 37% of Cyprus territory. The Island of Cyprus was appointed a Buffer Zone by the United Nations, which divided the island into two zones through the 'Green Line' and put an end to the Turkish invasion. Although Turkey announced that the occupied areas of Cyprus to be called the Federated Turkish State in 1975, it is not legitimised on a worldwide political scale. The United Nations called for the international recognition of independence for the Republic of Cyprus in the Security Council Resolution 367.

 

In the years after the Turkish invasion of northern Cyprus one can observe a history of failed talks between the two parties. The 1983 declaration of the independent Turkish Republic of Cyprus resulted in a rise of inter-communal tensions and made it increasingly hard to find mutual understanding. With Cyprus' interest of a possible EU membership and a new UN Secretary-General Kofi Annan in 1997 new hopes arose for a fresh start. International involvement from sides of the US and UK, wanting a solution to the Cyprus dispute prior to the EU accession led to political pressures for new talks. The believe that an accession without a solution would threaten Greek-Turkish relations and acknowledge the partition of the island would direct the coming negotiations.

 

Over the course of two years a concrete plan, the Annan plan was formulated. In 2004 the fifth version agreed upon from both sides and with the endorsement of Turkey, US, UK and EU then was presented to the public and was given a referendum in both Cypriot communities to assure the legitimisation of the resolution. The Turkish Cypriots voted with 65% for the plan, however the Greek Cypriots voted with a 76% majority against. The Annan plan contained multiple important topics. Firstly it established a confederation of two separate states called the United Cyprus Republic. Both communities would have autonomous states combined under one unified government. The members of parliament would be chosen according to the percentage in population numbers to ensure a just involvement from both communities. The paper proposed a demilitarisation of the island over the next years. Furthermore it agreed upon a number of 45000 Turkish settlers that could remain on the island. These settlers became a very important issue concerning peace talks. Originally the Turkish government encouraged Turks to settle in Cyprus providing transfer and property, to establish a counterpart to the Greek Cypriot population due to their 1 to 5 minority. With the economic situation many Turkish-Cypriot decided to leave the island, however their departure is made up by incoming Turkish settlers leaving the population ratio between Turkish Cypriots and Greek Cypriots stable. However all these points where criticised and as seen in the vote rejected mainly by the Greek Cypriots. These name the dissolution of the „Republic of Cyprus", economic consequences of a reunion and the remaining Turkish settlers as reason. Many claim that the plan was indeed drawing more from Turkish-Cypriot demands then Greek-Cypriot interests. Taking in consideration that the US wanted to keep Turkey as a strategic partner in future Middle Eastern conflicts.

 

A week after the failed referendum the Republic of Cyprus joined the EU. In multiple instances the EU tried to promote trade with Northern Cyprus but without internationally recognised ports this spiked a grand debate. Both side endure their intention of negotiations, however without the prospect of any new compromises or agreements the UN is unwilling to start the process again. Since 2004 negotiations took place in numbers but without any results, both sides are strongly holding on to their position without an agreeable solution in sight that would suit both parties.

back of the boat.

 

Home developed Kodak Tri-X 400, stock D76, 6.75 minutes @ 68F.

 

explored.

Developed using darktable 3.0.0 and GIMP 2.10

Hasselblad SWC Delta400 ID11 stock

  

Delta400, Self-developed ID11 (stock), self-scanned with vuescan (linux)

 

21-09-2024

For many years I have tried to photograph this laneway but with little success mainly because of limited space and poor lighting.

 

On Monday I purchased a Voigtlander 15mm which is an ultra-wide-angle lens so I decided to give it a try within the alleyway and here is one of the images. The lens is fully manual so it it is not easy to use without introducing high levels of distortion. White balance was another major problem.

 

Walking down Essex Street East it’s easy to miss the entrance to this hidden laneway, but for those in the know it is a handy shortcut between Temple Bar and Dame Street.

 

If you look down the dark laneway beside the Dublin Theatre Festival Office and you will see original artwork by Dublin street artist Maser ‘I’d Rather Trust a Dealer on a Badly Lit Street Corner, than a Criminal in a Three Piece Suit’.

 

If you are brave enough to walk down the lane you will see various items of street art and you will be surprised when this narrow lane opens out onto a small square, framed by the Olympia Theatre. Continue along the laneway by the side of the Olympia Theatre

and pass under the sign for Brogan’s Bar, before Crampton Court opens out onto Dame Street.

 

Anna Doran, a Dublin Street Artist, tried to re-invent one end of the lane as ‘Love Lane’. I have been a fan of Anna for a number of years ... ever since I saw her painted traffic control cabinet on Bolton Street. You can also some of her work on the walls of the "Hungry Mexican" restaurant in Bodkin's on Bolton Street.

 

Be aware that this laneway attracts some anti-social behaviour particularly in the lane on the Temple Bar side.

 

Love the Lanes is a joint initiative between Dublin City Council and the Temple Bar Company to pilot solutions and interventions to address issues in the laneways of Temple Bar. Over the years these lanes have fallen into disuse and have become magnets for anti-social behaviour. The stated goal is to reactivate these lanes for people to use and enjoy through creative intervention.

The project was launched on 21st March 2014 with an open call for new ideas. The response from the public was remarkable and shows that there is a real desire by the public to bring life back into the laneways in this historic part of the city. The main focus for the project was Adair and Bedford Lanes, Copper Alley and Crampton Court. 10 proposals were shortlisted and are being developed for implementation on the Laneways of Temple Bar with the support of residents and businesses.

 

A number of ideas were trialled in 2015 while others require financial investment and a longer timeline.