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A rally in Washington, DC in support of the equal health and livelihood of trans people, that included basic information about trans health issues and stories of denied / inappropriate care, as well as hope for the future
“Equal Pay Day – Gleicher Lohn für gleiche Arbeit?” im Bundesministerium für Frauen
Foto: Andy Wenzel
WTSA-16 participants showing their support for the UN Women/ ITU Equals partnership.
© ITU/ J. Marchand
WTSA-16 participants showing their support for the UN Women/ ITU Equals partnership.
© ITU/ J. Marchand
ITU Council 2017 - participants showing their support for the UN Women/ ITU Equals partnership. ©ITU/I.Wood
As evidence of the pride this state exudes, the Texas flag flies side by side next to the American flag, signifying its equal status. Almost every other state flies its flag lower than the American flag but not Texas! In this photo it seems like the Texas flag is actually somewhat higher than the American flag, which wouldn't surprise most Texans one bit!
WTSA-16 participants showing their support for the UN Women/ ITU Equals partnership.
© ITU/ J. Marchand
ITU Council 2017 - participants showing their support for the UN Women/ ITU Equals partnership. ©ITU/I.Wood
ITU Council 2017 - participants showing their support for the UN Women/ ITU Equals partnership. ©ITU/I.Wood
Equal Employment Opportunity Commission (EEOC) Commissioner Chai Feldblum is the keynote speaker for the 2017 U.S. Department of Agriculture (USDA) Lesbian, Gay, Bisexual and Transgender (LGBT) Pride Observance Program, in the Jefferson Auditorium of the USDA headquarters in Washington, D.C., on June 8, 2017. USDA Photo by Lance Cheung.
An equal matching of two bull moose. The one got an antler stuck (upper skull) in the eye socket of the other (lower skull).
Equal Sweetener Sucralose , Sugar Substitute 9/2014 by Mike Mozart of TheToyChannel and JeepersMedia on YouTube.
In celebration of Equal Pay Day 2015 Hofstra University presents a forum on the employment challenges of working women. Join the discussion in this free annual event presented by Hofstra's Labor Studies.
Panel participants to be announced.
Kalograia (Greek: Καλογραία, Turkish: Bahçeli) is a village in the Kyrenia District of Cyprus, east of Kyrenia. It is under the de facto control of Northern Cyprus.
Northern Cyprus, officially the Turkish Republic of Northern Cyprus (TRNC), is a de facto state that comprises the northeastern portion of the island of Cyprus. It is recognised only by Turkey, and its territory is considered by all other states to be part of the Republic of Cyprus.
Northern Cyprus extends from the tip of the Karpass Peninsula in the northeast to Morphou Bay, Cape Kormakitis and its westernmost point, the Kokkina exclave in the west. Its southernmost point is the village of Louroujina. A buffer zone under the control of the United Nations stretches between Northern Cyprus and the rest of the island and divides Nicosia, the island's largest city and capital of both sides.
A coup d'état in 1974, performed as part of an attempt to annex the island to Greece, prompted the Turkish invasion of Cyprus. This resulted in the eviction of much of the north's Greek Cypriot population, the flight of Turkish Cypriots from the south, and the partitioning of the island, leading to a unilateral declaration of independence by the north in 1983. Due to its lack of recognition, Northern Cyprus is heavily dependent on Turkey for economic, political and military support.
Attempts to reach a solution to the Cyprus dispute have been unsuccessful. The Turkish Army maintains a large force in Northern Cyprus with the support and approval of the TRNC government, while the Republic of Cyprus, the European Union as a whole, and the international community regard it as an occupation force. This military presence has been denounced in several United Nations Security Council resolutions.
Northern Cyprus is a semi-presidential, democratic republic with a cultural heritage incorporating various influences and an economy that is dominated by the services sector. The economy has seen growth through the 2000s and 2010s, with the GNP per capita more than tripling in the 2000s, but is held back by an international embargo due to the official closure of the ports in Northern Cyprus by the Republic of Cyprus. The official language is Turkish, with a distinct local dialect being spoken. The vast majority of the population consists of Sunni Muslims, while religious attitudes are mostly moderate and secular. Northern Cyprus is an observer state of ECO and OIC under the name "Turkish Cypriot State", PACE under the name "Turkish Cypriot Community", and Organization of Turkic States with its own name.
Several distinct periods of Cypriot intercommunal violence involving the two main ethnic communities, Greek Cypriots and Turkish Cypriots, marked mid-20th century Cyprus. These included the Cyprus Emergency of 1955–59 during British rule, the post-independence Cyprus crisis of 1963–64, and the Cyprus crisis of 1967. Hostilities culminated in the 1974 de facto division of the island along the Green Line following the Turkish invasion of Cyprus. The region has been relatively peaceful since then, but the Cyprus dispute has continued, with various attempts to solve it diplomatically having been generally unsuccessful.
Cyprus, an island lying in the eastern Mediterranean, hosted a population of Greeks and Turks (four-fifths and one-fifth, respectively), who lived under British rule in the late nineteenth-century and the first half of the twentieth-century. Christian Orthodox Church of Cyprus played a prominent political role among the Greek Cypriot community, a privilege that it acquired during the Ottoman Empire with the employment of the millet system, which gave the archbishop an unofficial ethnarch status.
The repeated rejections by the British of Greek Cypriot demands for enosis, union with Greece, led to armed resistance, organised by the National Organization of Cypriot Struggle, or EOKA. EOKA, led by the Greek-Cypriot commander George Grivas, systematically targeted British colonial authorities. One of the effects of EOKA's campaign was to alter the Turkish position from demanding full reincorporation into Turkey to a demand for taksim (partition). EOKA's mission and activities caused a "Cretan syndrome" (see Turkish Resistance Organisation) within the Turkish Cypriot community, as its members feared that they would be forced to leave the island in such a case as had been the case with Cretan Turks. As such, they preferred the continuation of British colonial rule and then taksim, the division of the island. Due to the Turkish Cypriots' support for the British, EOKA's leader, Georgios Grivas, declared them to be enemies. The fact that the Turks were a minority was, according to Nihat Erim, to be addressed by the transfer of thousands of Turks from mainland Turkey so that Greek Cypriots would cease to be the majority. When Erim visited Cyprus as the Turkish representative, he was advised by Field Marshal Sir John Harding, the then Governor of Cyprus, that Turkey should send educated Turks to settle in Cyprus.
Turkey actively promoted the idea that on the island of Cyprus two distinctive communities existed, and sidestepped its former claim that "the people of Cyprus were all Turkish subjects". In doing so, Turkey's aim to have self-determination of two to-be equal communities in effect led to de jure partition of the island.[citation needed] This could be justified to the international community against the will of the majority Greek population of the island. Dr. Fazil Küçük in 1954 had already proposed Cyprus be divided in two at the 35° parallel.
Lindley Dan, from Notre Dame University, spotted the roots of intercommunal violence to different visions among the two communities of Cyprus (enosis for Greek Cypriots, taksim for Turkish Cypriots). Also, Lindlay wrote that "the merging of church, schools/education, and politics in divisive and nationalistic ways" had played a crucial role in creation of havoc in Cyprus' history. Attalides Michael also pointed to the opposing nationalisms as the cause of the Cyprus problem.
By the mid-1950's, the "Cyprus is Turkish" party, movement, and slogan gained force in both Cyprus and Turkey. In a 1954 editorial, Turkish Cypriot leader Dr. Fazil Kuchuk expressed the sentiment that the Turkish youth had grown up with the idea that "as soon as Great Britain leaves the island, it will be taken over by the Turks", and that "Turkey cannot tolerate otherwise". This perspective contributed to the willingness of Turkish Cypriots to align themselves with the British, who started recruiting Turkish Cypriots into the police force that patrolled Cyprus to fight EOKA, a Greek Cypriot nationalist organisation that sought to rid the island of British rule.
EOKA targeted colonial authorities, including police, but Georgios Grivas, the leader of EOKA, did not initially wish to open up a new front by fighting Turkish Cypriots and reassured them that EOKA would not harm their people. In 1956, some Turkish Cypriot policemen were killed by EOKA members and this provoked some intercommunal violence in the spring and summer, but these attacks on policemen were not motivated by the fact that they were Turkish Cypriots.
However, in January 1957, Grivas changed his policy as his forces in the mountains became increasingly pressured by the British Crown forces. In order to divert the attention of the Crown forces, EOKA members started to target Turkish Cypriot policemen intentionally in the towns, so that Turkish Cypriots would riot against the Greek Cypriots and the security forces would have to be diverted to the towns to restore order. The killing of a Turkish Cypriot policeman on 19 January, when a power station was bombed, and the injury of three others, provoked three days of intercommunal violence in Nicosia. The two communities targeted each other in reprisals, at least one Greek Cypriot was killed and the British Army was deployed in the streets. Greek Cypriot stores were burned and their neighbourhoods attacked. Following the events, the Greek Cypriot leadership spread the propaganda that the riots had merely been an act of Turkish Cypriot aggression. Such events created chaos and drove the communities apart both in Cyprus and in Turkey.
On 22 October 1957 Sir Hugh Mackintosh Foot replaced Sir John Harding as the British Governor of Cyprus. Foot suggested five to seven years of self-government before any final decision. His plan rejected both enosis and taksim. The Turkish Cypriot response to this plan was a series of anti-British demonstrations in Nicosia on 27 and 28 January 1958 rejecting the proposed plan because the plan did not include partition. The British then withdrew the plan.
In 1957, Black Gang, a Turkish Cypriot pro-taksim paramilitary organisation, was formed to patrol a Turkish Cypriot enclave, the Tahtakale district of Nicosia, against activities of EOKA. The organisation later attempted to grow into a national scale, but failed to gain public support.
By 1958, signs of dissatisfaction with the British increased on both sides, with a group of Turkish Cypriots forming Volkan (later renamed to the Turkish Resistance Organisation) paramilitary group to promote partition and the annexation of Cyprus to Turkey as dictated by the Menderes plan. Volkan initially consisted of roughly 100 members, with the stated aim of raising awareness in Turkey of the Cyprus issue and courting military training and support for Turkish Cypriot fighters from the Turkish government.
In June 1958, the British Prime Minister, Harold Macmillan, was expected to propose a plan to resolve the Cyprus issue. In light of the new development, the Turks rioted in Nicosia to promote the idea that Greek and Turkish Cypriots could not live together and therefore any plan that did not include partition would not be viable. This violence was soon followed by bombing, Greek Cypriot deaths and looting of Greek Cypriot-owned shops and houses. Greek and Turkish Cypriots started to flee mixed population villages where they were a minority in search of safety. This was effectively the beginning of the segregation of the two communities. On 7 June 1958, a bomb exploded at the entrance of the Turkish Embassy in Cyprus. Following the bombing, Turkish Cypriots looted Greek Cypriot properties. On 26 June 1984, the Turkish Cypriot leader, Rauf Denktaş, admitted on British channel ITV that the bomb was placed by the Turks themselves in order to create tension. On 9 January 1995, Rauf Denktaş repeated his claim to the famous Turkish newspaper Milliyet in Turkey.
The crisis reached a climax on 12 June 1958, when eight Greeks, out of an armed group of thirty five arrested by soldiers of the Royal Horse Guards on suspicion of preparing an attack on the Turkish quarter of Skylloura, were killed in a suspected attack by Turkish Cypriot locals, near the village of Geunyeli, having been ordered to walk back to their village of Kondemenos.
After the EOKA campaign had begun, the British government successfully began to turn the Cyprus issue from a British colonial problem into a Greek-Turkish issue. British diplomacy exerted backstage influence on the Adnan Menderes government, with the aim of making Turkey active in Cyprus. For the British, the attempt had a twofold objective. The EOKA campaign would be silenced as quickly as possible, and Turkish Cypriots would not side with Greek Cypriots against the British colonial claims over the island, which would thus remain under the British. The Turkish Cypriot leadership visited Menderes to discuss the Cyprus issue. When asked how the Turkish Cypriots should respond to the Greek Cypriot claim of enosis, Menderes replied: "You should go to the British foreign minister and request the status quo be prolonged, Cyprus to remain as a British colony". When the Turkish Cypriots visited the British Foreign Secretary and requested for Cyprus to remain a colony, he replied: "You should not be asking for colonialism at this day and age, you should be asking for Cyprus be returned to Turkey, its former owner".
As Turkish Cypriots began to look to Turkey for protection, Greek Cypriots soon understood that enosis was extremely unlikely. The Greek Cypriot leader, Archbishop Makarios III, now set independence for the island as his objective.
Britain resolved to solve the dispute by creating an independent Cyprus. In 1959, all involved parties signed the Zurich Agreements: Britain, Turkey, Greece, and the Greek and Turkish Cypriot leaders, Makarios and Dr. Fazil Kucuk, respectively. The new constitution drew heavily on the ethnic composition of the island. The President would be a Greek Cypriot, and the Vice-President a Turkish Cypriot with an equal veto. The contribution to the public service would be set at a ratio of 70:30, and the Supreme Court would consist of an equal number of judges from both communities as well as an independent judge who was not Greek, Turkish or British. The Zurich Agreements were supplemented by a number of treaties. The Treaty of Guarantee stated that secession or union with any state was forbidden, and that Greece, Turkey and Britain would be given guarantor status to intervene if that was violated. The Treaty of Alliance allowed for two small Greek and Turkish military contingents to be stationed on the island, and the Treaty of Establishment gave Britain sovereignty over two bases in Akrotiri and Dhekelia.
On 15 August 1960, the Colony of Cyprus became fully independent as the Republic of Cyprus. The new republic remained within the Commonwealth of Nations.
The new constitution brought dissatisfaction to Greek Cypriots, who felt it to be highly unjust for them for historical, demographic and contributional reasons. Although 80% of the island's population were Greek Cypriots and these indigenous people had lived on the island for thousands of years and paid 94% of taxes, the new constitution was giving the 17% of the population that was Turkish Cypriots, who paid 6% of taxes, around 30% of government jobs and 40% of national security jobs.
Within three years tensions between the two communities in administrative affairs began to show. In particular disputes over separate municipalities and taxation created a deadlock in government. A constitutional court ruled in 1963 Makarios had failed to uphold article 173 of the constitution which called for the establishment of separate municipalities for Turkish Cypriots. Makarios subsequently declared his intention to ignore the judgement, resulting in the West German judge resigning from his position. Makarios proposed thirteen amendments to the constitution, which would have had the effect of resolving most of the issues in the Greek Cypriot favour. Under the proposals, the President and Vice-President would lose their veto, the separate municipalities as sought after by the Turkish Cypriots would be abandoned, the need for separate majorities by both communities in passing legislation would be discarded and the civil service contribution would be set at actual population ratios (82:18) instead of the slightly higher figure for Turkish Cypriots.
The intention behind the amendments has long been called into question. The Akritas plan, written in the height of the constitutional dispute by the Greek Cypriot interior minister Polycarpos Georkadjis, called for the removal of undesirable elements of the constitution so as to allow power-sharing to work. The plan envisaged a swift retaliatory attack on Turkish Cypriot strongholds should Turkish Cypriots resort to violence to resist the measures, stating "In the event of a planned or staged Turkish attack, it is imperative to overcome it by force in the shortest possible time, because if we succeed in gaining command of the situation (in one or two days), no outside, intervention would be either justified or possible." Whether Makarios's proposals were part of the Akritas plan is unclear, however it remains that sentiment towards enosis had not completely disappeared with independence. Makarios described independence as "a step on the road to enosis".[31] Preparations for conflict were not entirely absent from Turkish Cypriots either, with right wing elements still believing taksim (partition) the best safeguard against enosis.
Greek Cypriots however believe the amendments were a necessity stemming from a perceived attempt by Turkish Cypriots to frustrate the working of government. Turkish Cypriots saw it as a means to reduce their status within the state from one of co-founder to that of minority, seeing it as a first step towards enosis. The security situation deteriorated rapidly.
Main articles: Bloody Christmas (1963) and Battle of Tillyria
An armed conflict was triggered after December 21, 1963, a period remembered by Turkish Cypriots as Bloody Christmas, when a Greek Cypriot policemen that had been called to help deal with a taxi driver refusing officers already on the scene access to check the identification documents of his customers, took out his gun upon arrival and shot and killed the taxi driver and his partner. Eric Solsten summarised the events as follows: "a Greek Cypriot police patrol, ostensibly checking identification documents, stopped a Turkish Cypriot couple on the edge of the Turkish quarter. A hostile crowd gathered, shots were fired, and two Turkish Cypriots were killed."
In the morning after the shooting, crowds gathered in protest in Northern Nicosia, likely encouraged by the TMT, without incident. On the evening of the 22nd, gunfire broke out, communication lines to the Turkish neighbourhoods were cut, and the Greek Cypriot police occupied the nearby airport. On the 23rd, a ceasefire was negotiated, but did not hold. Fighting, including automatic weapons fire, between Greek and Turkish Cypriots and militias increased in Nicosia and Larnaca. A force of Greek Cypriot irregulars led by Nikos Sampson entered the Nicosia suburb of Omorphita and engaged in heavy firing on armed, as well as by some accounts unarmed, Turkish Cypriots. The Omorphita clash has been described by Turkish Cypriots as a massacre, while this view has generally not been acknowledged by Greek Cypriots.
Further ceasefires were arranged between the two sides, but also failed. By Christmas Eve, the 24th, Britain, Greece, and Turkey had joined talks, with all sides calling for a truce. On Christmas day, Turkish fighter jets overflew Nicosia in a show of support. Finally it was agreed to allow a force of 2,700 British soldiers to help enforce a ceasefire. In the next days, a "buffer zone" was created in Nicosia, and a British officer marked a line on a map with green ink, separating the two sides of the city, which was the beginning of the "Green Line". Fighting continued across the island for the next several weeks.
In total 364 Turkish Cypriots and 174 Greek Cypriots were killed during the violence. 25,000 Turkish Cypriots from 103-109 villages fled and were displaced into enclaves and thousands of Turkish Cypriot houses were ransacked or completely destroyed.
Contemporary newspapers also reported on the forceful exodus of the Turkish Cypriots from their homes. According to The Times in 1964, threats, shootings and attempts of arson were committed against the Turkish Cypriots to force them out of their homes. The Daily Express wrote that "25,000 Turks have already been forced to leave their homes". The Guardian reported a massacre of Turks at Limassol on 16 February 1964.
Turkey had by now readied its fleet and its fighter jets appeared over Nicosia. Turkey was dissuaded from direct involvement by the creation of a United Nations Peacekeeping Force in Cyprus (UNFICYP) in 1964. Despite the negotiated ceasefire in Nicosia, attacks on the Turkish Cypriot persisted, particularly in Limassol. Concerned about the possibility of a Turkish invasion, Makarios undertook the creation of a Greek Cypriot conscript-based army called the "National Guard". A general from Greece took charge of the army, whilst a further 20,000 well-equipped officers and men were smuggled from Greece into Cyprus. Turkey threatened to intervene once more, but was prevented by a strongly worded letter from the American President Lyndon B. Johnson, anxious to avoid a conflict between NATO allies Greece and Turkey at the height of the Cold War.
Turkish Cypriots had by now established an important bridgehead at Kokkina, provided with arms, volunteers and materials from Turkey and abroad. Seeing this incursion of foreign weapons and troops as a major threat, the Cypriot government invited George Grivas to return from Greece as commander of the Greek troops on the island and launch a major attack on the bridgehead. Turkey retaliated by dispatching its fighter jets to bomb Greek positions, causing Makarios to threaten an attack on every Turkish Cypriot village on the island if the bombings did not cease. The conflict had now drawn in Greece and Turkey, with both countries amassing troops on their Thracian borders. Efforts at mediation by Dean Acheson, a former U.S. Secretary of State, and UN-appointed mediator Galo Plaza had failed, all the while the division of the two communities becoming more apparent. Greek Cypriot forces were estimated at some 30,000, including the National Guard and the large contingent from Greece. Defending the Turkish Cypriot enclaves was a force of approximately 5,000 irregulars, led by a Turkish colonel, but lacking the equipment and organisation of the Greek forces.
The Secretary-General of the United Nations in 1964, U Thant, reported the damage during the conflicts:
UNFICYP carried out a detailed survey of all damage to properties throughout the island during the disturbances; it shows that in 109 villages, most of them Turkish-Cypriot or mixed villages, 527 houses have been destroyed while 2,000 others have suffered damage from looting.
The situation worsened in 1967, when a military junta overthrew the democratically elected government of Greece, and began applying pressure on Makarios to achieve enosis. Makarios, not wishing to become part of a military dictatorship or trigger a Turkish invasion, began to distance himself from the goal of enosis. This caused tensions with the junta in Greece as well as George Grivas in Cyprus. Grivas's control over the National Guard and Greek contingent was seen as a threat to Makarios's position, who now feared a possible coup.[citation needed] The National Guard and Cyprus Police began patrolling the Turkish Cypriot enclaves of Ayios Theodoros and Kophinou, and on November 15 engaged in heavy fighting with the Turkish Cypriots.
By the time of his withdrawal 26 Turkish Cypriots had been killed. Turkey replied with an ultimatum demanding that Grivas be removed from the island, that the troops smuggled from Greece in excess of the limits of the Treaty of Alliance be removed, and that the economic blockades on the Turkish Cypriot enclaves be lifted. Grivas was recalled by the Athens Junta and the 12,000 Greek troops were withdrawn. Makarios now attempted to consolidate his position by reducing the number of National Guard troops, and by creating a paramilitary force loyal to Cypriot independence. In 1968, acknowledging that enosis was now all but impossible, Makarios stated, "A solution by necessity must be sought within the limits of what is feasible which does not always coincide with the limits of what is desirable."
After 1967 tensions between the Greek and Turkish Cypriots subsided. Instead, the main source of tension on the island came from factions within the Greek Cypriot community. Although Makarios had effectively abandoned enosis in favour of an 'attainable solution', many others continued to believe that the only legitimate political aspiration for Greek Cypriots was union with Greece.
On his arrival, Grivas began by establishing a nationalist paramilitary group known as the National Organization of Cypriot Fighters (Ethniki Organosis Kyprion Agoniston B or EOKA-B), drawing comparisons with the EOKA struggle for enosis under the British colonial administration of the 1950s.
The military junta in Athens saw Makarios as an obstacle. Makarios's failure to disband the National Guard, whose officer class was dominated by mainland Greeks, had meant the junta had practical control over the Cypriot military establishment, leaving Makarios isolated and a vulnerable target.
During the first Turkish invasion, Turkish troops invaded Cyprus territory on 20 July 1974, invoking its rights under the Treaty of Guarantee. This expansion of Turkish-occupied zone violated International Law as well as the Charter of the United Nations. Turkish troops managed to capture 3% of the island which was accompanied by the burning of the Turkish Cypriot quarter, as well as the raping and killing of women and children. A temporary cease-fire followed which was mitigated by the UN Security Council. Subsequently, the Greek military Junta collapsed on July 23, 1974, and peace talks commenced in which a democratic government was installed. The Resolution 353 was broken after Turkey attacked a second time and managed to get a hold of 37% of Cyprus territory. The Island of Cyprus was appointed a Buffer Zone by the United Nations, which divided the island into two zones through the 'Green Line' and put an end to the Turkish invasion. Although Turkey announced that the occupied areas of Cyprus to be called the Federated Turkish State in 1975, it is not legitimised on a worldwide political scale. The United Nations called for the international recognition of independence for the Republic of Cyprus in the Security Council Resolution 367.
In the years after the Turkish invasion of northern Cyprus one can observe a history of failed talks between the two parties. The 1983 declaration of the independent Turkish Republic of Cyprus resulted in a rise of inter-communal tensions and made it increasingly hard to find mutual understanding. With Cyprus' interest of a possible EU membership and a new UN Secretary-General Kofi Annan in 1997 new hopes arose for a fresh start. International involvement from sides of the US and UK, wanting a solution to the Cyprus dispute prior to the EU accession led to political pressures for new talks. The believe that an accession without a solution would threaten Greek-Turkish relations and acknowledge the partition of the island would direct the coming negotiations.
Over the course of two years a concrete plan, the Annan plan was formulated. In 2004 the fifth version agreed upon from both sides and with the endorsement of Turkey, US, UK and EU then was presented to the public and was given a referendum in both Cypriot communities to assure the legitimisation of the resolution. The Turkish Cypriots voted with 65% for the plan, however the Greek Cypriots voted with a 76% majority against. The Annan plan contained multiple important topics. Firstly it established a confederation of two separate states called the United Cyprus Republic. Both communities would have autonomous states combined under one unified government. The members of parliament would be chosen according to the percentage in population numbers to ensure a just involvement from both communities. The paper proposed a demilitarisation of the island over the next years. Furthermore it agreed upon a number of 45000 Turkish settlers that could remain on the island. These settlers became a very important issue concerning peace talks. Originally the Turkish government encouraged Turks to settle in Cyprus providing transfer and property, to establish a counterpart to the Greek Cypriot population due to their 1 to 5 minority. With the economic situation many Turkish-Cypriot decided to leave the island, however their departure is made up by incoming Turkish settlers leaving the population ratio between Turkish Cypriots and Greek Cypriots stable. However all these points where criticised and as seen in the vote rejected mainly by the Greek Cypriots. These name the dissolution of the „Republic of Cyprus", economic consequences of a reunion and the remaining Turkish settlers as reason. Many claim that the plan was indeed drawing more from Turkish-Cypriot demands then Greek-Cypriot interests. Taking in consideration that the US wanted to keep Turkey as a strategic partner in future Middle Eastern conflicts.
A week after the failed referendum the Republic of Cyprus joined the EU. In multiple instances the EU tried to promote trade with Northern Cyprus but without internationally recognised ports this spiked a grand debate. Both side endure their intention of negotiations, however without the prospect of any new compromises or agreements the UN is unwilling to start the process again. Since 2004 negotiations took place in numbers but without any results, both sides are strongly holding on to their position without an agreeable solution in sight that would suit both parties.
ITU Council 2017 - participants showing their support for the UN Women/ ITU Equals partnership. ©ITU/I.Wood
Participants during the Session "Free and Equal: Standing Up for Diversity" at the Annual Meeting 2018 of the World Economic Forum in Davos, January 26, 2018
Copyright by World Economic Forum / Jakob Polacsek
WTSA-16 participants showing their support for the UN Women/ ITU Equals partnership.
© ITU/ J. Marchand
One of the most persistent barriers to women’s success at work and to economic growth, unequal pay, will be actively challenged by a new global partnership, the Equal Pay International Coalition (EPIC).
With the launch of EPIC, the International Labour Organization (ILO), UN Women and the Organization of Economic Cooperation and Development (OECD) are bringing together a diverse set of actors at the global, regional and national levels to support governments, employers and workers and their organizations, and other stakeholders, to make equal pay between women and men for work of equal value a reality.
Read More: www.unwomen.org/en/news/stories/2017/9/press-release-coal...
Pictured: Scenes from the Equal Pay International Coalition (EPIC) launch event held during the the 72nd Session of the United Nations General Assembly. 18 September, 2017.
Photo: UN Women/Ryan Brown
Cataglyphis are desert ants. Russian entomologist M. D. Ruzsky very aptly called the representatives of the the genuses Cataglyphis and Myrmecocystus “little phaetons" as they lifted up their abdomen (like a horse-drawn phaeton top is raised). Its most famous species is C. bicolor, the Sahara Desert ant, which runs on hot sand to find insects that died of heat exhaustion and can, like other several other Cataglyphis species, can sustain a body temperature well above 50 °C (122°F) with surface temperatures of up to 70 °C (178°F). They are the most rapidly darting ants, as have elongated legs (the ratio of the back of the lower leg length to chest-runners ants equals 0.96 -1.05 and conventional ant species 0.7-0.8). At the same frequency steps is increased step width, and thus the running speed more. Why cataglyphis holding abdomen vertically? After many hypotheses russian myrmecologist K. V. Arnol'di proved that raising the abdomen offsets the center of gravity, which increases the efficiency of the push back legs and more contributes to the running speed.
In the Sahara, ants are living where there are no bushes or clumps of grass, and where tracks are covered by wind-blown sand in seconds. The midday sun is so hot that even the permanent residents, sand lizards and insects and a few birds, have to take shelter. But this is when, for not much more than an hour, it's safe for Cataglyphis to come out of their underground nests and forage. They can withstand higher temperatures than any other insects. They pour out on to the sand and search for insects that have died of heat stress. On its outward journey, it zig-zags right and left. Every time it changes direction, it lifts its head and wheels around to take a bearing on the sun, un-sightings appears every few seconds. In addition, it has to remember how far it went on each straight run, but as soon as one is lucky enough to find a tiny insect corpse, it has to get it back to the nest fast before it itself dies of the heat. It does not retrace the zig-zagging path of its outward journey; even if a scent-trail made this possible, such a route would be time-wasting. Instead, it runs in a straight line directly back to its nest-hole. It sum all data and come out with the precise direction needed, in a straight line directly back to its nest-hole. In an experiment, individual ants were fitted with an apparatus, which blocked direct sight of the sun while giving a false impression of where the sun was, using a mirror. When these ants headed for home, they dashed off to a point in the desert displaced by just the amount that the mirror had shifted the sun's position.
Cataglyphis nodus distribution - United Arab Emirates, Palaearctic Region: Albania, Armenia, Bulgaria, Croatia, Georgia, Greece (type locality), Hungary, Iran, Israel, Montenegro, Republic of Macedonia, Romania, Slovakia, Turkey, Turkmenistan, Uzbekistan. Cataglyphis nodus is the single species from the bicolor species-group lives in Balkans.
Род Cataglyphis (муравьи-бегунки) - это муравьи пустыни. Русский энтомолог, мирмеколог (ученые, изучающие муравьев) М. Д. Рузский очень удачно назвал муравьев-бегунков рода Cataglyphis и Myrmecocystus "фаэтончиками", так как они приподнимают кверху брюшко (как верх у конного экипажа-фаэтона). Наиболее известный вид - Cataglyphis bicolor, муравей пустыни Сахара, бегает по горячему песку в поисках насекомых, погибших от теплового удара, и, как некоторые другие виды Cataglyphis, способен поддерживать температуру тела более 50°C при температуре поверхности до 70°C. Они являются самыми быстро бегающими муравьями, так как имеют удлиненные ноги (отношение длины задней голени к длине груди у муравьев-бегунков равно 0,96 -1,05, а у обычных видов муравьев 0,7-0,8). При той же частоте шагов увеличивается ширина шага, а значит и скорость бега больше. Зачем муравьи-бегунки держат брюшко вертикально вверх? После многих гипотез русский мирмеколог К. В. Арнольди доказал, что поднятие брюшка связано со смещением центра тяжести насекомого, что повышает эффективность толчка задними ногами и еще более способствует увеличению скорости бега.
В Сахаре муравьи живут там, где нет ни кустов, ни или травы, и все моментально покрывается песком. При полуденном солнце даже постоянные жители пустыни, песчаные ящерицы, насекомые и птицы нескольких видов должны укрыться в убежище. Но для муравьев-бегунков безопасно немного больше, чем на час, выйти из своих подземных убежищ за кормом. Они могут выдерживать более высокие температуры, чем любые другие насекомые. Они выходят на песок и ищут насекомых; в поисках добычи муравей движется зигзагами направо и налево. Каждый раз, когда он меняет направление, он поднимает голову и крутит ею, чтобы определить азимут солнца; солнечное визирование происходит каждые несколько секунд. Кроме того, он должен помнить, сколько он прошел на каждом прямой перегоне, но как только добыча найдена, он должен как можно быстрее доставить её в гнездо, прежде чем сам погибнет от жары. Он не повторяет свой зигзагообразный маршрут в обратную сторону, даже если это возможно по запаху, такой маршрут займет много времени. Он суммирует все данные и движется точно в нужном направлении, по прямой линии непосредственно обратно в свое гнездо. Проводился эксперимент, в котором отдельные муравьи были оснащены устройством, блокирующим с помощью зеркала прямую видимость солнца, создавая ложное впечатление о том, где находится солнце. Когда эти муравьи добрались домой, они сместились от точки в пустыне только на расстояние, на которое зеркало смещало положение солнца.
Распространение Cataglyphis nodus - ОАЭ, Албания, Армения, Болгария, Хорватия, Грузия, Греция, Венгрия, Иран, Израиль, Черногория, Македония, Румыния, Словакия, Турция, Туркмения, Узбекистан. Cataglyphis nodus - это единственный обитающий на Балканах вид из видовой группы Cataglyphis bicolor.
Fabio Fontana, Vice-President and Managing Director, Middle East, Hewlett Packard Enterprise, United Arab Emirates and Omar bin Sultan Al Olama, Minister of State for Artificial Intelligence of the United Arab Emirates during the Session: Equal Opportunity: Artificial Intelligence at the King Hussein Bin Talal Convention Centre during the World Economic Forum on the Middle East and North Africa, Jordan 2019. Copyright by World Economic Forum / Faruk Pinjo
Taken with strobes (equal power) camera right and left, 85 1.2 wide open, and 10 stop ND filter. It took quite a bit of work to nail the focus (as nothing is visible through the viewfinder with the filter on). I had the camera on a tripod, and told the subject keep absolutely still - which he did pretty good at. I am very happy with this shot.
Blackpool Borough Council Transport 710, a The English Electric Company Limited ‘Balloon’ tram with The English Electric Company Limited 4’ 9” wheelbase equal wheel bogies, two The English Electric Company Limited 305 57 horsepower motors and The English Electric Company Limited DB1 Z6 controllers with a The English Electric Company Limited H54/44CD body built 1934 runs on Lytham Road in Blackpool by the Tyldesley Road junction running empty to Rigby Road tram depot. Sunday 12th October 1980
Note, 710 was new to Blackpool Corporation as an open top tram with O54/40CD seating and the fleet number 247. It was rebuilt with a roof circa 1941, the seating being altered to H44/40CD. The seating was further altered to H54/44C at some time prior to it being renumbered 710 in early 1968. Blackpool Corporation became Blackpool Borough Council on 1st April 1974 due to local government reorganisation. 710 was on loan to the National Tramway Museum from 1984 until late December 1985 in exchange for the Tramway Museum Society’s former Glasgow Corporation Transport ‘Cunarder’ tram number 1297. Blackpool Borough Council Transport’s operations passed to Blackpool Transport Services Limited on 26th October 1986 due to bus deregulation. 710 was withdrawn from service in 2008 and stored until purchased by Frank Heald (chairman of VoiteQ Limited) for preservation by the Friends of Fleetwood Trams. 710 was moved to Fleetwood on 17th July 2011, and the Friends of Fleetwood Trams became the Fleetwood Heritage Leisure Trust in 2012
Ref no 011/00364
WTSA-16 participants showing their support for the UN Women/ ITU Equals partnership.
© ITU/ J. Marchand
Scenes from the side event: A Global Call to Action on Equal Pay, a moderated interview-style discussion with UN Women Executive Director Phumzile Mlambo-Ngcuka and key stakeholders on a global call to action on equal pay for work of equal value, organized by UN Women.
The event included video messages from Sigmundur Davíd Gunnlaugsson, Prime Minister of Iceland and Stefan Löfven, Prime Minister of Sweden
Panelists: Renana Jhabvala, Self-Employed Women’s Association (SEWA); Jill Shenker, International Organizing Director, National Domestic Workers Alliance; Abby Wambach, Olympic gold medalist, World Cup winner and US football icon
Moderator: Sade Baderinwa, News Anchor at New York’s WABC Channel 7
A two-part event with the first part being a high-level dialogue on gender equality;
and the second part a moderated interview-style discussion with UN Women
Executive Director Phumzile Mlambo-Ngcuka and key stakeholders on a global call to action on equal pay for work of equal value, organized by UN Women.
Photo: UN Women/Ryan Brown
Der Sinn dahinter ist anscheinend, die Öffentlichkeit darauf zu sensibilisieren, dass Frauen in der Schweiz durchschnittlich 19 % weniger verdienen als Männer. (www.equalpayday.ch)
Morgen (am 8. März) ist zudem Tag der Frau und ich hör's schon, wie Frauen sich doch nicht so anstellen sollen, sie seien doch schliesslich per Gesetz gleichberechtigt. Und ohnehin seien selbst schuld daran, wenn sie weniger verdienen, was würden sie auch immer schlecht bezahlte Berufe wählen, in denen sie dann auch noch Teilzeit arbeiten und es fehle ihnen überhaupt nur an Ehrgeiz. Es ist zum Kotzen!
Natürlich wäre es schön, wenn solche Aktionstage nicht mehr nötig wären und wir den Geschlechterschwachsinn endlich hinter uns lassen könnten. Solange Menschen aber aufgrund ihres Geschlechts diskriminiert werden und Gleichheit nur für Gleiche gilt, haben solche Tage durchaus ihre Daseinsberechtigung.
ITU Council 2017 - participants showing their support for the UN Women/ ITU Equals partnership. ©ITU/I.Wood
UUSC volunteers and members get an inside view of UUSC partner Equal Exchange's production facilities on its "roaster tour" in October 2008.
The UUSC Coffee Project is a collaboration between UUSC and Equal Exchange, a worker-owned, fair trade company based in West Bridgewater, Massachusetts.
Through the Coffee Project, UUSC supporters can buy fair trade coffee, tea, sugar, chocolate bars, and other tasty treats in bulk for their social action groups or in their congregations, schools, and communities.
uusc.org
Frauenarbeit ist MehrWert
Der Equal Pay Day am 19. März 2016 markiert den Tag, an dem Frauen den Lohn bekommen haben, den sie bis Ende letzten Jahres verdient hätten, würden sie wie Männer bezahlt werden. DIE LINKE will Betriebe verpflichten, Entgeltdiskrimi-nierung zu beenden - bei Sanktionsandrohung.
Linke aus der Bundestags-fraktion und dem Berliner Abgeordnetenhaus beteiligten sich neben vielen Frauen und Männern aus Verbänden, Gewerkschaften und Parteien an einer Kundgebung zum Equal Pay Day. Die Fraktionsvorsitzende Sahra Wagenknecht sprach dazu und prangerte dabei die Sozialpolitik zum Nachteil vieler Frauen scharf an.