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M6
I received 42 frames from my lab from my last roll with M6. The first frame on top left hand is considered unusable. Next was the one at the bottom left hand corner that I shot to kill off the counter. I think it looks good with some cropping on the right.
IMHO, 41 usable frames from a roll of 36 exposures film is a good return from my experience in shooting film. I think M6 has thin spacings between negatives and I managed my personal record of 41 frames from 36 exposures negative.
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On Saturday, November 26, NASA is scheduled to launch the Mars Science Laboratory (MSL) mission featuring Curiosity, the largest and most advanced rover ever sent to the Red Planet.
The Curiosity rover bristles with multiple cameras and instruments, including Goddard's Sample Analysis at Mars (SAM) instrument suite. By looking for evidence of water, carbon, and other important building blocks of life in the Martian soil and atmosphere, SAM will help discover whether Mars ever had the potential to support life. Curiosity will be delivered to Gale crater, a 96-mile-wide crater that contains a record of environmental changes in its sedimentary rock, in August 2012.
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The Sample Analysis at Mars (SAM) instrument suite has completed assembly at NASA's Goddard Space Flight Center in Greenbelt, Md., and is nearly ready for a December delivery to NASA's Jet Propulsion Laboratory (JPL), Pasadena, Calif., where it will be joined to the Curiosity rover. SAM and Curiosity are set to fly on the upcoming Mars Science Laboratory (MSL) rover mission scheduled for launch in the fall of 2011.
Credit: NASA/GSFC/SAM
NASA Goddard Space Flight Center enables NASA’s mission through four scientific endeavors: Earth Science, Heliophysics, Solar System Exploration, and Astrophysics. Goddard plays a leading role in NASA’s accomplishments by contributing compelling scientific knowledge to advance the Agency’s mission.
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i've always loved drawing trees. When i was a teenager i used to sit in various parks in Grand Haven, Michigan, and draw the twist of branches and the wrinkles of bark. The texture and the endless variety amazes me still.
These trees were inspired by an analysis of my handwriting, done when i was also a teen. It was a very accurate analysis, pointing out the exact age i was when my parents divorced and which parent i leaned to most at varying times in my life. i still have a cassette tape of the analysis somewhere, but i no longer have a tape player.
At my first show, the Around the Coyote Festival in September of 2005, this was the first piece of art i ever sold. Jon Johnson took it from me and hung it expertly in his home.
Marker on watercolor.
February 2004 - 12 x 16
Sold.
ONE OF THE WAY TO TRAIN THE "THE AWARENESS MUSCLE
is the critical run
and other emergency art format
CRITICAL RUN / Debate Format
Critical Run is an Art Format created by Thierry Geoffroy/Colonel
debate while running .
Debate and Run together,Now,before it is too late.
www.emergencyroomscanvas todo .org/criticalrun.html
The Art Format Critical Run has been activated in 30 differents countries with 120 different burning debates
New York,Cairo,London,Istanbul,Athens,Hanoi,Paris,Munich,Amsterdam Siberia,Copenhagen,Johanesburg,Moskow,Napoli,Sydney,
Wroclaw,Bruxelles,Rotterdam,Barcelona,Venice,Virginia,Stockholm,Århus,Kassel,Lyon,Trondheim, Berlin ,Toronto,Hannover ...
CRITICAL RUN happened on invitation from institution like Moma/PS1, Moderna Muset Stockholm ,Witte de With Rotterdam,ZKM Karlsruhe,Liverpool Biennale;Sprengel Museum etc..or have just happened on the spot because
a debate was necessary here and now.
In 2020 the Energy Room was an installation of 40 Critical Run at Museum Villa Stuck /Munich
part of Colonel solo show : The Awareness Muscle Training Center
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Interesting publication for researches on running and art
www.emergencyrooms.org/formats.html
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------------about Venice Biennale history from wikipedia ---------
curators previous
* 1948 – Rodolfo Pallucchini
* 1966 – Gian Alberto Dell'Acqua
* 1968 – Maurizio Calvesi and Guido Ballo
* 1970 – Umbro Apollonio
* 1972 – Mario Penelope
* 1974 – Vittorio Gregotti
* 1978 – Luigi Scarpa
* 1980 – Luigi Carluccio
* 1982 – Sisto Dalla Palma
* 1984 – Maurizio Calvesi
* 1986 – Maurizio Calvesi
* 1988 – Giovanni Carandente
* 1990 – Giovanni Carandente
* 1993 – Achille Bonito Oliva
* 1995 – Jean Clair
* 1997 – Germano Celant
* 1999 – Harald Szeemann
* 2001 – Harald Szeemann
* 2003 – Francesco Bonami
* 2005 – María de Corral and Rosa Martinez
* 2007 – Robert Storr
* 2009 – Daniel Birnbaum
* 2011 – Bice Curiger
* 2013 – Massimiliano Gioni
* 2015 – Okwui Enwezor
* 2017 – Christine Macel[19]
* 2019 – Ralph Rugoff[20]
----------
#art #artist #artistic #artists #arte #artwork
Pavilion at the Venice Biennale #artcontemporain contemporary art Giardini arsenal
venice Veneziako VenecijaVenècia Venedig Venetië Veneetsia Venetsia Venise Venecia VenedigΒενετία( Venetía Hungarian Velence Feneyjar Venice Venezia Venēcija Venezja Venezia Wenecja Veneza VenețiaVenetsiya BenátkyBenetke Venecia Fenisוועניס Վենետիկ ভেনি স威尼斯 (wēinísī) 威尼斯 ვენეციისવે નિસवेनिसヴェネツィアವೆನಿಸ್베니스வெனிஸ்వెనిస్เวนิซوینس Venetsiya
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other Biennale :(Biennials ) :
Venice Biennial , Documenta Havana Biennial,Istanbul Biennial ( Istanbuli),Biennale de Lyon ,Dak'Art Berlin Biennial,Mercosul Visual Arts Biennial ,Bienal do Mercosul Porto Alegre.,Berlin Biennial ,Echigo-Tsumari Triennial .Yokohama Triennial Aichi Triennale,manifesta ,Copenhagen Biennale,Aichi Triennale .Yokohama Triennial,Echigo-Tsumari Triennial.Sharjah Biennial ,Biennale of Sydney, Liverpool , São Paulo Biennial ; Athens Biennale , Bienal do Mercosul ,Göteborg International Biennial for Contemporary Art ,DOCUMENTA KASSEL ATHENS
* Dakar
kritik [edit] kritikaria kritičar crític kritiker criticus kriitik kriitikko critique crítico Kritiker κριτικός(kritikós) kritikus Gagnrýnandi léirmheastóir critico kritiķis kritikas kritiku krytyk crítico critic crítico krytyk beirniad קריטיקער
Basque Veneziako Venecija [edit] Catalan Venècia Venedig Venetië Veneetsia Venetsia Venise Venecia Venedig Βενετία(Venetía) Hungarian Velence Feneyjar Venice Venezia Latvian Venēcija Venezja Venezia Wenecja Portuguese Veneza Veneția Venetsiya Benátky Benetke Venecia Fenis וועניס Վենետիկ ভেনিস 威尼斯 (wēinísī) 威尼斯 Georgian ვენეციის વેનિસ वेनिस ヴェネツィア ವೆನಿಸ್ 베니스 வெனிஸ் వెనిస్ เวนิซ وینس Venetsiya
Thierry Geoffroy / Colonel
#thierrygeoffroy #geoffroycolonel #thierrygeoffroycololonel #lecolonel #biennalist
#artformat #formatart
#emergencyart #urgencyart #urgentart #artofthenow #nowart
emergency art emergency art urgency artist de garde vagt alarm emergency room necessityart artistrole exigencyart predicament prediction pressureart
#InstitutionalCritique
#venicebiennale #venicebiennale2017 #venicebiennale2015
#venicebiennale2019
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#pastlife #memory #venicebiennale #venice #Venezia #italy #hotelveniceitalia #artexhibit #artshow #internationalart #contemporaryart #themundane #summerday
#biennalevenice
Institutional Critique
Identity Politics Post-War Consumerism, Engagement with Mass Media, Performance Art, The Body, Film/Video, Political, Collage, , Cultural Commentary, Self as Subject, Color Photography, Related to Fashion, Digital Culture, Photography, Human Figure, Technology
Racial and Ethnic Identity, Neo-Conceptualism, Diaristic
Contemporary Re-creations, Popular Culture, Appropriation, Contemporary Sculpture,
Culture, Collective History, Group of Portraits, Photographic Source
, Endurance Art, Film/Video,, Conceptual Art and Contemporary Conceptualism, Color Photography, Human Figure, Cultural Commentary
War and Military, Political Figures, Social Action, Racial and Ethnic Identity, Conflict
Personal Histories, Alter Egos and Avatars
Use of Common Materials, Found Objects, Related to Literature, Installation, Mixed-Media, Engagement with Mass Media, Collage,, Outdoor Art, Work on Paper, Text
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CRITICAL RUN is an art format developed by Thierry Geoffroy / COLONEL, It follows the spirit of ULTRACONTEMPORARY and EMERGENCY ART as well as aims to train the AWARENESS MUSCLE.
Critical Run has been activated on invitation from institutions such as Moderna Muset Stockholm, Moma PS1 ,Witte de With Rotterdam, ZKM Karlsruhe, Liverpool Biennale, Manifesta Biennial ,Sprengel Museum,Venice Biennale but have also just happened on the spot because a debate was necessary here and now.
It has been activated in Beijing, Cairo, London, Istanbul, Athens, Kassel, Sao Paolo, Hanoi, Istanbul, Paris, Copenhagen, Moskow, Napoli, Sydney, Wroclaw, Bruxelles, Rotterdam, Siberia, Karlsruhe, Barcelona, Aalborg, Venice, Virginia, Stockholm, Aarhus, Rio de Janeiro, Budapest, Washington, Lyon, Caracas, Trondheim, Berlin, Toronto, Hannover, Haage, Newtown, Cartagena, Tallinn, Herning, Roskilde;Mannheim ;Munich etc...
The run debates are about emergency topics like Climate Change , Xenophobia , Wars , Hyppocrisie , Apathy ,etc ...
Participants have been very various from Sweddish art critics , German police , American climate activist , Chinese Gallerists , Brasilian students , etc ...
Critical Run is an art format , like Emergency Room or Biennalist and is part of Emergency Art ULTRACONTEMPORARY and AWARENESS MUSCLE .
www.emergencyrooms.org/criticalrun.html
www.emergencyrooms.org/formats.html
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In 2020 a large exhibition will show 40 of the Critical Run at the Museum Villa Stuck in Munich / part of the Awareness Muscle Training Center
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for activating the format or for inviting the installation
please contact 1@colonel.dk
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critical,run,art,format,debate ,artformat,formatart,moment,clarity,emergency,kunst,
Sport,effort,curator,artist,urgency,urgence,criticalrun,emergencies,ultracontemporary
,rundebate,sport,art,activism, critic,laufen,Thierry Geoffroy , Colonel,kunstformat
,now art,copenhagen,denmark
Title: Technicians performing AA5 (sic) (Atomic Absorption Spectrophotometer) sample analysis, Varian Techtron, 679 Springvale Road, Mulgrave
Author / Creator: Sievers, Wolfgang, 1913-2007 photographer.
Date: 1968.
Varian Techtron was the result of a merger between the Australian company Techtron and the American firm Varian Associates in 1967. The Springvale Road site (then in Springvale North, but now in Mulgrave) was established by Techtron and is still in use, but now as Agilent Technologies (which acquired Varian in 2009). Techtron Appliances was established in 1938 and it and its successor companies have produced a variety of electronic and analytic equipment for industry and scientific research, notably including Atomic Absorption Spectrophotometers (AAS) to CSIRO specifications.
See locale on Google Maps.
Subjects:
Varian Techtron Employees.
Atomic absorption spectroscopy Instruments.
Laboratory technicians.
Laboratories Victoria Mulgrave.
Gelatin silver prints.
Index terms:
Australia; Victoria; Wolfgang Sievers; Atomic absorption spectroscopy; Mulgrave; laboratory technicians; Varian Techrton
Notes:
Job number inscribed in pencil on reverse of image: 4014 G
Vintage print with the photographer's studio stamp on reverse.
Title taken from information supplied by Varian Australia, courtesy of the photographer.
Printed by Wolfgang Sievers at an unknown date from his negative made in 1968.
Copyright status: This work is in copyright
Conditions of use: Copyright restrictions apply.
For Copyright queries, please contact the National Library of Australia.
Source: SLV
Identifier(s): Accession no: H2000.195/225
Source / Donor: Purchased 2000.
Series / Collection: Wolfgang Sievers collection.
Link to online item:
handle.slv.vic.gov.au/10381/308700
Link to this record:
search.slv.vic.gov.au/permalink/f/1fe7t3h/SLV_ROSETTAIE18...
search.slv.vic.gov.au/permalink/f/1fe7t3h/SLV_VOYAGER1757334
Museum Fünf Kontinente, Munich, Germany.
The Sican (also Sicán) culture is the name that archaeologist Izumi Shimada gave to the culture that inhabited what is now the north coast of Peru between about 750 and 1375. According to Shimada, Sican means "temple of the Moon".[1]
The Sican culture is also referred to as Lambayeque culture, after the name of the region in Peru. It succeeded the Moche culture.
There is still controversy among archeologists and anthropologists over whether the two are separate cultures.
The Sican culture is divided into three major periods based on cultural changes as evidenced in archeological artifacts.[2]
Archaeologist Izumi Shimada, founder of the Sican Archaeological Project, named the prehistoric culture which he discovered in northwestern Peru. They succeeded the Moche and preceded the Inca Empire, the historical civilization that encountered the Spanish explorers and conquistadors.
The Sican inhabited a coastal territory near the La Leche and Lambayeque Rivers. The archaeological sites span the Lambayeque region, including the Motupe, La Leche, Lambayeque, and Zaña valleys, near modern-day Chiclayo.[2] Numerous sites have been identified in the Batán Grande area of the La Leche Valley.
The climate of the area during Sican occupation was similar to the current climate, despite changes in landscape accumulated in the last 600 years. The drought-and-flood cycles seen in the region for the past 1500 years did not spare the Sican culture. (Goldstein and Shimada 2007, p. 49)
The Early Sican period began around 750 and lasted until 900. The lack of artifacts has limited the development of knowledge about this early period.
The Sican were probably descendants of the Moche culture, which fell around 800. Their works shows shared motifs in the artifacts recovered.[3]
Similar groups include Cajamarca, Wari and Pachacamac. From remains found in the archaeological locations, researchers have determined that this culture maintained commercial exchange with people from present-day Ecuador (shells and snails), Colombia to the north (emeralds and amber), Chile to the south (blue stone), and the eastern basin of the Marañón River (seeds of gold).
The Lambayeque culture may have been a separate trading people as well.
Around 800, the Sican created the city of Poma, located at Batán Grande, in La Leche Valley. Few other Early Sican sites have been discovered.
The Early Sican culture is known for the highly polished, black-finish ceramics found in the La Leche Valley. This black-finish ceramic style began in the Moche culture prior to the Early Sican, and shows the sharing of cultures in the region.
Much of the ceramics were examples of a single spout, loop-handle bottle, featuring an anthropomorphic-avian (bird) face at the spout base. The face consisted of bulging eyes, a hooked beak or triangular projection instead of a nose, stylized ears, and no mouth.
It appeared to be a predecessor to the related faces of the Sican Deity and the Sican Lord of the Middle Sican culture. (Shimada 2000, p. 51)
Aside from the shared ceramic styles, much of the Early Sican defines a distinguishable culture. While the ceramic styles and iconography show some continuity with previous cultures, the combination of all the influences is Sican.
The changing ceramic styles, iconography, and funerary practices reflect a change in religious ideology and cosmology that expressed the Sican culture. Most importantly, the late Early Sican period saw the accumulation of these changes in art style and iconography, coupled with other changes in organization, by which the Sican constructed monumental adobe structures, developed large-scale copper alloy smelting and metalworking, and developed the elaborate funerary tradition that would come to characterize the Middle Sican (Shimada 1985, p. 361).
Such changes have been seen by researchers at sites in Batán Grande, including the Huaca del Pueblo site, dated to around 850-900.
The Middle Sican period lasted from 900 to 1100 . This is the period of the Sican's “cultural florescence,” and is marked by the emergence of various cultural innovations, some of which were unprecedented in the local area.[3]
The decline of the Wari Empire and the Middle Cajamarca polity enabled the resurgence in local political and religious identity and autonomy.[3]
The Middle Sican culture is marked by distinctive characteristics in six areas: art and ideology, crafts and technology, funerary customs, long-distance trade, religious cities and monumental temples, and the structure and authority of the state (Shimada 2000, p. 52-61; Shimada 1985, p. 365-369).
Together, these characteristics provide evidence that the Sicán culture had a highly productive economy, clear social differentiation, and an influential religious ideology. The religious ideology was the underpinning of the structure of their theocratic state.[3]
Sicán art is representational in style and religious in nature. Features such as sculptural representation and the minimization of number of colors (one to three), were common among the art of many earlier cultures that flourished on the north coast of Peru.[3] Sicán art reconfigured the motifs, conventions, and concepts of these antecedent cultures (mainly the Wari and Moche) into an overall new and unique style. The references to the old ideas, images and ways of antecedent cultures in Sicán art would have been useful in providing prestige and legitimacy to the new Sicán religion which was emerging.[3]
Sicán iconography is dominated by the Sican Deity[4][5] It decorates all artistic media of the Sicán, including ceramics, metal works, and textiles.[3] The icon is most commonly represented with a mask face and upturned eyes.[2]
Sometimes it may be shown with avian features, such as beaks, wings, and talons, which are evident in Early Sicán ceramics.[3]
These avian features are related to Naylamp, the key figure in Sicán mythology. The name "Naylamp" was first mentioned by the Spanish chronicler Miguel Cabello Valboa, who referred to the Moche figure "Naymlap" in his 1586 Miscelánea Antártica.
Later authors believe the form is Mochica Ñañlap, of which the first part is ñañ "waterfowl"; a connexion has been made between the Moche and Chimú cultures and the empire of Chimor and the Mochica language.
Sican gold cup, 850-1050
Naylamp was said to be the founder of the first dynasty of prehistoric kings in La Leche and Lambayeque valleys. In The Legend of Naylamp, first recorded in the 16th century by the Spanish chronicler Miguel Cabello de Balboa, Naylamp is said to have traveled on a balsa raft by sea to the Lambayeque shores. He founded a large city, and the 12 sons of his eldest son each founded a new city in the Lambayeque region.
When Naylamp died, he sprouted wings and flew off to another world (Nickle Arts Museum 2006, p. 18 and 65).
Middle Sicán art did not change the concept or representation of the icon of the Sicán Deity. Both the preceding Moche and Wari cultures feature a single dominant male figure, and the upturned eyes characteristic of the Sicán Deity are common to the art and iconography of other Pre-Hispanic societies.
The iconography accompanying the Sicán Deity was unique and significant (Nickle Arts Museum 2006, p. 66).
Iconography of the moon and the ocean may symbolize the Sicán Deity's involvement in the wellbeing of marine life and fishermen. Iconography related to water signifies the importance of irrigation and agriculture to the Sicán.
Other iconography, such as of the sun and moon, symbolizes the importance of duality in both human and celestial life.
Depictions of the Sicán Deity with tumi knives and trophy heads may indicate his omnipotent control in both human life and the celestial world (Nickle Arts Museum 2006, p. 66; Shimada 2000, p. 52-53). Through the iconography which the Sicán associated with the icon, anthropologists theorize that the Sicán Deity may have been attributed with power to control all of the celestial forces fundamental to life and abundance (Shimada 2000, p. 53).
The lack of representation of humans in Middle Sicán art emphasizes the omnipresence of the Sicán Deity in Sicán iconography.
The only exceptions are representations of the Sicán Lord, the male elite personage, and his entourage. (Shimada 2000, p. 53)
Iconography of the Sicán Lord is almost identical to the Sicán Deity, except that he is shown in natural settings and does not have avian features.[2][5] The Sicán Lord was probably meant to represent an earthly alter-ego of the
The population of Batán Grande included many skilled artisans. Craft production during the Middle Sican flourished and became one of the leading characteristics of the period.
The highly polished black finish ceramics from the Early Sican bloomed in this later phase, along with metallurgy; however, the ceramic technology used in the Middle Sican developed over 2500 years from local pottery production techniques (Shimada and Wagner 2001, p. 26).
Workshops, such as the one found at Huaca Sialupe to the west of Batán Grande, likely had both pottery and metalworking production sites (Goldsmith and Shimada 2007, p. 45).
Ceramics allowed for a medium to convey political and religious ideology in the forms of storage vessels, architectural ornaments, cooking vessels, sculptures of the Deity or animals, and other types proliferated during this period.[2][5]
The potters likely worked separately from one another, rather than in assembly-line type production. Huaca Sialupe excavations produced clusters of similar kilns using local hardwood for charcoal.
Field experiments indicated that the kilns were used either for ceramics or metallurgy (Shimada and Wagner 2001, p. 28).
The Paleteada ceramics used the paddle-and-anvil technique to form and decorate pottery, primarily with geometric designs (Cleland and Shimada 1998, p. 112).
The monochrome black pottery became widely popular across the region during the Middle Sican as the Sican themselves began to emphasize the black pottery, with the help of the Middle Sican religious prestige.
Only the geometric designs continued on the pottery into the Late Sican.[2]
Metallurgy is one of the Sican's greatest legacies, lasting nearly 600 years at Batán Grande (Shimada and Merkel 1991, p. 83). Some Middle Sican workshops showed multicraft production and it is likely the crafts competed for resources, such as fuel for kilns.
Middle- and high-status burials both contained the black ceramics, while only the social elite had access to the precious metal object; therefore, metalworking probably was given production preference by the elites (Goldsmith and Shimada 2007, p. 47).
The greatness of Middle Sican metallurgy was the large scale smelting and diverse use of arsenical copper, which was more ductile and corrosion-resistant than pure copper.[2][5]
The great amounts of smelting and/or metalworking sites found in the Lambayeque region point to the convergence of major factors to allow such an occurrence: accessible ore deposits, extensive forests for hardwood to make charcoal, pottery making tradition using efficient kilns, gold working tradition that formed the basis for later metalworking technology, and a demand for goods by the elites (Shimada, Goldstein, Wagner, Bezur 2007, p. 339).
The large number of smelting sites also point to the amount of labor required by using their method. In modern standards, their copper-alloy smelting was inefficient, which could have led to the high number of workshops with multiple furnaces (Shimada and Merkel 1991, p. 85).
The precious metal objects found in Middle Sican sites reveal the unprecedented scale of their production and use.
Metal objects permeated all levels of society. Tumbaga, a thin sheet of low karat gold alloy, was used to wrap ceramic vessels for the lower elites, while the upper elites had high karat gold alloys.
Common laborers only had arsenical copper objects. The precious metal objects then clearly demonstrate a hierarchy within the society (Shimada 2000, p. 56).
No evidence of metalworking at the large sites has been uncovered, such as the Middle Sican capital Sican or elsewhere in the Batán Grande area, but the precious metal objects were clearly for the elites.
From their high status sites, the elites supervised the manufacturing of their precious metal objects for ritual or funerary purposes (Shimada and Merkel 1991, p. 86).
Excavations of religious sites have revealed much about the funerary practices of the Sicán people.
These funerary practices have helped anthropologists understand the broader organization and structure of Sicán society and religion.
Most of the evidence for these funerary practices has been based on excavations carried out at the Huaca Loro site in Poma by Izumi Shimada and the SAP.
First of all, the funerary practices at Huaca Loro reflect the social differentiation and hierarchy present Sicán society. This social stratification is revealed in varying burial types and practices, along with accompanying grave goods.
The most obvious difference in burial type based on social hierarchy was that commoners were buried in simple, shallow graves on the peripheries of the monumental mounds while the elite of Sicán society were buried in deep shaft tombs beneath monumental mounds, as shown in the East and West tombs at Huaca Loro.[5][6]
Secondly, it was found that one's social status was also a determinant of the burial position of the body; seated, extended, or flexed. For example, bodies of the High Elite were always buried in the seated position, while commoners could be buried in a seated, extended, or flexed position (Nickle Arts Museum 2006, p. 87; Shimada et al. 2004).
Furthermore, social differentiation is manifested even within the elite tombs at Huaca Loro, through the grouping and placement of bodies.
The complex internal organization of both East and West Tombs was designed according to specific social and kinship relationships (Shimada et al. 2004).
Recent studies that included the use of MtDNA (systematic mitochondrial DNA) analysis and inherited dental traits analysis revealed that women in the West Tomb were grouped according to their kinship ties to the principal personage and each other (Shimada et al. 2005; Shimada et al. 2004).
The grouping of women in the south part of the West Tomb were found to be maternally related to one another, as well as the principal personage; the grouping of women in the north part of the West Tomb were found to not only be unrelated to one another, but also unrelated to the principal personage.
Further, ceramics in the south part were found to be of typical Middle Sicán style, while the ceramics in the North part were of a Mochica style (Shimada et al. 2005; Shimada et al. 2004).
'
This evidence suggests that while the women of the South part of the West tomb were grouped and placed according to their kinship ties with the principal personage, the women of the North part of the West tomb had no kinship ties with the principal personage or each other therefore were placed and grouped according to some other distinct relationship to the principal personage.
This genetic evidence and along with the differing styles of ceramics suggests that the North-niche women of the West Tomb were perhaps descendants of a different ethnic group, the Moche, who had been integrated into Sicán society under political domination (Shimada et al. 2004).
While these relationships have not been proved definitively, it shows the great complexity itself of elite burial practices based on social differentiation.
Social stratification and hierarchy is also evidenced through the variation in quantity and quality of grave goods associated with those of different social status.
The elite East Tomb at Huaca Loro, contained over a ton of diverse grave goods, over two-thirds of which were objects of arsenical bronze, tumbaga (low-karat gold), silver and copper alloys, and high-karat gold alloys.[7][8]
Other grave goods of the elite included semi-precious stone objects, amber, feathers, textiles, imported shells (such as conus and spondylus), shell beads, and double spout bottles. (Nickle Arts Museum 2006, p. 87; Shimada 2000, p. 56; Bruhns 1994, p. 290)
On the other hand, commoner burials had a significantly less amount of grave goods of different types, made of less valuable materials.
For example, commoner grave goods at Huaca Loro were usually restricted to single-spout bottles, utilitarian plain and/or paddle decorated pottery, and copper-arsenic objects, instead of the precious metal objects of the elite tombs. (Nickle Arts Museum 2006, p. 87, Shimada et al. 2004)
The power of the elite of Sicán society is demonstrated not only by the amount, quality, and diversity of exotic and status goods accumulated in the tombs, but also by the amount of time and labor that would have gone into making and acquiring them. (Shimada 2000, p. 56)
All together, the construction of the monumental mound at Huaca Loro, the preparation of the East and West Tombs and performance of the associated rituals required careful and complex planning, and considerable material, labor resources and time, and suggests the elite's control and monopoly of power in society.[2]
Secondly, the funerary practices of the Sicán suggest the existence of an elite lineage that used the new Sicán religion to demonstrate and maintain their power (Shimada et al. 2004).
The Sicán elite used funerary practices as a way to symbolize their relationship to the divine. The sheer size and grandeur of the monumental mounds built above the elite tombs would have been awe-inspiring to Sicán citizens and a symbol the divine nature of the figures buried below. (Shimada et al. 2004)
Colorful murals with religious iconography decorated ceremonial precincts in the temples of the mounds, establishing the sanctity of the ritual space, and reaffirming this connection of the buried elite below to the divine. (Nickle Arts Museum 2006, Shimada et al. 2004)
Also, the principal personage of the East Tomb at Huaca Loro wears a mask identical to the Sicán Deity, which is another reference to his relationship to the Deity and the divine. (Shimada et al. 2004, p. 389)
The construction itself of these monumental mounds served as a reminder of the elite's power and endurance, and combined with the symbolic use of Sicán religious iconography to justify the divine merits of the elite lineage, was an attempt by the Sicán elite to “preserve the status quo of inherited rights.” (Shimada et al. 2004, p. 370)
The funerary rites and rituals performed by the living lineage members served to further reinforce their lineage identity and the three-way relationship between the divine, the dead, and the living elite. (Shimada et al. 2004, p. 389)
The variety of grave goods suggests the wide range of power of the Middle Sican elite.
They not only received the most grave offerings, but also the best quality and exotic offerings.
None of the metalworking sites showed evidence of on-site mining of any of the materials.
In addition, the spondylus shell, emeralds, feathers, and other minerals were imported to the area. Their materials came from mainly the northern Andes, such as Ecuador (from the Manteno and Milagro cultures), Peru, Colombia, but could have also reached as far south as the Tiwanaku empire in the south-central Andes and east to the Marañón River, a major tributary of the Amazon River.[2][5][9]
The Middle Sican trade networks appear to be unprecedented in range and goods involved, which helped to insure the spread of Sican religion and polity outside of the Lambayeque and La Leche valleys (Shimada 2000, p. 58).
They also could have controlled the transport methods in addition to the goods being traded. The breeding and herding of llamas on the North Coast since the time of the Moche could have been utilized by the Sican to provide the goods as well as a caravan of llamas to transport the goods considerable distances (Shimada 1985, p. 391).
The Sicán culture is characterized by the establishment of religious cities with monumental temples.[2][5]
The religious capital city and cultural center of the Middle Sicán is referenced as the Sicán Precinct. (Bruhns 1994, p. 293).
This T-shaped area is defined by monumental mounds of Huaca Loro, El Moscón, Las Ventanas, La Merced, and Abejas built between around AD 900 and 1050.[5][10] The pyramidal monumental mounds were used as both burials sites for the elite and places of worship and ritual.[2][10]
The construction of the monumental mounds required considerable material, labor resources and time, indicating the Sicán elite's control and monopoly over the society's resources and manpower.
They are a dramatic symbol of the power, wealth and permanence of the Middle Sicán elite and their theocratic state that dominated much of the north coast.[2]
Two types of mounds are found in the Lambayeque Valley dating to the Sicán. The first type is the T-shaped mound, which is a relatively low mound with a short, central ramp providing direct access to the top of the mound.
The second type is a relatively tall mound with steep sides and a zig-zagging ramp to provide circuitous access to the mound top. This second type also featured an enclosed structure at the top of the mound, likely for private rituals, whereas the first type of mound was likely for public rituals (Shimada 2000, p. 60; Shimada, Shinoda, Farnum, Corruccini, Watanabe 2004, p. 388).
The mounds also covered and protected the shafts of tombs of elites underneath.
The Sicán used a walled-chamber-and-fill technique (which first appeared on the North Coast during Moche V) for constructing the monumental mound where the walls were created by adobe bricks and mortar in conjunction with chambers of superimposed lattices filled with refuse and other readily available materials.[2][5][11]
Marks on the adobe bricks used to make the mounds are indications of the patrons donating materials and/or labor for the construction of the temples (Shimada 2000, p. 60).
This construction technique required “large-scale, unified construction with centrally pooled materials and labor force” (Shimada 2000 p. 60). It allowed for rapid erection of monumental buildings while minimizing labor and material investment and promoted the centralization of political and religious power in order to plan and complete these monumental mounds.[2][12]
Agriculture and canals
While the Sican ceramics and metallurgy are vastly studied, agriculture during the Middle to Late Sican may have been linked to their increasing craft production.
Shimada suggests that the canals at Pampa de Chaparri were developed by the Sican as part of an agro-industrial complex marked by an increase in mining and smelting operations, settlement growth, and the expansion of agriculture.[13] Along the canals, 39
Middle Sican sites and 76 Late Sican sites were identified; however, few sites were located in the irrigation fields.
This Sican occupation at the irrigation system points to its construction during the Middle Sican. The construction of this irrigation system, as well as the association of hierarchical social units and canal branches, coincides with the rapid and dramatic growth of the Middle Sican. Irrigation for agriculture was a necessity for the Sican elite to produce a surplus of food to feed artisans and laborers, who in turn support the elites.[14]
The Late Sican period began around 1100 and ended with the conquest of the Lambayeque region by the Chimú kingdom of Chimor circa 1375.
Around 1020, a major drought lasting 30 years occurred at Sican. At the time of the drought, the Sican Deity, so closely tied to the ocean and water in general, was at the center of Sican religion. The catastrophic changes in weather were thus linked to the Sican Deity, mainly to the failure of the Sican Deity to mediate nature for the Sican people.[15]
The Sican ceremonies (and temples/mounds on which they were performed) were supposed to ensure that there was an abundance of nature for the people.
The elites were the mediators between the common people and the Sican Deity, as the Sican Deity was the mediator between nature and the Sican people.[15]
After 30 years of uncertainty in respect to nature, the temples that were the center of Middle Sican religion and elite power were burned and abandoned between 1050 and 1100.
Perhaps the ancestor cult and aggrandizing of the elites caused too much resentment. Coupled with the drought that surely weakened agriculture in the area, the tolerance of the common population plummeted, forcing the removal of the political and religious leadership at Sican to save the people.[2]
There was little or no repair of the destruction of Sican, and further damage was inflicted by El Nino floods around 1100.
The burning and abandonment of the previous capital meant that a new capital needed to be built. Túcume or "el Purgatorio" was constructed as the new Late Sican capital at the juncture of the La Leche and Lambayeque Valleys.
Túcume became the new religious and ceremonial center of the Sican. The religious and iconographic legacies of the Middle Sican abruptly disappeared. It is at this juncture, when the Sican Deity and Sican Lord disappear from art, is when the Late Sican begins.
Other mythical depictions from the Middle Sican continued in the Late Sican and reflect the revitalization of the religion going back to tradition relationships with nature. Icons include felines, fish, and birds that were secondary to the Sican Deity during the previous era, but were also linked to previous cultures in the area.
Sican material culture, such as ceramics and metallurgy, unrelated to religion or politics did not suffer a severe change during the Middle Sican to Late Sican transition.[2][5][15][16]
Agriculture and irrigation were also not affected by the transition of political and religious power, as evidenced by the lack of effects on Pampa de Chaparri and numerous large urban hill-side settlements.[14][17]
Túcume took on the religious and ceremonial prestige as the site of Sican claimed during the Middle Sican. The mounds and temples from the Middle Sican were continued into the Late Sican since the idea of mounds were not associated with the fall of the Middle Sican, only those mounds in Batán Grande.
The same types of ceremonial and religious artifacts made from the same materials were found at Túcume.
The site grew enormously during its 250-year Late Sican occupation. By the time of the Chimú conquest of the Lambayeque region in 1375, there were 26 major mounds and enclosures.
The site is built on 220 hectares around the La Raya Mountain. Túcume is seen as the reorganization and reunification of the Sican elite and Sican population as a whole until the fall of the Sican to the Chimú.[17]
"So often describe as a raving homicidal mad man, was actually a tortured soul crying out for love and acceptance. A lost injured child trying to make the world laugh at his antics..."
is anal :-) Marty Indik. HBM!!
Queen butterfly, butterfly house, brookside gardens, wheaton, maryland
During the last days I went through all the photos I took during the last year and chose a few favourites. Based on these I analysed a bit, what kind of pictures I made and thought about that might change during 2025. Read my blog posts with the data and the pictures: marcelkapfer.photography/blog/2025/01/14/2024-review-anal...
This is a map showing the network of terms associated with food and agriculture. To create the map, we collected two months worth of tag data from delicious.com in the Fall of 2008. The network was visualized using techniques from the field of social network analysis.
How to read the map:
Each node is a tag. The larger the node, the more the tag showed up in the dataset. Links between tags means they co-occurred as tags for a website. The thicker the line between tags, the more tags co-occurred. The distance between nodes indicates how closely related the terms are in the minds of Delicious.com users (theoretically). Groups of tags were identified using a cluster algorithm. The cluster names were chosen by the research team (for instance, "Food Safety" in the upper right hand corner).
Purpose of the map:
The map was created to help a foundation frame food policy issues for engaging industry and the public. Their program goal is to improve the environmental performance of agriculture. Our recommendation based on the map and other analysis was to frame their food policy agenda as "total security net for agriculture" taking into account farmers' need for financial security, consumers' need for a healthy and reliable food supply, and an overarching, long-term need for environmental sustainability of agriculture. In other words, we recommended that the framing lead with what is closest to farmers' and consumers' immediate personal concern.
Today's ODC made me stop and think about what I would say I'm good at. Nothing came to mind immediately Pretty sad. But then I started rethinking this question and with prodding from my husband chose some words to fit. First off, I really am good at Scrabble, but then of course I should be. I've played it way too many hours. I'm a great speller and am driven insane by misspelled words so this is somewhat of a curse. Editing comes natural to me--back to the spelling curse. My friends tell me I'm a great friend, and I'm seeking to be a really good Nana and photographer. So that's today's self-analysis. Hey, the ODC is better than going to a shrink.
ODC: A skill --something you're really good at
ANSH: a game in play
May 18th 2009
The quantity and quality of throughfall and soil leachate were measured 18th May 2009 in a Larch and Pine combined with deciduous stand of different ages situated in Glendalough, County Wicklow.
Soil leachate was collected using an aluminium sieve and an upside-down umbrella. The umbrella held upside-down for the purposes of this survey may include some aberrational results due to uncontrolled precipitation and also some sweat in there.
Free precipitation pH varied from 0 .01 to 4,997,236,783,044,305,000, plus or minus an inch or two, standard deviation was acceptable at the normal deviation average. The following tone is a reference tone recorded at our operating level.
Throughfall was more acidic/alkinine than a freefall rather than a restricted i.e. umbrella-less precipitation. The closed canopy layer was quite open considering how closed it was, or could have been given different data, on another day, in another world.
We intercepted about 17% of the the free precipitation. The canopy acted as a blasted interference sink for small amounts of subject matter, and as a source for Mn, K, Mg and Ca. The quality of the throughfall and soil leachate varied according to the attention span, but was considerably dense overall.
The hydrogen ion input into the soil was greatest at soil level. The major part of the nitrogen load was deposited on the heads of the testers, necessitating tonsorial and sartorial adjustments.
Part of the spring and summer nitrate load was leached, despite adverse warnings. However, during lunchtime all the nitrogen was efficiently taken up and immobilized.
Basic indications of K, Ca and Mg, as well as Mn, Fe and Al, were ingested. Manganese was refused, especially at last orders. The output of magnesium in the urine was greater than its input as deposition.
The output of K and Ca from the ice and lemon, (0-15 mm) was also greater than their input as deposition, but a major part of these nutrients were subsumed as stony deposits in various internal organs. Probability of litigation is 49%.
Mineral analysis breakdown, in total as dissolved liquids:
K -as a trial subject, K was eliminated due to hidden rules
Mg -not as swift as previoulsy measured, got stuck in the mud
Na -eight consecutive repetitions failed to register any trace, hey hey kiss it goodbye
SO4 -Reisdue of SO-blue was detected, also SO-Besso, further analysis is indicated by a reading of SO 4 - Dynamo Kiev nil
CaCa -All up in the air, possibility of MCity
CoCo3 and CoCo4 - Masked, but recognizable, masqueading as original CoCo
Cl -Two number ones and a number two
JvH -Stands up well, continuous readings show a softening effect on tungsten carbide, abrasive and corrosive, repeat contact causes massive nerve dysfunction.
FORT GORDON, Ga., March 27, 2017- Guardsmen the South Carolina Army National Guard's 43rd Civil Support Team, test and identify chemicals during a simulated response scenario as part of Vigilant Guard 17. The training exercise involves approximately 9,000 participants from multiple state and government agencies.
Georgia National Guard photo by Spc. Isaiah Matthews / Released
Old notebook containing formulations of various grades and types of steel, and their typical analysis. Found inside one of the longest buildings I've ever walked through.
AL TECH Specialty Steel, Albany NY
The Winter Garden Theatre is a Broadway theatre located at 1634 Broadway in midtown-Manhattan.
It was built by William Kissam Vanderbilt in 1896 to the be the American Horse Exchange.
In 1911 the Shuberts leased the building and Architect William Albert Swasey redesigned the building as a theatre. It is the fourth New York City venue to be christened the Winter Garden, it opened on March 10, 1911 with the early Jerome Kern musical La Belle Paree.
It was completely remodeled in 1922 by Herbert J. Krapp. The large stage is wider than those in most Broadway houses, and the proscenium arch is relatively low. The building is situated uniquely on its lot, with the main entrance and marquee, located on Broadway, connected to the 1530-seat Seventh Avenue auditorium via a long hallway, and the rear wall of the stage abutting 50th Street.
The theatre's longest tenant was Cats, which opened on October 7, 1982 and ran 7,485 performances spanning nearly nineteen years. The auditorium had been gutted to accommodate the show's junkyard setting, and after its closing architect Francesca Russo supervised its restoration, returning it to its 1920s appearance.
From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
'Cats,'
Broadway's Longevity Champ, to Close
After almost 18 years, $380 million in sales and untold gallons of makeup, ''Cats,'' the longest-running production in Broadway history, will close on June 25.
The musical, at the Winter Garden Theater, will end its run after 7,397 performances, a streak that began while much of the show's current cast was in grade school.
The closing, which has been rumored for several months, was confirmed yesterday.
An audience pleaser with seemingly endless appeal for children and tourists, ''Cats'' will have been seen by more than 10 million people in New York by the time its final curtain falls. Since opening in 1982 it often ranked near the top shows on Broadway in gross sales. It outlasted hundreds of other musicals, and will have come close to outlasting three presidential administrations.
In recent years, however, the well of audiences has slowly run dry, leaving the theater half full on some nights, with the show's producers taking losses during the winter with hopes of making a profit during the tourist-packed summers.
Reached in London yesterday, Lord Lloyd Webber said the closing was bittersweet. ''Obviously, I am sad that 'Cats' has to close on Broadway at the end of June, but it is also a day of great celebration,'' he said. ''Eighteen is a great age for a cat.''
In the end, ''Cats'' may have been simply done in by its own success. The musical has been produced in 30 countries worldwide and seen by an estimated 50 million people, or roughly the population of California and New York combined.
Financially, ''Cats'' ranks as one of the most successful musical of all time, churning millions into the pockets of its investors and making international stars and multimillionaires out of Lord Lloyd Webber and the show's lead producer, Sir Cameron Mackintosh. It also acted as an economic engine for the city of New York; a 1997 study by Audience Research and Analysis said ''Cats'' had contributed more than $3.12 billion to the city's economy and more than $195 million in state and local taxes.
But more than a financial juggernaut, ''Cats'' fundamentally reshaped the Broadway landscape by ushering in the era of the megamusicals: big, flashy spectacles that required little theatrical sophistication or knowledge of the English language to appreciate. As such, ''Cats''' proved that tourist audiences could drive a show's sales. Tourists filled the Winter Garden long after ''Cats'' had become passe among New York theatergoers.
But ''Cats,'' with its lavish design and elaborate special effects, also whetted audiences' appetites for increasingly complex stagecraft. Soon Broadway was witness to all variety of expensive stage magic, from falling chandeliers (in Lord Lloyd Webber's 1988 musical, ''The Phantom of the Opera'') to helicopters landing onstage (in Sir Cameron's 1991 production, ''Miss Saigon'') to the foundering of the Titanic (in the 1997 musical of the same name).
While visually arresting, these effects raised the cost of producing musicals, making producers' prospect of turning a profit -- always slim -- even more forbidding. Higher production costs led to higher ticket prices.
As the run of ''Cats'' continued, the musical also became a cultural touchstone, becoming synonymous with longevity -- and, eventually, longueur -- in comedians' routines and among theater gossips. Even its advertising slogan, ''Now and Forever,'' suggested a certain eerie, inevitable immortality.
And in an industry populated by old-time showmen, ''Cats'' also made its mark in marketing, adopting a text-free and thus internationally recognizable logo. The production also saturated the airwaves with television commercials and made its posters a permanent fixture in New York City subway stations.
It prompted a cottage industry in show-related trivia. More than 1.8 million pounds of dry ice have been used during the show's run to create fog onstage. The sheer poundage of yak hair used for wigs, 3,247 pounds during the run, outweighs a Volkswagen Beetle. One of the musical's most popular songs, ''Memory,'' has been recorded 180 times by different artists around the world. ''Cats'' has employed 284 actors, 19 of whom have died. One, Marlene Danielle, has been with the show since the beginning of its Broadway run.
''Cats'' opened in New York on Oct. 7, 1982, after months of pre-show hype and a sold-old run in the West End of London. (The London production is still running; ''Cats'' is now the longest-running show in the history of the British theater.)
Based on ''Old Possum's Book of Practical Cats,'' a slim volume of poems by T. S. Eliot, ''Cats'' follows the tale of a group of alley cats, one of whom, Grizabella, ascends to kitty heaven, known as the heaviside layer, by show's end.
But story was really never the appeal of ''Cats.'' The musical, with a catchy, melodic pop score by Lord Lloyd Webber, had no book and little plot.
Instead, the production's focus was on theatrical spectacle. The actors, directed by Trevor Nunn, are outfitted in feline body suits, foot-long whiskers and swirling face makeup and prowl the theater's aisles, stealing popcorn from children's hands and purring into people's faces. Aiding the illusion is a series of ingenious effects by the designer John Napier, who transformed the interior of the Winter Garden into a overrun junkyard seen from a cat's-eye perspective. At the musical's finale, a giant hydraulically powered tire lifts Grizabella into the sky.
Frank Rich wrote in The New York Times: ''Whatever the other failings and excesses, even banalities, of 'Cats,' it believes in purely theatrical magic, and on that faith it unquestionably delivers.'' He also predicted that ''Cats'' was ''likely to lurk around Broadway for a long time.''
His words proved prophetic. ''Cats'' won seven Tony Awards in 1983, including best musical, and in June 1997 it surpassed ''A Chorus Line'' as the longest-running production in Broadway history. The occasion was celebrated with a reunion of former cast members and a block party in front of the Winter Garden.
By JESSE MCKINLEY
Published: February 20, 2000
Another shot of the oldest wooden building in the world.
--
The kondō, located side-by-side to the Pagoda in Sai-in, is widely regarded as the other oldest wood building extant in the world. The hall measures 18.5 meters by 15.2 meters.[7] The hall is two storied, with roofs curved in the corners but only the first story has a double roof (裳階 mokoshi). This was added later in the Nara period with extra posts to hold up the original first roof because it extended more than four meters past the building.[10]
Due to a fire incident that broke out on January 26, 1949, severe damage was caused to the building, mainly its first floor, and the murals. As a result of the restoration (completed in 1954), it is estimated that about fifteen to twenty percent of the original seventh century Kondo materials is left in the current building, while the charred members were carefully removed and rebuilt to a separate fireproof warehouse for future research.[9][5][11]
Through a recent dendrochronological analysis carried out using the materials preserved during the restorations done in the 1950s, it has turned out that some of them were felled prior to 670, suggesting a possibility that the current kondō was already under construction when "the fire in 670", as recorded in the Nihon Shoki, burned the former Wakakusa-garan down.[12]
The hall holds the famous Shaka Triad, together with also bronze Yakushi and Amida Nyorai statues, and other national treasures. The wall paintings shown today in the Kondō is a reproduction from 1967.
From Wikipedia
Filed as: 20070924_221444_5272
On June 29, 2011, ICESCAPE chief scientist Kevin Arrigo made the first analysis of chlorophyll pigment of the 2011 campaign. Nutrients supporting a massive phytoplankton bloom at the Chukchi hotspot in 2010 were not evident in 2011 data.
The ICESCAPE mission, or "Impacts of Climate on Ecosystems and Chemistry of the Arctic Pacific Environment," is NASA's two-year shipborne investigation to study how changing conditions in the Arctic affect the ocean's chemistry and ecosystems. The bulk of the research takes place in the Beaufort and Chukchi seas in summer 2010 and 2011.
Credit: NASA/Kathryn Hansen
For updates on the five-week ICESCAPE voyage, visit the mission blog at: go.usa.gov/WwU
[Trixoscelis Rondani 1856: 93 (IT: 6) spp]
Cfr. notes¹ over the above image.
NOTES
1. TBL 2.6 mm.
REFERENCES
Astronauts from five space agencies around the world take part in ESA’s CAVES training course– Cooperative Adventure for Valuing and Exercising human behaviour and performance Skills.
The three-week course prepares astronauts to work safely and effectively in multicultural teams in an environment where safety is critical.
As they explore caves they encounter caverns, underground lakes and strange microscopic life. They test new technology and conduct science – just as if they were living on the International Space Station.
The six astronauts have to rely on their own skills, teamwork and ground control to achieve their mission goals – the course is designed to foster effective communication, decision-making, problem-solving, leadership and team dynamics.
The six cavenauts of this edition of CAVES are ESA astronaut Alexander Gerst, NASA astronauts Joe Acaba and Jeanette Epps, Roscosmos’ cosmonaut Nikolai Chub, Canadian Space Agency astronaut Josh Kutryk and Japan’s space agency Takuya Onishi.
Credits: ESA – V. Crobu
Consumers Energy offers an energy analysis to residential and business customers. Learn more about energy efficiency rebates and programs at www.ConsumersEnergy.com/eeprograms.
Showbus 2015 @ Woburn Abbey.
In the mid-70s Subsidiary Maidstone & District was selected by the National Bus Company to operate 10 double deck vehicles on a trial basis to help determine future purchasing policy. There were 5 MCW Metropolitans and 5 Alexander-bodies Volvo Ailsa's. LKP385P featured here is the only survivor.
Events overtook these trials and the NBC continued to buy Bristol VRTs as well as smaller batches of Leyland Atlanteans, before the next generation of double deckers became available. There never was a NBC standard decker after the VRT ........more standardisation took place with the new private companies that follwed after the NBC was broken-up.
OpenStreetMap data for Great Britain were downloaded from Geofabrik on 22 Jan. 2011, uploaded to a PostGIS database using osm2pgsql. Nodes and Ways tagged with amenity=pub were assigned to centroids of 5 km square grid based on the Ordnance Survey National Grid and the number of pubs in each square counted.
The grid was generated, pubs counted, and output generated using Quantum GIS.
Full color infrared photo achieved by taking three images at different bands, one around 950-1000nm, one around 850nm and one around 720nm. Images were then mapped to RGB.
Full spectrum photo was achieved by combining the six total channels obtained by taking a normal color photograph and the three infrared ones.
Multispectral analysis was done by comparing the data from the six individual channels.
the different colors highlight areas with different chemical compositions. I don't have the precise instruments to measure but I think that turquoise represents areas with high concentrations of Iron(III) oxide.
The areas that appear blue in the infrared image also display a curious behavior, where they start absorbing more the deeper into IR you go, which is relatively rare.
3D grid analysis of a trial trenching diagnostic from INRAP (french archaeological institute).
Entirely made with QGIS 2.XX.
Map background = Bing Satelitte
Plugins = Qgis2threejs
Parish Church to the Holy Trinity and Franciscan Monastery
Object ID: 20593 Town Square 12
The late Baroque building, taking up the whole north side of the town square, is dominated by the Rococo façade. 1707 the Carmelite order at the request of the benefactor, Maria Antonia Montecuculi, settled down in St. Pölten, at the north side of the square the men convent should find its place. Although architect's plan and financial resources were available, was the start of construction not until 1757, there was missing the planning permission of Empress Maria Theresa. The church then was built to 1768 according to plans by Johann Pauli, the monastery was completed in 1773. Yet 10 years later, the monastery by Emperor Joseph II was repealed. Because of its strategic location, the church in 1785 became parish church, the pastoral care took over the by the dissolutions not affected Franciscan Order.
de.wikipedia.org/wiki/Denkmalgesch%C3%BCtzte_Objekte_in_S...
(further information is available by clicking on the link at the end of page!)
History of the City St. Pölten
In order to present concise history of the Lower Austrian capital is in the shop of the city museum a richly illustrated full version on CD-ROM.
Tip
On the occasion of the commemoration of the pogroms of November 1938, the Institute for Jewish History of Austria its virtual Memorbuch (Memory book) for the destroyed St. Pölten Jewish community since 10th November 2012 is putting online.
Prehistory
The time from which there is no written record is named after the main materials used for tools and weapons: Stone Age, Bronze Age, Iron Age. Using the latest technologies, archaeologists from archaeological finds and aerial photographs can trace a fairly detailed picture of life at that time. Especially for the time from the settling down of the People (New Stone Age), now practicing agriculture and animal husbandry, in the territory of St. Pölten lively settlement activity can be proved. In particular, cemeteries are important for the research, because the dead were laid in the grave everyday objects and jewelry, the forms of burial changing over time - which in turn gives the archeology valuable clues for the temporal determination. At the same time, prehistory of Sankt Pölten would not be half as good documented without the construction of the expressway S33 and other large buildings, where millions of cubic meters of earth were moved - under the watchful eyes of the Federal Monuments Office!
A final primeval chapter characterized the Celts, who settled about 450 BC our area and in addition to a new culture and religion also brought with them the potter's wheel. The kingdom of Noricum influenced till the penetration of the Romans the development in our area.
Roman period, migrations
The Romans conquered in 15 BC the Celtic Empire and established hereinafter the Roman province of Noricum. Borders were protected by military camp (forts), in the hinterland emerged civilian cities, almost all systematically laid out according to the same plan. The civil and commercial city Aelium Cetium, as St. Pölten was called (city law 121/122), consisted in the 4th Century already of heated stone houses, trade and craft originated thriving urban life, before the Romans in the first third of the 5th Century retreated to Italy.
The subsequent period went down as the Migration Period in official historiography, for which the settlement of the Sankt Pöltner downtown can not be proved. Cemeteries witness the residence of the Lombards in our area, later it was the Avars, extending their empire to the Enns.
The recent archaeological excavations on the Cathedral Square 2010/2011, in fact, the previous knowledge of St.Pölten colonization not have turned upside down but enriched by many details, whose full analysis and publication are expected in the near future.
Middle Ages
With the submission of the Avars by Charlemagne around 800 AD Christianity was gaining a foothold, the Bavarian Benedictine monastery of Tegernsee establishing a daughter house here - as founder are mentioned the brothers Adalbert and Ottokar - equipped with the relics of St. Hippolytus. The name St. Ypolit over the centuries should turn into Sankt Pölten. After the Hungarian wars and the resettlement of the monastery as Canons Regular of St. Augustine under the influence of Passau St. Pölten received mid-11th Century market rights.
In the second half of the 20th century historians stated that records in which the rights of citizens were held were to be qualified as Town Charters. Vienna is indeed already in 1137 as a city ("civitas") mentioned in a document, but the oldest Viennese city charter dates only from the year 1221, while the Bishop of Passau, Konrad, already in 1159 the St. Pöltnern secured:
A St. Pöltner citizen who has to answer to the court, has the right to make use of an "advocate".
He must not be forced to rid himself of the accusation by a judgment of God.
A St. Pöltner citizen may be convicted only by statements of fellow citizens, not by strangers.
From the 13th Century exercised a city judge appointed by the lord of the city the high and low jurisdiction as chairman of the council meetings and the Municipal Court, Inner and Outer Council supported him during the finding of justice. Venue for the public verdict was the in the 13th Century created new marketplace, the "Broad Market", now the town hall square. Originally square-shaped, it was only later to a rectangle reduced. Around it arose the market district, which together with the monastery district, the wood district and the Ledererviertel (quarter of the leather goods manufacturer) was protected by a double city wall.
The dependence of St. Pölten of the bishop of Passau is shown in the municipal coat of arms and the city seal. Based on the emblem of the heraldic animal of the Lord of the city, so the Bishop of Passau, it shows an upright standing wolf holding a crosier in its paw.
Modern Times
In the course of the armed conflict between the Emperor Frederick III . and King Matthias of Hungary pledged the Bishop of Passau the town on the Hungarian king. From 1485 stood Lower Austria as a whole under Hungarian rule. The most important document of this period is the awarding of the city coat of arms by King Matthias Corvinus in the year 1487. After the death of the opponents 1490 and 1493 could Frederick's son Maximilian reconquer Lower Austria. He considered St. Pölten as spoils of war and had no intention of returning it to the diocese of Passau. The city government has often been leased subsequently, for instance, to the family Wellenstein, and later to the families Trautson and Auersperg.
That St. Pölten now was a princely city, found its expression in the coat of arms letter of the King Ferdinand I. from 1538: From now on, the wolf had no crosier anymore, and the from the viewer's point of view left half showed the reverse Austrian shield, so silver-red-silver.
To the 16th Century also goes back the construction of St. Pöltner City Hall. The 1503 by judge and council acquired house was subsequently expanded, rebuilt, extended and provided with a tower.
A for the urban history research important picture, painted in 1623, has captured scenes of the peasant uprising of 1597, but also allows a view to the city and lets the viewer read some of the details of the then state of construction. The economic inconveniences of that time were only exacerbated by the Thirty Years War, at the end of which a fifth of the houses were uninhabited and the citizenry was impoverished.
Baroque
After the successful defense against the Turks in 1683, the economy started to recover and a significant building boom began. Lower Austria turned into the land of the baroque abbeys and monasteries, as it is familiar to us today.
In St. Pölten, the change of the cityscape is closely connected to the Baroque architect Jakob Prandtauer. In addition to the Baroquisation of the interior of the cathedral, a number of buildings in St. Pölten go to his account, so the reconstruction of the castle Ochsenburg, the erection of the Schwaighof and of the core building of the Institute of the Blessed Virgin Mary (Englische Fräuleins - English Maidens) - from 1706 the seat of the first school order of St.Pölten - as well as of several bourgeois houses.
Joseph Munggenast, nephew and co-worker of Prandtauer, completed the Baroquisation of the cathedral, he baroquised the facade of the town hall (1727) and numerous bourgeois houses and designed a bridge over the Traisen which existed until 1907. In the decoration of the church buildings were throughout Tyroleans collaborating, which Jakob Prandtauer had brought along from his homeland (Tyrol) to St. Pölten, for example, Paul Troger and Peter Widerin.
Maria Theresa and her son Joseph II: Their reforms in the city of the 18th Century also left a significant mark. School foundings as a result of compulsory education, the dissolution of the monasteries and hereinafter - from 1785 - the new role of St. Pölten as a bishop's seat are consequences of their policies.
1785 was also the year of a fundamental alteration of the old Council Constitution: The city judge was replaced by one magistrate consisting of five persons, at the head was a mayor. For the first mayor the painter Josef Hackl was chosen.
The 19th century
Despite the Napoleonic Wars - St. Pölten in 1805 and 1809 was occupied by the French - and despite the state bankruptcy of 1811, increased the number of businesses constantly, although the economic importance of the city for the time being did not go beyond the near vicinity.
Against the background of monitoring by the state secret police, which prevented any political commitment between the Congress of Vienna and the 1848 revolution, the citizens withdrew into private life. Sense of family, fostering of domestic music, prominent salon societies in which even a Franz Schubert socialized, or the construction of the city theater were visible signs of this attitude.
The economic upswing of the city did not begin until after the revolution of the year 1848. A prerequisite for this was the construction of the Empress Elisabeth Western Railway, moving Vienna, Linz, soon Salzburg, too, in a reachable distance. The city walls were pulled down, St. Pölten could unfold. The convenient traffic situation favored factory start-ups, and so arose a lace factory, a revolver factory, a soap factory or, for example, as a precursor of a future large-scale enterprise, the braid, ribbon and Strickgarnerzeugung (knitting yarn production) of Matthias Salcher in Harland.
In other areas, too, the Gründerzeit (years of rapid industrial expansion in Germany - and Austria) in Sankt Pölten was honouring its name: The city got schools, a hospital, gas lanterns, canalization, hot springs and summer bath.
The 20th century
At the beginning of the 20th Century the city experienced another burst of development, initiated by the construction of the power station in 1903, because electricity was the prerequisite for the settlement of large companies. In particular, the companies Voith and Glanzstoff and the main workshop of the Federal Railways attracted many workers. New Traisen bridge, tram, Mariazell Railway and other infrastructure buildings were erected; St. Pölten obtained a synagogue. The Art Nouveau made it repeatedly into the urban architecture - just think of the Olbrich House - and inspired also the painting, as exponents worth to be mentioned are Ernst Stöhr or Ferdinand Andri.
What the outbreak of the First World War in broad outlines meant for the monarchy, on a smaller scale also St. Pölten has felt. The city was heavily impacted by the deployment of army units, a POW camp, a military hospital and a sick bay. Industrial enterprises were partly converted into war production, partly closed. Unemployment, housing emergency and food shortages long after the war still were felt painfully.
The 1919 to mayor elected Social Democrat Hubert Schnofl after the war tried to raise the standard of living of the people by improving the social welfare and health care. The founding of a housing cooperative (Wohnungsgenossenschaft), the construction of the water line and the establishment of new factories were further attempts to stimulate the stiffening economy whose descent could not be stopped until 1932.
After the National Socialist regime had stirred false hopes and plunged the world into war, St. Pölten was no longer the city as it has been before. Not only the ten devastating bombings of the last year of the war had left its marks, also the restrictive persecution of Jews and political dissidents had torn holes in the structure of the population. Ten years of Russian occupation subsequently did the rest to traumatize the population, but at this time arose from the ruins a more modern St. Pölten, with the new Traisen bridge, district heating, schools.
This trend continued, an era of recovery and modernization made the economic miracle palpable. Already in 1972 was - even if largely as a result of incorporations - exceeded the 50.000-inhabitant-limit.
Elevation to capital status (capital of Lower Austria), 10 July 1986: No other event in this dimension could have become the booster detonation of an up to now ongoing development thrust. Since then in a big way new residential and commercial areas were opened up, built infrastructure constructions, schools and universities brought into being to enrich the educational landscape. East of the Old Town arose the governmental and cultural district, and the list of architects wears sonorous names such as Ernst Hoffmann (NÖ (Lower Austria) Landhaus; Klangturm), Klaus Kada (Festspielhaus), Hans Hollein (Shedhalle and Lower Austrian Provincial Museum), Karin Bily, Paul Katzberger and Michael Loudon ( NÖ State Library and NÖ State Archive).
European Diploma, European flag, badge of honor, Europe Price: Between 1996 and 2001, received St. Pölten numerous appreciations of its EU commitment - as a sort of recognition of the Council of Europe for the dissemination of the EU-idea through international town twinnings, a major Europe exhibition or, for example, the establishment and chair of the "Network of European medium-sized cities".
On the way into the 21st century
Just now happened and already history: What the St. Pöltnern as just experienced sticks in their minds, travelers and newcomers within a short time should be told. The theater and the hospital handing over to the province of Lower Austria, a new mayor always on the go, who was able to earn since 2004 already numerous laurels (Tags: polytechnic, downtown enhancement, building lease scheme, bus concept) - all the recent changes are just now condensed into spoken and written language in order to make, from now on, the history of the young provincial capital in the 3rd millennium nachlesbar (checkable).
www.st-poelten.gv.at/Content.Node/freizeit-kultur/kultur/...