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Marjan Moghadam, DDS, MA, earned her Doctor of Dental Surgery degree from New York University in 2002. Following her General Practice Residency at Long Island College Hospital in 2003, she earned her certificate in prosthodontics, as well as a Masters’ degree in psychology. Both serve her well at Stamford Dental Arts. As a prosthodontist, Dr. Marjan Moghadam performs complex dental treatments, involving full mouth rehabilitation with crowns, bridges, implants and dentures. Denture implants are a specialty of hers. She treats children as well as adults. If a busy life is a fulfilled life, Dr. Moghadam is very satisfied. While raising her daughters and practicing her skills to improve her patient’s oral health take up a lot of her time, she’s also a Clinical Assistant Professor at New York University’s College of Dentistry in the Department of Prosthodontics. Moreover, she serves as the co-director of the Fixed Prosthodontics Clinic.
Stamford Dental Arts
44 Strawberry Hill Ave Suite 1
Stamford, CT 06902
(203) 504-8745
Nearby Locations:
Ridgeway | Strawberry Hill | Glenbrook | East Side Of Stamford | Downtown
06905 | 06902 | 06906 | 06901, 06905
Working Hours :
Monday: 2:00 pm - 8:00 pm
Tuesday: 8:00 am - 4:00 pm
Wednesday: 8:00 am - 4:00 pm
Thursday: 8:00 am - 8:00 pm
Friday: 8:00 am - 4:00 pm
Saturday: CLOSED
Sunday: CLOSED
Payment: cash, check, credit cards.
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"To take a photograph is to align the head, the eye and the heart. It's a way of life." ~ Henri Cartier-Bresson
Natarang Ubha, Khel mandala - Natarang, Apsara Aali, Apsara Aali - Natrang
a note to self: tags ~ two views concept and aligned. 4:13 p.m. 28 August '12
This was result of being out with Shen then being attracted like zombies to the incandescent glow of Richard's Mill at sunset. We rushed up through one of the buildings but it seemed that the last light was always one step ahead of us, except for with this nice line-up of pillars illuminated through windows at the opposite side of the building.
Completely unedited as well.
想了解台中熱門的約會勝地嗎？
想要知道情侶必去的地方在哪裡嗎？
別煩惱該去哪
來到台中必去的約會景點
介紹幾個與另一半一定要去的浪漫地方
讓不知道該帶你另一半去那的你
有著非常棒的方向
讓小編告訴你，在國內也能看到的異國景點吧！
也許你能發現不一樣的新鮮感哦！
【心之芳庭】
[caption id="attachment_460" align="aligncenter" width="800"] 台中約會景點-心之芳庭[/caption]
圖片來源：http://pickoneplace.com
地址：台中市北屯區民政里芳庭路1號
充滿西式的典美場景
裡面有很多非常棒的小景點
幸福角落、相守之井、情定之牆…等等
也有其他一些新奇的小景點
不少結婚的新人都會指定要來這裡拍婚紗照
這裡可以讓自己與另一半享受童話世界般的環境
是一個相當適合情侶走走拍拍的地方
進來後，你的手就不自主的想為你的伴侶拍照
不是因為喜歡拍，而是這裡真得太美了
憧憬浪漫的朋友們絕對不能錯過這心之芳庭哦！
【新社古堡花園】
[caption id="attachment_461" align="aligncenter" width="1024"] 台中約會景點-新社古堡花園[/caption]
圖片來源：http://fashionmania.pixnet.net
地址：台中市新社區協中街65號
又名：新社莊園
你喜歡歐式建築嗎？
喜歡的話那這裡就是你最好的選擇
古色古香的古堡花園
綠意盎然的草皮上用各種不一樣的花來做裝飾
給自己就是身在一種山水裡的風景
不僅可以跟自己的情侶走走拍拍
拍婚紗的話，這裡也是不錯的選擇哦
拍出自己的歐式風格
除了古堡之外，還有其他例如虹橋、迷霧瀑布..等等小景點
攜帶你的伴侶一起來這邊享受這徹底放鬆的滋味吧！
【蝴蝶橋Cuisine法式餐廳】
[caption id="attachment_462" align="aligncenter" width="800"] 台中約會景點-蝴蝶橋Cuisine法式餐廳[/caption]
圖片來源：https://www.walkerland.com.twarticle/view/158742
地址：台中市北屯區祥順路二段188號
身在蝴蝶橋旁邊的一家，非常有特色的一家餐廳
地方不大，但有著其他令人吸睛的東西
如落羽松莊園、巨人彩虹椅
還有一塊草皮上還寫著大 LOVE的英文字
跟自己的另一半去那餐廳吃東西也好
欣賞小地方的人造景
或是在那兩排得樹下拍人景照
效果都是非常棒的哦
晚上去的話，燈光還會為這些風景增添不少風采哦
燈光好，氣氛佳
不知道去哪裡與對方共度晚餐的話
蝴蝶橋法式餐廳絕對是值得推薦的地方^_^b
【青青湖畔花園】
[caption id="attachment_463" align="aligncenter" width="800"] 台中約會景點-青青湖畔花園[/caption]
圖片來源：http://fullfenblog.tw/2017-05-11-132/
地址:台中市北屯區東山路二段188號
綠意盎然的莊園，具備獨有特色的造景
門口那個藍色小風車讓你有異國風味的視覺享受
喜歡大熊嗎？
進去後總會看到椅子上的熊熊
還可以坐在他旁邊與他拍照留戀哦
裡面還有許多其他的小景點
蓮荷湖、櫻花林、摸蜆小溪、小湖畔
除了逛景拍照之外
也可以在這異國風景下的環境享受烤肉
最主要就是他們LOVE的地方可是非常多
來這總是會令人拍下不少張照片
說不定還能看到有人在那拍婚紗哦～
異國莊園的世界，多元化的風景
自己實際走一趟
就能感受千言萬語都無法解釋的滋味唷！
【台中藝術街】
[caption id="attachment_464" align="aligncenter" width="800"] 台中約會景點-台中藝術街[/caption]
圖片來源：https://travel.taichung.gov.tw/zh-tw/Attractions/Intro/751/東海藝術街商圈
地址: 台中市龍井區藝術街
又稱：東海藝術街商圈
喜歡看新奇的東西嗎？
那就來這東海藝術街吧
最具多元化的一條藝術商圈
逛街、購物、食物、彩繪牆
充滿許多令你想像不到的潘朵拉之盒
一進去就彷彿整個人都跑進了異國他鄉
最特別的是，早上或者晚上去
都會有各自的風格
尤其晚上去的話
七彩的燈光會讓你有更不一樣的味道哦
挽著你另一半的手
親自去探索這藝術街多采多姿的事物
也可以享受這燈光下唯美的浪漫哦 ^v^b
喜歡莊園系列也好
喜歡古式建築也好
喜歡藝術的街也好
這些地方都是非常值得一去的地方
不管你是要拍婚紗也好
拍下你與你伴侶的回憶照也好
這些感情增溫的好地方
千萬千萬不要錯過
在風景之下，在建築之前
牽著另一半的手
享受著只屬於你們自己的浪漫時光
許下充滿浪漫情懷的承諾
擁抱對方，親吻對方
將那一天最浪漫的一刻刻印在彼此的腦海裡
永不消散，也永不忘懷
心動不如馬上行動
牽著伴侶的手，開始屬於你們自己的浪漫之旅
延伸閱讀：
推薦五個台中最受歡迎親子景點【家庭出遊+觀光旅遊+拍照打卡】勝地
#2018 台中景點推薦-【台中藝術+親近大自然+拍照打卡】拍照勝地優質首選
這篇文章 【約會聖地攻略】#2018年5個台中約會景點 最早出現於 心戀逢甲。
via 心戀逢甲 - Feed relaxspace.tw/%e5%8f%b0%e4%b8%ad%e7%b4%84%e6%9c%83%e8%81%...
[caption id="attachment_408" align="alignright" width="289" caption="Bill Johnson's Big Apple"][/caption]
Wow, Halloween! It’s just around corner; the magic and mystery of this festive season has started. Traditionally celebrated on October 31st every year, Halloween is only one night that offers enough freedom, huge excitement, great fun and let people to live up their fantasy and imaginations. It’s the perfect time to run wild and get naughty and creepy. Everyone loves and enjoy splendid magic of this occasion in terms of scary costumes, real like masks and spectacular decorations that transforms entire atmosphere into an extraordinary haunted place, thus providing sheer pleasure and enjoyment. Celebrations and planning for Halloween eve begins somewhat in advance may be 2-3 months before; people all over the world wait for this special occasion and are excited about ladies evening wearing up in amazing costumes and accessories on this scary night and experience an entirely new life just for one day. From past few decades, this special day is celebrated with traditional values, customs and spirituality that let one to forget their tensions and worries; gear up with Steakhouses Goodyear AZ horror and walk down with confidence in a street of shock and frightening fantasy. It`s only daunting and spooky themes that make Halloween popular among every age group.
[caption id="attachment_409" align="alignleft" width="300" caption="Emma's Ale House"][/caption]
Lots of people adore fresh fruit sweets, simply because they're not really just delicious as well as delicious, however these people provide lots of powerful reminiscences together. The actual fantastic point regarding these types of kind of sweets, is actually they invoke many different feelings, based on the actual event that they're showcased, too like a season these people tend to be offered. The excellent instance Westchester NY Restaurants is by using summer time approaching, supermarkets can sell plenty associated with clean summer time fruit, this kind of because fruits, peaches, as well as cherries. This type of kind of fruit is going to be shown conspicuously within the kitchen areas of numerous individuals all over the world. Because this kind of, their own playfulness as well as large quantity can make all of them the actual perfect superstars associated with a person's summer time sweets.
[caption id="attachment_411" align="aligncenter" width="280" caption="Beleza Couture Studio"][/caption]
The particular manicurist could be the particular person in which functions the particular beauty therapy for your fingernails. Oppositely, any pedicurist functions these kinds of obligations around the nails. This technique starts together with any bathe in the treatment water and the particular physique portion will be included inside product. Many instances the particular Durham beauty salons claws are usually designed and also done away from using a toenail enhance, whichever shade your client decides. Furthermore man-made claws enable you to increase size for the claws. Regarding an extra, jewelry, stickers, styles, models, and also diverse shades may be set around the claws at the same time. A great esthetician could be the particular person you'll move to have head of hair taken out, to be able to get yourself a massage therapy, or perhaps any physique place. These kinds of will be the folks that do waxing regarding undesired head of hair whether or not for your brows or perhaps several spot a lot more private. This kind of expert may well undertake specific education to be able to supply these with all the familiarity with the way to execute electrolysis and also head of hair removing, yet which is a lot more of your career with a cosmetologist.
A U.S. Soldier of Alpha Company, 3rd Brigade Support Battalion, 1st Armored Brigade Combat Team, 3rd Infantry Division scans the area for opposing forces while conducting a complex attack during exercise Combined Resolve IV at the U.S. Army's Joint Multinational Readiness Center in Hohenfels, Germany, May 23, 2015. Combined Resolve IV is an Army Europe directed exercise training a multinational brigade and enhancing interoperability with allies and partner nations. Combined Resolve trains on unified land operations against a complex threat while improving the combat readiness of all participants. The Combined Resolve series of exercises incorporates the U.S. Armyâs Regionally Aligned Force with the European Activity Set to train with European Allies and partners. The 7th Army JMTC is the only training command outside the continental United States, providing realistic and relevant training to U.S. Army, Joint Service, NATO, allied and multinational units, and is a regular venue for some of the largest training exercises for U.S. and European Forces. (U.S. Army photo by Spc. Shardesia Washington)
Lefkoniko (Greek: Λευκόνοικο; Turkish: Lefkonuk or Geçitkale) is a town in the Mesaoria Plain under the de facto control of Northern Cyprus, claimed by Cyprus. Lefkoniko is the birthplace of Cypriot national poet Vasilis Michaelides and is known for its lace.
Geçitkale Air Base of the Turkish Air Force is near Lefkoniko.
In 1909, the first co-op in Cyprus was founded in Lefkoniko and, in 1939, the municipality of Lefkoniko was established.
In a 1955 anti-British demonstration, schoolboys burned the town post office. A collective fine of $2,000 was placed on the inhabitants of Lefkoniko and the Governor of Cyprus ordered a 24-hour curfew on Lefkoniko until it was paid.
Before 1960, Lefkoniko was inhabited both by Greek and Turkish Cypriots. The latter were the minority. With the exception of a family of three, all Turkish Cypriots fled the town in the Emergency years. Greek Cypriots were displaced to the south of the island during the 1974 Turkish invasion of Cyprus, and Lefkoniko was repopulated by Turkish Cypriots from Kofinou and nearby Artemi, which was abandoned. In 1960, Lefkoniko had a population of 2,358. It was the 8th most populous settlement in Famagusta District and 32nd in the whole of Cyprus. As of 2011, its population was 1,253.
Turkish Cypriot Geçitkale Günay Spor Kulübü was founded in 1955, and is now in Cyprus Turkish Football Association (CTFA) BTM 1st League. Also Geçitkale Women’s Team was founded in 2012 and currently playing in the top league of CTFA Women’s League.
In June 2018,after long efforts, Lefkoniko finally joined to Cittaslow (slow city) network and received their official certificate of conformity and their flag during the general assembly. Therefore Lefkoniko has won the fourth Cittaslow title in the TRNC.
Lefkoniko is twinned with:
Turkey Yalova, Turkey
Tourist attractions
Archangelos Michael Church
The construction of the church dates back to the 12th century. The church has an arcade along the south side and a double aisle with a chamber at the south west corner of it. The church also has a painting of Archangelos Michael covering a wall. Renovation works are fully funded by EU within Cultural Heritage Programme that European Commission implements through UNDP. Renovation works have started in October 2016 and completed in a year (October 2017). The total cost was 430,000 Euro.
Northern Cyprus, officially the Turkish Republic of Northern Cyprus (TRNC), is a de facto state that comprises the northeastern portion of the island of Cyprus. It is recognised only by Turkey, and its territory is considered by all other states to be part of the Republic of Cyprus.
Northern Cyprus extends from the tip of the Karpass Peninsula in the northeast to Morphou Bay, Cape Kormakitis and its westernmost point, the Kokkina exclave in the west. Its southernmost point is the village of Louroujina. A buffer zone under the control of the United Nations stretches between Northern Cyprus and the rest of the island and divides Nicosia, the island's largest city and capital of both sides.
A coup d'état in 1974, performed as part of an attempt to annex the island to Greece, prompted the Turkish invasion of Cyprus. This resulted in the eviction of much of the north's Greek Cypriot population, the flight of Turkish Cypriots from the south, and the partitioning of the island, leading to a unilateral declaration of independence by the north in 1983. Due to its lack of recognition, Northern Cyprus is heavily dependent on Turkey for economic, political and military support.
Attempts to reach a solution to the Cyprus dispute have been unsuccessful. The Turkish Army maintains a large force in Northern Cyprus with the support and approval of the TRNC government, while the Republic of Cyprus, the European Union as a whole, and the international community regard it as an occupation force. This military presence has been denounced in several United Nations Security Council resolutions.
Northern Cyprus is a semi-presidential, democratic republic with a cultural heritage incorporating various influences and an economy that is dominated by the services sector. The economy has seen growth through the 2000s and 2010s, with the GNP per capita more than tripling in the 2000s, but is held back by an international embargo due to the official closure of the ports in Northern Cyprus by the Republic of Cyprus. The official language is Turkish, with a distinct local dialect being spoken. The vast majority of the population consists of Sunni Muslims, while religious attitudes are mostly moderate and secular. Northern Cyprus is an observer state of ECO and OIC under the name "Turkish Cypriot State", PACE under the name "Turkish Cypriot Community", and Organization of Turkic States with its own name.
Several distinct periods of Cypriot intercommunal violence involving the two main ethnic communities, Greek Cypriots and Turkish Cypriots, marked mid-20th century Cyprus. These included the Cyprus Emergency of 1955–59 during British rule, the post-independence Cyprus crisis of 1963–64, and the Cyprus crisis of 1967. Hostilities culminated in the 1974 de facto division of the island along the Green Line following the Turkish invasion of Cyprus. The region has been relatively peaceful since then, but the Cyprus dispute has continued, with various attempts to solve it diplomatically having been generally unsuccessful.
Cyprus, an island lying in the eastern Mediterranean, hosted a population of Greeks and Turks (four-fifths and one-fifth, respectively), who lived under British rule in the late nineteenth-century and the first half of the twentieth-century. Christian Orthodox Church of Cyprus played a prominent political role among the Greek Cypriot community, a privilege that it acquired during the Ottoman Empire with the employment of the millet system, which gave the archbishop an unofficial ethnarch status.
The repeated rejections by the British of Greek Cypriot demands for enosis, union with Greece, led to armed resistance, organised by the National Organization of Cypriot Struggle, or EOKA. EOKA, led by the Greek-Cypriot commander George Grivas, systematically targeted British colonial authorities. One of the effects of EOKA's campaign was to alter the Turkish position from demanding full reincorporation into Turkey to a demand for taksim (partition). EOKA's mission and activities caused a "Cretan syndrome" (see Turkish Resistance Organisation) within the Turkish Cypriot community, as its members feared that they would be forced to leave the island in such a case as had been the case with Cretan Turks. As such, they preferred the continuation of British colonial rule and then taksim, the division of the island. Due to the Turkish Cypriots' support for the British, EOKA's leader, Georgios Grivas, declared them to be enemies. The fact that the Turks were a minority was, according to Nihat Erim, to be addressed by the transfer of thousands of Turks from mainland Turkey so that Greek Cypriots would cease to be the majority. When Erim visited Cyprus as the Turkish representative, he was advised by Field Marshal Sir John Harding, the then Governor of Cyprus, that Turkey should send educated Turks to settle in Cyprus.
Turkey actively promoted the idea that on the island of Cyprus two distinctive communities existed, and sidestepped its former claim that "the people of Cyprus were all Turkish subjects". In doing so, Turkey's aim to have self-determination of two to-be equal communities in effect led to de jure partition of the island.[citation needed] This could be justified to the international community against the will of the majority Greek population of the island. Dr. Fazil Küçük in 1954 had already proposed Cyprus be divided in two at the 35° parallel.
Lindley Dan, from Notre Dame University, spotted the roots of intercommunal violence to different visions among the two communities of Cyprus (enosis for Greek Cypriots, taksim for Turkish Cypriots). Also, Lindlay wrote that "the merging of church, schools/education, and politics in divisive and nationalistic ways" had played a crucial role in creation of havoc in Cyprus' history. Attalides Michael also pointed to the opposing nationalisms as the cause of the Cyprus problem.
By the mid-1950's, the "Cyprus is Turkish" party, movement, and slogan gained force in both Cyprus and Turkey. In a 1954 editorial, Turkish Cypriot leader Dr. Fazil Kuchuk expressed the sentiment that the Turkish youth had grown up with the idea that "as soon as Great Britain leaves the island, it will be taken over by the Turks", and that "Turkey cannot tolerate otherwise". This perspective contributed to the willingness of Turkish Cypriots to align themselves with the British, who started recruiting Turkish Cypriots into the police force that patrolled Cyprus to fight EOKA, a Greek Cypriot nationalist organisation that sought to rid the island of British rule.
EOKA targeted colonial authorities, including police, but Georgios Grivas, the leader of EOKA, did not initially wish to open up a new front by fighting Turkish Cypriots and reassured them that EOKA would not harm their people. In 1956, some Turkish Cypriot policemen were killed by EOKA members and this provoked some intercommunal violence in the spring and summer, but these attacks on policemen were not motivated by the fact that they were Turkish Cypriots.
However, in January 1957, Grivas changed his policy as his forces in the mountains became increasingly pressured by the British Crown forces. In order to divert the attention of the Crown forces, EOKA members started to target Turkish Cypriot policemen intentionally in the towns, so that Turkish Cypriots would riot against the Greek Cypriots and the security forces would have to be diverted to the towns to restore order. The killing of a Turkish Cypriot policeman on 19 January, when a power station was bombed, and the injury of three others, provoked three days of intercommunal violence in Nicosia. The two communities targeted each other in reprisals, at least one Greek Cypriot was killed and the British Army was deployed in the streets. Greek Cypriot stores were burned and their neighbourhoods attacked. Following the events, the Greek Cypriot leadership spread the propaganda that the riots had merely been an act of Turkish Cypriot aggression. Such events created chaos and drove the communities apart both in Cyprus and in Turkey.
On 22 October 1957 Sir Hugh Mackintosh Foot replaced Sir John Harding as the British Governor of Cyprus. Foot suggested five to seven years of self-government before any final decision. His plan rejected both enosis and taksim. The Turkish Cypriot response to this plan was a series of anti-British demonstrations in Nicosia on 27 and 28 January 1958 rejecting the proposed plan because the plan did not include partition. The British then withdrew the plan.
In 1957, Black Gang, a Turkish Cypriot pro-taksim paramilitary organisation, was formed to patrol a Turkish Cypriot enclave, the Tahtakale district of Nicosia, against activities of EOKA. The organisation later attempted to grow into a national scale, but failed to gain public support.
By 1958, signs of dissatisfaction with the British increased on both sides, with a group of Turkish Cypriots forming Volkan (later renamed to the Turkish Resistance Organisation) paramilitary group to promote partition and the annexation of Cyprus to Turkey as dictated by the Menderes plan. Volkan initially consisted of roughly 100 members, with the stated aim of raising awareness in Turkey of the Cyprus issue and courting military training and support for Turkish Cypriot fighters from the Turkish government.
In June 1958, the British Prime Minister, Harold Macmillan, was expected to propose a plan to resolve the Cyprus issue. In light of the new development, the Turks rioted in Nicosia to promote the idea that Greek and Turkish Cypriots could not live together and therefore any plan that did not include partition would not be viable. This violence was soon followed by bombing, Greek Cypriot deaths and looting of Greek Cypriot-owned shops and houses. Greek and Turkish Cypriots started to flee mixed population villages where they were a minority in search of safety. This was effectively the beginning of the segregation of the two communities. On 7 June 1958, a bomb exploded at the entrance of the Turkish Embassy in Cyprus. Following the bombing, Turkish Cypriots looted Greek Cypriot properties. On 26 June 1984, the Turkish Cypriot leader, Rauf Denktaş, admitted on British channel ITV that the bomb was placed by the Turks themselves in order to create tension. On 9 January 1995, Rauf Denktaş repeated his claim to the famous Turkish newspaper Milliyet in Turkey.
The crisis reached a climax on 12 June 1958, when eight Greeks, out of an armed group of thirty five arrested by soldiers of the Royal Horse Guards on suspicion of preparing an attack on the Turkish quarter of Skylloura, were killed in a suspected attack by Turkish Cypriot locals, near the village of Geunyeli, having been ordered to walk back to their village of Kondemenos.
After the EOKA campaign had begun, the British government successfully began to turn the Cyprus issue from a British colonial problem into a Greek-Turkish issue. British diplomacy exerted backstage influence on the Adnan Menderes government, with the aim of making Turkey active in Cyprus. For the British, the attempt had a twofold objective. The EOKA campaign would be silenced as quickly as possible, and Turkish Cypriots would not side with Greek Cypriots against the British colonial claims over the island, which would thus remain under the British. The Turkish Cypriot leadership visited Menderes to discuss the Cyprus issue. When asked how the Turkish Cypriots should respond to the Greek Cypriot claim of enosis, Menderes replied: "You should go to the British foreign minister and request the status quo be prolonged, Cyprus to remain as a British colony". When the Turkish Cypriots visited the British Foreign Secretary and requested for Cyprus to remain a colony, he replied: "You should not be asking for colonialism at this day and age, you should be asking for Cyprus be returned to Turkey, its former owner".
As Turkish Cypriots began to look to Turkey for protection, Greek Cypriots soon understood that enosis was extremely unlikely. The Greek Cypriot leader, Archbishop Makarios III, now set independence for the island as his objective.
Britain resolved to solve the dispute by creating an independent Cyprus. In 1959, all involved parties signed the Zurich Agreements: Britain, Turkey, Greece, and the Greek and Turkish Cypriot leaders, Makarios and Dr. Fazil Kucuk, respectively. The new constitution drew heavily on the ethnic composition of the island. The President would be a Greek Cypriot, and the Vice-President a Turkish Cypriot with an equal veto. The contribution to the public service would be set at a ratio of 70:30, and the Supreme Court would consist of an equal number of judges from both communities as well as an independent judge who was not Greek, Turkish or British. The Zurich Agreements were supplemented by a number of treaties. The Treaty of Guarantee stated that secession or union with any state was forbidden, and that Greece, Turkey and Britain would be given guarantor status to intervene if that was violated. The Treaty of Alliance allowed for two small Greek and Turkish military contingents to be stationed on the island, and the Treaty of Establishment gave Britain sovereignty over two bases in Akrotiri and Dhekelia.
On 15 August 1960, the Colony of Cyprus became fully independent as the Republic of Cyprus. The new republic remained within the Commonwealth of Nations.
The new constitution brought dissatisfaction to Greek Cypriots, who felt it to be highly unjust for them for historical, demographic and contributional reasons. Although 80% of the island's population were Greek Cypriots and these indigenous people had lived on the island for thousands of years and paid 94% of taxes, the new constitution was giving the 17% of the population that was Turkish Cypriots, who paid 6% of taxes, around 30% of government jobs and 40% of national security jobs.
Within three years tensions between the two communities in administrative affairs began to show. In particular disputes over separate municipalities and taxation created a deadlock in government. A constitutional court ruled in 1963 Makarios had failed to uphold article 173 of the constitution which called for the establishment of separate municipalities for Turkish Cypriots. Makarios subsequently declared his intention to ignore the judgement, resulting in the West German judge resigning from his position. Makarios proposed thirteen amendments to the constitution, which would have had the effect of resolving most of the issues in the Greek Cypriot favour. Under the proposals, the President and Vice-President would lose their veto, the separate municipalities as sought after by the Turkish Cypriots would be abandoned, the need for separate majorities by both communities in passing legislation would be discarded and the civil service contribution would be set at actual population ratios (82:18) instead of the slightly higher figure for Turkish Cypriots.
The intention behind the amendments has long been called into question. The Akritas plan, written in the height of the constitutional dispute by the Greek Cypriot interior minister Polycarpos Georkadjis, called for the removal of undesirable elements of the constitution so as to allow power-sharing to work. The plan envisaged a swift retaliatory attack on Turkish Cypriot strongholds should Turkish Cypriots resort to violence to resist the measures, stating "In the event of a planned or staged Turkish attack, it is imperative to overcome it by force in the shortest possible time, because if we succeed in gaining command of the situation (in one or two days), no outside, intervention would be either justified or possible." Whether Makarios's proposals were part of the Akritas plan is unclear, however it remains that sentiment towards enosis had not completely disappeared with independence. Makarios described independence as "a step on the road to enosis".[31] Preparations for conflict were not entirely absent from Turkish Cypriots either, with right wing elements still believing taksim (partition) the best safeguard against enosis.
Greek Cypriots however believe the amendments were a necessity stemming from a perceived attempt by Turkish Cypriots to frustrate the working of government. Turkish Cypriots saw it as a means to reduce their status within the state from one of co-founder to that of minority, seeing it as a first step towards enosis. The security situation deteriorated rapidly.
Main articles: Bloody Christmas (1963) and Battle of Tillyria
An armed conflict was triggered after December 21, 1963, a period remembered by Turkish Cypriots as Bloody Christmas, when a Greek Cypriot policemen that had been called to help deal with a taxi driver refusing officers already on the scene access to check the identification documents of his customers, took out his gun upon arrival and shot and killed the taxi driver and his partner. Eric Solsten summarised the events as follows: "a Greek Cypriot police patrol, ostensibly checking identification documents, stopped a Turkish Cypriot couple on the edge of the Turkish quarter. A hostile crowd gathered, shots were fired, and two Turkish Cypriots were killed."
In the morning after the shooting, crowds gathered in protest in Northern Nicosia, likely encouraged by the TMT, without incident. On the evening of the 22nd, gunfire broke out, communication lines to the Turkish neighbourhoods were cut, and the Greek Cypriot police occupied the nearby airport. On the 23rd, a ceasefire was negotiated, but did not hold. Fighting, including automatic weapons fire, between Greek and Turkish Cypriots and militias increased in Nicosia and Larnaca. A force of Greek Cypriot irregulars led by Nikos Sampson entered the Nicosia suburb of Omorphita and engaged in heavy firing on armed, as well as by some accounts unarmed, Turkish Cypriots. The Omorphita clash has been described by Turkish Cypriots as a massacre, while this view has generally not been acknowledged by Greek Cypriots.
Further ceasefires were arranged between the two sides, but also failed. By Christmas Eve, the 24th, Britain, Greece, and Turkey had joined talks, with all sides calling for a truce. On Christmas day, Turkish fighter jets overflew Nicosia in a show of support. Finally it was agreed to allow a force of 2,700 British soldiers to help enforce a ceasefire. In the next days, a "buffer zone" was created in Nicosia, and a British officer marked a line on a map with green ink, separating the two sides of the city, which was the beginning of the "Green Line". Fighting continued across the island for the next several weeks.
In total 364 Turkish Cypriots and 174 Greek Cypriots were killed during the violence. 25,000 Turkish Cypriots from 103-109 villages fled and were displaced into enclaves and thousands of Turkish Cypriot houses were ransacked or completely destroyed.
Contemporary newspapers also reported on the forceful exodus of the Turkish Cypriots from their homes. According to The Times in 1964, threats, shootings and attempts of arson were committed against the Turkish Cypriots to force them out of their homes. The Daily Express wrote that "25,000 Turks have already been forced to leave their homes". The Guardian reported a massacre of Turks at Limassol on 16 February 1964.
Turkey had by now readied its fleet and its fighter jets appeared over Nicosia. Turkey was dissuaded from direct involvement by the creation of a United Nations Peacekeeping Force in Cyprus (UNFICYP) in 1964. Despite the negotiated ceasefire in Nicosia, attacks on the Turkish Cypriot persisted, particularly in Limassol. Concerned about the possibility of a Turkish invasion, Makarios undertook the creation of a Greek Cypriot conscript-based army called the "National Guard". A general from Greece took charge of the army, whilst a further 20,000 well-equipped officers and men were smuggled from Greece into Cyprus. Turkey threatened to intervene once more, but was prevented by a strongly worded letter from the American President Lyndon B. Johnson, anxious to avoid a conflict between NATO allies Greece and Turkey at the height of the Cold War.
Turkish Cypriots had by now established an important bridgehead at Kokkina, provided with arms, volunteers and materials from Turkey and abroad. Seeing this incursion of foreign weapons and troops as a major threat, the Cypriot government invited George Grivas to return from Greece as commander of the Greek troops on the island and launch a major attack on the bridgehead. Turkey retaliated by dispatching its fighter jets to bomb Greek positions, causing Makarios to threaten an attack on every Turkish Cypriot village on the island if the bombings did not cease. The conflict had now drawn in Greece and Turkey, with both countries amassing troops on their Thracian borders. Efforts at mediation by Dean Acheson, a former U.S. Secretary of State, and UN-appointed mediator Galo Plaza had failed, all the while the division of the two communities becoming more apparent. Greek Cypriot forces were estimated at some 30,000, including the National Guard and the large contingent from Greece. Defending the Turkish Cypriot enclaves was a force of approximately 5,000 irregulars, led by a Turkish colonel, but lacking the equipment and organisation of the Greek forces.
The Secretary-General of the United Nations in 1964, U Thant, reported the damage during the conflicts:
UNFICYP carried out a detailed survey of all damage to properties throughout the island during the disturbances; it shows that in 109 villages, most of them Turkish-Cypriot or mixed villages, 527 houses have been destroyed while 2,000 others have suffered damage from looting.
The situation worsened in 1967, when a military junta overthrew the democratically elected government of Greece, and began applying pressure on Makarios to achieve enosis. Makarios, not wishing to become part of a military dictatorship or trigger a Turkish invasion, began to distance himself from the goal of enosis. This caused tensions with the junta in Greece as well as George Grivas in Cyprus. Grivas's control over the National Guard and Greek contingent was seen as a threat to Makarios's position, who now feared a possible coup.[citation needed] The National Guard and Cyprus Police began patrolling the Turkish Cypriot enclaves of Ayios Theodoros and Kophinou, and on November 15 engaged in heavy fighting with the Turkish Cypriots.
By the time of his withdrawal 26 Turkish Cypriots had been killed. Turkey replied with an ultimatum demanding that Grivas be removed from the island, that the troops smuggled from Greece in excess of the limits of the Treaty of Alliance be removed, and that the economic blockades on the Turkish Cypriot enclaves be lifted. Grivas was recalled by the Athens Junta and the 12,000 Greek troops were withdrawn. Makarios now attempted to consolidate his position by reducing the number of National Guard troops, and by creating a paramilitary force loyal to Cypriot independence. In 1968, acknowledging that enosis was now all but impossible, Makarios stated, "A solution by necessity must be sought within the limits of what is feasible which does not always coincide with the limits of what is desirable."
After 1967 tensions between the Greek and Turkish Cypriots subsided. Instead, the main source of tension on the island came from factions within the Greek Cypriot community. Although Makarios had effectively abandoned enosis in favour of an 'attainable solution', many others continued to believe that the only legitimate political aspiration for Greek Cypriots was union with Greece.
On his arrival, Grivas began by establishing a nationalist paramilitary group known as the National Organization of Cypriot Fighters (Ethniki Organosis Kyprion Agoniston B or EOKA-B), drawing comparisons with the EOKA struggle for enosis under the British colonial administration of the 1950s.
The military junta in Athens saw Makarios as an obstacle. Makarios's failure to disband the National Guard, whose officer class was dominated by mainland Greeks, had meant the junta had practical control over the Cypriot military establishment, leaving Makarios isolated and a vulnerable target.
During the first Turkish invasion, Turkish troops invaded Cyprus territory on 20 July 1974, invoking its rights under the Treaty of Guarantee. This expansion of Turkish-occupied zone violated International Law as well as the Charter of the United Nations. Turkish troops managed to capture 3% of the island which was accompanied by the burning of the Turkish Cypriot quarter, as well as the raping and killing of women and children. A temporary cease-fire followed which was mitigated by the UN Security Council. Subsequently, the Greek military Junta collapsed on July 23, 1974, and peace talks commenced in which a democratic government was installed. The Resolution 353 was broken after Turkey attacked a second time and managed to get a hold of 37% of Cyprus territory. The Island of Cyprus was appointed a Buffer Zone by the United Nations, which divided the island into two zones through the 'Green Line' and put an end to the Turkish invasion. Although Turkey announced that the occupied areas of Cyprus to be called the Federated Turkish State in 1975, it is not legitimised on a worldwide political scale. The United Nations called for the international recognition of independence for the Republic of Cyprus in the Security Council Resolution 367.
In the years after the Turkish invasion of northern Cyprus one can observe a history of failed talks between the two parties. The 1983 declaration of the independent Turkish Republic of Cyprus resulted in a rise of inter-communal tensions and made it increasingly hard to find mutual understanding. With Cyprus' interest of a possible EU membership and a new UN Secretary-General Kofi Annan in 1997 new hopes arose for a fresh start. International involvement from sides of the US and UK, wanting a solution to the Cyprus dispute prior to the EU accession led to political pressures for new talks. The believe that an accession without a solution would threaten Greek-Turkish relations and acknowledge the partition of the island would direct the coming negotiations.
Over the course of two years a concrete plan, the Annan plan was formulated. In 2004 the fifth version agreed upon from both sides and with the endorsement of Turkey, US, UK and EU then was presented to the public and was given a referendum in both Cypriot communities to assure the legitimisation of the resolution. The Turkish Cypriots voted with 65% for the plan, however the Greek Cypriots voted with a 76% majority against. The Annan plan contained multiple important topics. Firstly it established a confederation of two separate states called the United Cyprus Republic. Both communities would have autonomous states combined under one unified government. The members of parliament would be chosen according to the percentage in population numbers to ensure a just involvement from both communities. The paper proposed a demilitarisation of the island over the next years. Furthermore it agreed upon a number of 45000 Turkish settlers that could remain on the island. These settlers became a very important issue concerning peace talks. Originally the Turkish government encouraged Turks to settle in Cyprus providing transfer and property, to establish a counterpart to the Greek Cypriot population due to their 1 to 5 minority. With the economic situation many Turkish-Cypriot decided to leave the island, however their departure is made up by incoming Turkish settlers leaving the population ratio between Turkish Cypriots and Greek Cypriots stable. However all these points where criticised and as seen in the vote rejected mainly by the Greek Cypriots. These name the dissolution of the „Republic of Cyprus", economic consequences of a reunion and the remaining Turkish settlers as reason. Many claim that the plan was indeed drawing more from Turkish-Cypriot demands then Greek-Cypriot interests. Taking in consideration that the US wanted to keep Turkey as a strategic partner in future Middle Eastern conflicts.
A week after the failed referendum the Republic of Cyprus joined the EU. In multiple instances the EU tried to promote trade with Northern Cyprus but without internationally recognised ports this spiked a grand debate. Both side endure their intention of negotiations, however without the prospect of any new compromises or agreements the UN is unwilling to start the process again. Since 2004 negotiations took place in numbers but without any results, both sides are strongly holding on to their position without an agreeable solution in sight that would suit both parties.
Jupiter and Saturn got the closest they've been in nearly 400 years on 12/21/2020, the solstice. Some believe a similar alignment was the Star of Bethlehem that guided the magi to the newborn Jesus.
The 13 second background photo was composited with the 25th of a second star photo to get both the mountain and round planets.
3457C 12-21-2020
San Mateo 3rd Ave kite surfers on the SF Bay, California.
Shot at f/8* with Fuji X-H1 and Asahi Optical Pentax SMC Takumar 300mm f/4 M42 telephoto manual focus lens on screw-mount to Alpa mount adapter paired to a metabones Speed Booster* adapter in Alpa mount to Fuji-X mount. With B+W KSM HTC-POL MRC nano XS-PRO CPL (high transmission polarizer). Cropped to a 400mm equiv. focal length.
*f/5.6 exposure equivalent (but back to f/8 with the CPL one stop light loss).
Philadelphia, Pennsylvania, July 25, 2016. March 4 Our Lives protest. Around 5,000 activists aligned with various social justice, peace and environmental groups marched from City Hall to the Wells Fargo Center to protest the long ongoing hijacking of the Democratic Party by corporatist/militarist elements loyal to the Clinton family. Thousands of emails released by Wikileaks just days before exposed collusion between the corporate media and the DNC to sabotage the insurgent and nearly successful Sanders "political revolution". On Sunday, July 24 In the wake of this scandal DNC chairwomen Debbie Wasserman-Shultz announced her resignation. After being booed off stage at a meeting of her Florida delegation on Monday morning she also cancelled all of her other speaking events at the convention.
Interactions between the marchers and the Philadelphia Police were generally respectful and peaceful*. According to later reports on the ground around 50 demonstrators were arrested when they staged a peaceful civil disobedience sit-in in front of the Wells Fargo Center.
*TeleSur reporter Abby Martin was roughed-up and cuffed by cops for accidentally entering a 'no go' zone where credentials were required. Martin claims she complied with all police orders but was arrested anyway.
As part of the project, Oregon DOT refurbished the historical Redwood Empire/Oregon Caves neon signs.
Miriam Troop’s “Rain on Laundry Day” captures a moment of domestic vulnerability with warmth and humor: an African American woman reaching out to catch a raindrop just as her freshly hung laundry faces ruin. Troop was only 23 when she painted it, and her work was praised for its expressive charm and slice-of-life realism. The woman’s posture, clothing, and gentle expression suggest dignity and kindness—qualities that transcend caricature.
In 1940, portraying a Black woman doing laundry would have aligned with prevailing social norms and occupational realities. Domestic work was one of the few jobs widely available to Black women, and magazine covers often reflected everyday life. Yet in today’s context, such imagery can evoke painful histories of racial stereotyping and economic marginalization.
Troop’s illustration doesn’t appear to mock or diminish the subject. In fact, it seems to honor her perseverance in the face of a small but relatable setback. Still, the fact that she’s depicted in a service role may raise questions about intent. Rather than labeling it as racist, it might be more accurate to say the image merely reflects the constraints of its time. Artists of the 1940s approached Black subjects with a wide range of intentions—some reinforcing stereotypes, others challenging them with dignity, nuance, and urgency.
How did other artists engage with Black representation during that era? Examples may be found here:
“Social Realism” (1935-1943)” by Melissa Porter at blackiowa.org/cool_timeline/social-realism-1935-1943/
“Themes in Art – Black Subjects” at www.arthistoryproject.com/subjects/black-subjects/
[Note: The original painting for this cover sold in 2019 at Swann Auction Galleries for $40,000]
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From the photographer:
This is a portion of human skin taken with an iPhone from Apple applied to an Olympus microscope. The magnification is 400x.
There is a hair follicle surface surrounded by basket-woven cornified layer and topped by erythrocytes (from hemorrhage derived from the surgical procedure).
The difficult part of taking the photomicrograph is aligning the lens of the iPhone to the eyepiece of the microscope and getting the right image size and the most uniform lighting. An adapter is in the works in my excited mind.
This is an unedited picture. A greenish tinge, easily edited out, is seen in this rendition but not on the screen of the iPhone.
The surprising thing is the incredible quality of the iPhone lens, as able to focus so close to the surface of the ocular as to do snapshot from afar subjects. This opens the possibility for pathologists to share biopsy images and collaborate on diagnoses on the phone. What do you think?
Aldo Gonzalez-Serva, MD
Phase one of our new kitchen and lounge has just been completed. We now have 4 new down-lights positioned strategically above the sink and work areas, both main lights above the table have been installed and aligned, new electricity points have been set for the oven and extractor fan etc etc. Building starts today woo!
We're starting a new series on Easter called "Align" at Four Corners Church and this is the invitation that will be attached to Rubik Cube key chains for the next few weeks leading up to Easter.
We're using the Rubik Cube as the key analogy for the idea of the pieces of our lives that war on us for our time, energy, love and passion and how the risen Christ can provide a way to finally align the pieces.
We're going for a retro 80's feel in this piece (and possibly the coming bulletin artwork) to play off the Rubik Cube with 80's songs in every service. The back of the invitation has more details about the Helicopter Drop and a map.
Let me know any feedback on this piece...
Flippers alignés (Joker Poker, Cleopatra, Jet Spin…), Flip Expo 2013, exposition de flippers organisée par l’association Silverball, à la salle Serge-Reggiani du Tréport.
Trois tertres pierreux massifs alignés dans la combette du champ Girode, situés à proximité de l'enclos Girode (Vstg057) et parallèlement à celui-ci (à 20-35 m). Les tertres sont situés sur une ligne, arête d'un ressaut de terrain longitudinal de la combette. Ici, le tertre médian, allongé et en forme de haricot (Vstg289b), mesure 33 m de long sur 8 m de large (max.) et 2 m de haut env. ; en partie appareillé sur ses flancs, son mode de construction s'apparente à celui du mur Nord de l'enclos Girode. Parement appareillé. Photo Jean Michel (nov. 2014).
Using my Cut-Align and my MISTI with Simon Says Stamp Sentiments.
I'm also joining the Simon Says Stamp Flickr Challenge ... I used Simon Says Stamp Sentiment Strips & Dies from Forget Me Not Flowers.
My corner of blogland for more pictures & details:
ingeniousinkling.typepad.com/ingenious_inkling/2019/04/cu...
Trois tertres pierreux massifs alignés dans la combette du champ Girode, situés à proximité de l'enclos Girode (Vstg057) et parallèlement à celui-ci (à 20-35 m). Les tertres sont situés sur une ligne, arête d'un ressaut de terrain longitudinal de la combette. Ici, le tertre médian, allongé et en forme de haricot (Vstg289b), mesure 33 m de long sur 8 m de large (max.) et 2 m de haut env. ; en partie appareillé sur ses flancs, son mode de construction s'apparente à celui du mur Nord de l'enclos Girode. Photo Jean Michel (sept.2014).
We're starting a new series called "ALIGN" at Four Corners Church for Easter and the weeks following.
The series looks at the small choices we make everyday that transform our lives. Based on some of the principles from Andy Stanley's great book "Choosing to Cheat" (and of course the Bible) we hope to help offer solutions to lives with no margins.
In all of it we're adding a heavy dose of retro throwback to the 80's just for fun. We're playing off the Rubik's Cube as the visual analogy for many of us and our lives. We'll be playing 80's songs during different services and we gave away 2,000 Rubik Cube key chains with invitations to our Easter service.
Trois tertres pierreux massifs alignés dans la combette du champ Girode, situés à proximité de l'enclos Girode (Vstg057) et parallèlement à celui-ci (à 20-35 m). Les tertres sont situés sur une ligne, arête d'un ressaut de terrain longitudinal de la combette. Ici, le tertre médian, allongé et en forme de haricot (Vstg289b), mesure 33 m de long sur 8 m de large (max.) et 2 m de haut env. ; en partie appareillé sur ses flancs, son mode de construction s'apparente à celui du mur Nord de l'enclos Girode. Photo André Alix.