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Maker: David Brewster (1781-1868)
Born: UK
Active: UK
Medium: book
Size: 4 1/2 in x 7 in
Location: UK
Object No. 2016.668
Shelf: MAN-1831
Publication: A Treatise on Optics. The Cabinet Cyclopædia / Brewster, David; Lardner, Dionysius [ed.]
London: Longman, Rees, Orme, Brown, Green, & Longman & John Taylor. G 1831.
Other Collections:
Provenance: Barter Books Ltd
Rank: 61
Notes: Sir David Brewster (11 December 1781 – 10 February 1868) was a Scottish physicist, mathematician, astronomer, inventor, writer, historian of science and university principal.
Most noted for his contributions to the field of optics, he studied the double refraction by compression and discovered the photoelastic effect, which gave birth to the field of optical mineralogy. For his work, William Whewell dubbed him the "Father of modern experimental optics" and "the Johannes Kepler of Optics." He is well-recognized for being the inventor of the kaleidoscope and an improved version of the stereoscope applied to photography. He called it the "lenticular stereoscope", which was the first portable, 3D viewing device. He also invented the binocular camera, two types of polarimeters, the polyzonal lens and the lighthouse illuminator. A prominent figure in the popularization of science, he is considered one of the founders of the British Association, of which he would be elected President in 1849. In addition, he was the editor of the 18-volume Edinburgh Encyclopædia.
To view our archive organized by themes and subjects, visit: OUR COLLECTIONS
For information about reproducing this image, visit: THE HISTORY OF PHOTOGRAPHY ARCHIVE
UNICEF is conducting a "mop up" campaign for 13 weeks in the Tewor district to help communities wipe-out Ebola. It consists of door-to-door active case searching and social mobilisation. Tewor district is one of the last remaining hotspots for Ebola in Liberia. To keep track of households visited and schedule the next visit, the team writes details on house walls.
Tewor Fahnbulleh, Grand Cape Mount, Liberia, on 28 January 2015
Photo: UNMEER/Martine Perret
Shot for Active Assignment Weekly, theme "In the style of Yasuhiro Ogawa".
WIT Just like Felix, I had sudden snow during our long weekend stay in Berlin. It was magnificent and of course we also took a day trip in the city on bicycle. In that snow... It was great.
I edited the shot in what I think to be the style of Yasuhiro Ogawa. Made some of it darker, some I lit up (especially the umbrella) and I added a Dutch Angle. It was a fun assignment!
HMCS Charlottetown conducts a Replenishment At Sea (RAS) to take fuel from the German tanker RHON during Operation ACTIVE ENDEAVOUR with Standing NATO Maritime Group 1 in the Mediterranean Sea on February 3, 2012.
Le NCSM CHARLOTTETOWN exécute un ravitaillement en mer (REM) avec le navire-citerne allemand RHON lors de l’Op Active Endeavour dans la mer Méditerranée, avec le 1er Groupe de la Force navale permanente de réaction de l’OTAN, le 3 février 2012.
Photo : Cpl Ronnie Kinnie
HS2012-0071-121
Shot for Active Assignment Weekly, theme "Something Wild".
WIT
Look at this! This brute of a Seagull murders and eats a coot that he probably overpowered. Also shot from the confinement of my own garden. Beautiful weather but nowhere to go to. But you don't have to go on safari to see the struggle of life.
Francesco Bassano (1549-1592), active in Bassano and Venice
Summer, around 1576
The portrayal of the annually recurring peasant activities in series of twelve, six, or four paintings is a theme that goes back to the book painting of the Late Antiquity. In the 16th century, in Dutch it came to a heyday of this genre (Pieter Bruegel the Elder), who was followed by Jacopo and Francesco Bassano. The summer stems from those series of season paintings with which each a scene from the Old Testament in the background is represented. To the sheepshear in the foreground, grain cutting and threshing in the middle comes the sacrifice of Isaac on a hill in the distance.
Francesco Bassano (1549-1592), tätig in Bassano und Venedig
Sommer, um 1576
Die Darstellung der jährlich wiederkehrenden bäuerlichen Tätigkeiten in Serien von zwölf, sechs oder vier Bilden ist ein bis auf die Buchmalerei der Spätantike zurückgehendes Thema. Im 16. Jahrhundert kam es in der niederländischen Kunst zu einer Blüte dieser Bildgattung (P. Bruegel der Ältere), der Jacopo und Francesco Bassano nachfolgten. Der Sommer stammt aus jener Serie von Jahreszeitenbildern, bei denen im Hintergrund jeweils eine Szene aus dem Alten Testament dargestellt ist. Zur Schafschur im Vordergrund, Kornschnitt und Dreschen in der Mitte kommt die Opferung Isaaks auf einem Hügel in der Ferne.
Austria Kunsthistorisches Museum
Federal Museum
Logo KHM
Regulatory authority (ies)/organs to the Federal Ministry for Education, Science and Culture
Founded 17 October 1891
Headquartered Castle Ring (Burgring), Vienna 1, Austria
Management Sabine Haag
www.khm.at website
Main building of the Kunsthistorisches Museum at Maria-Theresa-Square
The Kunsthistorisches Museum (KHM abbreviated) is an art museum in Vienna. It is one of the largest and most important museums in the world. It was opened in 1891 and 2012 visited of 1.351.940 million people.
The museum
The Kunsthistorisches Museum is with its opposite sister building, the Natural History Museum (Naturhistorisches Museum), the most important historicist large buildings of the Ringstrasse time. Together they stand around the Maria Theresa square, on which also the Maria Theresa monument stands. This course spans the former glacis between today's ring road and 2-line, and is forming a historical landmark that also belongs to World Heritage Site Historic Centre of Vienna.
History
Archduke Leopold Wilhelm in his Gallery
The Museum came from the collections of the Habsburgs, especially from the portrait and armor collections of Ferdinand of Tyrol, the collection of Emperor Rudolf II (most of which, however scattered) and the art collection of Archduke Leopold Wilhelm into existence. Already In 1833 asked Joseph Arneth, curator (and later director) of the Imperial Coins and Antiquities Cabinet, bringing together all the imperial collections in a single building .
Architectural History
The contract to build the museum in the city had been given in 1858 by Emperor Franz Joseph. Subsequently, many designs were submitted for the ring road zone. Plans by August Sicard von Sicardsburg and Eduard van der Null planned to build two museum buildings in the immediate aftermath of the Imperial Palace on the left and right of the Heroes' Square (Heldenplatz). The architect Ludwig Förster planned museum buildings between the Schwarzenberg Square and the City Park, Martin Ritter von Kink favored buildings at the corner Währingerstraße/ Scots ring (Schottenring), Peter Joseph, the area Bellariastraße, Moritz von Loehr the south side of the opera ring, and Ludwig Zettl the southeast side of the grain market (Getreidemarkt).
From 1867, a competition was announced for the museums, and thereby set their current position - at the request of the Emperor, the museum should not be too close to the Imperial Palace, but arise beyond the ring road. The architect Carl von Hasenauer participated in this competition and was able the at that time in Zürich operating Gottfried Semper to encourage to work together. The two museum buildings should be built here in the sense of the style of the Italian Renaissance. The plans got the benevolence of the imperial family. In April 1869, there was an audience with of Joseph Semper at the Emperor Franz Joseph and an oral contract was concluded, in July 1870 was issued the written order to Semper and Hasenauer.
Crucial for the success of Semper and Hasenauer against the projects of other architects were among others Semper's vision of a large building complex called "Imperial Forum", in which the museums would have been a part of. Not least by the death of Semper in 1879 came the Imperial Forum not as planned for execution, the two museums were built, however.
Construction of the two museums began without ceremony on 27 November 1871 instead. Semper moved to Vienna in the sequence. From the beginning, there were considerable personal differences between him and Hasenauer, who finally in 1877 took over sole construction management. 1874, the scaffolds were placed up to the attic and the first floor completed, built in 1878, the first windows installed in 1879, the Attica and the balustrade from 1880 to 1881 and built the dome and the Tabernacle. The dome is topped with a bronze statue of Pallas Athena by Johannes Benk.
The lighting and air conditioning concept with double glazing of the ceilings made ​​the renunciation of artificial light (especially at that time, as gas light) possible, but this resulted due to seasonal variations depending on daylight to different opening times .
Kuppelhalle
Entrance (by clicking the link at the end of the side you can see all the pictures here indicated!)
Grand staircase
Hall
Empire
The Kunsthistorisches Museum was on 17 October 1891 officially opened by Emperor Franz Joseph I. Since 22 October 1891 , the museum is accessible to the public. Two years earlier, on 3 November 1889, the collection of arms, Arms and Armour today, had their doors open. On 1 January 1890 the library service resumed its operations. The merger and listing of other collections of the Highest Imperial Family from the Upper and Lower Belvedere, the Hofburg Palace and Ambras in Tyrol will need another two years.
189, the farm museum was organized in seven collections with three directorates:
Directorate of coins, medals and antiquities collection
The Egyptian Collection
The Antique Collection
The coins and medals collection
Management of the collection of weapons, art and industrial objects
Weapons collection
Collection of industrial art objects
Directorate of Art Gallery and Restaurieranstalt (Restoration Office)
Collection of watercolors, drawings, sketches, etc.
Restoration Office
Library
Very soon the room the Court Museum (Hofmuseum) for the imperial collections was offering became too narrow. To provide temporary help, an exhibition of ancient artifacts from Ephesus in the Theseus Temple was designed. However, additional space had to be rented in the Lower Belvedere.
1914, after the assassination of Franz Ferdinand, heir to the throne, his " Estonian Forensic Collection " passed to the administration of the Court Museum. This collection, which emerged from the art collection of the house of d' Este and world travel collection of Franz Ferdinand, was placed in the New Imperial Palace since 1908. For these stocks, the present collection of old musical instruments and the Museum of Ethnology emerged.
The First World War went by, apart from the oppressive economic situation without loss. The farm museum remained during the five years of war regularly open to the public.
Until 1919 the K.K. Art Historical Court Museum was under the authority of the Oberstkämmereramt (head chamberlain office) and belonged to the House of Habsburg-Lorraine. The officials and employees were part of the royal household.
First Republic
The transition from monarchy to republic, in the museum took place in complete tranquility. On 19 November 1918 the two imperial museums on Maria Theresa Square were placed under the state protection of the young Republic of German Austria. Threatening to the stocks of the museum were the claims raised in the following weeks and months of the "successor states" of the monarchy as well as Italy and Belgium on Austrian art collection. In fact, it came on 12th February 1919 to the violent removal of 62 paintings by armed Italian units. This "art theft" left a long time trauma among curators and art historians.
It was not until the Treaty of Saint-Germain of 10 September 1919, providing in Article 195 and 196 the settlement of rights in the cultural field by negotiations. The claims of Belgium, Czechoslovakia, and Italy again could mostly being averted in this way. Only Hungary, which presented the greatest demands by far, was met by more than ten years of negotiation in 147 cases.
On 3 April 1919 was the expropriation of the House of Habsburg-Lorraine by law and the acquisition of its property, including the "Collections of the Imperial House" , by the Republic. Of 18 June 1920 the then provisional administration of the former imperial museums and collections of Este and the secular and clergy treasury passed to the State Office of Internal Affairs and Education, since 10 November 1920, the Federal Ministry of the Interior and Education. A few days later it was renamed the Art History Court Museum in the "Kunsthistorisches Museum, Vienna State", 1921 "Kunsthistorisches Museum" . Of 1st January 1921 the employees of the museum staff passed to the state of the Republic.
Through the acquisition of the former imperial collections owned by the state, the museum found itself in a complete new situation. In order to meet the changed circumstances in the museum area, designed Hans Tietze in 1919 the "Vienna Museum program". It provided a close cooperation between the individual museums to focus at different houses on main collections. So dominated exchange, sales and equalizing the acquisition policy in the interwar period. Thus resulting until today still valid collection trends. Also pointing the way was the relocation of the weapons collection from 1934 in its present premises in the New Castle, where since 1916 the collection of ancient musical instruments was placed.
With the change of the imperial collections in the ownership of the Republic the reorganization of the internal organization went hand in hand, too. Thus the museum was divided in 1919 into the
Egyptian and Near Eastern Collection (with the Oriental coins)
Collection of Classical Antiquities
Collection of ancient coins
Collection of modern coins and medals
Weapons collection
Collection of sculptures and crafts with the Collection of Ancient Musical Instruments
Picture Gallery
The Museum 1938-1945
Count Philipp Ludwig Wenzel Sinzendorf according to Rigaud. Clarisse 1948 by Baroness de Rothschildt "dedicated" to the memory of Baron Alphonse de Rothschildt; restituted to the Rothschilds in 1999, and in 1999 donated by Bettina Looram Rothschild, the last Austrian heiress.
With the "Anschluss" of Austria to the German Reich all Jewish art collections such as the Rothschilds were forcibly "Aryanised". Collections were either "paid" or simply distributed by the Gestapo at the museums. This resulted in a significant increase in stocks. But the KHM was not the only museum that benefited from the linearization. Systematically looted Jewish property was sold to museums, collections or in pawnshops throughout the empire.
After the war, the museum struggled to reimburse the "Aryanised" art to the owners or their heirs. They forced the Rothschild family to leave the most important part of their own collection to the museum and called this "dedications", or "donations". As a reason, was the export law stated, which does not allow owners to perform certain works of art out of the country. Similar methods were used with other former owners. Only on the basis of international diplomatic and media pressure, to a large extent from the United States, the Austrian government decided to make a change in the law (Art Restitution Act of 1998, the so-called Lex Rothschild). The art objects were the Rothschild family refunded only in the 1990s.
The Kunsthistorisches Museum operates on the basis of the federal law on the restitution of art objects from the 4th December 1998 (Federal Law Gazette I, 181 /1998) extensive provenance research. Even before this decree was carried out in-house provenance research at the initiative of the then archive director Herbert Haupt. This was submitted in 1998 by him in collaboration with Lydia Grobl a comprehensive presentation of the facts about the changes in the inventory levels of the Kunsthistorisches Museum during the Nazi era and in the years leading up to the State Treaty of 1955, an important basis for further research provenance.
The two historians Susanne Hehenberger and Monika Löscher are since 1st April 2009 as provenance researchers at the Kunsthistorisches Museum on behalf of the Commission for Provenance Research operating and they deal with the investigation period from 1933 to the recent past.
The museum today
Today the museum is as a federal museum, with 1st January 1999 released to the full legal capacity - it was thus the first of the state museums of Austria, implementing the far-reaching self-financing. It is by far the most visited museum in Austria with 1.3 million visitors (2007).
The Kunsthistorisches Museum is under the name Kunsthistorisches Museum and Museum of Ethnology and the Austrian Theatre Museum with company number 182081t since 11 June 1999 as a research institution under public law of the Federal virtue of the Federal Museums Act, Federal Law Gazette I/115/1998 and the Museum of Procedure of the Kunsthistorisches Museum and Museum of Ethnology and the Austrian Theatre Museum, 3 January 2001, BGBl II 2/ 2001, in force since 1 January 2001, registered.
In fiscal 2008, the turnover was 37.185 million EUR and total assets amounted to EUR 22.204 million. In 2008 an average of 410 workers were employed.
Management
1919-1923: Gustav Glück as the first chairman of the College of science officials
1924-1933: Hermann Julius Hermann 1924-1925 as the first chairman of the College of the scientific officers in 1925 as first director
1933: Arpad Weixlgärtner first director
1934-1938: Alfred Stix first director
1938-1945: Fritz Dworschak 1938 as acting head, from 1938 as a chief in 1941 as first director
1945-1949: August von Loehr 1945-1948 as executive director of the State Art Collections in 1949 as general director of the historical collections of the Federation
1945-1949: Alfred Stix 1945-1948 as executive director of the State Art Collections in 1949 as general director of art historical collections of the Federation
1949-1950: Hans Demel as administrative director
1950: Karl Wisoko-Meytsky as general director of art and historical collections of the Federation
1951-1952: Fritz Eichler as administrative director
1953-1954: Ernst H. Buschbeck as administrative director
1955-1966: Vincent Oberhammer 1955-1959 as administrative director, from 1959 as first director
1967: Edward Holzmair as managing director
1968-1972: Erwin Auer first director
1973-1981: Friderike Klauner first director
1982-1990: Hermann Fillitz first director
1990: George Kugler as interim first director
1990-2008: Wilfried Seipel as general director
Since 2009: Sabine Haag as general director
Collections
To the Kunsthistorisches Museum are also belonging the collections of the New Castle, the Austrian Theatre Museum in Palais Lobkowitz, the Museum of Ethnology and the Wagenburg (wagon fortress) in an outbuilding of Schönbrunn Palace. A branch office is also Ambras in Innsbruck.
Kunsthistorisches Museum (main building)
Picture Gallery
Egyptian and Near Eastern Collection
Collection of Classical Antiquities
Vienna Chamber of Art
Numismatic Collection
Library
New Castle
Ephesus Museum
Collection of Ancient Musical Instruments
Arms and Armour
Archive
Hofburg
The imperial crown in the Treasury
Imperial Treasury of Vienna
Insignia of the Austrian Hereditary Homage
Insignia of imperial Austria
Insignia of the Holy Roman Empire
Burgundian Inheritance and the Order of the Golden Fleece
Habsburg-Lorraine Household Treasure
Ecclesiastical Treasury
Schönbrunn Palace
Imperial Carriage Museum Vienna
Armory in Ambras Castle
Ambras Castle
Collections of Ambras Castle
Major exhibits
Among the most important exhibits of the Art Gallery rank inter alia:
Jan van Eyck: Cardinal Niccolò Albergati, 1438
Martin Schongauer: Holy Family, 1475-80
Albrecht Dürer : Trinity Altar, 1509-16
Portrait Johann Kleeberger, 1526
Parmigianino: Self Portrait in Convex Mirror, 1523/24
Giuseppe Arcimboldo: Summer 1563
Michelangelo Merisi da Caravaggio: Madonna of the Rosary 1606/ 07
Caravaggio: Madonna of the Rosary (1606-1607)
Titian: Nymph and Shepherd to 1570-75
Portrait of Jacopo de Strada, 1567/68
Raffaello Santi: Madonna of the Meadow, 1505 /06
Lorenzo Lotto: Portrait of a young man against white curtain, 1508
Peter Paul Rubens: The altar of St. Ildefonso, 1630-32
The Little Fur, about 1638
Jan Vermeer: The Art of Painting, 1665/66
Pieter Bruegel the Elder: Fight between Carnival and Lent, 1559
Kids, 1560
Tower of Babel, 1563
Christ Carrying the Cross, 1564
Gloomy Day (Early Spring), 1565
Return of the Herd (Autumn), 1565
Hunters in the Snow (Winter) 1565
Bauer and bird thief, 1568
Peasant Wedding, 1568/69
Peasant Dance, 1568/69
Paul's conversion (Conversion of St Paul), 1567
Cabinet of Curiosities:
Saliera from Benvenuto Cellini 1539-1543
Egyptian-Oriental Collection:
Mastaba of Ka Ni Nisut
Collection of Classical Antiquities:
Gemma Augustea
Treasure of Nagyszentmiklós
Gallery: Major exhibits
The last active 'Britannia' 70013 'Oliver Cromwell' positively sparkles in the sun outside Carnforth MPD, its last allocation before entering preservation. Notice the modified smoke deflectors which have had the handrails removed after the Milton accident of November 1955, where they were deemed to be a partial cause. The nameplates have also been removed for safe keeping and a professional signwriting job has replaced them. This opens up a debate as to whether the theft of nameplates means the locomotive is no longer named - some people think so but I disagree. Comments anyone?
Maker: A.A.E. Disderi (1819-1889)
Born: France
Active: France
Medium: albumen print
Size: 2.25" x 4"
Location: France
Object No. 2014.033
Shelf: E-16-NAPO
Publication: Walter Guadagnini, Photography, The Origins, 1839-1890, Skira Editore, Milan, 2010, fig pg 152 (variant)
Helmut and Alison Gernsheim, The History of Photography 1685-1914, McGraw-Hill, New York, 1969, fig 179
Other Collections: NPG
Notes: NAPOLEON III (Louis Napoleon Bonaparte, 1808-1873, Emperor of the French, Nephew of Napoleon I) with his wife EUGÉNIE (née Montijo, 1826-1920) & their son LOUIS (Eugene Jean Joseph, 1856-1879, Prince Imperial. First as president and then as emperor of France, Napoleon took full advantage of his prestige as nephew of Napoleon I. Napoleon III gave France two decades of prosperity under an authoritarian regime.
Disderi devised the carte d'visite format in 1854 but it didn't take off until 1859, partly due to the popularity of this series of photos of Emperor Napoleon III as a carte d-visite
To view our archive organized by Collections, visit: OUR COLLECTIONS
For information about reproducing this image, visit: THE HISTORY OF PHOTOGRAPHY ARCHIVE
Flaring, active regions of our sun are highlighted in this new image combining observations from several telescopes. High-energy X-rays from NASA's Nuclear Spectroscopic Telescope Array (NuSTAR) are shown in blue; low-energy X-rays from Japan's Hinode spacecraft are green; and extreme ultraviolet light from NASA's Solar Dynamics Observatory (SDO) is yellow and red.
All three telescopes captured their solar images around the same time on April 29, 2015. The NuSTAR image is a mosaic made from combining smaller images.
The active regions across the suns surface contain material heated to several millions of degrees. The blue-white areas showing the NuSTAR data pinpoint the most energetic spots. During the observations, microflares went off, which are smaller versions of the larger flares that also erupt from the sun's surface. The microflares rapidly release energy and heat the material in the active regions.
NuSTAR typically stares deeper into the cosmos to observe X-rays from supernovas, black holes and other extreme objects. But it can also look safely at the sun and capture images of its high-energy X-rays with more sensitivity than before. Scientists plan to continue to study the sun with NuSTAR to learn more about microflares, as well as hypothesized nanoflares, which are even smaller.
In this image, the NuSTAR data shows X-rays with energies between 2 and 6 kiloelectron volts; the Hinode data, which is from the X-ray Telescope instrument, has energies of 0.2 to 2.4 kiloelectron volts; and the Solar Dynamics Observatory data, taken using the Atmospheric Imaging Assembly instrument, shows extreme ultraviolet light with wavelengths of 171 and 193 Angstroms.
Note the green Hinode image frame edge does not extend as far as the SDO ultraviolet image, resulting in the green portion of the image being truncated on the right and left sides.
July 8, 2015
Phase III : Fully Active 4 x way crossover
- Bass JBL 2205a - PR15, 220l enclosure . Active crossover 20-160hz /18db.
- Mid Bass Fish Horns - TAD TM 1201h 12" drivers - Active crossover 160hz/6db - 1200hz/12db.
Sicomin epoxy & mica pearlescent coating.
Central antiresonant phase plug DIY from a Perrier Plastic bottle filled by armed plaster coupound, Sicomin epoxy with anti-slip surf board powder & mica pearlescent coating.
- Mid High JBL 2450 j - Truextent beryllium diaphragms - Aart Biradial horns - Active crossover 1200hz/12db - 5000hz/12db.
- High BMS 4540nd & Arai A-10K horn massive billet oak - Active crossover 5000Hz/18db - 30 000Hz/Flat.
- Electronic crossover Pioneer D23 fully restored (all new caps : Silmic II, Muse, Black Gate & Mundorf).
- Mc Intosh MC 2255 caps & lamps fully restored for Bass.
- Mc Intosh MC 2255 caps & lamps fully restored for MidBass.
- Hiraga 15w le monstre regulated power supply for MidHigh & High left chanel.
- Hiraga 15w le monstre regulated power supply for MidHigh & High right chanel.
Modulation cables : AudioQuest Sky
Speaker cables :
Bass : 16AWG solid core silver teflon insulated.
MidBass : AQ WildWood.
MidHigh & High : DIY solid OCC solid core pure silver 18,20,22,24AWG cotton insulated, AQ configuration with 72v Dbs.
Many thanks to :
- Mr Dominique Petoin for his Audio Website & his help :
- Mr Ruichi Arai designer of High Frequencies Horns :
Glasnevin Cemetery, officially known as Prospect Cemetery, is the largest nondenominational cemetery in Ireland. It first opened in 1832 and is located in Glasnevin, Dublin.
Prior to the establishment of Glasnevin Cemetery, Irish Catholics had no cemeteries of their own in which to bury their dead and as the repressive Penal Laws of the eighteenth century placed heavy restrictions on the public performance of Catholic services, it had become normal practice for Catholics to conduct a limited version of their own funeral services in Protestant cemeteries. This situation continued until an incident at a funeral held at St. Kevin's Cemetery in 1825 , provoked public outcry when a Protestant sexton reprimanded a Catholic priest for proceeding to perform a limited version of a funeral mass.
The outcry prompted Daniel O'Connell, champion of Catholic rights, to launch a campaign and prepare a legal opinion proving that there was actually no law passed forbidding praying for a dead Catholic in a graveyard. O'Connell pushed for the opening of a burial ground in which both Irish Catholics and Protestants could give their dead dignified burial.
The cemetery is located in Glasnevin, Dublin, in two parts. The main part, with its trademark high walls and watchtowers, is located on one side of the road from Finglas to the city centre, while the other part, "St. Paul's," is located across the road and beyond a green space, between two railway lines.
Glasnevin Cemetery contains many historically interesting monuments as well as the graves of many of Ireland's most prominent national figures — Charles Stewart Parnell and Daniel O'Connell as well as Michael Collins, Éamon de Valera, Arthur Griffith, Maude Gonne, Kevin Barry, Sir Roger Casement, Constance Markiewicz, Brendan Behan, Seán MacBride, Jeremiah O'Donovan Rossa, Christy Brown, Frank Duff, Luke Kelly of the Dubliners. Boyzone singer Stephen Gately was cremated at Glasnevin Crematorium, which is located within the cemetary grounds, on October 17th, 2009.
The cemetery also offers a view of the changing style of death monuments in Ireland over the last 200 years: from the austere, simple, high stone erections of the period up until the 1860s, to the elaborate Celtic crosses of the nationalistic revival from the 1860s to 1960s, to the plain Italian marble of the late twentieth century. Glasnevin Cemetery has grown from its original nine to over 120 acres.
The high wall with watch-towers surrounding the main part of the cemetery was built to deter bodysnatchers, who were active in Dublin in the 18th and early 19th century. The watchmen also had a pack of blood-hounds who roamed the cemetery at night. Prime Minister, Robert Peel, when questioned in Parliament on the activities of the body-snatchers, admitted that it was, indeed, a "grave matter".
Glasnevin is one of the few cemeteries that allowed stillborn babies to be buried in consecrated ground and contains an area called the Angels Plot.
Douglas Wornom photo
Ready to take another run along the short demonstration line, former D&RGW C-18 346 does some work for visiting enthusiasts at CRRM. Note the small little photo line forming on the right side of the photo.
Golden, CO
August 30, 1963
Train of the Day
11/26/24
The smaller of Meridian's active subwoofers, the SW1600 features a 300mm long-throw custom driver for superb power handling, with the amplifier and power supply to match. With both analogue and digital inputs it is ideal for systems of either type.
The SW1600 features a sealed cabinet, for maximum flexibility in positioning, whether free-standing or as part of a built-in installation. It is ideal as a mono subwoofer for a Meridian Digital Theatre system, in particular to give exciting cinema effects and added realism to movies. The SW1600 is optimised for both music and movie soundtrack applications and integrates seamlessly into a system.
The recommended configuration for music is to use two subwoofers, one for each of the main left and right channels, for a superb stereo image. In a large system, multiple subwoofers can be employed to provide even more impressive effects.
The search for Malaysia's Hottest Hunks for year 2008/2009. Fashion Show by Camel Active, performances by the hunks, shirtless catwalks and more. Organised by NewIcon For Him & Newtide.
The Toraja are an ethnic group indigenous to a mountainous region of South Sulawesi, Indonesia. Their population is approximately 1,100,000, of whom 450,000 live in the regency of Tana Toraja ("Land of Toraja"). Most of the population is Christian, and others are Muslim or have local animist beliefs known as aluk ("the way"). The Indonesian government has recognized this animist belief as Aluk To Dolo ("Way of the Ancestors").
The word toraja comes from the Bugis Buginese language term to riaja, meaning "people of the uplands". The Dutch colonial government named the people Toraja in 1909. Torajans are renowned for their elaborate funeral rites, burial sites carved into rocky cliffs, massive peaked-roof traditional houses known as tongkonan, and colorful wood carvings. Toraja funeral rites are important social events, usually attended by hundreds of people and lasting for several days.
Before the 20th century, Torajans lived in autonomous villages, where they practised animism and were relatively untouched by the outside world. In the early 1900s, Dutch missionaries first worked to convert Torajan highlanders to Christianity. When the Tana Toraja regency was further opened to the outside world in the 1970s, it became an icon of tourism in Indonesia: it was exploited by tourism developers and studied by anthropologists. By the 1990s, when tourism peaked, Toraja society had changed significantly, from an agrarian model - in which social life and customs were outgrowths of the Aluk To Dolo - to a largely Christian society. Today, tourism and remittances from migrant Torajans have made for major changes in the Toraja highland, giving the Toraja a celebrity status within Indonesia and enhancing Toraja ethnic group pride.
ETHNIC IDENTITY
The Torajan people had little notion of themselves as a distinct ethnic group before the 20th century. Before Dutch colonization and Christianization, Torajans, who lived in highland areas, identified with their villages and did not share a broad sense of identity. Although complexes of rituals created linkages between highland villages, there were variations in dialects, differences in social hierarchies, and an array of ritual practices in the Sulawesi highland region. "Toraja" (from the coastal languages' to, meaning people; and riaja, uplands) was first used as a lowlander expression for highlanders. As a result, "Toraja" initially had more currency with outsiders - such as the Bugis and Makassarese, who constitute a majority of the lowland of Sulawesi - than with insiders. The Dutch missionaries' presence in the highlands gave rise to the Toraja ethnic consciousness in the Sa'dan Toraja region, and this shared identity grew with the rise of tourism in the Tana Toraja Regency. Since then, South Sulawesi has four main ethnic groups - the Bugis (the majority, including shipbuilders and seafarers), the Makassarese (lowland traders and seafarers), the Mandarese (traders and fishermen), and the Toraja (highland rice cultivators).
HISTORY
From the 17th century, the Dutch established trade and political control on Sulawesi through the Dutch East Indies Company. Over two centuries, they ignored the mountainous area in the central Sulawesi, where Torajans lived, because access was difficult and it had little productive agricultural land. In the late 19th century, the Dutch became increasingly concerned about the spread of Islam in the south of Sulawesi, especially among the Makassarese and Bugis peoples. The Dutch saw the animist highlanders as potential Christians. In the 1920s, the Reformed Missionary Alliance of the Dutch Reformed Church began missionary work aided by the Dutch colonial government. In addition to introducing Christianity, the Dutch abolished slavery and imposed local taxes. A line was drawn around the Sa'dan area and called Tana Toraja ("the land of Toraja"). Tana Toraja was first a subdivision of the Luwu kingdom that had claimed the area. In 1946, the Dutch granted Tana Toraja a regentschap, and it was recognized in 1957 as one of the regencies of Indonesia.
Early Dutch missionaries faced strong opposition among Torajans, especially among the elite, because the abolition of their profitable slave trade had angered them. Some Torajans were forcibly relocated to the lowlands by the Dutch, where they could be more easily controlled. Taxes were kept high, undermining the wealth of the elites. Ultimately, the Dutch influence did not subdue Torajan culture, and only a few Torajans were converted. In 1950, only 10% of the population had converted to Christianity.
In the 1930s, Muslim lowlanders attacked the Torajans, resulting in widespread Christian conversion among those who sought to align themselves with the Dutch for political protection and to form a movement against the Bugis and Makassarese Muslims. Between 1951 and 1965 (following Indonesian independence), southern Sulawesi faced a turbulent period as the Darul Islam separatist movement fought for an Islamic state in Sulawesi. The 15 years of guerrilla warfare led to massive conversions to
CHRISTIANITY
Alignment with the Indonesian government, however, did not guarantee safety for the Torajans. In 1965, a presidential decree required every Indonesian citizen to belong to one of five officially recognized religions: Islam, Christianity (Protestantism and Catholicism), Hinduism, or Buddhism. The Torajan religious belief (aluk) was not legally recognized, and the Torajans raised their voices against the law. To make aluk accord with the law, it had to be accepted as part of one of the official religions. In 1969, Aluk To Dolo ("the way of ancestors") was legalized as a sect of Agama Hindu Dharma, the official name of Hinduism in Indonesia.
SOCIETY
There are three main types of affiliation in Toraja society: family, class and religion.
FAMILY AFFILIATION
Family is the primary social and political grouping in Torajan society. Each village is one extended family, the seat of which is the tongkonan, a traditional Torajan house. Each tongkonan has a name, which becomes the name of the village. The familial dons maintain village unity. Marriage between distant cousins (fourth cousins and beyond) is a common practice that strengthens kinship. Toraja society prohibits marriage between close cousins (up to and including the third cousin) - except for nobles, to prevent the dispersal of property. Kinship is actively reciprocal, meaning that the extended family helps each other farm, share buffalo rituals, and pay off debts.
Each person belongs to both the mother's and the father's families, the only bilateral family line in Indonesia. Children, therefore, inherit household affiliation from both mother and father, including land and even family debts. Children's names are given on the basis of kinship, and are usually chosen after dead relatives. Names of aunts, uncles and cousins are commonly referred to in the names of mothers, fathers and siblings.
Before the start of the formal administration of Toraja villages by the Tana Toraja Regency, each Toraja village was autonomous. In a more complex situation, in which one Toraja family could not handle their problems alone, several villages formed a group; sometimes, villages would unite against other villages. Relationship between families was expressed through blood, marriage, and shared ancestral houses (tongkonan), practically signed by the exchange of water buffalo and pigs on ritual occasions. Such exchanges not only built political and cultural ties between families but defined each person's place in a social hierarchy: who poured palm wine, who wrapped a corpse and prepared offerings, where each person could or could not sit, what dishes should be used or avoided, and even what piece of meat constituted one's share.
CLASS AFFILIATION
In early Toraja society, family relationships were tied closely to social class. There were three strata: nobles, commoners, and slaves (slavery was abolished in 1909 by the Dutch East Indies government). Class was inherited through the mother. It was taboo, therefore, to marry "down" with a woman of lower class. On the other hand, marrying a woman of higher class could improve the status of the next generation. The nobility's condescending attitude toward the commoners is still maintained today for reasons of family prestige.
Nobles, who were believed to be direct descendants of the descended person from heaven, lived in tongkonans, while commoners lived in less lavish houses (bamboo shacks called banua). Slaves lived in small huts, which had to be built around their owner's tongkonan. Commoners might marry anyone, but nobles preferred to marry in-family to maintain their status. Sometimes nobles married Bugis or Makassarese nobles. Commoners and slaves were prohibited from having death feasts. Despite close kinship and status inheritance, there was some social mobility, as marriage or change in wealth could affect an individuals status. Wealth was counted by the ownership of water buffaloes.
Slaves in Toraja society were family property. Sometimes Torajans decided to become slaves when they incurred a debt, pledging to work as payment. Slaves could be taken during wars, and slave trading was common. Slaves could buy their freedom, but their children still inherited slave status. Slaves were prohibited from wearing bronze or gold, carving their houses, eating from the same dishes as their owners, or having sex with free women - a crime punishable by death.
RELIGIOUS AFFILIATION
Toraja's indigenous belief system is polytheistic animism, called aluk, or "the way" (sometimes translated as "the law"). In the Toraja myth, the ancestors of Torajan people came down from heaven using stairs, which were then used by the Torajans as a communication medium with Puang Matua, the Creator. The cosmos, according to aluk, is divided into the upper world (heaven), the world of man (earth), and the underworld. At first, heaven and earth were married, then there was a darkness, a separation, and finally the light. Animals live in the underworld, which is represented by rectangular space enclosed by pillars, the earth is for mankind, and the heaven world is located above, covered with a saddle-shaped roof. Other Toraja gods include Pong Banggai di Rante (god of Earth), Indo' Ongon-Ongon (a goddess who can cause earthquakes), Pong Lalondong (god of death), and Indo' Belo Tumbang (goddess of medicine); there are many more.
The earthly authority, whose words and actions should be cleaved to both in life (agriculture) and death (funerals), is called to minaa (an aluk priest). Aluk is not just a belief system; it is a combination of law, religion, and habit. Aluk governs social life, agricultural practices, and ancestral rituals. The details of aluk may vary from one village to another. One common law is the requirement that death and life rituals be separated. Torajans believe that performing death rituals might ruin their corpses if combined with life rituals. The two rituals are equally important. During the time of the Dutch missionaries, Christian Torajans were prohibited from attending or performing life rituals, but were allowed to perform death rituals. Consequently, Toraja's death rituals are still practised today, while life rituals have diminished.
CULTURE
TONGKONAN
Tongkonan are the traditional Torajan ancestral houses. They stand high on wooden piles, topped with a layered split-bamboo roof shaped in a sweeping curved arc, and they are incised with red, black, and yellow detailed wood carvings on the exterior walls. The word "tongkonan" comes from the Torajan tongkon ("to sit").
Tongkonan are the center of Torajan social life. The rituals associated with the tongkonan are important expressions of Torajan spiritual life, and therefore all family members are impelled to participate, because symbolically the tongkonan represents links to their ancestors and to living and future kin. According to Torajan myth, the first tongkonan was built in heaven on four poles, with a roof made of Indian cloth. When the first Torajan ancestor descended to earth, he imitated the house and held a large ceremony.
The construction of a tongkonan is laborious work and is usually done with the help of the extended family. There are three types of tongkonan. The tongkonan layuk is the house of the highest authority, used as the "center of government". The tongkonan pekamberan belongs to the family members who have some authority in local traditions. Ordinary family members reside in the tongkonan batu. The exclusivity to the nobility of the tongkonan is diminishing as many Torajan commoners find lucrative employment in other parts of Indonesia. As they send back money to their families, they enable the construction of larger tongkonan.
WOOD CARVINGS
To express social and religious concepts, Torajans carve wood, calling it Pa'ssura (or "the writing"). Wood carvings are therefore Toraja's cultural manifestation.
Each carving receives a special name, and common motifs are animals and plants that symbolize some virtue. For example, water plants and animals, such as crabs, tadpoles and water weeds, are commonly found to symbolize fertility. In some areas noble elders claim these symbols refer to strength of noble family, but not everyone agrees. The overall meaning of groups of carved motifs on houses remains debated and tourism has further complicated these debates because some feel a uniform explanation must be presented to tourists. The image to the left shows an example of Torajan wood carving, consisting of 15 square panels. The center bottom panel represents buffalo or wealth, a wish for many buffaloes for the family. The center panel represents a knot and a box, a hope that all of the family's offspring will be happy and live in harmony, like goods kept safe in a box. The top left and top right squares represent an aquatic animal, indicating the need for fast and hard work, just like moving on the surface of water. It also represents the need for a certain skill to produce good results.
Regularity and order are common features in Toraja wood carving (see table below), as well as abstracts and geometrical designs. Nature is frequently used as the basis of Toraja's ornaments, because nature is full of abstractions and geometries with regularities and ordering. Toraja's ornaments have been studied in ethnomathematics to reveal their mathematical structure, but Torajans base this art only on approximations. To create an ornament, bamboo sticks are used as a geometrical tool.
FUNERAL RITES
In Toraja society, the funeral ritual is the most elaborate and expensive event. The richer and more powerful the individual, the more expensive is the funeral. In the aluk religion, only nobles have the right to have an extensive death feast. The death feast of a nobleman is usually attended by thousands and lasts for several days. A ceremonial site, called rante, is usually prepared in a large, grassy field where shelters for audiences, rice barns, and other ceremonial funeral structures are specially made by the deceased family. Flute music, funeral chants, songs and poems, and crying and wailing are traditional Toraja expressions of grief with the exceptions of funerals for young children, and poor, low-status adults.
The ceremony is often held weeks, months, or years after the death so that the deceased's family can raise the significant funds needed to cover funeral expenses. Torajans traditionally believe that death is not a sudden, abrupt event, but a gradual process toward Puya (the land of souls, or afterlife). During the waiting period, the body of the deceased is wrapped in several layers of cloth and kept under the tongkonan. The soul of the deceased is thought to linger around the village until the funeral ceremony is completed, after which it begins its journey to Puya.
Another component of the ritual is the slaughter of water buffalo. The more powerful the person who died, the more buffalo are slaughtered at the death feast. Buffalo carcasses, including their heads, are usually lined up on a field waiting for their owner, who is in the "sleeping stage". Torajans believe that the deceased will need the buffalo to make the journey and that they will be quicker to arrive at Puya if they have many buffalo. Slaughtering tens of water buffalo and hundreds of pigs using a machete is the climax of the elaborate death feast, with dancing and music and young boys who catch spurting blood in long bamboo tubes. Some of the slaughtered animals are given by guests as "gifts", which are carefully noted because they will be considered debts of the deceased's family. However, a cockfight, known as bulangan londong, is an integral part of the ceremony. As with the sacrifice of the buffalo and the pigs, the cockfight is considered sacred because it involves the spilling of blood on the earth. In particular, the tradition requires the sacrifice of at least three chickens. However, it is common for at least 25 pairs of chickens to be set against each other in the context of the ceremony.
There are three methods of burial: the coffin may be laid in a cave or in a carved stone grave, or hung on a cliff. It contains any possessions that the deceased will need in the afterlife. The wealthy are often buried in a stone grave carved out of a rocky cliff. The grave is usually expensive and takes a few months to complete. In some areas, a stone cave may be found that is large enough to accommodate a whole family. A wood-carved effigy, called Tau tau, is usually placed in the cave looking out over the land. The coffin of a baby or child may be hung from ropes on a cliff face or from a tree. This hanging grave usually lasts for years, until the ropes rot and the coffin falls to the ground.
In the ritual called Ma'Nene, that takes place each year in August, the bodies of the deceased are exhumed to be washed, groomed and dressed in new clothes. The mummies are then walked around the village.
DANCE AND MUSIC
Torajans perform dances on several occasions, most often during their elaborate funeral ceremonies. They dance to express their grief, and to honour and even cheer the deceased person because he is going to have a long journey in the afterlife. First, a group of men form a circle and sing a monotonous chant throughout the night to honour the deceased (a ritual called Ma'badong). This is considered by many Torajans to be the most important component of the funeral ceremony. On the second funeral day, the Ma'randing warrior dance is performed to praise the courage of the deceased during life. Several men perform the dance with a sword, a large shield made from buffalo skin, a helmet with a buffalo horn, and other ornamentation. The Ma'randing dance precedes a procession in which the deceased is carried from a rice barn to the rante, the site of the funeral ceremony. During the funeral, elder women perform the Ma'katia dance while singing a poetic song and wearing a long feathered costume. The Ma'akatia dance is performed to remind the audience of the generosity and loyalty of the deceased person. After the bloody ceremony of buffalo and pig slaughter, a group of boys and girls clap their hands while performing a cheerful dance called Ma'dondan.
As in other agricultural societies, Torajans dance and sing during harvest time. The Ma'bugi dance celebrates the thanksgiving event, and the Ma'gandangi dance is performed while Torajans are pounding rice. There are several war dances, such as the Manimbong dance performed by men, followed by the Ma'dandan dance performed by women. The aluk religion governs when and how Torajans dance. A dance called Ma'bua can be performed only once every 12 years. Ma'bua is a major Toraja ceremony in which priests wear a buffalo head and dance around a sacred tree.
A traditional musical instrument of the Toraja is a bamboo flute called a Pa'suling (suling is an Indonesian word for flute). This six-holed flute (not unique to the Toraja) is played at many dances, such as the thanksgiving dance Ma'bondensan, where the flute accompanies a group of shirtless, dancing men with long fingernails. The Toraja have indigenous musical instruments, such as the Pa'pelle (made from palm leaves) and the Pa'karombi (the Torajan version of a jaw harp). The Pa'pelle is played during harvest time and at house inauguration ceremonies.
LANGUAGE
The ethnic Toraja language is dominant in Tana Toraja with the main language as the Sa'dan Toraja. Although the national Indonesian language is the official language and is spoken in the community, all elementary schools in Tana Toraja teach Toraja language.Language varieties of Toraja, including Kalumpang, Mamasa, Tae' , Talondo' , Toala' , and Toraja-Sa'dan, belong to the Malayo-Polynesian language from the Austronesian family. At the outset, the isolated geographical nature of Tana Toraja formed many dialects between the Toraja languages themselves. After the formal administration of Tana Toraja, some Toraja dialects have been influenced by other languages through the transmigration program, introduced since the colonialism period, and it has been a major factor in the linguistic variety of Toraja languages. A prominent attribute of Toraja language is the notion of grief. The importance of death ceremony in Toraja culture has characterized their languages to express intricate degrees of grief and mourning. The Toraja language contains many terms referring to sadness, longing, depression, and mental pain. Giving a clear expression of the psychological and physical effect of loss is a catharsis and sometimes lessens the pain of grief itself.
ECONOMY
Prior to Suharto's "New Order" administration, the Torajan economy was based on agriculture, with cultivated wet rice in terraced fields on mountain slopes, and supplemental cassava and maize crops. Much time and energy were devoted to raising water buffalo, pigs, and chickens, primarily for ceremonial sacrifices and consumption. Coffee was the first significant cash crop produced in Toraja, and was introduced in the mid 19th century, changing the local economy towards commodity production for external markets and gaining an excellent reputation for quality in the international market .
With the commencement of the New Order in 1965, Indonesia's economy developed and opened to foreign investment. In Toraja, a coffee plantation and factory was established by Key Coffee of Japan, and Torajan coffee regained a reputation for quality within the growing international specialty coffee sector Multinational oil and mining companies opened new operations in Indonesia during the 1970s and 1980s. Torajans, particularly younger ones, relocated to work for the foreign companies - to Kalimantan for timber and oil, to Papua for mining, to the cities of Sulawesi and Java, and many went to Malaysia. The out-migration of Torajans was steady until 1985. and has continued since, with remittances sent back by emigre Torajans performing an important role within the contemporary economy.
Tourism commenced in Toraja in the 1970s, and accelerated in the 1980s and 1990s. Between 1984 and 1997, a significant number of Torajans obtained their incomes from tourism, working in and owning hotels, as tour guides, drivers, or selling souvenirs. With the rise of political and economic instability in Indonesia in the late 1990s - including religious conflicts elsewhere on Sulawesi - tourism in Tana Toraja has declined dramatically. Toraja continues to be a well known origin for Indonesian coffee, grown by both smallholders and plantation estates, although migration, remittances and off-farm income is considered far more important to most households, even those in rural areas.
TOURISM AND CULTURAL CHANGE
Before the 1970s, Toraja was almost unknown to Western tourism. In 1971, about 50 Europeans visited Tana Toraja. In 1972, at least 400 visitors attended the funeral ritual of Puang of Sangalla, the highest-ranking nobleman in Tana Toraja and the so-called "last pure-blooded Toraja noble." The event was documented by National Geographic and broadcast in several European countries. In 1976, about 12,000 tourists visited the regency and in 1981, Torajan sculpture was exhibited in major North American museums. "The land of the heavenly kings of Tana Toraja", as written in the exhibition brochure, embraced the outside world.
In 1984, the Indonesian Ministry of Tourism declared Tana Toraja Regency the prima donna of South Sulawesi. Tana Toraja was heralded as "the second stop after Bali". Tourism was increasing dramatically: by 1985, a total number of 150,000 foreigners had visited the Regency (in addition to 80,000 domestic tourists), and the annual number of foreign visitors was recorded at 40,000 in 1989. Souvenir stands appeared in Rantepao, the cultural center of Toraja, roads were sealed at the most-visited tourist sites, new hotels and tourist-oriented restaurants were opened, and an airstrip was opened in the Regency in 1981.
Tourism developers have marketed Tana Toraja as an exotic adventure - an area rich in culture and off the beaten track. Western tourists expected to see stone-age villages and pagan funerals. Toraja is for tourists who have gone as far as Bali and are willing to see more of the wild, "untouched" islands. However, they were more likely to see a Torajan wearing a hat and denim, living in a Christian society. Tourists felt that the tongkonan and other Torajan rituals had been preconceived to make profits, and complained that the destination was too commercialized. This has resulted in several clashes between Torajans and tourism developers, whom Torajans see as outsiders.
A clash between local Torajan leaders and the South Sulawesi provincial government (as a tourist developer) broke out in 1985. The government designated 18 Toraja villages and burial sites as traditional tourist attractions. Consequently, zoning restrictions were applied to these areas, such that Torajans themselves were barred from changing their tongkonans and burial sites. The plan was opposed by some Torajan leaders, as they felt that their rituals and traditions were being determined by outsiders. As a result, in 1987, the Torajan village of Kété Kesú and several other designated tourist attractions closed their doors to tourists. This closure lasted only a few days, as the villagers found it too difficult to survive without the income from selling souvenirs.
Tourism has also transformed Toraja society. Originally, there was a ritual which allowed commoners to marry nobles (puang) and thereby gain nobility for their children. However, the image of Torajan society created for the tourists, often by "lower-ranking" guides, has eroded its traditional strict hierarchy. High status is not as esteemed in Tana Toraja as it once was. Many low-ranking men can declare themselves and their children nobles by gaining enough wealth through work outside the region and then marrying a noble woman.
WIKIPEDIA
Pride.be - Pride 2018 - Your Local Power
Feeling free and at home in your neighborhood, town or city. Be and show yourself in the streets. Holding hands with the person you love and smiling at each other in public. Our personal lives occur in the public space. Considering the approaching communal elections, everyone (youngsters, seniors, families, couples and all people - no matter what gender or orientation) asks the local politicians: How do you make a difference? What do you do to improve diversity in our everyday life? Where the rain makes way for the sun, we will walk proudly under the rainbow!
We will all be heading to the voting booths for the local elections on 14th of October. Deciding which circle to colour in is an important decision. A conscious decision can lead to a better living environment in your city or municipality.
And we're not just talking about the redesign of the local park, the policies in the municipal school, or the proper functioning of the local Public Centre for Social Welfare. Your local municipal or city administration can also make a real difference and turn the place where you live into a true rainbow bubble, if that's what you'd like, of course.
So it's no wonder that this year's Pride is focusing on the local elections. Belgian Pride is putting the municipalities and cities in the limelight in 2018, or better yet, at the end of the rainbow! We want the slogan 'Your Local Power!' to encourage municipal and city administrations to enact explicit, integrated local LGBTI+ policies.
Municipalities and cities can and must make the difference. They must accept responsibility for the well-being of all their residents. Flying the rainbow flag at the local government offices during the Pride period is a symbol of this. This is also a way that the municipality or city can show their solidarity with the LGBTI+ community. This symbolic gesture is not an infringement on neutrality. On the contrary, we can only actively work on ending all forms of discrimination once there is recognition for diversity and inclusion.
Policy-makers can make the lives of many citizens that much rosier by taking both small and large actions: by introducing a diversity charter in sports clubs, by making information on gender and sexuality available at the local libraries, by providing logistical and financial support to local associations, testimonials, and courses in the municipal education system, by holding a queer film festival in the local movie theatre or cultural centre, by holding LGBTI+ actions in community centres and youth centres, by providing information on what to do if you are the victim or witness of discrimination, by offering space for intimacy and (LGBTI+) sexuality in assisted-living centres, by training local police precincts and municipal officials, by including Equal Opportunity as an explicit competence within the city administration, etc.
The list of things that cities and municipalities can do is endless. Plus, many of these actions are very easy to implement. Sometimes, your local administration only needs a little boost, and you can give them that boost in the voting booth on 14th of October. A good local administration meets the needs and requirements of all residents. What does the LGBTI+ community in your city or municipality need?
You can already send the politicians a signal that is loud and clear on Saturday, the 19th of May. Make your wishes heard during the Belgian Pride.
We hope to see you there! Everyone is welcome!
( Chaque annee la Pride attire des dizaines de milliers de visiteurs vers la capitale et colore Bruxelles aux couleurs de l'arc-en-ciel. Il y a aussi le PrideVillage et le PridePodium autour de la Bourse.
Pride.be n'est pas seulement la plus grande fete de Bruxelles, mais c'est aussi un evenement avec un message politique. Avec cette manifestation, nous essayons d'obtenir plus d'egalite de droits pour tout le monde et surtout pour la communaute lesbigaytrans. )
Active dry yeast is the form of yeast most commonly availablein the United States. Under most conditions, active dry yeast must first be proofed or rehydrated. It can be stored at room temperature for a year, or frozen for more than a decade, which means that it has better keeping qualities than other forms, but it is generally considered more sensitive than other forms to thermal shock when actually used in recipes.
More than 100 women — active-duty service members, military spouses and female military dependents age 16 and older — were pampered at the 2nd annual Project Cinderella on April 21.
Sponsored by Fort Meade’s USO-Metro, the free event featured makeup and hair demonstrations and a boutique to select a free formal gown, shoes and a handbag.
The six-hour event also included workshops on dressing for every body type, beauty on a budget, military protocol and etiquette, and bra fittings. Free massages also were available. A free gift giveaway offered nail polish, lipstick, bracelets, earrings and clutch Coach purses.
A Princess Tea Party was held for girls ages 4 to 9.
This chap had, by all accounts, Down's Syndrome. He was at the beach with some friends.
Many handicapped citizens enjoy the bike culture, too.
Acolchado relleno de Flex air que proporciona la sensación de micromasaje disminuyendo la rotación natural al dormir.
Su tela con tratamiento body energy permite liberar la energÃa acumulada durante el dÃa para lograr un sueño profundo y placentero.
Pocket Spring: Sistema de resortes encapsulados que evitan el efecto reflejo.
Non Flip: Diseño que evita la rotacion del colchón.
Hans and Sophie Scholl and the 'White Rose'
Brother and Sister Scholl
"Freedom!" With this call walked Hans Scholl on Monday, 22 February 1943 around 17 o'clock in the execution penitentiary Munich-Stadelheim to the scaffold, to follow his sister Sophie into death.
A few hours earlier had Roland Freisler, president of the People's Court, Hans and Sophie Scholl as well as Christoph Propst in a summary trial for conspiracy to commit high treason sentenced to death. They had belonged to the resistance group "White Rose", whose members Alexander Schmorell, Kurt Huber and Willi Graf in another trial on April 19 also have been convicted and executed months later.
The White Rose
The history of the "White Rose" began in 1942 in Munich. There, the then 22-year-old medical student from Ulm Hans Scholl and the one year older, Alexander Schmorell, in the fall of 1940 had know each other. In his parental apartment they discussed with their peers, including Schmorells school friend Christoph Probst, theology, philosophy, ethics and literature.
In the decision, to oppose the Nazi state active resistance, anonymous leaflets might have served as a model, which the Scholl family had found in Ulm in their mailbox. They contained the sermons of the Bishop of Münster, Clemens August Graf von Galen, wherein this one informed about the extermination of the mentally ill and called to hold out against the brown terror.
The unknown propagator of those leaflets was the Ulm school student Heinz Brenner. He was a classmate of Hans Hirzel and Franz Müller, which later should help to spread the leaflets of the White Rose and for this have been sent in the second White Rose process of Freisler into jail. Brenner from October 1941 on sent his reproductions specifically.
Message of mass murder
"Leaflets of the White Rose", in such a way the first four appeals were titled that Scholl and Schmorell wrote in the months of May and June 1942 and spread. The first one begins with the words: "Nothing is a civilized society more unworthy as to be 'governed' without resistance by an irresponsible and devoted to dark instincts government clique. It culminates in the call to put up passive resistance.
The second leaflet reported the murder of 300,000 Polish Jews: "Here we see the most frightful crime against human dignity, a crime that is unparalleled in the whole history of mankind". The third pamphlet called strongly for sabotage, the fourth ends with the words "We do not remain silent, we are your bad conscience, the White Rose is haunting you!"
Late July to early November 1942 Schmorell and Scholl were sent to the Eastern Front. There they intensified their contact with the 24-year-old Saarbrückener Willi Graf. The latter one participated after returning in their actions, just as Sophie Scholl, who had moved in May 1942 to Munich to study, as well as the 49-year-old musicologist Prof. Dr. Kurt Huber.
The tone of the fifth leaflet, formulated by Hans Scholl and improved of Huber was much sharper. In the title stood in place of the "White Rose" programmatically "resistance movement in Germany". In fact, the "White Rose" sought contacts with other resistance groups.
The sixth and final pamphlet took the defeat at Stalingrad as an opportunity to call for the fight against the Nazi Party. This leaflet Hans and Sophie Scholl on 18 February 1943 before the lecture halls of the University of Munich put out. When Sophie threw down the rest from the second floor in the entrance hall, the two were discovered, denounced and arrested. The Gestapo also tracked down the other members of the "White Rose". The narrower circle was executed. The Ulmer students Hans and Susanne Hirzel, Franz Müller and Heinrich Guter as well as other friends who had participated in the dissemination of leaflets or as confidants did not make denunciation, were sentenced to prison terms.
Die Geschwister Scholl und die 'Weiße Rose'
Die Geschwister Scholl
„Freiheit!“ Mit diesem Ruf schritt Hans Scholl am Montag, dem 22.02.1943 gegen 17 Uhr im Vollstreckungsgefängnis München-Stadelheim zum Schafott, um seiner Schwester Sophie in den Tod zu folgen.
Wenige Stunden zuvor hatte Roland Freisler, Präsident des Volksgerichtshofes, Hans und Sophie Scholl sowie Christoph Probst in einem Schnellverfahren wegen Vorbereitung zum Hochverrat zum Tode verurteilt. Sie hatten der Widerstandsgruppe „Weiße Rose“ angehört, deren Mitglieder Alexander Schmorell, Kurt Huber und Willi Graf in einem weiteren Prozess am 19. April ebenfalls abgeurteilt und Monate später hingerichtet worden sind.
Die Weiße Rose
Die Geschichte der „Weißen Rose“ begann 1942 in München. Dort hatten sich im Herbst 1940 der damals 22-jährige Ulmer Medizinstudent Hans Scholl und der ein Jahr ältere Alexander Schmorell kennen gelernt. In dessen elterlicher Wohnung diskutierten sie mit Gleichgesinnten, darunter Schmorells Schulfreund Christoph Probst, über Theologie, Philosophie, Moral und Literatur.
Beim Entschluss, dem NS-Staat aktiven Widerstand entgegenzusetzen, mögen anonyme Flugblätter als Vorbild gedient haben, welche die Familie Scholl in Ulm in ihrem Briefkasten gefunden hatte. Sie enthielten die Predigten des Bischofs von Münster, Clemens August Graf von Galen, worin dieser über die Vernichtung von Geisteskranken informierte und zum Durchhalten gegen den braunen Terror aufrief.
Der unbekannte Verbreiter dieser Flugblätter war der Ulmer Gymnasiast Heinz Brenner. Er war Klassenkamerad von Hans Hirzel und Franz Müller, die später helfen sollten, die Flugblätter der Weißen Rose zu verbreiten und dafür im zweiten Weiße-Rose-Prozess von Freisler ins Gefängnis geschickt worden sind. Brenner versandte seine Vervielfältigungen von Oktober 1941 an gezielt.
Nachricht vom Massenmord
„Flugblätter der Weißen Rose“, so waren die ersten vier Aufrufe überschrieben, die Scholl und Schmorell in den Monaten Mai und Juni 1942 verfassten und verbreiteten. Das erste beginnt mit den Worten: „Nichts ist eines Kulturvolkes unwürdiger, als sich ohne Widerstand von einer verantwortungslosen und dunklen Trieben ergebenen Herrscherclique ,regieren' zu lassen.“ Es gipfelt im Aufruf, passiven Widerstand zu leisten.
Das zweite Flugblatt berichtete über die Ermordung von 300.000 polnischen Juden: „Hier sehen wir das fürchterlichste Verbrechen an der Würde des Menschen, ein Verbrechen, dem sich kein ähnliches in der ganzen Menschheitsgeschichte an die Seite stellen kann.“ Das dritte Flugblatt rief nachdrücklich zur Sabotage auf, das vierte endet mit den Worten „Wir schweigen nicht, wir sind Euer böses Gewissen, die Weiße Rose lässt Euch keine Ruhe!“
Ende Juli bis Anfang November 1942 waren Schmorell und Scholl an die Ostfront abkommandiert. Dort verstärkte sich ihr Kontakt zu dem 24-jährigen Saarbrückener Willi Graf. Der beteiligte sich nach der Rückkehr an ihren Aktionen, ebenso Sophie Scholl, die im Mai 1942 zum Studieren nach München gezogen war, sowie der 49-jährige Musikwissenschaftler Prof. Dr. Kurt Huber.
Der Ton des fünften, von Hans Scholl formulierten und von Huber verbesserten Flugblatts war deutlich schärfer. In der Überschrift stand nun an Stelle der „Weißen Rose“ programmatisch „Widerstandsbewegung in Deutschland“. Tatsächlich suchte die „Weiße Rose“ Kontakte zu anderen Widerstandsgruppen.
Die sechste und letzte Flugschrift nahm die Niederlage von Stalingrad zum Anlass, zum Kampf gegen die NSDAP aufzurufen. Dieses Flugblatt legten Hans und Sophie Scholl am 18.02.1943 vor den Hörsälen der Münchner Universität aus. Als Sophie den Rest vom zweiten Stock in die Eingangshalle hinabwarf, wurden die beiden entdeckt, denunziert und verhaftet. Die Gestapo kam auch den anderen Angehörigen der „Weißen Rose“ auf die Spur. Der engere Kreis wurde hingerichtet. Die Ulmer Schüler Hans und Susanne Hirzel, Franz Müller und Heinrich Guter sowie weitere Freunde, die sich an der Verbreitung der Flugblätter beteiligt oder die als Mitwisser keine Anzeige erstattet hatten, wurden zu Haftstrafen verurteilt.
www.ulm.de/kultur_tourismus/stadtgeschichte/geschwister_s...
Active screening for malnutrition in a health post of the Senegalese Red Cross in Mbacké. Senegal, 2012. ©Croix-Rouge sénégalaise et française/Guillaume Bassinet
Proporciona soporte extra, gracias al pillow que recubre la parte superior del colchón y separa la firme estructura de resortes, ayudando a minimizar los puntos de presión en lugares del cuerpo más expuestos como: Hombros, cadera y rodillas.
El pocket Spring: Es un sistema de resortes encapsulados que evitan el efecto reflejo permitiendo un mejor descanso sin interrupciones, logrando pasar a estados de sueño placentero en corto tiempo.
Non Flip: Diseño que evita la rotacion del colchón.
Pillow System: Sistema de acolchado adicional.
Load Foam: Sistema de relleno de casatta para una mayor firmeza y cuidado de la columna vertebral.
Active pit detected in Seth region of Comet 67P/Churyumov–Gerasimenko. This is an OSIRIS narrow-angle camera image acquired on 28 August 2014 from a distance of 60 km. The image resolution is 1 m/pixel. Enhancing the contrast (right) reveals fine structures in the shadow of the pit, interpreted as jet-like features rising from the pit.
The images are also available separately:
Left hand image www.esa.int/spaceinimages/Images/2015/01/Active_pit_in_th...
Right hand image www.esa.int/spaceinimages/Images/2015/01/Active_pit_in_th...
Credits: ESA/Rosetta/MPS for OSIRIS Team MPS/UPD/LAM/IAA/SSO/INTA/UPM/DASP/IDA (CC BY-SA 4.0)