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I've been lost at a lot of university campuses. This is an elegant and colorful solution to that problem.
Wirtschaftsuniversität Wien, the Vienna University of Economics and Business.
Every great and deep difficulty bears in itself its own solution. It forces us to change our thinking in order to find it. Niels Bohr
27-11-2014 - Airlink Solutions, Cessna 560 Citation 5.
Diverted into Gatwick en route to Biggin Hill, from Madrid. First visit for this one. Departed to Berlin the following day.
Info:
Aircraft was built in 1996 and was delivered to Sky Night LLC as N1SN on 12-7-1996. Later delivered to Inter Air as SE-DYZ on 6-10-1999.
Sky Service Belgium took delivery of the aircraft as OO-SKV on 2-12-2003.
Airlink Solutions took delivery of the aircraft in January 2010.
C/n - 560-0153
Two almost obsolete items for most people nowadays; public telephone booths and vinyl records. Cellphones may replace the phoneboxes but neither CDs nor MP3s will ever replace my vinyl.
Varosha - Maras is the southern quarter of the Famagusta, a de jure territory of Cyprus, currently under the control of Northern Cyprus. Varosha has a population of 226 in the 2011 Northern Cyprus census. The area of Varosha is 6.19 km2 (2.39 sq mi).
The name of Varosha derives from the Turkish word varoş (Ottoman Turkish: واروش, 'suburb'). The place where Varosha is located now was empty fields in which animals grazed.
In the early 1970s, Famagusta was the number-one tourist destination in Cyprus. To cater to the increasing number of tourists, many new high-rise buildings and hotels were constructed. During its heyday, Varosha was not only the number-one tourist destination in Cyprus, but between 1970 and 1974, it was one of the most popular tourist destinations in the world and was a favorite destination of such celebrities as Elizabeth Taylor, Richard Burton, Raquel Welch, and Brigitte Bardot.
Before 1974, Varosha was the modern tourist area of the Famagusta city. Its Greek Cypriot inhabitants fled during the Turkish invasion of Cyprus in 1974, when the city of Famagusta came under Turkish control, and it has remained abandoned ever since. In 1984 a U.N. resolution called for the handover of the city to UN control and said that only the original inhabitants, who were forced out, could resettle in the town.
Entry to part of Varosha was opened to civilians in 2017.
In August 1974, the Turkish Army advanced as far as the Green Line, a UN-patrolled demilitarized zone between the Greek Cypriots and Turkish Cypriots, and controlled and fenced Varosha. Just hours before the Greek Cypriot and Turkish armies met in combat on the streets of Famagusta, the entire Greek Cypriot population fled to Paralimni, Dherynia, and Larnaca, fearing a massacre. The evacuation was aided and orchestrated by the nearby British military base. Paralimni has since become the modern-day capital of the Famagusta province of Greek Cypriot-led Cyprus.
The Turkish Army has allowed the entry of only Turkish military and United Nations personnel since 2017.
One such settlement plan was the Annan Plan to reunify the island that provided for the return of Varosha to the original residents. But this was rejected by Greek Cypriots in a 2004 referendum. The UN Security Council Resolution 550 states that it "considers attempts to settle any part of Varosha by people other than its inhabitants as inadmissible and calls for the transfer of this area to the administration of the United Nations".
The European Court of Human Rights awarded between €100,000 and €8,000,000 to eight Greek Cypriots for being deprived of their homes and properties as a result of the 1974 invasion. The case was filed jointly by businessman Constantinos Lordos and others, with the principal judgement in the Lordos case dating back to November 2010. The court ruled that, in the case of eight of the applicants, Turkey had violated Article 1 of Protocol 1 of the European Convention on Human Rights on the right of peaceful enjoyment of one's possessions, and in the case of seven of the applicants, Turkey had violated Article 8 on the right to respect for private and family life.
In the absence of human habitation and maintenance, buildings continue to decay. Over time, parts of the city have begun to be reclaimed by nature as metal corrodes, windows are broken, and plants work their roots into the walls and pavement and grow wild in old window boxes. In 2014, the BBC reported that sea turtles were observed nesting on the beaches in the city.
During the Cyprus Missile Crisis (1997–1998), the Turkish Cypriot leader, Rauf Denktaş, threatened to take over Varosha if the Cypriot government did not back down.
The main features of Varosha included John F. Kennedy Avenue, a street which ran from close to the port of Famagusta, through Varosha and parallel to Glossa beach. Along JFK Avenue, there were many well known high rise hotels including the King George Hotel, The Asterias Hotel, The Grecian Hotel, The Florida Hotel, and The Argo Hotel which was the favourite hotel of Elizabeth Taylor. The Argo Hotel is located near the end of JFK Avenue, looking towards Protaras and Fig Tree Bay. Another major street in Varosha was Leonidas (Greek: Λεωνίδας), a major street that came off JFK Avenue and headed west towards Vienna Corner. Leonidas was a major shopping and leisure street in Varosha, consisting of bars, restaurants, nightclubs, and a Toyota car dealership.
According to Greek Cypriots, 425 plots exist on the Varosha beach front, which extends from the Contandia hotel to the Golden Sands hotel. The complete number of plots in Varosha are 6082.
There are 281 cases of Greek Cypriots who filed to the Immovable Property Commission (IPC) of Northern Cyprus for compensation.
In 2020, Greek Cypriot Demetrios Hadjihambis filed a lawsuit seeking state compensation for financial losses.
The population of Varosha was 226 in the 2011 Northern Cyprus census.
In 2017, Varosha's beach was opened for the exclusive use of Turks (both Turkish Cypriots and Turkish nationals).
In 2019, the Government of Northern Cyprus announced it would open Varosha to settlement. On 14 November 2019, Ersin Tatar, the prime minister of Northern Cyprus, announced that Northern Cyprus aims to open Varosha by the end of 2020.
On 25 July 2019, Varosha Inventory Commission of Northern Cyprus started its inventory analysis on the buildings and other infrastructure in Varosha.
On 9 December 2019, Ibrahim Benter, the Director-General of the Turkish Cypriot EVKAF religious foundation's administration, declared all of Maraş/Varosha to be the property of EVKAF. Benter said "EVKAF can sign renting contracts with Greek Cypriots if they accept that the fenced-off town belongs to the Evkaf."
In 2019–20, inventory studies of buildings by the Government of Northern Cyprus were concluded. On 15 February 2020, the Turkish Bar Association organised a round table meeting at the Sandy Beach Hotel in Varosha, which was attended by Turkish officials (Vice President Fuat Oktay and Justice Minister Abdulhamit Gül), Turkish Cypriot officials, representatives of the Turkish Cypriot religious foundation Evkaf, and Turkish and Turkish Cypriot lawyers.
On 22 February 2020, Cyprus declared it would veto European Union funds to Turkish Cypriots if Varosha were opened to settlement.
On 6 October 2020, Ersin Tatar, the Prime Minister of Northern Cyprus, announced that the beach area of Varosha would reopen to the public on 8 October 2020. Turkey's president, Recep Tayyip Erdoğan, said Turkey fully supported the decision. The move came ahead of the 2020 Northern Cypriot presidential election, in which Tatar was a candidate. Deputy Prime Minister Kudret Özersay, who had worked on the reopening previously, said that this was not a full reopening of the area, that this was just a unilateral election stunt by Tatar. His People's Party withdrew from the Tatar cabinet, leading to the collapse of the Turkish Cypriot government. The EU's diplomatic chief condemned the plan and described it as a "serious violation" of the U.N. ceasefire agreement. In addition, he asked Turkey to stop this activity. The U.N. Secretary-General expressed concern over Turkey's decision.
On 8 October 2020, some parts of Varosha were opened from the Officers' Club of Turkish and Turkish Cypriot Army to the Golden Sands Hotel.
In November 2020, the Turkish President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan and Turkey's ambassador to Nicosia, visited Varosha. In addition, the main avenue in Varosha has been renamed after Semih Sancar, Chief of the General Staff of Turkey from 1973 to 1978, a period including the 1974 Turkish invasion of Cyprus.
The European Parliament on 27 November, asked Turkey to reverse its decision to re-open part of Varosha and resume negotiations aimed at resolving the Cyprus problem on the basis of a bi-communal, bi-zonal federation and called on the European Union to impose sanctions against Turkey, if things do not change. Turkey rejected the resolution, adding that Turkey will continue to protect both its own rights and those of Turkish Cypriots. The Turkish Republic of Northern Cyprus presidency also condemned the resolution.
On 20 July 2021, Tatar, the president of Northern Cyprus announced the start of the 2nd phase of the opening of Varosha. He encouraged Greek Cypriots to apply Immovable Property Commission of the Turkish Republic of Northern Cyprus to claim their properties back if they have any such rights.
Bilal Aga Mosque, constructed in 1821 and taken out of service in 1974, was re-opened on 23 July 2021.
In response to a decision by the government of Turkish Cyprus, the presidential statement of the United Nations Security Council dated on 23 July said that settling any part of the abandoned Cypriot suburb of Varosha, "by people other than its inhabitants, is 'inadmissible'." The same day, Turkey rejected the presidential statement of the UNSC on Maras (Varosha), and said that these statements were based on Greek-Greek Cypriot propaganda, were groundless and unfounded claims, and inconsistent with the realities on the Island. On 24 July 2021, the presidency of Northern Cyprus condemned the presidential statement of the UNSC dated on 23 July, and stated that "We see and condemn it as an attempt to create an obstacle for the property-rights-holders in Varosha to achieve their rights".
By 1 January 2022, nearly 400,000 people had visited Varosha since its opening to civilians on 6 October 2020.
On 19 May 2022, Northern Cyprus opened a 600m long X 400m wide stretch of beach on the Golden Sands beach (from the King George Hotel to the Oceania Building) in Varosha for commercial use. Sun beds and umbrellas were installed.
UNFICYP said it would raise the decision taken by Turkish Cypriot authorities to open that stretch of beach in Varosha with the Security Council, spokesperson for the peacekeeping force Aleem Siddique said on Friday. The UN announced its "position on Varosha is unchanged and we are monitoring the situation closely".
In October 2022, the Turkish Cypriots announced that public institutions will be opened in the city.
In April 2023, Cleo Hotel, the 7-floor Golden Seaside Hotel, and the 3-star Aegean Hotel were purchased by a Turkish Cypriot businessman (from their Greek Cypriot owners) who will operate them within 2025.
On 10 August 2023, the Government of Northern Cyprus decided to construct a marina and tourist facility in Varosha.
Varosha was analyzed by Alan Weisman in his book The World Without Us as an example of the unstoppable power of nature.
Filmmaker Greek Cypriot Michael Cacoyannis described the city and interviewed its exiled citizens in the film Attilas '74, produced in 1975.
In 2021, the Belarusian group Main-De-Gloire dedicated a song to this city that has become a ghostly place.
Northern Cyprus, officially the Turkish Republic of Northern Cyprus (TRNC), is a de facto state that comprises the northeastern portion of the island of Cyprus. It is recognised only by Turkey, and its territory is considered by all other states to be part of the Republic of Cyprus.
Northern Cyprus extends from the tip of the Karpass Peninsula in the northeast to Morphou Bay, Cape Kormakitis and its westernmost point, the Kokkina exclave in the west. Its southernmost point is the village of Louroujina. A buffer zone under the control of the United Nations stretches between Northern Cyprus and the rest of the island and divides Nicosia, the island's largest city and capital of both sides.
A coup d'état in 1974, performed as part of an attempt to annex the island to Greece, prompted the Turkish invasion of Cyprus. This resulted in the eviction of much of the north's Greek Cypriot population, the flight of Turkish Cypriots from the south, and the partitioning of the island, leading to a unilateral declaration of independence by the north in 1983. Due to its lack of recognition, Northern Cyprus is heavily dependent on Turkey for economic, political and military support.
Attempts to reach a solution to the Cyprus dispute have been unsuccessful. The Turkish Army maintains a large force in Northern Cyprus with the support and approval of the TRNC government, while the Republic of Cyprus, the European Union as a whole, and the international community regard it as an occupation force. This military presence has been denounced in several United Nations Security Council resolutions.
Northern Cyprus is a semi-presidential, democratic republic with a cultural heritage incorporating various influences and an economy that is dominated by the services sector. The economy has seen growth through the 2000s and 2010s, with the GNP per capita more than tripling in the 2000s, but is held back by an international embargo due to the official closure of the ports in Northern Cyprus by the Republic of Cyprus. The official language is Turkish, with a distinct local dialect being spoken. The vast majority of the population consists of Sunni Muslims, while religious attitudes are mostly moderate and secular. Northern Cyprus is an observer state of ECO and OIC under the name "Turkish Cypriot State", PACE under the name "Turkish Cypriot Community", and Organization of Turkic States with its own name.
Several distinct periods of Cypriot intercommunal violence involving the two main ethnic communities, Greek Cypriots and Turkish Cypriots, marked mid-20th century Cyprus. These included the Cyprus Emergency of 1955–59 during British rule, the post-independence Cyprus crisis of 1963–64, and the Cyprus crisis of 1967. Hostilities culminated in the 1974 de facto division of the island along the Green Line following the Turkish invasion of Cyprus. The region has been relatively peaceful since then, but the Cyprus dispute has continued, with various attempts to solve it diplomatically having been generally unsuccessful.
Cyprus, an island lying in the eastern Mediterranean, hosted a population of Greeks and Turks (four-fifths and one-fifth, respectively), who lived under British rule in the late nineteenth-century and the first half of the twentieth-century. Christian Orthodox Church of Cyprus played a prominent political role among the Greek Cypriot community, a privilege that it acquired during the Ottoman Empire with the employment of the millet system, which gave the archbishop an unofficial ethnarch status.
The repeated rejections by the British of Greek Cypriot demands for enosis, union with Greece, led to armed resistance, organised by the National Organization of Cypriot Struggle, or EOKA. EOKA, led by the Greek-Cypriot commander George Grivas, systematically targeted British colonial authorities. One of the effects of EOKA's campaign was to alter the Turkish position from demanding full reincorporation into Turkey to a demand for taksim (partition). EOKA's mission and activities caused a "Cretan syndrome" (see Turkish Resistance Organisation) within the Turkish Cypriot community, as its members feared that they would be forced to leave the island in such a case as had been the case with Cretan Turks. As such, they preferred the continuation of British colonial rule and then taksim, the division of the island. Due to the Turkish Cypriots' support for the British, EOKA's leader, Georgios Grivas, declared them to be enemies. The fact that the Turks were a minority was, according to Nihat Erim, to be addressed by the transfer of thousands of Turks from mainland Turkey so that Greek Cypriots would cease to be the majority. When Erim visited Cyprus as the Turkish representative, he was advised by Field Marshal Sir John Harding, the then Governor of Cyprus, that Turkey should send educated Turks to settle in Cyprus.
Turkey actively promoted the idea that on the island of Cyprus two distinctive communities existed, and sidestepped its former claim that "the people of Cyprus were all Turkish subjects". In doing so, Turkey's aim to have self-determination of two to-be equal communities in effect led to de jure partition of the island.[citation needed] This could be justified to the international community against the will of the majority Greek population of the island. Dr. Fazil Küçük in 1954 had already proposed Cyprus be divided in two at the 35° parallel.
Lindley Dan, from Notre Dame University, spotted the roots of intercommunal violence to different visions among the two communities of Cyprus (enosis for Greek Cypriots, taksim for Turkish Cypriots). Also, Lindlay wrote that "the merging of church, schools/education, and politics in divisive and nationalistic ways" had played a crucial role in creation of havoc in Cyprus' history. Attalides Michael also pointed to the opposing nationalisms as the cause of the Cyprus problem.
By the mid-1950's, the "Cyprus is Turkish" party, movement, and slogan gained force in both Cyprus and Turkey. In a 1954 editorial, Turkish Cypriot leader Dr. Fazil Kuchuk expressed the sentiment that the Turkish youth had grown up with the idea that "as soon as Great Britain leaves the island, it will be taken over by the Turks", and that "Turkey cannot tolerate otherwise". This perspective contributed to the willingness of Turkish Cypriots to align themselves with the British, who started recruiting Turkish Cypriots into the police force that patrolled Cyprus to fight EOKA, a Greek Cypriot nationalist organisation that sought to rid the island of British rule.
EOKA targeted colonial authorities, including police, but Georgios Grivas, the leader of EOKA, did not initially wish to open up a new front by fighting Turkish Cypriots and reassured them that EOKA would not harm their people. In 1956, some Turkish Cypriot policemen were killed by EOKA members and this provoked some intercommunal violence in the spring and summer, but these attacks on policemen were not motivated by the fact that they were Turkish Cypriots.
However, in January 1957, Grivas changed his policy as his forces in the mountains became increasingly pressured by the British Crown forces. In order to divert the attention of the Crown forces, EOKA members started to target Turkish Cypriot policemen intentionally in the towns, so that Turkish Cypriots would riot against the Greek Cypriots and the security forces would have to be diverted to the towns to restore order. The killing of a Turkish Cypriot policeman on 19 January, when a power station was bombed, and the injury of three others, provoked three days of intercommunal violence in Nicosia. The two communities targeted each other in reprisals, at least one Greek Cypriot was killed and the British Army was deployed in the streets. Greek Cypriot stores were burned and their neighbourhoods attacked. Following the events, the Greek Cypriot leadership spread the propaganda that the riots had merely been an act of Turkish Cypriot aggression. Such events created chaos and drove the communities apart both in Cyprus and in Turkey.
On 22 October 1957 Sir Hugh Mackintosh Foot replaced Sir John Harding as the British Governor of Cyprus. Foot suggested five to seven years of self-government before any final decision. His plan rejected both enosis and taksim. The Turkish Cypriot response to this plan was a series of anti-British demonstrations in Nicosia on 27 and 28 January 1958 rejecting the proposed plan because the plan did not include partition. The British then withdrew the plan.
In 1957, Black Gang, a Turkish Cypriot pro-taksim paramilitary organisation, was formed to patrol a Turkish Cypriot enclave, the Tahtakale district of Nicosia, against activities of EOKA. The organisation later attempted to grow into a national scale, but failed to gain public support.
By 1958, signs of dissatisfaction with the British increased on both sides, with a group of Turkish Cypriots forming Volkan (later renamed to the Turkish Resistance Organisation) paramilitary group to promote partition and the annexation of Cyprus to Turkey as dictated by the Menderes plan. Volkan initially consisted of roughly 100 members, with the stated aim of raising awareness in Turkey of the Cyprus issue and courting military training and support for Turkish Cypriot fighters from the Turkish government.
In June 1958, the British Prime Minister, Harold Macmillan, was expected to propose a plan to resolve the Cyprus issue. In light of the new development, the Turks rioted in Nicosia to promote the idea that Greek and Turkish Cypriots could not live together and therefore any plan that did not include partition would not be viable. This violence was soon followed by bombing, Greek Cypriot deaths and looting of Greek Cypriot-owned shops and houses. Greek and Turkish Cypriots started to flee mixed population villages where they were a minority in search of safety. This was effectively the beginning of the segregation of the two communities. On 7 June 1958, a bomb exploded at the entrance of the Turkish Embassy in Cyprus. Following the bombing, Turkish Cypriots looted Greek Cypriot properties. On 26 June 1984, the Turkish Cypriot leader, Rauf Denktaş, admitted on British channel ITV that the bomb was placed by the Turks themselves in order to create tension. On 9 January 1995, Rauf Denktaş repeated his claim to the famous Turkish newspaper Milliyet in Turkey.
The crisis reached a climax on 12 June 1958, when eight Greeks, out of an armed group of thirty five arrested by soldiers of the Royal Horse Guards on suspicion of preparing an attack on the Turkish quarter of Skylloura, were killed in a suspected attack by Turkish Cypriot locals, near the village of Geunyeli, having been ordered to walk back to their village of Kondemenos.
After the EOKA campaign had begun, the British government successfully began to turn the Cyprus issue from a British colonial problem into a Greek-Turkish issue. British diplomacy exerted backstage influence on the Adnan Menderes government, with the aim of making Turkey active in Cyprus. For the British, the attempt had a twofold objective. The EOKA campaign would be silenced as quickly as possible, and Turkish Cypriots would not side with Greek Cypriots against the British colonial claims over the island, which would thus remain under the British. The Turkish Cypriot leadership visited Menderes to discuss the Cyprus issue. When asked how the Turkish Cypriots should respond to the Greek Cypriot claim of enosis, Menderes replied: "You should go to the British foreign minister and request the status quo be prolonged, Cyprus to remain as a British colony". When the Turkish Cypriots visited the British Foreign Secretary and requested for Cyprus to remain a colony, he replied: "You should not be asking for colonialism at this day and age, you should be asking for Cyprus be returned to Turkey, its former owner".
As Turkish Cypriots began to look to Turkey for protection, Greek Cypriots soon understood that enosis was extremely unlikely. The Greek Cypriot leader, Archbishop Makarios III, now set independence for the island as his objective.
Britain resolved to solve the dispute by creating an independent Cyprus. In 1959, all involved parties signed the Zurich Agreements: Britain, Turkey, Greece, and the Greek and Turkish Cypriot leaders, Makarios and Dr. Fazil Kucuk, respectively. The new constitution drew heavily on the ethnic composition of the island. The President would be a Greek Cypriot, and the Vice-President a Turkish Cypriot with an equal veto. The contribution to the public service would be set at a ratio of 70:30, and the Supreme Court would consist of an equal number of judges from both communities as well as an independent judge who was not Greek, Turkish or British. The Zurich Agreements were supplemented by a number of treaties. The Treaty of Guarantee stated that secession or union with any state was forbidden, and that Greece, Turkey and Britain would be given guarantor status to intervene if that was violated. The Treaty of Alliance allowed for two small Greek and Turkish military contingents to be stationed on the island, and the Treaty of Establishment gave Britain sovereignty over two bases in Akrotiri and Dhekelia.
On 15 August 1960, the Colony of Cyprus became fully independent as the Republic of Cyprus. The new republic remained within the Commonwealth of Nations.
The new constitution brought dissatisfaction to Greek Cypriots, who felt it to be highly unjust for them for historical, demographic and contributional reasons. Although 80% of the island's population were Greek Cypriots and these indigenous people had lived on the island for thousands of years and paid 94% of taxes, the new constitution was giving the 17% of the population that was Turkish Cypriots, who paid 6% of taxes, around 30% of government jobs and 40% of national security jobs.
Within three years tensions between the two communities in administrative affairs began to show. In particular disputes over separate municipalities and taxation created a deadlock in government. A constitutional court ruled in 1963 Makarios had failed to uphold article 173 of the constitution which called for the establishment of separate municipalities for Turkish Cypriots. Makarios subsequently declared his intention to ignore the judgement, resulting in the West German judge resigning from his position. Makarios proposed thirteen amendments to the constitution, which would have had the effect of resolving most of the issues in the Greek Cypriot favour. Under the proposals, the President and Vice-President would lose their veto, the separate municipalities as sought after by the Turkish Cypriots would be abandoned, the need for separate majorities by both communities in passing legislation would be discarded and the civil service contribution would be set at actual population ratios (82:18) instead of the slightly higher figure for Turkish Cypriots.
The intention behind the amendments has long been called into question. The Akritas plan, written in the height of the constitutional dispute by the Greek Cypriot interior minister Polycarpos Georkadjis, called for the removal of undesirable elements of the constitution so as to allow power-sharing to work. The plan envisaged a swift retaliatory attack on Turkish Cypriot strongholds should Turkish Cypriots resort to violence to resist the measures, stating "In the event of a planned or staged Turkish attack, it is imperative to overcome it by force in the shortest possible time, because if we succeed in gaining command of the situation (in one or two days), no outside, intervention would be either justified or possible." Whether Makarios's proposals were part of the Akritas plan is unclear, however it remains that sentiment towards enosis had not completely disappeared with independence. Makarios described independence as "a step on the road to enosis".[31] Preparations for conflict were not entirely absent from Turkish Cypriots either, with right wing elements still believing taksim (partition) the best safeguard against enosis.
Greek Cypriots however believe the amendments were a necessity stemming from a perceived attempt by Turkish Cypriots to frustrate the working of government. Turkish Cypriots saw it as a means to reduce their status within the state from one of co-founder to that of minority, seeing it as a first step towards enosis. The security situation deteriorated rapidly.
Main articles: Bloody Christmas (1963) and Battle of Tillyria
An armed conflict was triggered after December 21, 1963, a period remembered by Turkish Cypriots as Bloody Christmas, when a Greek Cypriot policemen that had been called to help deal with a taxi driver refusing officers already on the scene access to check the identification documents of his customers, took out his gun upon arrival and shot and killed the taxi driver and his partner. Eric Solsten summarised the events as follows: "a Greek Cypriot police patrol, ostensibly checking identification documents, stopped a Turkish Cypriot couple on the edge of the Turkish quarter. A hostile crowd gathered, shots were fired, and two Turkish Cypriots were killed."
In the morning after the shooting, crowds gathered in protest in Northern Nicosia, likely encouraged by the TMT, without incident. On the evening of the 22nd, gunfire broke out, communication lines to the Turkish neighbourhoods were cut, and the Greek Cypriot police occupied the nearby airport. On the 23rd, a ceasefire was negotiated, but did not hold. Fighting, including automatic weapons fire, between Greek and Turkish Cypriots and militias increased in Nicosia and Larnaca. A force of Greek Cypriot irregulars led by Nikos Sampson entered the Nicosia suburb of Omorphita and engaged in heavy firing on armed, as well as by some accounts unarmed, Turkish Cypriots. The Omorphita clash has been described by Turkish Cypriots as a massacre, while this view has generally not been acknowledged by Greek Cypriots.
Further ceasefires were arranged between the two sides, but also failed. By Christmas Eve, the 24th, Britain, Greece, and Turkey had joined talks, with all sides calling for a truce. On Christmas day, Turkish fighter jets overflew Nicosia in a show of support. Finally it was agreed to allow a force of 2,700 British soldiers to help enforce a ceasefire. In the next days, a "buffer zone" was created in Nicosia, and a British officer marked a line on a map with green ink, separating the two sides of the city, which was the beginning of the "Green Line". Fighting continued across the island for the next several weeks.
In total 364 Turkish Cypriots and 174 Greek Cypriots were killed during the violence. 25,000 Turkish Cypriots from 103-109 villages fled and were displaced into enclaves and thousands of Turkish Cypriot houses were ransacked or completely destroyed.
Contemporary newspapers also reported on the forceful exodus of the Turkish Cypriots from their homes. According to The Times in 1964, threats, shootings and attempts of arson were committed against the Turkish Cypriots to force them out of their homes. The Daily Express wrote that "25,000 Turks have already been forced to leave their homes". The Guardian reported a massacre of Turks at Limassol on 16 February 1964.
Turkey had by now readied its fleet and its fighter jets appeared over Nicosia. Turkey was dissuaded from direct involvement by the creation of a United Nations Peacekeeping Force in Cyprus (UNFICYP) in 1964. Despite the negotiated ceasefire in Nicosia, attacks on the Turkish Cypriot persisted, particularly in Limassol. Concerned about the possibility of a Turkish invasion, Makarios undertook the creation of a Greek Cypriot conscript-based army called the "National Guard". A general from Greece took charge of the army, whilst a further 20,000 well-equipped officers and men were smuggled from Greece into Cyprus. Turkey threatened to intervene once more, but was prevented by a strongly worded letter from the American President Lyndon B. Johnson, anxious to avoid a conflict between NATO allies Greece and Turkey at the height of the Cold War.
Turkish Cypriots had by now established an important bridgehead at Kokkina, provided with arms, volunteers and materials from Turkey and abroad. Seeing this incursion of foreign weapons and troops as a major threat, the Cypriot government invited George Grivas to return from Greece as commander of the Greek troops on the island and launch a major attack on the bridgehead. Turkey retaliated by dispatching its fighter jets to bomb Greek positions, causing Makarios to threaten an attack on every Turkish Cypriot village on the island if the bombings did not cease. The conflict had now drawn in Greece and Turkey, with both countries amassing troops on their Thracian borders. Efforts at mediation by Dean Acheson, a former U.S. Secretary of State, and UN-appointed mediator Galo Plaza had failed, all the while the division of the two communities becoming more apparent. Greek Cypriot forces were estimated at some 30,000, including the National Guard and the large contingent from Greece. Defending the Turkish Cypriot enclaves was a force of approximately 5,000 irregulars, led by a Turkish colonel, but lacking the equipment and organisation of the Greek forces.
The Secretary-General of the United Nations in 1964, U Thant, reported the damage during the conflicts:
UNFICYP carried out a detailed survey of all damage to properties throughout the island during the disturbances; it shows that in 109 villages, most of them Turkish-Cypriot or mixed villages, 527 houses have been destroyed while 2,000 others have suffered damage from looting.
The situation worsened in 1967, when a military junta overthrew the democratically elected government of Greece, and began applying pressure on Makarios to achieve enosis. Makarios, not wishing to become part of a military dictatorship or trigger a Turkish invasion, began to distance himself from the goal of enosis. This caused tensions with the junta in Greece as well as George Grivas in Cyprus. Grivas's control over the National Guard and Greek contingent was seen as a threat to Makarios's position, who now feared a possible coup.[citation needed] The National Guard and Cyprus Police began patrolling the Turkish Cypriot enclaves of Ayios Theodoros and Kophinou, and on November 15 engaged in heavy fighting with the Turkish Cypriots.
By the time of his withdrawal 26 Turkish Cypriots had been killed. Turkey replied with an ultimatum demanding that Grivas be removed from the island, that the troops smuggled from Greece in excess of the limits of the Treaty of Alliance be removed, and that the economic blockades on the Turkish Cypriot enclaves be lifted. Grivas was recalled by the Athens Junta and the 12,000 Greek troops were withdrawn. Makarios now attempted to consolidate his position by reducing the number of National Guard troops, and by creating a paramilitary force loyal to Cypriot independence. In 1968, acknowledging that enosis was now all but impossible, Makarios stated, "A solution by necessity must be sought within the limits of what is feasible which does not always coincide with the limits of what is desirable."
After 1967 tensions between the Greek and Turkish Cypriots subsided. Instead, the main source of tension on the island came from factions within the Greek Cypriot community. Although Makarios had effectively abandoned enosis in favour of an 'attainable solution', many others continued to believe that the only legitimate political aspiration for Greek Cypriots was union with Greece.
On his arrival, Grivas began by establishing a nationalist paramilitary group known as the National Organization of Cypriot Fighters (Ethniki Organosis Kyprion Agoniston B or EOKA-B), drawing comparisons with the EOKA struggle for enosis under the British colonial administration of the 1950s.
The military junta in Athens saw Makarios as an obstacle. Makarios's failure to disband the National Guard, whose officer class was dominated by mainland Greeks, had meant the junta had practical control over the Cypriot military establishment, leaving Makarios isolated and a vulnerable target.
During the first Turkish invasion, Turkish troops invaded Cyprus territory on 20 July 1974, invoking its rights under the Treaty of Guarantee. This expansion of Turkish-occupied zone violated International Law as well as the Charter of the United Nations. Turkish troops managed to capture 3% of the island which was accompanied by the burning of the Turkish Cypriot quarter, as well as the raping and killing of women and children. A temporary cease-fire followed which was mitigated by the UN Security Council. Subsequently, the Greek military Junta collapsed on July 23, 1974, and peace talks commenced in which a democratic government was installed. The Resolution 353 was broken after Turkey attacked a second time and managed to get a hold of 37% of Cyprus territory. The Island of Cyprus was appointed a Buffer Zone by the United Nations, which divided the island into two zones through the 'Green Line' and put an end to the Turkish invasion. Although Turkey announced that the occupied areas of Cyprus to be called the Federated Turkish State in 1975, it is not legitimised on a worldwide political scale. The United Nations called for the international recognition of independence for the Republic of Cyprus in the Security Council Resolution 367.
In the years after the Turkish invasion of northern Cyprus one can observe a history of failed talks between the two parties. The 1983 declaration of the independent Turkish Republic of Cyprus resulted in a rise of inter-communal tensions and made it increasingly hard to find mutual understanding. With Cyprus' interest of a possible EU membership and a new UN Secretary-General Kofi Annan in 1997 new hopes arose for a fresh start. International involvement from sides of the US and UK, wanting a solution to the Cyprus dispute prior to the EU accession led to political pressures for new talks. The believe that an accession without a solution would threaten Greek-Turkish relations and acknowledge the partition of the island would direct the coming negotiations.
Over the course of two years a concrete plan, the Annan plan was formulated. In 2004 the fifth version agreed upon from both sides and with the endorsement of Turkey, US, UK and EU then was presented to the public and was given a referendum in both Cypriot communities to assure the legitimisation of the resolution. The Turkish Cypriots voted with 65% for the plan, however the Greek Cypriots voted with a 76% majority against. The Annan plan contained multiple important topics. Firstly it established a confederation of two separate states called the United Cyprus Republic. Both communities would have autonomous states combined under one unified government. The members of parliament would be chosen according to the percentage in population numbers to ensure a just involvement from both communities. The paper proposed a demilitarisation of the island over the next years. Furthermore it agreed upon a number of 45000 Turkish settlers that could remain on the island. These settlers became a very important issue concerning peace talks. Originally the Turkish government encouraged Turks to settle in Cyprus providing transfer and property, to establish a counterpart to the Greek Cypriot population due to their 1 to 5 minority. With the economic situation many Turkish-Cypriot decided to leave the island, however their departure is made up by incoming Turkish settlers leaving the population ratio between Turkish Cypriots and Greek Cypriots stable. However all these points where criticised and as seen in the vote rejected mainly by the Greek Cypriots. These name the dissolution of the „Republic of Cyprus", economic consequences of a reunion and the remaining Turkish settlers as reason. Many claim that the plan was indeed drawing more from Turkish-Cypriot demands then Greek-Cypriot interests. Taking in consideration that the US wanted to keep Turkey as a strategic partner in future Middle Eastern conflicts.
A week after the failed referendum the Republic of Cyprus joined the EU. In multiple instances the EU tried to promote trade with Northern Cyprus but without internationally recognised ports this spiked a grand debate. Both side endure their intention of negotiations, however without the prospect of any new compromises or agreements the UN is unwilling to start the process again. Since 2004 negotiations took place in numbers but without any results, both sides are strongly holding on to their position without an agreeable solution in sight that would suit both parties.
Furniture Interior Design Ideas that includes modern designs of living rooms, bedrooms, kitchens, and dining rooms that will decorate your screen and provide you with interior design ideas to decorate your home.
Aircraft Holding Solutions British Aerospace BAe-125-700B N45KG cn 257189 IAD - Crash landed on March 5th 2023 near Sayaxche Guatemala during drug run Appropriate registration for the job it was doing
Actually I should be injecting the chilli oil into an egg rather than an orange..... but the pic would not be as interesting.
Our chickens have turned cannibal and are eating some of their eggs before we have a chance to collect them. Once they have picked up this habit, it is hard to break. We are occasionally injecting chilli oil into an egg & leaving it for them to eat to make eating eggs an unpleasant experience for them. Hasn't worked yet sadly.
FGR - Orange
Some Background:
Operation Haik was officially never undertaken by the CIA. Until today the Agency never admitted it took place. The background of the operation might look strange at the first view: it was that the CIA obviously "felt", that President Sukarno's Indonesia was turning communist, and that something had to be done about that, with the best apparent solution being to bring him to fight the communists.
For the operation the CIA decided to use some existing oppositional forces - of which there was a plethora in Indonesia - as a front for the activity. In late 1956, for example, two Army colonels - founders of the organization later better known under the name PERMESTA - declared that they now control the central and northern Sumatra. While central Indonesian authorities did almost nothing against them – at least not immediately – the officers were swift to contact the USA and ask for help.
Washington was not interested to do anything or to get involved, however, until additional problems with Dutch were caused by Sukarno, because of which the Indonesian communists sided with him. After this development, some military supplies were shipped, and the CIA - after a considerable amount of research and planning - decided to use PERMESTA - which, under the aegis of PRRI controlled also the northern Sulawesi - as a front. A decision was taken to organize an air arm, and in February 1958, the first three B-26s were taken out of a bone yard at Clark Field AB, Philippines, and prepared for combat operations and delivery to Sulawesi, while several American pilots were recruited to fly them, together with a number of Polish pilots and navigators (most of which soon left, however).
In early 1958, the Indonesian Air Force (Angatan Udara Republik Indonesia or AURI) was was only a small asset with only three small squadrons of combat aircraft, including the 1st Skadron, equipped with 13 operational B-25Js, for which there were only five qualified crews, and the 3rd Skadron, equipped with 13 operational F-51Ds, for which there were only ten qualified pilots (only three of which have ever got any air-to-air combat training). Ready or not, both the AUREV (Angkatan Udara Revolusioner – a kind of PERMESTA Air Force) and the AURI were soon to clash in a series of sharp attacks and counterattacks.
When he finally decided to do something against the PERMESTA & PRRI, on 21 March 1958 Sukarno first ordered the AURI to attack the radio stations at Padang and Bukittiniggi on Sumatra. The attack prompted the CIA to move its aircraft into the area as well, and on 12 April first three B-26s were flown to Sulawesi. Hardly 24 hours later, one of them flew the first combat mission of the AUREV, attacking the AURI Makassar air base, on southern Sulawesi. On 17th April another strike followed, in which an oil tanker was sunk near Balikpapan, and oil storage tanks of Royal Dutch/Shell damaged. Three days later the AUREV flew also its first counter-air missions, starting a series of strikes against AURI air base at Halmahera.
However, most of the AURI was not to be found there any way, as the Indonesian Air Force was away, fighting rebels at Sumatra, and supporting a successful operation, initiated on 18 April, which was to force the rebels away from Sumatra.
The AUREV thus used the time to fly the first two F-51Ds to Sulawesi as well. The AURI returned to the area only in mid-May, and on 16th of the month three B-25s, escorted by two F-51s, attacked Manado airfield, claiming a destruction of three AUREV Mustangs and one Catalina. While the AUREV certainly haven't had as many F-51Ds on Sulawesi, at least that part of Indonesian claims remains disputable, but the story of the Catalina very likely destroyed in that attack is highly probable, as it is known that the Philippine AF used Catalinas to fly supplies and spare parts to AUREV.
The CIA now had to reinforce not only because of losses suffered during the AURI strikes to its airfields. Namely, it was known that the Indonesians were short of getting the first batches of MiG-17s, MiG-19s, MiG-21s, as well as a small number of Tu-16 bombers from the USSR (not a single AURI unit became operational on the Soviet jets in 1958, however, as all were busy training additional pilots and technicians).
(Much of this information was gathered and re-edited from www.acig.info/CMS/index.php?option=com_content&task=v...)
P-51D General characteristics::
Crew: 1
Length: 32 ft 3 in (9.83 m)
Wingspan: 37 ft 0 in (11.28 m)
Height: 13 ft 4½ in (4.08 m:tail wheel on ground, vertical propeller blade.)
Wing area: 235 sq ft (21.83 m²)
Empty weight: 7,635 lb (3,465 kg
Loaded weight: 9,200 lb (4,175 kg)
Max. take-off weight: 12,100 lb (5,490 kg)
Zero-lift drag coefficient: 0.0163
Drag area: 3.80 sqft (0.35 m²)
Aspect ratio: 5.83
Powerplant: :
1 × Packard V-1650-7 liquid-cooled supercharged V-12, 1,490 hp (1,111 kW) at 3,000 rpm;1,720 hp (1,282 kW) at WEP
Performance::
Maximum speed: 437 mph (703 km/h) at 25,000 ft (7,600 m)
Cruise speed: 362 mph (580 km/h)
Stall speed: 100 mph (160 km/h)
Range: 1,650 mi (2,755 km) with external tanks
Service ceiling: 41,900 ft (12,800 m)
Rate of climb: 3,200 ft/min (16.3 m/s)
Wing loading: 39 lb/sqft (192 kg/m²)
Power/mass: 0.18 hp/lb (300 W/kg)
Lift-to-drag ratio: 14.6
Recommended Mach limit 0.8
Armament:
6× 0.50 caliber (12.7mm) M2 Browning machine guns with 1,880 total rounds (400 rounds for each on the inner pair, and 270 rounds for each of the outer two pair)
2× hardpoints for up to 2,000 lb (907 kg) of bombs
The model and its assembly:
Believe it or not, but this is a real life background and also the model of a real P-51D. I came across this specific airplane rather accidently, but found its unique, improvised camouflage rather challenging – esp. when you build kits with enamels and brush like me. I still had a Hobby Boss P-51D in my vast kit pile, and so I decided to tackle this aircraft as a side project while waiting for parts for another project, since the kit could be built almost OOB, just the decals had to be puzzled together.
I only did minor changes to the kit. One addition is a pilot figure in order to cover the cockpit "bathtub", and a dashboard cover under the windshield inside of the cockpit was added, too. A pitot (made from a piece of wire) was added under the port wing, as well as a retractable landing light inside of the starboard main gear well.
Despite being of simple construction, the Hobby Boss kit shows good surface details, including engraved panel lines. It’s quickly built – the fuselage and the wings are both just single, massive(!) pieces. Due this construction, though, the kit is not a good choice for conversions. And one major flaw is the fact that the canopy frame is a fixed part of the fuselage, even though two canopies are supplies – a single piece for closed position, and separate windshield and hatch for a potentially open cockpit. But the latter can actually not be built, and separating the canopy frame from the massive fuselage is IMHO a messy task, and that’s the reason why I left the cockpit closed… Anyway, it is IMO still a good kit for the money, and a good choice as a basis for a simple livery alternative.
Beyond that, this model comes “clean” without any ordnance. Since I could not find any reference that would show or mention external loads under AURI Mustangs (not even drop tanks), I left the model this way, what underlines the Mustang's clean lines.
Painting and markings
Here, things become more interesting. My model depicts Angatan Udara Republik Indonesia’s F-51D “F-319” and is based (only) on aircraft profiles and sketches, which were themselves only prepared on the basis of poor photographs of AURI Mustangs during late operations against AUREV.
AURI Mustang F-319 (44-13045) took, according to an article in Air Enthusiast No.82, actively part in the fighting of 1958, and it is one of the few (maybe even the only) Mustang to sport a cammo scheme. In general, the AURI P-51Ds were left in a bare metal finish, with colored spinners and a black anti glare panel, sometimes decorated with huge shark teeth. Actually, these aircraft were inherited from Dutch forces after Indonesia' independence, and the national insignia just replaced with the AURI pentagon. Even the tactical codes were kept.
F-319 was obviously hastily camouflaged, and only on the upper sides and wrapped around the lower fuselage, probably in two shades of green, or in green and brown. The exact colors remain unknown, but any profile I found depicts F-319 in two shades of green, so I stuck with it, and it’s a nice color combo. F-319 was reportedly damaged during the attack against Amahai on 10 May 1958, after that the track is lost.
Anyway, key objective of this kit was to replicate that improvised cammo and weathered look that one might expect under harsh climate conditions and frequent use with poor maintenance in front line service.
All interior surfaces were painted in a zinc chromate green finish. I used Humbrol 150 as a basis color and added dry-brushed Testors 1715 on top of that. The landing gear was kept in Aluminum (HUmbrol 56). Everything "standard".
The model's lower sides were painted with 'Polished Aluminum' Metallizer from Testors. The upper surfaces, which would later be concealed by camouflage, were painted with acrylic paint, 'Aluminum' from Revell. The same color was also used for some contrast panels on the lower surfaces. Onto this basic finish, the decals were applied as a next step. AURI F-319 appears to have had its cammo scheme painted around its original markings and some access hatches, and simulating this would be IMHO achieved the easiest way by simply duplicating the process on the kit!
The decals themselves were puzzled together from several aftermarket sheets. The AURI insignia/national markings come from a generic TL Modellbau sheet, the tactical code and the “AURI” letters under the wing were cut and re-arranged from "USAF" letters in 1:72 scale. Improvisation rules, and the frugal modeler.
After the decals had been applied ans secured under a thin coat of clear, acryllic varnish, I used water and salt to mask panel lines and leading edges with tiny mottles and irregular "spot clusters". It’s actually a method that works well when you simulate rust and flaking paint on 1:35 tanks and such with an air brush, but I thought that it might also work here, too, since I wanted to let a lot of bare metal shine through the rather thin cammo paint.
After having thoroughly dried, the camouflage scheme was applied with a broad but flat, soft brush, with slightly thinned enamel paint and only with gentle strokes. An air brush would have been better suited, not to stir the masks on the metal paint below, but on the other side a brush allows a more tattered, uneven look, enhancing the flaked and worn effect and the realism of the finish.
The basic camouflage colors are Humbrol 120 (FS 34227, Light Green) and Humbrol 91 (Black Green). They create a good contrast - but BW pictures are hard to interprete. After this basic cammo paint had dried up, the salt masks were rubbed away, supported by hard brushes and even fine sand paper. Surely, some repair and additions had to be made, e .g. around the insignia and the tactical codes. In some areas, the chipping effect was enhanced with some dry brushing, e .g. with Humbrol 78, 75, and 116. A wash with thin black ink was applied in order to emphasize the kit’s engraved panel lines and the many surface details. Further additions are the red spinner and the black anti-glare panel in front of the cockpit.
Finally, everything was sealed under clear varnish – the lower sides with an acrylic Tamiya spray varnish, the upper sides with a matt coat. On top of that, some overall dry painting with olive drab and medium grey was done, and exhaust and soot stains around the guns added through dry painting.
To sum it up, a small real-life project of a classic aircraft in a rather exotic, non-fancy but pretty challenging livery – it was more work than one might expect at first glance, esp. with brushes. Improvised and tattered looks are bigger challenges than “fresh from the factory” finishes.
Chimeneas kársticas de disolución (Solution Pipes) – Supuesto “bosque fósil” de la cala de Agia Marina, Agios Nikolaos (Lakonia, Grecia)
Formas criptokársticas que consisten en tubos verticales, ligeramente cónicos y sinuosos, con una costra calcárea adherida a las paredes y relleno arenoso. En la costa gaditana alcanzan diámetros de hasta 60 cm y 1 m de longitud, los mayores, y 10 cm de diámetro y 0.5 m de profundidad lo más pequeños.
En el Mediterráneo se han descrito criptokarst asociados a dunas o playas del Último Interglaciar. Se desarrollan sobre materiales carbonatados, recubiertos por sedimentos permeables sobre los que crece la vegetación. La chimenea (pipe) y su relleno, en este caso arenoso, se formarían por disolución durante una fase húmeda y cálida, a la que seguiría un periodo árido, con formación de la costra carbonatada lateral, finalizando así el desarrollo del criptokarst. Se ha calculado la edad de este criptokarst en unos 75 000 años, entre el final de un periodo húmedo y el comienzo de uno seco.
Karst Solution Pipes – Alleged “fossil forest” of Agia Marina, Agios Nikolaos (Lakonia, Greece)
Cryptokarst forms that consist of vertical tubes, slightly conical and sinuous, with a calcareous crust adhered to the walls and a sandy fill. In the Cádiz coast (Spain) they reach diameters of up to 60 cm and 1 m in length, the largest ones, and 10 cm in diameter and 0.5 m in depth, the smallest ones.
In the Mediterranean, criptokarst associated with dunes or beaches of the Last Interglaciar have been described. They are developed on carbonated materials, covered by permeable sediments on which the vegetation grows. Solution pipes and their filling (sand) would be formed by dissolution during a humid and warm phase. An arid period would follow, with the formation of lateral carbonated crusts, thus ending the development of cryptokarst. The age of this cryptokarst has been estimated in c. 75,000 years, between the end of a wet period and the beginning of a dry one.
References
Cabero, A., Bardaji, T., Borja, F., Dabrio, C., Goy, J.L., Lario, J., Roquero, E. y Silva, P.G. (2005): Procesos cársticos en terrazas marinas del último interglacial asociados a cambios climáticos del nivel del mar (Golfo de Cádiz, España). Actas de la VI Reunión de Cuaternario Ibérico. Asociación Española para el Estudio del Cuaternario.
Auriemma R., Coppola D., Marsico A., Mastronuzzi G., Mauz B., Palmentola G., Sansò P., Selleri G. (2003): Late Quaternary deposits and archaeological remains along the Adriatic coast of Puglia. Puglia 2003 - Final Conference IGCP Project N. 437. GI2S Coast, Research Publication, 5. UNESCO.
- red T-shirt, without closure
- white trousers, with working pockets, silver glitter stripes on the pockets and seam, closed with a tiny button in front
- short dark-blue cardigan, embellished with little buttons and pearls
- red fake suede fringe bag with lining, silver metal parts
Fits for FR2 dolls.
Model: Nightshade Kyori
Jewelry: Frau E.
Shoes: no name
..old stencils sprayed onto old records for Free Art Friday and as part of my Vinyl Solution series..
Seasonal business spikes, new market opportunities and vehicle breakdowns can all create the need for rental trucks on a short-term basis. PacLease provides fleets flexible truck rental solutions for short-term transportation needs. Renting a truck through PacLease is a turnkey solution that features late model Kenworth and Peterbilt trucks, like the Peterbilt Model 579 and Kenworth T680 (shown here), built with the quality fleets require.
Nikon D7000
Samyang 8mm Fisheye
8mm
t- 1/160 secs
f.11
iso 100
San Martino & Pedamantina - San Martino - Vomero - Naples
The Certosa di San Martino is among the greatest monumental complex of Naples is , by far , one of the most successful examples of Baroque art and architecture along with the Royal Chapel of the Treasure of San Gennaro. It is located on the Vomero hill , next to Castel Sant 'Elmo . In December 2010, the decree n . 851 of the Ministry for Cultural Heritage issued on a proposal from the Superintendent of architectural and landscape heritage of Naples and its province , said the hill on which stands the monastery " national monument " [1] .
Since 1866, the monastery houses the National Museum of San Martino.
The museum entrance on the right and the church of women against
In 1325 , on the top of the hill, Charles, Duke of Calabria , eldest son of Robert of Anjou , erected the monastery. Of the original architectural solution of the factory , built next to the castle of Belforte ( 1325 ) , there remain very few elements : some are recognizable openings in Catalan style with arches that are located in the former refectory , probably used as a serving hatch , came to light in a recent restoration .
The architects who began the construction of the Charterhouse were the same as those who worked in the same years at the castle: Tino Camaino and Francis of Vivo, which succeeded in time to Attanasio Primary and John de Draft. The monastery was inaugurated in 1368, under the reign of Queen Joanna I , but the Carthusians had taken possession of the monastery since 1337.
The church seen from the courtyard
The complex was dedicated to Martin of Tours , probably due to the presence in the place of an ancient pre-existing chapel dedicated to him in the second half of the sixteenth century , under the influence of the Counter- Certosa was modified according to the latest standards and grandiose .
I entered the Carthusian monastery in 1337 and the church , in 1368 , was consecrated in the reign of Joan of Anjou. At the end of the sixteenth century the monastery underwent alterations and extensions in late Mannerist and Baroque style . The works were entrusted to Dosio 1589-1609 which was in fact the first author of most of the changes received from the complex. From 1618 to 1625 the site management passed to Giovan Giacomo di Conforto , while from 1623 to 1656 left his artistic mark Cosimo Fanzago.
In the first half of the eighteenth century, the work went to Tagliacozzi Channel and Domenico Antonio Vaccaro .
In 1799, the Carthusians were expelled for Jacobinism , returned in 1804 and after a while ' ( in 1807 ) were again expelled , in 1836 were again readmitted and finally expelled permanently in 1866 , when the monastery became monumental property owned by the state .
The square, the courtyard and the church
On the square is the church of women 's work Dosio , and decorated with stucco in the seventeenth century. To the right is the ingesso , located in the entrance hall is a coat of arms Angevin . The entrance leads to the courtyard also made from Dosio .
On the left is the church of the fourteenth century remodeled Dosio (which rearranged the five-arched portico with three arches by drawing two chapels ) and Cosimo Fanzago ( who built a serliana facade to mask the previous year) , the top and the walls are of Tagliacozzi Channel .
The space between the façade and serliana there are frescoes by Micco Spadaro , Giovanni Baglione and Belisario Corenzio .
Description of the Interior
Interior of the church
The vault of the
The church has a nave with six chapels ( two of them are communicating with the first right and left) , presents a high level of decoration at the turn of the sixteenth century and the eighteenth century.
Cosimo Fanzago is the author of the barriers of the chapels and the decoration of the chapels of San Bruno and John the Baptist ; always Fanzago are festoons of fruit on the pillars and four marble putti on the arches of the chapels.
The marble floor of the nave is of Brother Bonaventura Presti reused some inlaid marble from Fanzago.
On either side of the entrance there are two statues of the same Fanzago , which however was finished by Alexander Swift , always near the portal are placed two paintings by Jusepe de Ribera and above the portal a deposition by Massimo Stanzione . The ceiling is decorated with a series of paintings by Giovanni Lanfranco that masks the hotels in cruise cover .
Chapels on the right
Chapel of St. Hugh
There are frescoes of Stanzione , Andrea Vaccaro and Belisario Corenzio and sculptures by Matthew Bottigliero . To the right leads to the Chapel of the Rosary, decorated by Domenico Antonio Vaccaro , where there is also a painting by Batts Caracciolo.
Chapel of the Baptist
Decorated by Fanzago , presents paintings by Carlo Maratta , Paolo De Matteis and the Stanzione , and sculptures by Lorenzo Vaccaro , finished by his son Domenico Antonio .
Chapel of St. Martin
There is a decoration of the seventeenth century transformed by Nicola Tagliacozzi Channel in the eighteenth century . The chapel is embellished with statues by Giuseppe Sammartino , frescoes by Paolo Finoglio , while the two lateral paintings are the work of Francesco Solimena.
Chapels on the left
Chapel of San Gennaro
Decorated with inlaid marble of the early seventeenth century , has frescoes and paintings by Batts Caracciolo, and high-reliefs and statues of Domenico Antonio Vaccaro . To the right leads to the Chapel of St. Joseph, decorated by the same Domenico Vaccaro .
Chapel of San Bruno
Fanzaghiana and pictorial decoration of Stanzione and statues of Lorenzo Vaccaro ( completed by his son Domenico Antonio ) . Also by Lorenzo Vaccaro is the floor and two marble angels .
chapel of the Assumption
It is decorated secententesca completed by Nicola Tagliacozzi Channel , on the ' altar and the walls are paintings by Francesco De Mura, in the vault frescoes by Batts Caracciolo , statues by Giuseppe Sammartino . To the right leads to the Chapel of St. Nicholas with frescoes by Belisario Corenzio and a painting of Pacecco De Rosa.
The presbytery and apse
The balustrade of the main altar (G. Sammartino on design Tagliacozzi Channel )
In the presbytery , in front of the altar , there is a balustrade made of semiprecious stones design Tagliacozzi Channel . The altar is instead based on a design by Francesco Solimena.
The apse has a marble floor and a magnificent wooden choir Fanzago of 1629 . On the back wall are placed statues of Bernini and Pietro Giovanni Battista Caccini and a Nativity of Guido Reni. The frescoes are by Cavalier d' Arpino and Giovanni Lanfranco . On the right wall there are frescoes of Stanzione , Carletto Caliari , in the left the frescoes are by Jusepe de Ribera and Caracciolo Batts .
Other areas of the complex
Chapter Room
In the Chapter House there are frescoes by Belisario Corenzio , Paul Finoglio , Batts Caracciolo , Massimo Stanzione and Francesco de Mura .
Parlour (or Choir Conversi )
Choir Conversi
There are views of the monastery and Gothic tapestries on which are painted Bible stories , a monumental washstand of Cosimo Fanzago and in the lower part of the room instead there is the presence of the sixteenth-century wooden choir inlaid .
Chapel of Mary Magdalene
The chapel is frescoed with prospects and the altar is a painting by Andrea Vaccaro .
sacristy
Sacristy and the Chapel of the Treasury
The sacristy is decorated with frescoes in the vault of the Cavalier d' Arpino while below there are inlaid furniture securities at the end of the sixteenth century. On the two walls there are a Crucifixion of Cavalier d'Arpino , an Ecce Homo of Stanzione and a Denial of Peter Caravaggio school .
The frescoes in the chapel seats in the passage of the Treasury worked instead Massimo Stanzione , Luca Giordano, Paolo De Matteis and Micco Spadaro .
The Chapel of the Treasury is instead painted by Luca Giordano , with the Triumph of Judith and stories from the Old Testament ( about 1703 ) . There are also furniture securities at the end of the seventeenth century of Monte Gennaro , an altar of 1610 of John Selino and finally the famous Pietà by Jusepe de Ribera.
cloisters
Main article: For more, see the Cloisters of San Martino .
Access to the cloister of the convent
The cloisters of St. Martin are two : the cloister of the prosecutors and the big one.
The Cloister of the prosecutors was designed by Dosio . The action plan is the corridor leading to the dining hall of the eighteenth century designed by Nicola Tagliacozzi Channel . At the center is a well piperno .
The cloister were designed by Dosio was redone by Fanzago who made the half pilasters at the corners of the ambulatory , the busts on the seven gates are of the same Fanzago , except for two that are the work of Domenico Antonio Vaccaro . The balustrade of the cemetery of the monks of Cosimo Fanzago who created a pattern with skulls and bones. At the center is a well sculpted marble from Dosio .
Museum
Main article: Main article: Museum of San Martino .
Inside the monastery there is the Museo di San Martino , where there are different works ranging from Borbonic to the post-unification period .
For example, numerous plates of artists such as José de Ribera , Luca Giordano, Francesco De Mura and Batts Caracciolo, as well as important paintings from the Risorgimento period of Naples and the school boards of Posillipo.
Of particular interest are the Capodimonte porcelain and art crib that the museum . In the monastery are located Finally, several sculptures by Pietro Bernini, such as the Madonna and Child with St. John the Baptist and a table , recently acquired by the Italian State , of historical importance with regard to the urban evolution of the city: the Tavola Strozzi .
Juice weight-reduction plan ideas from Joe Cross t.co/6MP0xh5v1t t.co/19KbfIfNJJ (via Twitter twitter.com/adaptiveblue1/status/733132302021189632)
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I took a stroll through one of the local antique stores. This is the biggest one in my area and has a ton of vintage stuff. I find shooting at a place like this gets the creative juices flowing..
I don't work for the antique store, they just gave me permission to come in and shoot. You can find out more about the store @ www.agouraantiquemart.com
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About Me - about.me/edwardconde
Solutions Summit in the SDG Media Zone at the United Nations, Wednesday, Sept. 20, 2017. (Photo/Stuart Ramson for the United Nations Foundation)
Even a dog can come up with a solution to kids running around and the high humidity. He is sitting on this deck that is more or less useless for humans under a tree in the breeze on the tiles that are not heated by the sun. Now that is a solution that makes those of us that work jealous.
For Mission 24's Solution assignment.
Our air is a mixture of gases, specifically a solution. Oxygen, water vapor, and other trace gases are dissolved in nitrogen, the gas that makes up more than 75% of the air we breathe.
You can download or view Macroscopic Solutions’ images in more detail by selecting any image and clicking the downward facing arrow in the lower-right corner of the image display screen.
Three individuals of Macroscopic Solutions, LLC captured the images in this database collaboratively.
Contact information:
Mark Smith M.S. Geoscientist
mark@macroscopicsolutions.com
Daniel Saftner B.S. Geoscientist and Returned Peace Corps Volunteer
daniel@macroscopicsolutions.com
Annette Evans Ph.D. Student at the University of Connecticut
annette@macroscopicsolutions.com
The red circle shows my solution for a long standing problem I've had with this part of the bow. I think this is the best solution so far. The green circle shows how the boomkins are attached. They will be lashed to the knighthead once completed.
Electricity would be a solution to some in the third world
It is the root of where first world families come unfurled
More time spent watching TV than interacting with each other
In the third world it could save someone's little sister or brother.
Electricity is a wonderful thing, I am sitting in an office lit by florescent lights, in front of a computer, listening to soft tunes on the radio but the influence of electricity isn't all positive in our community.
Addictions to social media and too much time watching tv
Are both things to tear apart the special group we call family
ODC: First world problem
The five former Oxford Alexander Dennis Enviro400-bodied Scania N230UBs in the Stagecoach in South Wales fleet (15613, 15754, 15838, 15964 & 15965) were all initially allocated to Cwmbran depot. However, four of the batch subsequently transferred to Porth - 15964 being the exception - for Service 132 (and T4 for a period). That split has recently swung the other way, with 15838 and 15965 returning to Cwmbran.
School and college contracts are their usual allocation, though on Saturdays when off-peak passenger numbers are higher they put in appearances on truncated Service X3 (Pontypool-Cwmbran-Cardiff) alongside the depot's Scania K230UBs.
15965 was fulfilling this role in this shot from January 2025 taken on Glyndwr Road in Cwmbran when heading for Cardiff.
Now solve your Love marriage solutions in no time by help of love guru Kali Charan Swami. He is expert in love problems.
© Luxgnos Photography / Brian Callahan 2011 All rights reserved.
Started my chemotherapy cycle 5 (of 10) today. The (guarded) good news is that my onconogists reading of my recent PSA, bone and CT scan data indicates that the cancer is responding positively to the treatments.
Ornaments::
Pepsid;
Hydrocortazone;
Curstisin;
Taxatere (Docataxel);
Zofran;
Saline solution for flushing.
The infusions took 4 1/2 hours. You will notice the tube protruding from my shirt. It leads tot my implanted port through wich the various fluids are infused.
Mostly, I stay very postive thourgh the experience, aided by the many who share their concern, compassion, support and prayers.
I hope they all know how much I appreciate and love them.