View allAll Photos Tagged Segregation
The City of Birmingham was, of course, not unique in spending several decades of the late-20th Century carving out a massive and highly destructive Inner Ring Road to cope with what was seen as the necessary growth in road transport and to aid 'segregation' of road users and pedestrian conflicts. In Birmingham this meant an almost 'cordon sanitaire' around the city centre that was later to be seen as a massive barrier to urban permiability - the long, often desolate pedestrian subways that were the solution to segregation. In fact Birmingham has now studiously partially removed the many sections of the Ineer Ring Road, Queensway, to reintroduce links between the centre and immediate areas.
However, back in 1972 as the Inner Ring Road was nearing completion, the City Council recognised that one fo the promised trade-offs of the new road needed to be delivered - the pedestrianisation of certain central area streets. In truth the initial scheme seen here was relatively modest - other cities that had followed the pattern of Inner Ring Roads such as Leeds would make bigger strides in the removal of traffic from such streets. Anyhow, the leaflet issued by the Public Works Committee of the City Council, under the name of the Council's then powerful City Engineer, Surveyor and Planning Officer, Neville Borg, describes the scheme and, along with a map and 'before and after' scenes, also shows the City Centre Bus Service that the West Midlands PTE was to operate - from memory this would morph into the Centrebus 100 service.
The leaflet - the title of which uses the contemporary fashion for typefaces, was formally detailing aspecys of the City of Birmingham (Pedestrianisation Order) 1972, a reminder that legal powers to close streets to traffic was a requirement. This side of the sheet includes Union Street and shows two Birmingham buses loading at pavement stops. The front vehicle is one of the old Birmingham City Transport "Standards" or "New Look" buses delivered in vast numbers in the 1950s and that gave many years of service - this is on the old 56 Castle Bromwich service then operated by the West Midlands PTE. Bringing up the rear is one of the early Daimler Fleetlines from the 1960s.
A photo of my uncle Orlando by marriage sitting in his office (about 1963). He was a technical writer for IBM & Texas Instruments and some other companies. Married to my aunt Jari my dad's big sister. When my aunt passed away about 4 years ago a fantastic photo of him during WW2 had been lost or misplaced by the family when they were moving Aunt Jari’s belongings from her apartment. I have never forgotten about that photo. I REGRET I didn’t at least take a picture of it with my camera when I had the chance. If I remember correctly uncle Orlando was standing in front of a back drop that was a forest like setting and he’s standing there looking regal wearing a US Cavalry uniform with his riding breeches, knee high riding boots , riders gloves , while holding a riding crop. I could be wrong but I believe because of segregation in the military that Black soldiers that were in the Cavalry were in the 2nd Cavalry Div. He learned how to ride a horse without holding on to the rein while firing at a moving target with a .45
Well, That didn’t last long, none of the U.S. Cavalry was used over seas, he ended up in the Quartermasters as a truck driver delivering supplies and ammo over in North Africa & Italy & Sicily. Like so many friends and family where their dad or brother or uncle served during WW2 they didn’t say much about their time over seas. My uncle didn’t talk about it and didn’t display any commendations or photos out in the open. He especially did not like to watch war movies. He would not give an explanation he would just say,” I don’t watch that stuff “.
Something happened over in Sicily though during the war years and when I finally heard the story it kind of explained some of his actions through the years of knowing him. I was 15 at the time and I was camping out in my dads new Dodge Jamboree 18 footer motorhome sleeping in the top bunk parked on my uncles property not far from Sacramento, Calif. So he and my dad wanted to get away from the wives for a little bit, drink some wine and check out the new box on wheels. They sat at the table started talking. The curtain was pulled closed where I was supposed to be asleep in the bunk over the cab of the truck. My dad said, don't worry about him he’s sound asleep.
My uncle didn’t mean no disrespect but he said to my dad, "Man you cheatin’ this aint what camping is all about, all you did was buy a house on wheels. When you go camping you leave the comforts of home at home. They laughed, my dad said, "I did enough of that in the boy scouts and the air force. No this is how you do it". On the table at the rear of the motor home where they were sitting my uncle saw a couple of books I had left sitting out on the table, about German Tanks and fighting vehicles of WW2. He said, “ what’s your boy got here?” I could hear him flipping through the pages and then he stopped and i could hear him tapping with his finger on a page in the book pointing at a tank which I could not see, D’OH. He said to my dad,excitedly YOU SEE THAT? Look-a-here, LOOK-a-here…. SEE this tank right here? That thing scared the SHIT out of me ! We were in a wooded area off the main road and spotted this Kraut tank. We were waiting for the crew to come out after we saw some movement with the hatch opening and closing thinking maybe we could pick off the crew after they all climbed out of the tank. Man up until this time all the Kraut tanks I ever saw had a fixed gun that went up and down and a few short degrees left and right, this damn thing had a turret and we saw that turret start turning and got a glimpse of the gun on that thing and we got our asses OUT of there !! Our carbines were bb guns compared to that thing. He said I ‘ve been shot at while unloading supplies, but at least we could return fire and drop some Kraut a-holes, but you feel pretty helpless in a damn convoy when some Muther in a plane is gunning for ya. One time we got strafed by a German fighter…. My dad asked , “could you see what kind of plane it was ? was it a Stuka or a ME-109?” …. He said to my dad, “Louis I wasn’t trying to ID the Damn thing I was trying not to get my fool head blown off.” He said there was a convoy of trucks, jeeps and half tracks going the opposite direction and the guys on the half tracks had machine guns, they opened up those babies…. tat-tat-tat-tat-tat-tat.... tracers flying through the air , but this wasn’t like in the movies man, not one of them brought that plane down. Here we are even though we got weapons but that KRAUT in the air has the upper hand and all we can do is jump outa of the vehicles & duck for cover.
So I ‘m laying there listening to this stuff he never really shared before that I know of, and I said to myself maybe that’s why he is always tense and a bundle of nerves behind the wheel of a car. He loved his Buick Rivieras but he drives them like grand pa behind the wheel. He was always super overly cautious when driving, only drove the freeway if he had too.
Imagine that. I leave a couple of books out on the table and he spills his guts to my dad about his experience in WW2. He said a whole lot more even though I was laying down pretending to be asleep up in the bunk bed, but in my head I was sitting on the edge of my seat hanging on every word. A lot of stuff he did talk about I rather not share out of respect to him and his family. All I can say now as I reflect on the things he shared with my dad as I ease dropped. There’s no way you can make this SHIT UP, I MEAN the stuff he shared is stuff you would like to turn off and not remember any more if you lived it. As I grew into manhood I could see just how that war erased who he use to be before the war. (Maybe for the better? who knows?) I will say this, I understand why he did not have close friends and did not trust most people and felt happiest with only family, a love of smoking pipes and drinking wine & eating gourmet cheeses, staying up late at night tinkering with old clocks and model trains. I don't mean any old clocks, he had all types of antique mantel clocks, wall clocks, cuckoo clocks, a grandfather clock and a Grandmother Clock. They all chimed on the hour and some on the half hour and usually they chimed 1 to 2 minutes of each other. 12 midnight was insane, when they all started sounding off. The only rooms with out clocks was his kids and the bath rooms. He died of natural causes in Oct. 2000
I DID think these 2 things he mentioned were very ironic during war time.
1. My uncle Orlando shared these comments made to him by one of the German POWs, I believe they were unloading off his truck at a temporary POW site. I can’t remember exactly what my uncles response to him was but I recall it was sarcastic and he said it to the POW in the few German words my uncle knew. (NOW mind you)This German soldier possibly an officer who is in the CUSTODY of American forces. He said to my uncle, “You Americans aren’t good fighters, you’re lazy, you’re undisciplined, you dress in a slovenly manner and we have far superior equipment & weapons. You won’t win this war”. Now maybe he said this because my uncle was Black and Hitler believed Germans were the Super race. But oddly enough he did not make any derogatory reference to my uncles ethnicity.
2. Even though my uncle was not a front line soldier he still saw more action then he cared to see. He said, the one thing that nearly killed him besides being shot at, was a Bee sting. He had no idea a person could have a sever allergic reaction to a Bee sting. Had to be taken to a field hospital coz his air way was restricted, he could barely breathe, tightness in his chest & felt extremely weak.
Just a couple of funny things I remember about him.
My dad had made mention about buying a few acres of land in Pahrump, Nevada and plopping down a double wide mobile home on it. Uncle Orlando said while cleaning out his pipe and sipping down his Ernest and Julio Gallo Wine, Oooh Louis, a Mobile-home?.... That's where people go to die!
When uncle Orlando and his Family lived in San Diego in the late 50s & early 60s he and my dad would drive down to Mexico and go to the bull fights. That was the only sport he liked. One time a co-worker was rattling off some names of Foot Ball players and their stats and was surprised my uncle had no clue to what he was talking about. So my uncle rattled off names of Bull Fighters like Carlos Arruza and many other's and their stats. And the co-worker was clueless as to what he was talking about.... my uncle shot back . For the love of God man I'm talking about Bull Fighters, What? you never been to a bull fight? So the co-worker was telling my uncle what he was missing by not following foot ball, golf and baseball. Orlando said , Good Grief man I rather watch grass grow!
The Hagia Sophia, whose name means “holy wisdom,” is a domed monument originally built as a cathedral in Constantinople (now Istanbul, Turkey) in the sixth century A.D.
It contains two floors centered on a giant nave that has a great dome ceiling, along with smaller domes, towering above.
“Hagia Sophia’s dimensions are formidable for any structure not built of steel,” writes Helen Gardner and Fred Kleiner in their book "Gardner’s Art Through the Ages: A Global History." “In plan it is about 270 feet [82 meters] long and 240 feet [73 meters] wide. The dome is 108 feet [33 meters] in diameter and its crown rises some 180 feet [55 meters] above the pavement.”
Building the Hagia Sophia
To build his cathedral, Justinian turned to two men named Anthemius and Isidore the Elder.
“Contemporary writers do not refer to Anthemius and Isidore as architects, though the term was common in the sixth century, but as mechanikoi or mechanopoioi,” writes Indiana University professor W. Eugene Kleinbauer in a section of the book "Hagia Sophia" (Scala Publishers, 2004). “These terms denote a very small number of practitioners of the arts of design, whether of buildings or of machines or other works ...”
They built the Hagia Sophia in great haste, finishing it in less than six years. To put this in comparison it took nearly a century for medieval builders to construct the Notre Dame cathedral in Paris.
This short construction period appears to have led to problems. Ancient sources, such as the writer Procopios, write that the builders had problems with the dome roof, the structure almost collapsing during construction. The dome used a system of piers to channel its weight.
“The piers on top of which the structure was being built, unable to bear the mass that was pressing down on them, somehow or other suddenly started to break away and seemed to be on the point of collapsing...” writes Procopios (translation republished on Columbia University’s website).
Eventually Anthemius and Isidore did get the domed roof to stand and it was a magnificent sight indeed. “It seems not to be founded on solid masonry, but to be suspended from heaven by that golden chain and so cover the space,” wrote Procopios.
Unfortunately this roof did not stand. It collapsed about two decades later and it fell to a man named Isidore the Younger to build a new domed roof. It has lasted, with some repairs, nearly 1,400 years, down to the present day.
“The dome rests not on a drum but on pendentives, spherical triangles that arise from four huge piers that carry the weight of the cupola. The pendentives made it possible to place the dome over a square compartment,” writes researcher Victoria Hammond, who describes the structure of the surviving Hagia Sophia dome, in a chapter of the book "Visions of Heaven: The Dome in European Architecture" (Springer, 2005).
Hagia SophiaSunlight coming in through the windows of the Hagia Sophia "seemed to dissolve the solidity of the walls and created an ambience of ineffable mystery," wrote one author.
Credit: Yulia Gursoy | ShutterstockView full size image
Beneath the dome are 40 windows with sunlight coming through. “The sunlight emanating from the windows surrounding its lofty cupola, suffusing the interior and irradiating its gold mosaics, seemed to dissolve the solidity of the walls and created an ambience of ineffable mystery,” she writes. “On the completion of Hagia Sophia, Justinian is said to have remarked, ‘Solomon, I have outdone thee’.”
Imperial seating
Modern-day visitors will note that the Hagia Sophia has two levels, the ground floor and a gallery above. The presence of the two levels may mean that people were organized according to gender and class when services were held at the cathedral.
In Byzantine churches “galleries seem to have been used as a means of segregation of genders and of social classes,” writes Vasileios Marinis in a chapter of the book "The Byzantine World" (Routledge, 2010). “In Hagia Sophia a part of the gallery was used as an imperial lodge, from which the empress and occasionally the emperor attended the services.”
This lodge wasn’t the only benefit the emperor got. Antony White writes in another chapter of the 2004 "Hagia Sophia" book that to enter the cathedral’s nave from the narthex there are nine doorways. “The central or Imperial Door was reserved for the use of the emperor and his attendants, and provides the most perfect approach to the interior of the church.”
Decorations and iconoclasm
The decorations within the Hagia Sophia at the time of construction were probably very simple, images of crosses for instances. Over time this changed to include a variety of ornate mosaics.
“There are a number of mosaics that have been added over the centuries, imperial portraits, images of the imperial family, images of Christ and different emperors, those have been added since Justinian’s day,” said Goodson in the documentary.
During the eighth and ninth centuries A.D., there was a period of iconoclasm in the Byzantine Empire that resulted in some of the mosaics being destroyed.
“The controversy spanned roughly a century, during the years 726–87 and 815–43. In these decades, imperial legislation barred the production and use of figural images; simultaneously, the cross was promoted as the most acceptable decorative form for Byzantine churches,” writes Sarah Brooks, of James Madison University, in a Metropolitan Museum of Art article.
Hagia Sophia mosaicPin It The Apse Mosaic in the Hagia Sophia shows the Virgin Mary holding baby Jesus. It is 13 feet tall.
Credit: Artur Bogacki | ShutterstockView full size image
“Fear that the viewer misdirected his/her veneration toward the image rather than to the holy person represented in the image lay at the heart of this controversy.”
At the end of this period decoration of the interior of Hagia Sophia resumed, each emperor adding their own images. One of the most well-known mosaics is located on the apse of the church showing a 13-foot-tall (4 meters) Virgin Mary with Jesus as a child. Dedicated on March 29, 867, it is located 30 meters (almost 100 feet) above the church floor, notes University of Sussex professor Liz James in a 2004 article published in the journal Art History.
Conversion to mosque
Another chapter in the Hagia Sophia’s life began in 1453. In that year the Byzantine Empire ended, with Constantinople falling to the armies of Mehmed II, sultan of the Ottoman Empire.
The Byzantine Empire had been in decline for centuries and by 1453 the Hagia Sophia had fallen into disrepair, notes researcher Elisabeth Piltz in a 2005 British Archaeological Reports series book. Nevertheless, the Christian cathedral made a strong impression on the new Ottoman rulers and they decided to convert it into a mosque.
“What a dome, that vies in rank with the nine spheres of heaven! In this work a perfect master has displayed the whole of the architectural science,” wrote Ottoman historian Tursun Beg during the 15th century (translation from Piltz’s book).
Outside the church, four minarets would eventually be added, Kleiner writes (in a 2010 edition of his book) that these “four slender pencil-shaped minarets” are more than 200 feet (60 meters) tall and are “among the tallest ever constructed.”
Changes occurred on the inside as well. Piltz writes that “after the Ottoman conquest the mosaics were hidden under yellow paint with the exception of the Theotokos [Virgin Mary with child] in the apse.” In addition “Monograms of the four caliphs were put on the pillars flanking the apse and the entrance of the nave.”
The style of the Hagia Sophia, in particular its dome, would go on to influence Ottoman architecture, most notably in the development of the Blue Mosque, built in Istanbul during the 17th century. [Related Video: Enormous Roman Mosaic Unearthed in Turkey]
Present-day museum
In 1934, the government of Turkey secularized the Hagia Sophia and turned it into a museum. The Turkish Council of Ministers stated that due “to its historical significance, the conversion of the (Hagia Sophia) mosque, a unique architectural monument of art located in Istanbul, into a museum will please the entire Eastern world and its conversion to a museum will cause humanity to gain a new institution of knowledge.” [From Robert Nelson, "Hagia Sophia: 1850-1950: Holy Wisdom Modern Monument," University of Chicago Press, 2004)
Research, repair and restoration work continues to this day and the Hagia Sophia is now an important site for tourism in Istanbul. It is a place that has been part of the cultural fabric of the city in both ancient and modern times. dulides
(2/3) #Turkey’s escalating, flagrant violation of its international obligations is manifested in its decision to alter the designation of #HagiaSophia, a world heritage site that is a universal symbol of the Orthodox faith.
Persistent URL: www.floridamemory.com/items/show/252948
Title:</ Paradise Park
Date of film: ca. 1950
Physical descrip: B&W; silent; original length: 4:30
Local call number:
General note: Paradise Park was a segregated African-American resort located about a mile down the Silver River from the popular Silver Springs attraction near Ocala, Florida. The park was developed by Carl Ray and W.M. “Shorty” Davidson, co-owners of Silver Springs for nearly four decades. Paradise Park opened May 20, 1949 and remained open until 1969. African-American families, tour buses and church groups came from all over Florida and the United States to visit the attraction. Amenities included a pavilion with a dance floor and jukebox, a swimming area with a sandy beach, tropical landscaping and space for softball and other games. Like its counterpart Silver Springs, Paradise Park featured glass-bottom boat tours that introduced visitors to the beauty of the Silver River. Easter egg hunts, baptisms and picnics were common, and at Christmas, Santa Claus would cruise down the river on a glass-bottom boat to pass out candy, nuts and fruit for young visitors. Herpetologist Ross Allen even set up a reptile exhibit at the park, similar to the one located upriver at Silver Springs.
This was a promotional film advertising Paradise Park. It opens with a shot of a sign directing motorists to the attraction, likely located at the intersection of Paradise Road (now NE 24th St.) and State Road 40. Scenes from the parking lot and picnic area come next, followed by footage from one of the park’s annual Labor Day beauty contests. These competitions were sponsored by the American Legion and featured contestants from across the state. Toward the end of the contest footage, a Legion official presents the winners with their awards. The film then moves on to the glass bottom boats, including footage of the passengers’ view into the clear waters of the Silver River. A young man and woman identified as Thomas and Lottie Donaldson swim to the sandy bottom with a sign that reads “Don’t Miss Paradise Park.” Bathers dive into the swimming area from a platform. The final scenes are from Ross Allen’s reptile exhibit, where an assistant is shown feeding and herding alligators. Two assistants are then seen in a snake exhibit, one handing a snake to someone in the crowd.
The State Archives partnered with Department of Environmental Protection, the owners of the film, to preserve the original 16 mm film and digitize it. Archivists sought outside assistance and worked closely with the film restoration specialists at MediaPreserve, an Audio-Visual Laboratory in Pennsylvania to restore most of the film stock and create a digital reproduction of its contents.
To see full-length versions of this and other videos from the State Archives of Florida, visit www.floridamemory.com/video/.
Repository: State Library and Archives of Florida, 500 S. Bronough St., Tallahassee, FL 32399-0250 USA. Contact: 850.245.6700. Archives@dos.myflorida.com
Company/Owner: Biñan Bus Line Transport Systems, Inc.
Fleet/Bus Number: 3174
Classification: Air-conditioned City Bus
Coachbuilder: Santarosa Motor Works, Inc./Columbian Manufacturing Corporation
Body Model: Daewoo/Santarosa BS106
Engine Model: Doosan DE08TiS
Chassis Model: Daewoo BS106 (PL5UM52HDAK)
Transmission: 6-speed Manual Transmission
Suspension: Leaf Spring Suspension
Seating Configuration: 3×2
Seating Capacity: 56
Franchise route: Balibago (Sta. Rosa)–SM Fairview via SLEX, EDSA
Route: Balibago, Santa Rosa, Laguna–SM Fairview, Novaliches, Quezon City via E2 (SLEX-Santa Rosa–SLEX-Magallanes)
Areas passing (underlines are designated stops for this bus scheme - EDSA area only: Magallanes–Ermin Garcia Avenue): Walter Mart Santa Rosa\Enchanted Kingdom–Magallanes\Ayala Avenue\Buendia Avenue\Estrella\Guadalupe\Boni/Pioneer\Reliance\Shaw Boulevard\SM Megamall\Ortigas Avenue\Robinsons Galleria\Boni Serrano\Main Avenue\Araneta Center Cubao/Farmers\Baliwag Transit/Five Star\Ermin Garcia Avenue\LTFRB Central Office/LTO Central Office\NIA Road\V. Luna Avenue/Land Registration Authority East Ave\Philippine Statistics Authority\SSS East Ave/BSP East Ave\BIR Road\East Avenue Medical Center\Philippine Heart Center\Matalino Street/Nat'l Kidney Transplant Institute\Quezon Memorial Circle/Quezon City Hall Gate 10\Nat'l Housing Authority Main Office/Maharlika Street\Philcoa\Techno Hub\Central Avenue\INC Templo Central\Tandang Sora Avenue\Luzon Avenue\Ever Gotesco\Sandiganbayan\Commission on Audit\Manggahan\INC Capitol\Litex\Don Fabian\Doña Carmen\Winston Street\Pearl Drive\Fairview Center Mall/Regalado Avenue/NCBA Fairview\Mindanao-Jollibee\Brittany Square/Belfast\Commonwealth Hospital and Medical Center
Type of Operation: City Operation Public Utility Bus (Bus A Segregation | Regular Class)
Area of Operations: CALABARAZON (Region IV-A) / National Capital Region (NCR)
Shot Location: EDSA-Boni, Mandaluyong City
Date Taken: May 14, 2018
Notices:
* Please DON'T GRAB A PHOTO WITHOUT A PERMISSION. If you're going to GRAB IT, please give A CREDIT TO THE OWNER. Also, don't PRINT SCREEN my photos.
** If I have mistakes on the specifications, please comment in a good manner so that I can edit it immediately.
*** The specifications and routes (for provincial, inter-provincial, and city operation) mentioned above are subjected for verification and may be changed without prior notice.
**** The vehicle's registration plate(s), conduction sticker(s), and/or persons (if applicable) were pixelated/blurred to prevent any conflict with the photographer, the bus company and/or to the car owner for their security and/or privacy purposes. So, don't use their plate number, conduction sticker, and vehicle tag as an evidence for any incident. And, I have taken this photo for bus fanatics, bus enthusiasts, and bus lovers purposes.
Built in 1919, the Jacobean Revival-style Senior Building of Holmes High School set the standard and tone for the Junior Building and Administration Building that followed on the campus in the interwar period. The building features a red/brown brick facade with a prominent arched central entrance with a multi-level limestone surround that has tuscan and ionic pilasters, topped with a faux renaissance gable with carved reliefs and pinnacles The building also features english quoins, limestone elements that mimic ballustrades above and below the windows on the third floor, decorative brick elements at the ends of the side wings, limestone pinnacles and cresting, and limestone window trim. The building originally housed many classrooms, a large gymnasium behind the front entrance, and a large auditorium in the western wing of the building. The building originally stood alongside the old Holmesdale "Castle", a Gothic Revival-style victorian mansion built by the Holmes family on their Holmesdale Estate, now the campus of the high school. The building was linked first via tunnel and later via breezeway in the 1920s to the former mansion, which housed the school cafeteria, bookstore, band room, and administrative offices, until it was demolished in 1936 to make way for a larger Administration Building. The building today remains home to many classrooms and the school's auditorium, but now stands alongside several other buildings, two of which share the same architectural style.
The Holmes High School campus, home to one of the oldest public high schools in Kentucky, is covered in grassy lawns and shady trees, stands at the border between the Levassor Park neighborhood to the south and the Wallace Woods neighborhood to the north, on the old Holmesdale Estate, the home of the Holmes family. In 1915, the old Holmesdale Estate, including a Gothic Revival-style victorian mansion known as the Holmesdale Castle, built in 1872, was sold to the Covington School Board as a site for a new high school to replace the overcrowded building at 12th and Russell in the Seminary Square neighborhood, which had also been built in 1872. The first school building was built in 1919 to house the Senior High School program, followed by the football stadium in 1925 and the Junior High School building in 1926, which were connected via breezeways to the former mansion, which was utilized as a cafeteria, bookstore, band room, and administration building. In 1936, the old Holmesdale Mansion was demolished for the Administration Building, which housed a cafeteria, enlarged administration facilities, and additional classrooms. In 1966, following the end of racial segregation in schools and the integration of the all-black Lincoln-Grant School with the all-white Holmes High School, the school was extended to the south with the construction of a new science building and gymnasium, which were linked with the previous structures with a raised breezeway. In 1980, a vocational building was added to the west side of the 1966 structure, bringing the campus to its present appearance and size. Originally a separate vocational school, it was merged with the high school in 2000. More recently, around the year 2000, a Postmodern-style wing linking the Administration Building and the Junior Building was constructing, mimicking the architecture of the older buildings on the campus with modern materials. Today, Holmes High School is the sole public high school serving the city of Covington, and is a major community anchor with a beautiful campus and historic charm.
Rapid strata formation in soft sand (field evidence).
Photo of strata formation in soft sand on a beach, created by tidal action of the sea.
Formed in a single, high tidal event.
This natural example of rapid, simultaneous stratification refutes the Superposition Principle and the Principle of Lateral Continuity.
Superposition only applies on a rare occasion of sedimentary deposits in perfectly, still water. Superposition is required for the long evolutionary timescale, but the evidence shows it is not the general rule, as was once believed. Most sediment is laid down in moving water, where particle segregation is the rule, resulting in the simultaneous deposition of strata/layers as shown in the photo.
Where the water movement is very turbulent, violent, or catastrophic, great depths of stratified sediment can be laid down in a short time. Certainly not the many millions of years assumed by evolutionists.
The composition of strata formed in any deposition event. is related to whatever materials are in the sediment mix. Whatever is in the mix will be automatically sorted into strata/layers. It could be sand, or material added from mud slides, erosion of chalk deposits, volcanic ash etc. Any organic material (potential fossils) will also be sorted and buried within the rapidly, formed strata.
See many other examples of rapid stratification with geological features: www.flickr.com/photos/101536517@N06/sets/72157635944904973/
Stratified, soft sand deposit. demonstrates the rapid, stratification principle.
Important, field evidence which supports the work of the eminent, sedimentologist Dr Guy Berthault MIAS - Member of the International Association of Sedimentologists.
(Dr Berthault's experiments (www.sedimentology.fr/)
And also the experimental work of Dr M.E. Clark (Professor Emeritus, U of Illinois @ Urbana), Andrew Rodenbeck and Dr. Henry Voss, (www.ianjuby.org/sedimentation/)
Location: Sandown beach, Isle of Wight. Formed 07/12/2017, This field evidence demonstrates that multiple strata in sedimentary deposits do not need millions of years to form and can be formed rapidly. This natural example confirms the principle demonstrated by the sedimentation experiments carried out by Dr Guy Berthault and other sedimentologists. It calls into question the standard, multi-million year dating of sedimentary rocks, and the dating of fossils by depth of burial or position in the strata.
Mulltiple strata/layers and several, geological features are evident in this example.
Dr Berthault's experiments (www.sedimentology.fr/) and other experiments (www.ianjuby.org/sedimentation/) and field studies of floods and volcanic action show that, rather than being formed by gradual, slow deposition of sucessive layers superimposed upon previous layers, with the strata or layers representing a particular timescale, particle segregation in moving water or airborne particles can form strata or layers very quickly, frequently, in a single event.
And, most importantly, lower strata are not older than upper strata, they are the same age, having been created in the same sedimentary episode.
Such field studies confirm experiments which have shown that there is no longer any reason to conclude that strata/layers in sedimentary rocks relate to different geological eras and/or a multi-million year timescale. www.youtube.com/watch?v=5PVnBaqqQw8&feature=share&.... they also show that the relative position of fossils in rocks is not indicative of an order of evolutionary succession. Obviously, the uniformitarian principle, on which the geologic column is based, can no longer be considered valid. And the multi-million, year dating of sedimentary rocks and fossils needs to be reassessed. Rapid deposition of stratified sediments also explains the enigma of polystrate fossils, i.e. large fossils that intersect several strata. In some cases, tree trunk fossils are found which intersect the strata of sedimentary rock up to forty feet in depth. upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/commons/thumb/0/08/Lycopsi... They must have been buried in stratified sediment in a short time (certainly not millions, thousands, or even hundreds of years), or they would have rotted away. youtu.be/vnzHU9VsliQ
In fact, the vast majority of fossils are found in good, intact condition, which is testament to their rapid burial. You don't get good fossils from gradual burial, because they would be damaged or destroyed by decay, predation or erosion. The existence of so many fossils in sedimentary rock on a global scale is stunning evidence for the rapid depostion of sedimentary rock as the general rule. It is obvious that all rock containing good intact fossils was formed from sediment laid down in a very short time, not millions, or even thousands of years.
See set of photos of other examples of rapid stratification: www.flickr.com/photos/101536517@N06/sets/72157635944904973/
Carbon dating of coal should not be possible if it is millions of years old, yet significant amounts of Carbon 14 have been detected in coal and other fossil material, which indicates that it is less than 50,000 years old. www.ldolphin.org/sewell/c14dating.html
www.grisda.org/origins/51006.htm
Evolutionists confidently cite multi-million year ages for rocks and fossils, but what most people don't realise is that no one actually knows the age of sedimentary rocks or the fossils found within them. So how are evolutionists so sure of the ages they so confidently quote? The astonishing thing is they aren't. Sedimentary rocks cannot be dated by radiometric methods*, and fossils can only be dated to less than 50,000 years with Carbon 14 dating. The method evolutionists use is based entirely on assumptions. Unbelievably, fossils are dated by the assumed age of rocks, and rocks are dated by the assumed age of fossils, that's right ... it is known as circular reasoning.
* Regarding the radiometric dating of igneous rocks, which is claimed to be relevant to the dating of sedimentary rocks, in an occasional instance there is an igneous intrusion associated with a sedimentary deposit -
Prof. Aubouin says in his Précis de Géologie: "Each radioactive element disintegrates in a characteristic and constant manner, which depends neither on the physical state (no variation with pressure or temperature or any other external constraint) nor on the chemical state (identical for an oxide or a phosphate)."
"Rocks form when magma crystallizes. Crystallisation depends on pressure and temperature, from which radioactivity is independent. So, there is no relationship between radioactivity and crystallisation.
Consequently, radioactivity doesn't date the formation of rocks. Moreover, daughter elements contained in rocks result mainly from radioactivity in magma where gravity separates the heavier parent element, from the lighter daughter element. Thus radiometric dating has no chronological signification." Dr. Guy Berthault www.sciencevsevolution.org/Berthault.htm
Visit the fossil museum:
www.flickr.com/photos/101536517@N06/sets/72157641367196613/
Just how good are peer reviews of scientific papers?
www.sciencemag.org/content/342/6154/60.full
www.examiner.com/article/want-to-publish-science-paper-ju...
The neo-Darwinian idea that the human genome consists entirely of an accumulation of billions of mutations is, quite obviously, completely bonkers. Nevertheless, it is compulsorily taught in schools and universities as 'science'.
The Israeli West Bank barrier, comprising the West Bank Wall and the West Bank fence, is a separation barrier built by Israel along the Green Line and inside parts of the West Bank. Israel describes the wall as a necessary security barrier against Palestinian political violence; whereas Palestinians describe it as an element of racial segregation and a representation of Israeli apartheid, who often call it "Wall of Apartheid". At a total length of 708 kilometres (440 mi) upon completion, the route traced by the barrier is more than double the length of the Green Line, with 15% of its length running along the Green Line or inside Israel, and the remaining 85% running as much as 18 kilometres (11 mi) inside the West Bank, effectively isolating about 9% of the land and approximately 25,000 Palestinians from the rest of the Palestinian territory.
The barrier was built by Israel following a wave of Palestinian political violence and incidents of terrorism inside Israel during the Second Intifada, which began in September 2000 and ended in February 2005. The Israeli government cites a decreased number of suicide bombings carried out from the West Bank as evidence of its efficacy, after such attacks fell from 73 between 2000 and July 2003 (the completion of the first continuous segment) to 12 between August 2003 and the end of 2006. While the barrier was initially presented as a temporary security measure at a time of heightened tensions, it has since been associated with a future political border between Israel and the State of Palestine.
The barrier has drawn criticism from Palestinians, human rights groups, and members of the international community, who have all argued that it serves as evidence of Israel's intent to annex Palestinian land under the guise of security. It has also been alleged that the construction of the wall aims to undermine the Israeli–Palestinian peace process by unilaterally establishing new de facto borders. Key points of dispute are that it substantially deviates eastward from the Green Line, severely restricts the travel of many Palestinians, and impairs their ability to commute to work within the West Bank or to Israel. The International Court of Justice issued an advisory opinion finding that the barrier qualifies as a violation of international law. In 2003, the United Nations General Assembly adopted a resolution that charged Israel's building of the barrier to be a violation of international law and demanded its removal by a vote of 144–4 with 12 abstentions.
The walled sections of the barrier have become a canvas for graffiti art, with its Palestinian side illustrating opposition to the barrier, Palestinian resistance, their right to return, as well as human rights in general.
The barrier is described by the Israeli Defense Forces as a "multi-layered composite obstacle", with parts of it being consisting of a 9 metres (30 ft) high concrete wall, while others stretches consist of a multi-layered fence system, with three fences with pyramid-shaped stacks of barbed wire on the two outer fences and a lighter-weight fence with intrusion detection equipment in the middle; an anti-vehicle ditch; patrol roads on both sides; and a smooth strip of sand for "intrusion tracking".
Where the multi-layered fence system is employed, it contains an exclusion area of 60-metre (200 ft) in width on average,[33] with some sections having an exclusion area that reaches up to 100 metres (330 ft). The concrete wall has a width of 3 metres (9.8 ft), and the wall is 9 metres (30 ft) high.
The barrier runs partly along or near the 1949 Jordanian–Israeli armistice line ("Green Line") and partly through the Israeli-occupied West Bank diverging eastward from the armistice line by up to 20 km (12 mi) to include on the western side several of the areas with concentrations of highly populated Israeli settlements, such as East Jerusalem, the Ariel Bloc (Ariel, Karnei Shomron, Kedumim, Immanuel etc.), Gush Etzion, Givat Ze'ev, Oranit, and Maale Adumim.
The barrier nearly encircles some Palestinian towns, about 20% follows the armistice line, and a projected 77,000 ha (191,000 acres) or about 13.5% of the West Bank area is on the west side of the wall. According to a study of the April 2006 route by the Israeli human rights organization B'Tselem, 8.5% of the West Bank area will be on the Israeli side of the barrier after completion, and 3.4% partly or completely surrounded on the eastern side. Some 27,520 to 31,000 Palestinians will be captured on the Israeli side. Another 124,000, on the other hand, will effectively be controlled and isolated. Some 230,000 Palestinians in Jerusalem will be placed on the West Bank side. Most of the barrier[vague] was built at the northern and western edges of the West Bank, mostly beyond the Green Line and created 9 enclaves, which enclosed 15,783 ha (39,000 acres). An additional barrier, circa 10 km long, run south of Ramallah.
Israel states that the topography does not permit putting the barrier along the Green Line in some places because hills or tall buildings on the Palestinian side would make the barrier ineffective against terrorism. The International Court of Justice states that in such cases it is only legal to build the barrier inside Israel.
The barrier route has been challenged in court and changed several times. Argument presented to the court has reiterated that the cease-fire line of 1949 was negotiated "without prejudice to future territorial settlements or boundary lines" (Art. VI.9).
In 1992, the idea of creating a physical barrier between the Israeli and Palestinian populations was proposed by then-prime minister Yitzhak Rabin, following the murder of an Israeli teenage girl in Jerusalem. Rabin said that Israel must "take Gaza out of Tel Aviv" in order to minimize friction between the peoples.
Following an outbreak of violent incidents in Gaza in October 1994, Rabin said: "We have to decide on separation as a philosophy. There has to be a clear border. Without demarcating the lines, whoever wants to swallow 1.8 million Arabs will just bring greater support for Hamas." Following an attack on HaSharon Junction, near the city of Netanya, Rabin made his goals more specific: "This path must lead to a separation, though not according to the borders prior to 1967. We want to reach a separation between us and them. We do not want a majority of the Jewish residents of the state of Israel, 98% of whom live within the borders of sovereign Israel, including a united Jerusalem, to be subject to terrorism."
In 1994, the first section of a barrier (slabs of concrete contiguous for miles) was constructed. The section follows the border between Bat Hefer and Tulkarm communities.
In 1995, the Shahal commission was established by Yitzhak Rabin to discuss how to implement a barrier separating Israelis and Palestinians. Israeli Prime Minister Ehud Barak, prior to the Camp David 2000 Summit with Yasser Arafat, vowed to build a separation barrier, stating that it is "essential to the Palestinian nation in order to foster its national identity and independence without being dependent on the State of Israel".
In November 2000, during Israeli-Palestinian peace negotiations in Washington, Prime Minister Ehud Barak approved financing of a 74 km (46 mi) fence between the Wadi Ara region and Latrun. Not until 14 April 2002, the Cabinet of Prime Minister Ariel Sharon decided to implement the plan and establish a permanent barrier in the Seam Area. On 23 June 2002, the Ariel Sharon Government definitely approved the plan in principle and work at the barrier began.
At the end of 2002, due to government inaction, several localities who suffered the most from lack of a border barrier had already started to build the barrier using their own funds directly on the green-line.
By 2003, 180 km (112 mi) had been completed and in 2004, Israel started the southern part of the barrier.
The barrier and behind it Beit Surik. "The Beit Surik Case (HCJ 2056/04)" [HE] of the Supreme Court of Israel in 30 June 2004 set the standards of proportionality between Israeli security and the injury to the Palestinian residents and resulted in a change in the route of the barrier.
In February 2004, the Israeli government said it would review the route of the barrier in response to US and Palestinian concerns. In particular, Israeli cabinet members said modifications would be made to reduce the number of checkpoints Palestinians had to cross, and especially to reduce Palestinian hardship in areas such as the city of Qalqilyah which the barrier completely surrounds. On February 20, 2005, the Israeli cabinet approved the barrier's route on the same day it approved the execution of the Gaza disengagement plan. The length of the route was increased to 670 km (416 mi) (about twice the length of the Green Line) and would leave about 10% of the West Bank, including East Jerusalem and nearly 50,000 Palestinians on the Israeli side. It also put the large settlement Maale Adumim and the Gush Etzion bloc on the Israeli side of the barrier, effectively annexing them. The final route, when realized, closes the Wall separating East Jerusalem, including Maale Adumim, from the West Bank. Before, the exact route of the barrier had not been determined, and it had been alleged by opponents that the barrier route would encircle the Samarian highlands of the West Bank, separating them from the Jordan valley. In June 2004, in exchange for Finance Minister Benjamin Netanyahu's support Israel's planned withdrawal from Gaza, Prime Minister Sharon pledged to build an extension of the barrier to the east of the settlement Ariel to be completed before the finish of the withdrawal from the Gaza Strip. Despite the ICJ ruling that the wall beyond the Green Line is illegal, Ariel Sharon reiterated on September 8, 2004, that the large settlement blocs of Ariel, Ma'aleh Adumim and Gush Etzion will be on the Israeli side of the Barrier. He also decided that the Barrier would run east of Ariel, but its connection with the main fence be postponed. Israel appropriated Palestinian private land to build the fence upon and started preparations for constructing the wall to the farthest point ever inside the West Bank, 22 km (14 mi) beyond the Green Line, 3.5 km (2.2 mi) long, and 100 m (330 ft) wide.
In 2005, the Israeli Supreme Court made reference to the conditions and history that led to the building of the barrier. The Court described the history of violence against Israeli citizens since the breakout of the Second Intifada and the loss of life that ensued on the Israeli side. The court ruling also cited the attempts Israel had made to defend its citizens, including "military operations" carried out against "terrorist acts", and stated that these actions "did not provide a sufficient answer to the immediate need to stop the severe acts of terrorism. ... Despite all these measures, the terror did not come to an end. The attacks did not cease. Innocent people paid with both life and limb. This is the background behind the decision to construct the separation fence (Id., at p. 815)."
In 2006, 362 km (224.9 mi) of the barrier had been completed, 88 km (54.7 mi) was under construction and 253 km (157.2 mi) had not yet been started. On April 30, 2006, the route was revised by a cabinet decision, following a suicide bombing in Tel Aviv. In the Ariel area, the new route corrects an anomaly of the previous route that would have left thousands of Palestinians on the Israeli side. The Alfei Menashe settlement bloc was reduced in size, and the new plan leaves three groups of Palestinian houses on the Palestinian side of the fence. The barrier's route in the Jerusalem area will leave Beit Iksa on the Palestinian side; and Jaba on the Israeli side, but with a crossing to the Palestinian side at Tzurif. Further changes were made to the route around Eshkolot and Metzadot Yehuda, and the route from Metzadot to Har Choled was approved.
In 2012, 440 km (273.4 mi) (62%) of the barrier had been completed.
In September 2014, eight years after approving the 45 km stretch of barrier enclosing Gush Etzion, no progress had been made on it, and Israel reopened the debate. The fence is scheduled to go through the national park, the Nahal Rafaim valley, and the Palestinian village of Battir. The Israeli land appropriated in Gva'ot would be on the Palestinian side of the barrier. On 21 September 2014, the government voted to not reauthorize the barrier in the Gush Etzion area.
In 2022, 45 km (28.0 mi) of the barrier that had been built as a multi-layered fence were replaced by new sections of the 9-meter high concrete wall.
Bethlehem (/ˈbɛθlɪhɛm/; Arabic: بيت لحم, Bayt Laḥm, pronunciation; Hebrew: בֵּית לֶחֶם Bēṯ Leḥem) is a city in the Israeli-occupied West Bank of the State of Palestine, located about ten kilometres (six miles) south of Jerusalem. It is the capital of the Bethlehem Governorate, and has a population of approximately 25,000 people. The city's economy is largely tourist-driven; international tourism peaks around and during Christmas, when Christians embark on a pilgrimage to the Church of the Nativity, revered as the location of the Nativity of Jesus.
The earliest-known mention of Bethlehem is in the Amarna correspondence of ancient Egypt, dated to 1350–1330 BCE, when the town was inhabited by the Canaanites. In the Hebrew Bible, the period of the Israelites is described; it identifies Bethlehem as the birthplace of David. In the New Testament, the city is identified as the birthplace of Jesus of Nazareth. Under the Roman Empire, the city of Bethlehem was destroyed by Hadrian, but later rebuilt by Helena, and her son, Constantine the Great, who commissioned the Church of the Nativity in 327 CE. In 529, the Church of the Nativity was heavily damaged by Samaritans involved in the Samaritan revolts; following the victory of the Byzantine Empire, it was rebuilt by Justinian I.
Amidst the Muslim conquest of the Levant, Bethlehem became part of Jund Filastin in 637. Muslims continued to rule the city until 1099, when it was conquered by the Crusaders, who replaced the local Christian Greek Orthodox clergy with Catholic ones. In the mid-13th century, Bethlehem's walls were demolished by the Mamluk Sultanate. However, they were rebuilt by the Ottoman Empire in the 16th century, following the Ottoman–Mamluk War.[8] After the dissolution of the Ottoman Empire at the end of World War I, it became part of Mandatory Palestine until 1948, when it was annexed by Jordan during the 1948 Arab–Israeli War. During the 1967 Six Day War, Bethlehem was occupied by Israel along with the rest of the West Bank. Since the Oslo Accords between Israel and the Palestinian National Authority, Bethlehem has been designated as part of Area A of the West Bank, nominally rendering it as being under Palestinian control. Movement around the city is limited due to the Israeli West Bank barrier.
While it was historically a city of Arab Christians, Bethlehem now has a majority of Arab Muslims; it is still home to a significant community of Palestinian Christians, however it has dwindled significantly, mostly due to difficulties resulting from living under the Israeli occupation. Presently, Bethlehem has become encircled by dozens of Israeli settlements, which significantly hinder the ability of Palestinians in the city to openly access their land and livelihoods, which has contributed to the exodus of Palestinians.
The West Bank (Arabic: الضفة الغربية, romanized: aḍ-Ḍiffah al-Ġarbiyyah; Hebrew: הַגָּדָה הַמַּעֲרָבִית, romanized: HaGadáh HaMaʽarávit), so called due to its relation to the Jordan River, is the larger of the two Palestinian territories (the other being the Gaza Strip). A landlocked territory near the coast of the Mediterranean Sea in the Levant region of West Asia, it is bordered by Jordan and the Dead Sea to the east and by Israel (via the Green Line) to the south, west, and north. The territory has been under Israeli occupation since 1967.
The territory first emerged in the wake of the 1948 Arab–Israeli War as a region occupied and subsequently annexed by Jordan. Jordan ruled the territory until the 1967 Six-Day War, when it was occupied by Israel. Since then, Israel has administered the West Bank as the Judea and Samaria Area, expanding its claim into East Jerusalem in 1980. The mid-1990s Oslo Accords split the West Bank into three regional levels of Palestinian sovereignty, via the Palestinian National Authority (PNA): Area A (PNA), Area B (PNA and Israel), and Area C (Israel, comprising 60% of the West Bank). The PNA exercises total or partial civil administration over 165 Palestinian enclaves across the three areas.
The West Bank remains central to the Israeli–Palestinian conflict. The Palestinians consider it the heart of their envisioned state, along with the Gaza Strip. Right-wing and religious Israelis see it as their ancestral homeland, with numerous biblical sites. There is a push among some Israelis for partial or complete annexation of this land. Additionally, it is home to a rising number of Israeli settlers. Area C contains 230 Israeli settlements into which Israeli law is applied and under the Oslo Accords was supposed to be mostly transferred to the PNA by 1997, but this did not occur. The international community considers Israeli settlements in the West Bank to be illegal under international law. Citing the 1980 law in which Israel claimed Jerusalem as its capital, the 1994 Israel–Jordan peace treaty, and the Oslo Accords, a 2004 advisory ruling by the International Court of Justice concluded that the West Bank, including East Jerusalem, remain Israeli-occupied territory.
Palestine (Arabic: فلسطين, romanized: Filasṭīn), officially the State of Palestine (دولة فلسطين, Dawlat Filasṭīn), is a state in the Southern Levant region of West Asia. Founded on 15 November 1988 and officially governed by the Palestine Liberation Organization (PLO), it claims the West Bank (including East Jerusalem) and the Gaza Strip as its territory, all of which have been Israeli-occupied territories since the 1967 Six-Day War. The West Bank contains 165 Palestinian enclaves that are under partial Palestinian rule, but the remainder, including 200 Israeli settlements, is under full Israeli control. The Gaza Strip was governed by Egypt but conquered by Israel in 1967. Israel governed the region until it withdrew in 2005. The United Nations, the International Committee of the Red Cross, and various human-rights organizations still consider Gaza to be held under Israeli military occupation, due to what they regard as Israel's effective military control over the territory; Israel disputes this. Hamas seized power after winning the 2006 Palestinian legislative election. This has since been ensued by a blockade of the Gaza Strip by Israel and Egypt.
After World War II, in 1947, the United Nations (UN) adopted a Partition Plan for Mandatory Palestine, which recommended the creation of independent Arab and Jewish states and an internationalized Jerusalem. Immediately after the United Nations General Assembly adopted the plan as Resolution 181, a civil war broke out in Palestine, and the plan was not implemented. The day after the establishment of the State of Israel on 14 May 1948, neighboring Arab countries invaded the former British Mandate and engaged Israeli forces in the 1948 Arab–Israeli War. Later, the All-Palestine Government was established by the Arab League on 22 September 1948 to govern the All-Palestine Protectorate in the Egyptian-occupied Gaza Strip. It was soon recognized by all Arab League members except Transjordan, which had occupied and later annexed the West Bank, including East Jerusalem. Palestine is currently recognized by 138 of the 193 United Nations (UN) member states. Though jurisdiction of the All-Palestine Government was declared to cover the whole of the former Mandatory Palestine, its effective jurisdiction was limited to the Gaza Strip. During the Six-Day War in June 1967, Israel captured the Gaza Strip and the Sinai Peninsula from Egypt, the West Bank and East Jerusalem from Jordan, and the Golan Heights from Syria.
On 15 November 1988 in Algiers, Yasser Arafat, as Chairman of the PLO, issued the Palestinian Declaration of Independence, which established the State of Palestine. A year after the signing of the Oslo Accords in 1993, the Palestinian National Authority (PNA) was formed to govern (in varying degrees) areas A and B in the West Bank, comprising 165 enclaves, and the Gaza Strip. After Hamas became the PNA parliament's leading party in the most recent elections (2006), a conflict broke out between it and the Fatah party, leading to the Gaza Strip being taken over by Hamas in 2007 (two years after the Israeli disengagement).
The State of Palestine's mid-year population in 2021 was 5,227,193. Although Palestine claims Jerusalem as its capital, the city is under the control of Israel; both Palestinian and Israeli claims to the city are mostly unrecognized by the international community. Palestine is a member of the Arab League, the Organisation of Islamic Cooperation, the G77, the International Olympic Committee, as well as UNESCO, UNCTAD and the International Criminal Court. Following a failed attempt in 2011 to secure full United Nations member state status, the United Nations General Assembly voted in 2012 to recognize Palestine as a non-member observer state. On 26 February 2024, the Palestinian government collapsed, with the entire Palestinian government resigning, including the prime minister.
Local call number: V-157
Title: [St. Augustine Civil Rights Demonstrations]
Date of film: 1964.
Physical descrip: B&W; sound; original length: 26:00
General note: Excerpt of original. This film provides extensive footage of the St. Augustine race riots. In this clip, black demonstrators are attacked on Butler Beach and groups of blacks and whites occupy the streets at night. The complete film shows demonstrations by blacks on Butler Beach in St. Augustine, counter demonstrations by whites, speeches made by Dr. Martin Luther King, Jr. and Governor Farris Bryant, and speeches by segregationists such as Reverend Connie Lynch, Richard "Hoss" Manucy, and Klansman J.B. Stoner. It also includes scenes of the highway patrol sent in to assist local law enforcement officials.
To see full-length versions of this and other videos from the State Archives of Florida, visit www.floridamemory.com/video/.
Repository: State Library and Archives of Florida, 500 S. Bronough St., Tallahassee, FL 32399-0250 USA. Contact: 850.245.6700. Archives@dos.state.fl.us
Persistent URL: www.floridamemory.com/items/show/232403
Four students wait for the opening bell of the school year at the new Fort Myer elementary school September 7, 1954 that was opening on the base for the first time on an integrated basis.
From left to right are Judy Dumas, 10; Sheila Dumas, 9; Breda Hines, 8; and Freddy Deitz, 9.
The previous year The Department of Defense had ordered all schools on bases integrated by September 1955. In Northern Virginia, Fort Belvoir and Fort Meyer became the first to operate their own schools after the county school systems refused to operate integrated schools.
Ft. Belvoir school principal William Van S. Jackson was quoted as saying, “It did my heart good. The only thing that made me mad was that the same sort of integration could not go into effect all over at this time.”
Since there were no junior high or high schools on the two bases, those students were bused to nearby segregated schools.
Three Catholic schools also opened in Northern Virginia in September 1954 on an integrated basis. They were St. Thomas More and St. Charles in Arlington and St. Michael’s in Annandale.
The state of Virginia adopted a policy of massive resistance that resulted in closing public schools in some counties and opening state funded private all-white schools instead. In those counties, black schools were not provided for.
After court decisions struck down a series of laws attempting to avoid integration, some Virginia counties began integrating in 1959. Other counties like Prince Edward did not integrate until 1964. Full compliance would stretch another decade.
For more information and related images, see flic.kr/s/aHskWK3q68
Photo by George Haven. The image is courtesy of the D.C. Public Library Washington Star Collection © Washington Post.
Believed to be in Public Domain From Library of Congress, Prints and Photographs Collections. More on copyright: What does "no known restrictions" mean?
______________________
For information from Creative Commons on proper licensing for images believed to already be in the public domain please-- click here. By using this image from this site, you are acknowledging that you have read all the information in this description and accept responsibility for any use by you or your representatives. You are accepting responsibility for conducting any additional due diligence that may be necessary to ensure your proper use of this image.
________________
Public Domain. Suggested credit: Lewis Hine/Library of Congress via pingnews. Additional information from source:
TITLE: "Colored" School at Anthoston. Census 27, enrollment 12, attendance 7. Teacher expects 19 to be enrolled after work is over. "Tobacco keeps them out and they are short of hands." Ages of those present: 13 years = 1, 10 years = 2, 8 years = 2, 7 years = 1, 5 years = 1. Location: Henderson County, Kentucky / Lewis W. Hine.
CALL NUMBER: LOT 7475, v. 2, no. 4475[P&P]
Check for an online group record (may link to related items)
REPRODUCTION NUMBER: LC-DIG-nclc-00520 (color digital file from b&w original print)
No known restrictions on publication.
MEDIUM: 1 photographic print.
CREATED/PUBLISHED: 1916 September 13.
CREATOR:
Hine, Lewis Wickes, 1874-1940, photographer.
NOTES:
Title from NCLC caption card.
In album: Agriculture.
Hine no. 4475.
"Div. 4" recorded on caption card as part of the geographic location; probably refers to a school district.
SUBJECTS:
United States--Kentucky--Henderson County.
FORMAT:
Photographic prints.
PART OF: Photographs from the records of the National Child Labor Committee (U.S.)
REPOSITORY: Library of Congress Prints and Photographs Division Washington, D.C. 20540 USA
DIGITAL ID: (color digital file from b&w original print) nclc 00520 hdl.loc.gov/loc.pnp/nclc.00520
CARD #: ncl2004004787/PP
The Art Moderne style Greyhound Bus Station was built in 1937. Outstanding features are the rounded corners, an exterior of smooth blue enamel panels and glass block windows. The Art Moderne style was widely used in the design of Greyhound bus stations during the 1930s in a period now called Greyhound's "blue period."
Starting in May 1961, Freedom Riders began arriving on Greyhound buses at the station to challenge racial segregation in interstate travel and accommodations. When the Freedom Riders tried to use facilities at the station that were denied them, they were arrested, convicted of "breach of Peace" and jailed. In 1961, between May 24 and September 13, 329 people were arrested in Jackson for attempting to integrate public transportation facilities. Most refused bail and were sent to the state penitentiary. The jailing of protesters and their refusal of bail, drew more attention and outrage to the situation. In September 1961, the federal Interstate Commerce Commission mandated that segregation in interstate transportation end. The former Greyhound Bus Station building is in the Farish Street Neighborhood Historic District listed on the National Register of Historic Places and is contributing property.
Edwin B. Henderson, center holding ball, poses with the black YMCA team in September 1910 that played at True Reformers Hall on U Street NW.
Henderson learned the game basketball when he attended Harvard and introduced the game to the black community in Washington, D.C. and staged the first all-black basketball game in the city in 1907 when a team of high school students beat Howard University 12-5.
He raised money from the black community to match a $25,000 grant from the Rockefeller Foundation to build a black YMCA in the city. In 1912, the 12th Street YMCA was completed and the game exploded in popularity.
Henderson had a long and colorful career as a civil rights activist--the man who established black basketball, led the building of the black 12th Street YMCA, led integration of the Uline Arena and AAU boxing, among many other achievements. He established an NAACP branch in what was then rural Falls Church and headed the Virginia state NAACP. He was not only a target of white supremacist legislators, but of the Ku Klux Klan.
The following is written by Dave Ungrady and appeared in the Washington Post September 8, 2013:
When E.B. Henderson stopped by the District's whites-only Central YMCA one night in 1907 to watch a basketball game, he was familiar with the sport. Henderson had studied basketball while attending Harvard's Dudley Sargent School of Physical Training, which was affiliated with the Springfield, Mass.,YMCA, site of the first basketball game in 1891.
After Henderson and a future brother-in-law, Benjamin Brownley, sat down, the athletic director asked them to leave. White members were concerned that allowing blacks could cause other white members to avoid the club. Henderson felt humiliated.
But that December, he staged the first known blacks-only basketball game in Washington. It was at True Reformers Hall on U Street - a team of high-schoolers beat Howard University 12-5. And then he started raising money for the District's first YMCA building for blacks.
The Rockefeller Foundation pledged $25,000 to the national YMCA if the black community could raise matching funds. Henderson chaired the committee and brought in the largest amount. He was awarded a $10 gold piece for his efforts.
In 1912, the 12th Street Branch of the Metropolitan YMCA opened in Northwest.
Henderson is being inducted into the Naismith Memorial Basketball Hall of Fame on Sept. 8 for his vision to develop basketball for African Americans, who today command a presence in the sport unlike that of any other race.
"He took the approach that sports was extraordinarily important to African Americans," says David Wiggins, a sports historian and a professor at George Mason University. "Sports was one of the ways African Americans could prove themselves, to compete and achieve excellence. It gave them a great deal of satisfaction and respect."
Susan Rayl, associate professor of sports history at the State University of New York College at Cortland, says Henderson, more than anyone else, used basketball as an educational tool for blacks.
"Without E.B. Henderson you would have had a much slower introduction of basketball to African Americans," she says. "He was the catalyst. He was a root, and the tree sprang from the root in D.C. for African Americans. His induction into the Hall of Fame is not just a good thing; it's absolutely necessary if you want to tell the true history of the game."
Edwin Bancroft Henderson was born in 1883 in his grandmother's house in Southwest Washington. The family moved to Pittsburgh in 1888 so his father, William, could earn better wages as a day laborer. His mother, Louisa, taught him how to read at an early age, and he monetized the skill, earning a quarter from an elementary school teacher each time he read to her class.
Henderson's family returned to Washington in 1894. He attended the Bell School, near the Capitol, and enjoyed the access to books in the Library of Congress and to the galleries in the U.S. House and Senate. Henderson credited those books and the time spent watching Congress with teaching him what he called the "perplexing social, economic and political problems of the day."
Henderson was an honor roll student at M Street High School, a pitcher on the baseball team and an offensive lineman on the football team; he also ran track. He was the top-ranked graduate in 1904 from Washington’s Miner Normal School, which prepared students to teach in Washington's black public schools.
At Harvard he became the first black man certified to teach physical education in public schools in the United States. He borrowed money to pay the $50 tuition and transportation costs, and he worked as a waiter at his boarding house to pay for meals.
In 1904 Henderson also started teaching physical education at Bowen Elementary School in Washington and exercise classes twice a week at M Street High School and Armstrong Tech. At that time, Henderson believed that the more restricted space and a lack of leisure time associated with urban life prevented blacks from engaging in consistent exercise, making them more prone than whites to disease.
"It is unfortunately true that the vitality of the Negro youth is seriously undermined by the crowded city," he wrote in 1910. "Many young men leave our secondary schools and colleges to engage in strenuous work, amidst varying conditions with bodies unsound and but few, if any, hygienic habits formed for life. ... it is necessary that we build up a strong and virile youth."
Pushing for better exercise facilities for blacks became a mission for Henderson. He asked the District's superintendent of black schools to include a gymnasium as part of plans for an addition to Armstrong. He remembered the superintendent's laughing response. "My boy, they may build gymnasiums in your school in your lifetime, but not mine."
White athletes dominated then, mostly in baseball, but a number of black athletes had gained prominence in football, track and field and especially boxing. Peter Jackson, at 6-1 and 212 pounds, was considered the best heavyweight boxer in the late 1800s and was known as the "Black Prince." Jack Johnson was the first African American to win a heavyweight title, in 1908.
But blacks were behind whites in developing fitness programs. Of the 1,749 YMCAs in the United States in 1904, 32 were for blacks but had significantly fewer resources.
Washington's thriving black middle class, with its strong school system and vibrant social club scene, framed a prime area to develop an equally dynamic sports environment for the black community. All it needed was someone to spearhead the movement.
Henderson formed the D.C.-based Basket Ball League, which started play in January 1908 with eight teams. It played games through early May on Saturday nights at True Reformers in a room that was also used as a concert hall.
The games were far from elegant. A balcony surrounded three-quarters of the court, which was set up inside a metal cage on a floor that featured four narrow pillars planted near the corners. Teams relied on prolonged periods of passing that could last several minutes. Jump balls took place after each score. And players' skills were far from refined. Bob Kuska, author of the book "Hot Potato: How Washington and New York Gave Birth to Black Basketball and Changed America's Game Forever," writes that "defenders spared no pain in halting [a player's] path to the basket."
The next year Henderson formed and was captain of the 12th Street YMCA team, which won all its games. By then Henderson was considered a top talent. New York Age Magazine called Henderson, the team's 5-foot, 10-inch center (centers were considered playmakers then), the best center in black basketball.
In 1910 Henderson made an agreement with Spalding Sporting Goods to write the "Inter-Scholastic Athletic Association of the Mid-Atlantic States," a manual about his athletic work with African Americans in the District. It included articles on training tips and sports ethics, as well as results for track and field meets. He consulted black coaches and directors in the South and published records and pictures from Southern schools. The book sold for 10 cents a copy and is considered the first written by an African American that documented black athletics in black schools.
That same year, intercity matches between black basketball clubs grew more common. Henderson played his last organized basketball game with the team at 27, on Christmas Day 1910, in a tournament against the Alpha Club at the Manhattan Casino in New York. The previous day, he had married Mary Ellen Meriwether, who asked her husband to stop playing competitive games out of concern for his safety.
With his playing career over, Henderson concentrated on coaching, promoting fitness and athletics for blacks, and sports administration. He formed the Public Schools Athletic League to establish competition in track and field, soccer, basketball and baseball among black schools in the District. It was the first public school league for blacks in the country. "I believe that Washington will be the greatest competing center for athletics among Negroes," Henderson said in 1914.
To help league coaches learn basketball, Henderson wrote a weekly bulletin offering tips on training, sportsmanship and diet. The league assigned players from Howard University's basketball team to teach the game to elementary school players and coaches, stressing teamwork and aggressive defense.
Henderson also worked as an official and founded the Eastern Board of Officials, the first organization to train black officials. For more than two decades Henderson worked as an official for football, basketball and track and field and served as the group's first president. But he struggled to recruit and keep officials, due in part to blacks being paid less than whites. Sometimes black officials worked games for no money or, on occasions, two free game tickets.
In 1912 Henderson had moved to Falls Church, where the challenges facing blacks were even greater than in the District. When he asked a white superintendent to help black children, he was told the concerns of white children had to be met first. "The implication was that the colored children were ours to provide the buses for and buy land for schools, but that only the white children belonged to the county and were to be provided for by tax money," he said.
In 1915, Falls Church's all-white town council ordered all blacks to live within a restricted area. Henderson was among the blacks who owned property outside the area, and he helped form the Colored Citizens Protection League to fight the order. They filed a suit preventing enforcement, and the Town Council rescinded the order after a court ruled it was unconstitutional.
Henderson formed the first rural branch of the NAACP, there in Falls Church, in 1918. But Henderson's actions also brought unwanted attention. In the 1920s, he received a letter signed by the Ku Klux Klan that referred to blacks as "baboons" and threatened that he would be "borne to a tree nearby, tied stripped and given thirty lashes. ..."
In 1938, Dr. Carter Woodson, who was Harvard-educated and had founded the District-based Association for the Study of Negro Life and History in 1915, asked Henderson to write a book about athletic history for blacks. Henderson's research for "The Negro in Sports" took him back to the Library of Congress, where he'd first discovered his passion for the written word.
Shirley Povich, a Washington Post sports columnist, addressed in 1950 the book's social impact: "Henderson resists what might have been the high temptation to gloat at the sensational successes of the Negro boys when finally they got their chance to play in big leagues. Instead, he pays tribute to the American sportsmanship that sufficed, finally, to provide equal opportunity."
After Miguel Uline opened the Uline arena in the District, he banned blacks from attending Ice Capades events, Henderson claimed, because Uline opposed blacks viewing entertainers in revealing attire in a social environment. In the 1940s, Henderson started a picketing campaign, prompting Uline to lift the ban.
At Henderson's urging, Washington Post president Eugene Meyer helped prompt the District to integrate professional boxing. The local branch of boxing's governing body at the time, the Amateur Athletic Union, declared that promoters would be denied permits and athletes would be suspended if they allowed mixed boxing. Meyer threatened to withdraw support of boxing tournaments that excluded blacks, and Henderson organized protests and helped file a lawsuit in 1945. The AAU agreed to lift the sanctions in exchange for withdrawing the suit.
"These results made it possible for our boys to measure their abilities against any and all, and did a lot to raise the level of respect of all citizens in our community," Henderson told Leon Coursey, who wrote his dissertation on Henderson.
While fighting against unequal treatment of blacks, Henderson commuted daily to his job teaching physical education in Washington. His afternoons were more idle, though, and he passed the time writing sports articles, including some for the Washington Star about football games he worked as a referee. Henderson had begun his sports writing career before high school, compiling results of games in which he participated. "I walked a couple of miles to the office of the Washington Star to have it published for one penny a line," he told Coursey.
Henderson practiced advocacy journalism in remarkable volumes, claiming to have published 3,000 letters to editors in more than a dozen newspapers. In those letters he tried to discredit discrimination and promote a sense of awareness and dignity for African Americans. In a letter published in The Post on June 26, 1951, Henderson refers to a lawsuit seeking a ban on segregated schools:
"The current suits ... are causing turmoil in the minds of politicians, racial bigots, whites and Negroes who profit by or exploit segregation. ... In those social areas where sudden elimination of segregation has come about, almost nowhere have any of the fears materialized. For example, Negroes who have for a long time been conditioned to accept second-class citizenship and denied free access to public offerings, do not rush in when the gates open. Some are so thoroughly indoctrinated with inferior status that they will never seek to be where formerly unwanted."
Henderson drew the admiration of Robert F. Kennedy, who invited Henderson and his wife to the Kennedy house in McLean. Henderson told Coursey that Kennedy said he wished "more Negroes would answer the people in opposition to our views." Henderson's advocacy came at a price early on, though. For safety, the D.C. police commissioner encouraged him to carry a gun, and his phone number went unlisted for 50 years.
A Washington Star clipping from October 1965 shows an op-ed recognizing Henderson's strong civic spirit as he planned to move to Tennessee, at 82, to live with his son. The story, headlined "Citizen Henderson," said: "E.B. has been a good citizen in the pure sense of the term. This community will miss him."
Despite a lifetime devoted to exercise and a healthful diet, Henderson developed colon cancer and prostate cancer late in life and died in 1977 at 93.
The festivities for the Naismith Hall of Fame induction began in April, at the NCAA Men's Basketball Final Four in Atlanta. Broadcaster Jim Nantz announced the 2013 inductees. Then he handed to Edwin Henderson II, E.B.'s grandson who lives in the Falls Church home E.B. built, a basketball jersey emblazoned with "Henderson" on the back and "Hall of Fame" on the front. It was Edwin and his wife, Nikki, who had begun the campaign to get E.B. inducted, in 2005. Edwin called Nikki "the point guard who distributed the ball" in the effort to earn E.B. the induction.
"When I learned who he was," Nikki said, "I thought, 'Gee, he should be in the basketball hall of fame.' I thought, 'Gee, we should just write a letter.' "
Like E.B. Henderson himself, they both understood the power of a letter.
For more information and related images, see flic.kr/s/aHsmJoDRBw
The photographer is unknown. The image is courtesy of the Black Fives Foundation.
GLI EBREI E LO SPETTACOLO
"È fatto divieto agli appartenenti alla razza ebraica... di esplicare qualsiasi attività nel campo dello spettacolo. Si fa presente che tale divieto deve intendersi esteso a tutte le categorie interessate allo spettacolo e quindi debbono ritenersi in esso compresi gli autori, i librettisti, i traduttori, i soggettisti, gli scenografi, gli attori di qualunque rango, i registi, le comparse, i componenti i cori, i direttori ed i componenti di orchestra, il corpo di ballo e chiunque altro eserciti comunque la sua attività nel campo teatrale".
Circolare del Ministero dell'Interno sul divieto agli appartenenti alla razza ebraica di espletare qualsiasi attività nel campo dello spettacolo (18 giugno 1940).
Mostra presso la Camera di commercio di Napoli (Borsa) in Piazza Bovio "1938-1945. La persecuzione degli Ebrei in Italia. Documenti per una Storia" realizzata dal Ministero dell'Interno e dalla Prefettura di Napoli grazie alla collaborazione di numerosi enti, fra cui la Comunità Ebraica di Napoli.
“To be young, gifted and black” Lorraine Hansbury
During the late 1950’s African-Americans were beginning to speak of the injustices of race, discrimination, education, and the lack of pride of a people that was subjected to the rigors of American racism. Certain scenes of white segregation took hold and roar it’s ugly head when Emmett Till, a young teenager from Chicago, visited his family in Money, Mississippi during the summer of 1955. Being from the north, the young Till wasn’t acclimated to the strict ‘Jim Crow‘ laws and rules blacks had to obey. One day he went to the store with his cousin and allegedly whistled at the store owner’s wife. Word spread fast and then soon Till was kidnapped from his great uncle’s home and then tortured, beaten, and shot then killed. Roy Bryant, owner of the store that Till made the gesture, along with J.W. Milam, then took Till’s body and thew him in the Tallahtachie River with a cotton gin fan tied around his neck. Both Bryant and Milam were acquitted for the murder of Emmett Till. Mamie Till, the mother of Emmett, wanted the world to see what these brutal men did under the laws of the ‘Jim Crow‘ south.
This incident, along with the monumental arrest of Sister Rosa Parks, lead to what would become the era of the Civil Rights Movement that lead, and still leads the battle for blacks and minorities around the country. It was also this time that the Black Arts Movement began producing black writers, artists, directors, and musicians to express their art, via the arts, a new awakening throughout the country. Writers like James Baldwin, Langston Hughes, Amiri Baraka, Cecil Brown, Nikki Giovanni, and Ishmael Reed expressed the deep concerns of the plight of blacks trying to have the same equal rights. Even sports figures like Muhammed Ali, Jim Brown, Bill Russell, and Wilt Chamberlain played a major part on trying to allow blacks to compete or ask for the same pay as their other white counterparts.
When it came to the Black Arts Movement in the arts, icons like Paul Roberson and Josephine Baker had been blackballed by Hollywood and Washington, DC due to their strong political beliefs and how some in the establishment didn’t take kindly to “black nationalism” as J. Edger Hoover, former F.B.I director stated. Musicians like Odetta, Harry Belafonte, Abbey Lincoln, and Max Roach began to play and sing songs of the civil rights movement. These song or spirituals were the nucleus of rallies and marches all over the south.
Sister Nina Simone was both a fiery and passionate musician and vocalist that gave the world her unique social commentary at a time during the 1960’s when all blacks were tired of fire hoses, home bombings, and the south’s ‘Jim Crow’ laws. One of Simone’s many anthems included “Mississippi Goddam,” a song about the many atrocities that took place in Mississippi and parts of the south during the early 1960’s. Incidents like the murder of NAACP activist Medgar Evers being assassinated, the four little girls that where bombed to death in Alabama, and Dr. Martin Luther King’s endless tirades to organize effective non-violent demonstrations to raise the awareness of civil injustices against blacks.
Born Eunice Kathleen Waymon on February 21st, 1933 in Tyron, North Carolina, Nina the was sixth child of eight in a struggling working class family. Her father was a minister by trade, but was also a businessman that owned many businesses until the depression wiped out the local economy in the surrounding cities where she grew up. Her mother and many in the community knew of young Eunice’s gift to play the piano and singing. She always played during church every week as well as special functions. Nina received free piano lessons and played and competed during middle and high school. Upon graduation, she was supposed to study classical piano at the Curtis Institute of Music where Nina had high expectations to become a classical pianist. Although she wasn’t accepted, she moved to New York City where she studied at the Juilliard School of Music. Playing bars in Atlantic City to help pay for her tuition, she changed her name to Nina Simone named after the French actress Simone Signoret. Nina was also developing her stage presence and her unique blend of all forms of American roots music. She played classical, pop, jazz, blues, and what would evolve into soul music.
On a whim, she recorded a group of singles that would become her debut record called “Little Girl Blue” in the winter of 1958. One of the singles of that session,“I Loves You Porgy,” would become a hit for Nina and the rest would become history. Nina, years later would find out decades later that when she sold the rights to her debut album for $3000, the record would go on to make millions leaving her angry for years that she didn’t get any royalties.
From the start, she didn’t have many hit recordings like her contemporaries like Etta James, Aretha Franklin, and Sarah Vaughan. Nina’s music was considered ahead of the curve allowing her to play some of the most important supper clubs and theaters all over the world. At a time when singers were either working the soul and jazz circuits, Nina was singing music that represented the connection of what was going on around the country. She forced black and white listeners to embrace African based records like “Zungo” and “Baby Brown.” Also, she became a fixture for the civil rights movement with songs like “Old Jim Crow” and “Blacklash Blues.” Another important record of her’s was Dr. Billy Taylor’s anthem “I Wish I Knew How It Would Feel to Be Free.”
A couple of weeks ago during the 2011 Urbanworld 15th Annual Film Festival one of the many special events that took place was “I Put a Spell on You: The Music Tribute of Nina Simone” with special guest Dr. Sonia Sanchez. Ms. Sanchez has been on the front-lines since the origins of the Black Arts Movement since the early 1960’s and rubbed elbows and marched with the likes of Malcolm X, Dr. King, Eldridge Cleaver, and her dear friend Nina Simone. The tribute was present by Party Rebel, Forrest Renaissance, and the legendary Jamal Joseph of New Heritage Films and the Impact Repertory Theater. Many of today’s up-and-coming female soul and jazz vocalists came out and performed many of Nina’s legendary songs. Artists like Maya Azucena, Abby Dobson, Nikki Jean, Lina Elder, Cookie Batie, Lady Blue, Avnah, Kendra Ross, and Brianna Colette brought a new and fresh voice to Nina’s music to fans that range from their teens to their 80’s. The program was almost two and the half hours and Dr. Sanchez opened the festivities with the poem she wrote and performed at Nina’s funeral. Throughout the evening many of the vocalists expressed their gratitude to Nina and how she spoke up for women’s rights as well as the unfair rights of blacks.
During the 1970’s Nina began singing and speaking out against the Vietnam war. It was also that time when she undergone some personal problems and fled to Barbados and then to Liberia, Switzerland, and finally France where she resided until she died.
Nina, like poet/vocalist legend Gil-Scott Heron, were leaders of a conscious movement to help blacks through music, to empower people to take a stand on injustices. As the 1970’s lead to affirmative actions and the hiring of blacks in all sectors of the workforce, their talent and messages of their music fell on deaf ears. Disco and funk ruled the radio airwaves; and jazz and music with social causes became what would become punk rock and rap music, two musical styles that shut them out. Punk rock become the anti-establishment for angry white kids and rap was the same but came and originated from the inner-city ghettos from New York City. Nina fled the states to find herself as well as try to have somewhat of a normal life from performing. Whereas, Gil became a junkie and never became the icon he once was. What I admire about Nina and brother Gil is that they wrote and sang what it is to truly be “young, gifted, and black” at a time when they made us examine ourselves and how we must play a part in this race war. It seems that we don’t have musicians that had the guts to put up with both race and artistic integrity like Nina and Gil. At a time when there are two wars, a borderline recession, racists epithets spewing freely from Tea Baggers and angry G.O.P’ers; no one has stepped up to the plate artistically. I commend Nina and Gil for their musical genius to lead at time when blacks need to take a stand. I guess my generation and the generation under mine is content with Lil’ Wayne and Dr. Murray killing the King of Pop. I bet Nina and Gil are rolling over in their graves right about now!
Watch this video on Vimeo. Video created by Brian Pace.
The American Roots of Nazi Eugenics -> hnn.us/articles/1796.html edwinblack.com/
<- By Edwin Black. An excerpt of the article below:
Mr. Black is the author of IBM and the Holocaust and the just released War Against the Weak: Eugenics and America's Campaign to Create a Master Race, from which the following article is drawn.
Hitler and his henchmen victimized an entire continent and exterminated millions in his quest for a co-called "Master Race."
But the concept of a white, blond-haired, blue-eyed master Nordic race didn't originate with Hitler. The idea was created in the United States, and cultivated in California, decades before Hitler came to power. California eugenicists played an important, although little known, role in the American eugenics movement's campaign for ethnic cleansing.
Eugenics was the racist pseudoscience determined to wipe away all human beings deemed "unfit," preserving only those who conformed to a Nordic stereotype. Elements of the philosophy were enshrined as national policy by forced sterilization and segregation laws, as well as marriage restrictions, enacted in twenty-seven states. In 1909, California became the third state to adopt such laws. Ultimately, eugenics practitioners coercively sterilized some 60,000 Americans, barred the marriage of thousands, forcibly segregated thousands in "colonies," and persecuted untold numbers in ways we are just learning. Before World War II, nearly half of coercive sterilizations were done in California, and even after the war, the state accounted for a third of all such surgeries.
California was considered an epicenter of the American eugenics movement. During the Twentieth Century's first decades, California's eugenicists included potent but little known race scientists, such as Army venereal disease specialist Dr. Paul Popenoe, citrus magnate and Polytechnic benefactor Paul Gosney, Sacramento banker Charles M. Goethe, as well as members of the California State Board of Charities and Corrections and the University of California Board of Regents.
Eugenics would have been so much bizarre parlor talk had it not been for extensive financing by corporate philanthropies, specifically the Carnegie Institution, the Rockefeller Foundation and the Harriman railroad fortune. They were all in league with some of America's most respected scientists hailing from such prestigious universities as Stamford, Yale, Harvard, and Princeton. These academicians espoused race theory and race science, and then faked and twisted data to serve eugenics' racist aims.
Stanford president David Starr Jordan originated the notion of "race and blood" in his 1902 racial epistle "Blood of a Nation," in which the university scholar declared that human qualities and conditions such as talent and poverty were passed through the blood.
In 1904, the Carnegie Institution established a laboratory complex at Cold Spring Harbor on Long Island that stockpiled millions of index cards on ordinary Americans, as researchers carefully plotted the removal of families, bloodlines and whole peoples. From Cold Spring Harbor, eugenics advocates agitated in the legislatures of America, as well as the nation's social service agencies and associations.
The Harriman railroad fortune paid local charities, such as the New York Bureau of Industries and Immigration, to seek out Jewish, Italian and other immigrants in New York and other crowded cities and subject them to deportation, trumped up confinement or forced sterilization.
The Rockefeller Foundation helped found the German eugenics program and even funded the program that Josef Mengele worked in before he went to Auschwitz.
Much of the spiritual guidance and political agitation for the American eugenics movement came from California's quasi-autonomous eugenic societies, such as the Pasadena-based Human Betterment Foundation and the California branch of the American Eugenics Society, which coordinated much of their activity with the Eugenics Research Society in Long Island. These organizations--which functioned as part of a closely-knit network--published racist eugenic newsletters and pseudoscientific journals, such as Eugenical News and Eugenics, and propagandized for the Nazis.
Eugenics was born as a scientific curiosity in the Victorian age. In 1863, Sir Francis Galton, a cousin of Charles Darwin, theorized that if talented people only married other talented people, the result would be measurably better offspring. At the turn of the last century, Galton's ideas were imported into the United States just as Gregor Mendel's principles of heredity were rediscovered. American eugenic advocates believed with religious fervor that the same Mendelian concepts determining the color and size of peas, corn and cattle also governed the social and intellectual character of man.
In an America demographically reeling from immigration upheaval and torn by post-Reconstruction chaos, race conflict was everywhere in the early twentieth century. Elitists, utopians and so-called "progressives" fused their smoldering race fears and class bias with their desire to make a better world. They reinvented Galton's eugenics into a repressive and racist ideology. The intent: populate the earth with vastly more of their own socio-economic and biological kind--and less or none of everyone else.
The superior species the eugenics movement sought was populated not merely by tall, strong, talented people. Eugenicists craved blond, blue-eyed Nordic types. This group alone, they believed, was fit to inherit the earth. In the process, the movement intended to subtract emancipated Negroes, immigrant Asian laborers, Indians, Hispanics, East Europeans, Jews, dark-haired hill folk, poor people, the infirm and really anyone classified outside the gentrified genetic lines drawn up by American raceologists.
How? By identifying so-called "defective" family trees and subjecting them to lifelong segregation and sterilization programs to kill their bloodlines. The grand plan was to literally wipe away the reproductive capability of those deemed weak and inferior--the so-called "unfit." The eugenicists hoped to neutralize the viability of 10 percent of the population at a sweep, until none were left except themselves.
Eighteen solutions were explored in a Carnegie-supported 1911 "Preliminary Report of the Committee of the Eugenic Section of the American Breeder's Association to Study and to Report on the Best Practical Means for Cutting Off the Defective Germ-Plasm in the Human Population." Point eight was euthanasia.
The most commonly suggested method of eugenicide in America was a "lethal chamber" or public locally operated gas chambers. In 1918, Popenoe, the Army venereal disease specialist during World War I, co-wrote the widely used textbook, Applied Eugenics, which argued, "From an historical point of view, the first method which presents itself is execution… Its value in keeping up the standard of the race should not be underestimated." Applied Eugenics also devoted a chapter to "Lethal Selection," which operated "through the destruction of the individual by some adverse feature of the environment, such as excessive cold, or bacteria, or by bodily deficiency."
Eugenic breeders believed American society was not ready to implement an organized lethal solution. But many mental institutions and doctors practiced improvised medical lethality and passive euthanasia on their own. One institution in Lincoln, Illinois fed its incoming patients milk from tubercular cows believing a eugenically strong individual would be immune. Thirty to forty percent annual death rates resulted at Lincoln. Some doctors practiced passive eugenicide one newborn infant at a time. Others doctors at mental institutions engaged in lethal neglect.
Nonetheless, with eugenicide marginalized, the main solution for eugenicists was the rapid expansion of forced segregation and sterilization, as well as more marriage restrictions. California led the nation, performing nearly all sterilization procedures with little or no due process. In its first twenty-five years of eugenic legislation, California sterilized 9,782 individuals, mostly women. Many were classified as "bad girls," diagnosed as "passionate," "oversexed" or "sexually wayward." At Sonoma, some women were sterilized because of what was deemed an abnormally large clitoris or labia.
In 1933 alone, at least 1,278 coercive sterilizations were performed, 700 of which were on women. The state's two leading sterilization mills in 1933 were Sonoma State Home with 388 operations and Patton State Hospital with 363 operations. Other sterilization centers included Agnews, Mendocino, Napa, Norwalk, Stockton and Pacific Colony state hospitals.
Even the United States Supreme Court endorsed aspects of eugenics. In its infamous 1927 decision, Supreme Court Justice Oliver Wendell Holmes wrote, "It is better for all the world, if instead of waiting to execute degenerate offspring for crime, or to let them starve for their imbecility, society can prevent those who are manifestly unfit from continuing their kind…. Three generations of imbeciles are enough." This decision opened the floodgates for thousands to be coercively sterilized or otherwise persecuted as subhuman. Years later, the Nazis at the Nuremberg trials quoted Holmes's words in their own defense.
Only after eugenics became entrenched in the United States was the campaign transplanted into Germany, in no small measure through the efforts of California eugenicists, who published booklets idealizing sterilization and circulated them to German official and scientists.
Hitler studied American eugenics laws. He tried to legitimize his anti-Semitism by medicalizing it, and wrapping it in the more palatable pseudoscientific facade of eugenics. Hitler was able to recruit more followers among reasonable Germans by claiming that science was on his side. While Hitler's race hatred sprung from his own mind, the intellectual outlines of the eugenics Hitler adopted in 1924 were made in America.
During the '20s, Carnegie Institution eugenic scientists cultivated deep personal and professional relationships with Germany's fascist eugenicists. In Mein Kampf, published in 1924, Hitler quoted American eugenic ideology and openly displayed a thorough knowledge of American eugenics. "There is today one state," wrote Hitler, "in which at least weak beginnings toward a better conception [of immigration] are noticeable. Of course, it is not our model German Republic, but the United States."
Hitler proudly told his comrades just how closely he followed the progress of the American eugenics movement. "I have studied with great interest," he told a fellow Nazi, "the laws of several American states concerning prevention of reproduction by people whose progeny would, in all probability, be of no value or be injurious to the racial stock."
Hitler even wrote a fan letter to American eugenic leader Madison Grant calling his race-based eugenics book, The Passing of the Great Race his "bible."
Hitler's struggle for a superior race would be a mad crusade for a Master Race. Now, the American term "Nordic" was freely exchanged with "Germanic" or "Aryan." Race science, racial purity and racial dominance became the driving force behind Hitler's Nazism. Nazi eugenics would ultimately dictate who would be persecuted in a Reich-dominated Europe, how people would live, and how they would die. Nazi doctors would become the unseen generals in Hitler's war against the Jews and other Europeans deemed inferior. Doctors would create the science, devise the eugenic formulas, and even hand-select the victims for sterilization, euthanasia and mass extermination."
For more reading:
www.bankingonbaghdad.com/archive/hnn20041122/7774.html
www.waragainsttheweak.com/offSiteArchive/HitlerDebtToAmer...
Protesting white parents and students pose for a photo September 6, 1956 on the second day of integration of Montgomery County’s Poolesville school.
Signs read, “Keep Poolesville White,” “Stop Integration,” “Integration is Illegal,” “Integration is Communism,” "Integration is Un-Christian," “Put me Down as No N______-lover,” and “We like you, but we don’t want you in our school.”
Two years after the 1954 U.S. Supreme Court decision outlawing segregation of public schools by race, Montgomery County, Md. began a phased integration of its schools. In the upper county area this meant sending 14 select, upper grade black students to the K-12 school in Poolesville.
The integration effort went on without organized opposition throughout the rest of the county, but staunch segregationists organized a school boycott and a series of demonstrations and protest meetings in an attempt to halt black students from attending the all-white school in Poolesville.
On the first day of classes on September 5, 1956 about 150 parents gathered outside the school to encourage the students and other parents to keep their children out of school. About 300 children were held out on the first day.
One woman in the crowd shouted out, “We oughta make so much noise that they can’t teach.”
School principal Robert T. Crawford estimated that about 173 of 340 elementary students were absent and 125 of the 260 pupils in the high school were not in class.
The 14 black students, all assigned to the seventh, eighth and ninth grades, were escorted into the school by police and teachers.
One of the organizers of the boycott was Everette Severe of the Maryland Petition Committee, a white supremacist group seeking a referendum vote to block integration of schools throughout the state.
Severe a well-known white supremacist having written letters to newspapers opposing integration and speaking at pro-segregation rallies. He lived in Kensington, Md. and did not have children.
Severe told the crowd outside the school, “We’re not supposed to send our kids to school until we have a hearing. Keep your kids out of school every day this week.”
Severe circulated a petition to demand a hearing on the issue. It said in part that the admission of the black students placed “in serious jeopardy” the “security and welfare” of their children.
Severe also helped organize a meeting of the segregationists at a Poolesville hall that night where they vowed to continue the fight.
Previous to the Poolesville boycott Severe on September 3rd told a Charlottesville, Va. rally opposed to integration that the people “are the law of the land, not the Supreme court.”
The day before Montgomery County schools opened, Severe attended a white supremacist meeting in Wayson’s Corner to urge a boycott of Anne Arundel County schools telling the crowd that the U.S. Supreme Court decision was invalid because, “Their total legal background hardly adds up to one good country lawyer.”
He called for an organization to halt integration adding, “God grant that it will happen quickly.”
The Poolesville group attempted to keep pressure on the school board to hold a hearing by staging a march on the county seat in Rockville.
On September 7, 1956, county police disbanded a gathering of about 60 people at 10:30 p.m. assembled at Jefferson Street beside the county courthouse. The march was called in an attempt to spread the school boycott beyond Poolesville.
The white supremacists kept up picketing at the school through the week, but attendance began to rise and by Friday had reached 70 percent. School superintendent Edward Norris warned that school officials' patience with the protesters was wearing thin and that Maryland law may be used against the parents.
The law called for a $20 fine, a 30-day jail term or both for disturbing public school sessions. Another section carried a $50 fine for inducing or trying to induce absenteeism.
By September 12th, attendance at the school had reached 582 students or about 90 percent when normal absenteeism was accounted for.
The county announced that three road workers had been suspended 10 days without pay for participating in the protests during working hours.
The school board, which had been resisting any meeting with the segregationists, agreed to grant an audience to hear specific objections to the integration policy, but not a challenge to the overall plan.
Meanwhile at a meeting at the Poolesville town hall that evening, 100 adults met and agreed to send their children back to school while they organized private schooling for their children.
Severe had problems of his own. He was suspended from his job by NBC radio over his public role in the protests and had his contract for part-time work for the Voice of America terminated.
There were more meetings of the dwindling number of parents participating in the boycott where calls were made to challenge the integration in court, but the boycott and organized opposition had largely dissipated.
The die-hards views were adequately expressed by parent Katherine Mills who wrote a letter to the Washington Post published October 3, 1956. Some excerpts follow.
Mills began by explaining that the segregationists “bitterly resent the treatment received at the hands of school and county authorities.”
“We resent the fact that our elected county school board not only permits Negroes to enter white schools, but actually encourages them to enter white schools.”
“I have no doubt that in the minds of some people we are pictured as a bunch of poor, ignorant yokels who’ve been carefully taught by “outside agitators” to fear and hate racial integration.”
“As a matter of fact, we do fear and hate racial integration, but our fear stems from our knowledge of local Negroes…”
“Negro parents as a whole are not so careful as their white neighbors in looking after the cleanliness and health of their children. We do not favor the joint use of school washrooms by colored and white. We just don’t want to take risks of any kind with our children.”
“The marital habits of some of our Maryland Negroes are, to say the least, very casual. They are like the marital habits of the often-divorced white persons in northern café society.”
“Of course some colored couples don’t bother with divorce, because there was no actual marriage in the first place.”
“We believe the morals of our own race are lax enough as it is without exposing our children to an even more primitive view of sex habits. Furthermore, we abhor any steps that might encourage interracial mating.”
“Until the cultural gaps between them are completely filled in, the white and colored races should not be mixed in the public schools of Montgomery County.”
For more information and related images, see flic.kr/s/aHskquzhMu
Photo by Arnold Taylor. The image is courtesy of the D.C. Public Library Washington Star Collection © Washington Post.
The petition is LIVE!!! -
www.change.org/petitions/mga-entertainment-end-the-segreg...
I'm definitely trying to attain a goal of more than 100 signatures (ideally, 2k signatures but even 200 would make me happy), but I can't seem to edit that goal. in any case, please share it share it share it!!!! or even better, a support picture?
ETA: tagging people, but out of love (and feel free to untag yourself at any time). Hopefully we can get MGAE to listen to us!
I find this painfully poignant. An item out of the history of segregation--and desegregation. That's me peeking out of the lapel.
Digital ID: 1260118. The Negro tenants and neighbors eating dinner after the white men have finished, on day of corn-shucking at Mrs. Fred Wilkins' home. Tallyho, Stem, Granville County, No. Car., Nov 1939.. Wolcott, Marion Post -- Photographer. November 1939
Notes: Original negative #: 52638-D
Source: Farm Security Administration Collection. / North Carolina. / Marion Post Wolcott. (more info)
Repository: The New York Public Library. Schomburg Center for Research in Black Culture. Photographs and Prints Division.
See more information about this image and others at NYPL Digital Gallery.
Persistent URL: digitalgallery.nypl.org/nypldigital/id?1260118
Rights Info: No known copyright restrictions; may be subject to third party rights (for more information, click here)
just amazing.
the stories. the people. truly powerful.
i stopped by on Sunday--late morning and happened to find 3 women leaving the church next door.
i talked to one of them--Linda--for a long time. she was something special. and i didn't make her a "stranger", if you can believe that.
i told her my friend kim (Landgon) here on flickr had told me a bit about these camp circles...and i was so intrigued and just had to know more.
Linda took her time. she told me stories. we discussed that there is still so much segregation in this area, and in the south in general. heck-probably everywhere. Linda's church is a " black" church...not because whites aren't allowed--just because they choose not to attend. hmm.
so we talked about the "camp" and i fell in love w/ the history. we exchanged email addresses, she invited me to their celebration on sunday (which i'm sad to say i won't be able to attend...outta town)... :( but, from Linda, i learned a TON. i am hoping to meet up w/ her again this week sometime and hear more. she also has some old pics of the place to share. keep your fingers crossed for me please. :)
www.catawba.k12.nc.us/campcatawba/campgrounds.htm
History of Motts Grove United Methodist Church Camp Meeting
To understand the History of our Camp meeting we must not forget the Heritage of our ancestors who so willingly embraced Christianity. The exact date of the inception of Motts Grove has not been recorded. However after the Civil War our freed ancestors were no longer allowed to worship at the white churches and camp meetings but as a people who were so deeply rooted in their spiritual beliefs our ancestors congregated wherever possible to worship and sing praises to God. Motts Grove’s history begins somewhere around 1872 when Rev. J. W. Wells, a black circuit preacher from Cleveland County and some of this area’s founding fathers built a brush arbor, across from where Motts Grove UMC sits today, as a place of worship.
During this time, Dr. John J. Motts a physician, business leader and politician who later became a leader of the Republican Party, while riding through the country side would hear the preaching and singing from our ancestors. Dr. Mott was so inspired,
he donated the land so the worshipers could have their own place to worship and sing praises to God. Rev. J. W. Wells named the property Motts Grove. MOTTS in honor of Dr. John Motts. GROVE for the many pine trees that graced the land.
During the 1880’s a number of tents were constructed around the Arbor. Hence, this was the beginning of “Annual Camp Meeting.” In early August Families from the surrounding communities would pack up their personal belongings and move into their tents for a three-week revival. The month of August was chosen because the children were out of school and the farmers had completed their harvests. It was a time of rest, relaxation and for the entire community to give thanks to God for all his blessings. This revival consisted of Vacation bible school, evening services of singing and worship and fellowship with neighbors and friends.
The original tents were one to two room structures with dirt floors covered with straw. The kitchen area had a corner where the wood stove was placed for cooking the family meals, and a curtain (sheet) was draped across the living area to partition off the sleeping area. The mattress on the bed was made of sheets sewn together and filled with straw for padding. As the nights were cool the bedding consisted of hand made quilts and sheets. There was no indoor plumbing. A communal wooden structure outside the circle was constructed to meet sanitation needs.
A day at Motts Grove camp meeting began around 6:00am when the mothers and grand mothers would rise and fire up the wood burning stoves (brought from home), put on coffee and make a breakfast of biscuits, ham and eggs. Following breakfast the children attended Vacation Bible School. The men went off to their jobs (some to their workplace, some home to tend to the farm), the women cleaned out their tents and visited with each other. Every evening everyone gathered under the Arbor for a service of singing, praise and worship. After service the young children played various games inside the circle, while the young people gathered in their circles and laughed and talked and the adults watched over all while sitting on the benches outside his or her tent or the tent of friends.
At the beginning of the third week venders from miles around would come and set up camp to sell their wares; These vendors sold ice cream cones, snow balls, cotton
candy, trinkets, fresh fried fish, and of course the guy with the picture stand who at the time took pictures in sepia.
That third week was always festive because the children realized they would soon be returning to school and the adults returning to their mostly remote lives on their farms or homes throughout the countryside.
The tents and arbor have been destroyed by fire twice over the years. The current tents and facilities are a far cry from those of our ancestors. If you walked inside a family tent at Motts Grove Campground today you would find a kitchen with modern appliances, bathroom complete with tub and shower, one to three bedrooms, some with upstairs and balconies and air conditioning.
The facilities may have been modernized, the length of stay has lessened but what has not changed is the meaning of Motts Grove Camp meeting and that is THE GATHERING OF FRIENDS, FAMILIES, AND NEIGHBORS, OF DIFERENT RELIGIOUS FAITHS TO FELLOWSHIP WITH EACH OTHER AND THE NIGHTLY SINGING, PRAISE AND WORSHIP SERVICES.
Time Line:
* 1880’s Wooden arbor erected; but destroyed by fire
* Mid 1880s family tents erected forming a circle around the arbor.
* 1950’s - The wooded arbor was partially destroyed by fire and restored
Prunus is a genus of trees and shrubs, which includes (among many others) the fruits plums, cherries, peaches, nectarines, apricots, and almonds.
Native to the North American temperate regions, the neotropics of South America, and the paleotropics of Asia and Africa, 430 different species are classified under Prunus. Many members of the genus are widely cultivated for their fruit and for decorative purposes. Prunus fruit are drupes, or stone fruits. The fleshy mesocarp surrounding the endocarp is edible while the endocarp itself forms a hard, inedible shell called the pyrena ("stone" or "pit"). This shell encloses the seed (or "kernel") which is edible in some species (such as sweet almonds) but poisonous in many others (such as apricots). Besides being eaten off the hand, most Prunus fruit are also commonly used in processing, such as jam production, canning, drying, and the seeds for roasting.
Botany
Members of the genus can be deciduous or evergreen. A few species have spiny stems. The leaves are simple, alternate, usually lanceolate, unlobed, and often with nectaries on the leaf stalk along with stipules. The flowers are usually white to pink, sometimes red, with five petals and five sepals. Numerous stamens are present. Flowers are borne singly, or in umbels of two to six or sometimes more on racemes. The fruit is a fleshy drupe (a "prune") with a single relatively large, hard-coated seed (a "stone").
Within the rose family Rosaceae, it was traditionally placed as a subfamily, the Amygdaloideae (incorrectly "Prunoideae"), but was sometimes placed in its own family, the Prunaceae (or Amygdalaceae). More recently, Prunus is thought to have evolved from within a much larger clade now called subfamily Amygdaloideae (incorrectly "Spiraeoideae").
Classification
Evolutionary history
The oldest fossils confirmed to belong to Prunus date to the Eocene, and are found across the Northern Hemisphere. Older potential Late Cretaceous records are unconfirmed.[8]
Linnean classification
In 1737, Carl Linnaeus used four genera to include the species of modern Prunus—Amygdalus, Cerasus, Prunus, and Padus—but simplified it to Amygdalus and Prunus in 1758. Since then, the various genera of Linnaeus and others have become subgenera and sections, as all the species clearly are more closely related. Liberty Hyde Bailey said: "The numerous forms grade into each other so imperceptibly and inextricably that the genus cannot be readily broken up into species."
Traditional classification
Historical treatments break the genus into several different genera, but this segregation is not currently widely recognised other than at the subgeneric rank. The ITIS recognises just the single genus Prunus, with an open list of species,[a] all of which are given at List of Prunus species.[b]
One treatment of the subgenera derives from the work of Alfred Rehder in 1940. Rehder hypothesized five subgenera: Amygdalus, Prunus, Cerasus, Padus, and Laurocerasus.[11] To them C. Ingram added Lithocerasus. The six subgenera are described as follows:
Subgenus Amygdalus, almonds and peaches: axillary buds in threes (vegetative bud central, two flower buds to sides); flowers in early spring, sessile or nearly so, not on leafed shoots; fruit with a groove along one side; stone deeply grooved; type species: Prunus dulcis (almond)
Subgenus Prunus, plums and apricots: axillary buds solitary; flowers in early spring stalked, not on leafed shoots; fruit with a groove along one side, stone rough; type species: Prunus domestica (plum)
Subgenus Cerasus, true cherries: axillary buds single; flowers in early spring in corymbs, long-stalked, not on leafed shoots; fruit not grooved, stone smooth; type species: Prunus cerasus (sour cherry)
Subgenus Lithocerasus, bush cherries: axillary buds in threes; flowers in early spring in corymbs, long-stalked, not on leafed shoots; fruit not grooved, stone smooth; type species: Prunus pumila (sand cherry)
Subgenus Padus, bird cherries: axillary buds single; flowers in late spring in racemes on leafy shoots, short-stalked; fruit not grooved, stone smooth; type species: Prunus padus (European bird cherry), now known to be polyphyletic
Subgenus Laurocerasus, cherry laurels: mostly evergreen (all the other subgenera are deciduous); axillary buds single; flowers in early spring in racemes, not on leafed shoots, short-stalked; fruit not grooved, stone smooth; type species: Prunus laurocerasus (European cherry-laurel)
Phylogenetic classification
An extensive phylogenetic study based on different chloroplast and nuclear sequences divides Prunus into three subgenera:
Subg. Padus: In addition to species of Padus (bird cherries), this subgenus also includes species of Maddenia (false bird cherries), Laurocerasus (cherry laurels) and Pygeum.
Subg. Cerasus: This subgenus includes true cherries such as sweet cherry, sour cherry, mahaleb cherry and Japanese flowering cherry.
Subg. Prunus: This subgenus includes the following sections:
Sect. Prunus: Old World plums
Sect. Prunocerasus: New World plums
Sect. Armeniaca: apricots
Sect. Microcerasus: bush cherries
Sect. Amygdalus: almonds
Sect. Persica: peaches
Sect. Emplectocladus: desert almonds
Species
Main article: List of Prunus species
The lists below are incomplete, but include most of the better-known species.
P. africana – African cherry
P. apetala – clove cherry
P. armeniaca – apricot
P. avium – sweet cherry or wild cherry
P. brigantina – Briançon apricot
P. buergeriana – dog cherry
P. campanulata – Taiwan cherry
P. canescens – gray-leaf cherry
P. cerasifera – cherry plum
P. cerasoides – wild Himalayan cherry
P. cerasus – sour cherry
P. ceylanica
P. cocomilia – Italian plum
P. cornuta – Himalayan bird cherry
P. davidiana – David's peach
P. darvasica – Darvaz plum
P. domestica – common plum
P. dulcis – almond
P. fruticosa – European dwarf cherry
P. glandulosa – Chinese bush cherry
P. grayana – Japanese bird cherry
P. incana – willow-leaf cherry
P. incisa – Fuji cherry
P. jacquemontii – Afghan bush cherry
P. japonica – Japanese bush cherry
P. laurocerasus – cherry laurel
P. lusitanica – Portugal laurel
P. maackii – Manchurian cherry
P. mahaleb – Mahaleb cherry
P. mandshurica – Manchurian apricot
P. maximowiczii – Korean cherry
P. mume – Chinese plum
P. nipponica – Japanese alpine cherry
P. padus – bird cherry
P. persica – peach
P. pseudocerasus – Chinese sour cherry
P. prostrata – mountain cherry
P. salicina – Japanese plum
P. sargentii – north Japanese hill cherry
P. scoparia – mountain almond
P. serrula – Tibetan cherry
P. serrulata – Japanese cherry
P. sibirica – Siberian apricot
P. simonii – apricot plum
P. speciosa – Oshima cherry
P. spinosa – blackthorn, sloe
P. ssiori – Hokkaido bird cherry
P. subhirtella – winter-flowering cherry
P. tenella – dwarf Russian almond
P. tomentosa – Nanking cherry
P. triloba – flowering plum
P. turneriana – almondbark
P. ursina – Bear's plum
P. × yedoensis – Yoshino cherry
P. zippeliana – big-leaf cherry (Chinese: 大叶桂樱)
P. alabamensis – Alabama cherry
P. alleghaniensis – Allegheny plum
P. americana – American plum
P. andersonii – desert peach
P. angustifolia – Chickasaw plum
P. brasiliensis
P. buxifolia
P. caroliniana – Carolina laurelcherry
P. cortapico
P. emarginata – bitter cherry
P. eremophila – Mojave Desert plum
P. fasciculata – wild almond
P. fremontii – desert apricot
P. geniculata – scrub plum
P. gentryi
P. gracilis – Oklahoma plum
P. havardii – Havard's plum
P. hortulana – Hortulan plum
P. huantensis
P. ilicifolia – hollyleaf cherry
P. integrifolia
P. maritima – beach plum
P. mexicana – Mexican plum
P. minutiflora – Texas almond
P. murrayana – Murray's plum
P. myrtifolia – West Indies cherry
P. nigra – Canada plum
P. occidentalis – western cherry laurel
P. pensylvanica – pin cherry
P. pleuradenia – Antilles cherry
P. pumila – sand cherry
P. rigida
P. rivularis – creek plum
P. serotina – black cherry
P. subcordata – Klamath plum
P. subcorymbosa
P. texana – peachbush
P. umbellata – flatwoods plum
P. virginiana – chokecherry
The genus Prunus includes the almond, the nectarine and peach, several species of apricots, cherries, and plums, all of which have cultivars developed for commercial fruit and nut production. The almond is not a true nut; the edible part is the seed. Other species are occasionally cultivated or used for their seed and fruit.
A number of species, hybrids, and cultivars are grown as ornamental plants, usually for their profusion of flowers, sometimes for ornamental foliage and shape, and occasionally for their bark.
Because of their considerable value as both food and ornamental plants, many Prunus species have been introduced to parts of the world to which they are not native, some becoming naturalised.
The Tree of 40 Fruit has 40 varieties grafted on to one rootstock.
Species such as blackthorn (Prunus spinosa), are grown for hedging, game cover, and other utilitarian purposes.
The wood of some species (notably black cherry) is prized as a furniture and cabinetry timber, especially in North America.
Many species produce an aromatic gum from wounds in the trunk; this is sometimes used medicinally. Other minor uses include dye production.
Pygeum, a herbal remedy containing extracts from the bark of Prunus africana, is used as to alleviate some of the discomfort caused by inflammation in patients with benign prostatic hyperplasia.
Prunus species are food plants for the larvae of many Lepidoptera species (butterflies and moths).
Prunus species are included in the Tasmanian Fire Service's list of low flammability plants, indicating that it is suitable for growing within a building protection zone.
Ornamental Prunus
See also: List of Award of Garden Merit flowering cherries
Ornamentals include the group that may be collectively called "flowering cherries" (including sakura, the Japanese flowering cherries).
Toxicity
Many species are cyanogenic; that is, they contain compounds called cyanogenic glucosides, notably amygdalin, which, on hydrolysis, yield hydrogen cyanide. Although the fruits of some may be edible by humans and livestock (in addition to the ubiquitous fructivore of birds), seeds, leaves and other parts may be toxic, some highly so. The plants contain no more than trace amounts of hydrogen cyanide, but on decomposition after crushing and exposure to air or on digestion, poisonous amounts may be generated. The trace amounts may give a characteristic taste ("bitter almond") with increasing bitterness in larger quantities, less tolerable to people than to birds, which habitually feed on specific fruits.
Benefits to human health
People are often encouraged to consume many fruits because they are rich in a variety of nutrients and phytochemicals that are supposedly beneficial to human health. The fruits of Prunus often contain many phytochemicals and antioxidants. These compounds have properties that have been linked to preventing different diseases and disorders. Research suggests that the consumption of these fruits reduces the risk of developing diseases such as cardiovascular diseases, cancer, diabetes, and other age-related declines. Many factors can affect the levels of bioactive compounds in the different fruits of the genus Prunus, including the environment, season, processing methods, orchard operations, and postharvest management.
Cherries
Cherries contain many different phenolic compounds and anthocyanins, which are indicators of being rich in antioxidants. Recent research has linked the phenolic compounds of the sweet cherry (Prunus avium) with antitumor properties.
Reactive oxygen species (ROS) include superoxide radicals, hydrogen peroxide, hydroxyl radicals, and singlet oxygen; they are the byproducts of metabolism. High levels of ROS lead to oxidative stress, which causes damage to lipids, proteins, and nucleic acids. The oxidative damage results in cell death, which ultimately leads to numerous diseases and disorders. Antioxidants act as a defense mechanism against the oxidative stress. They are used to remove the free radicals in a living system that are generated as ROS. Some of those antioxidants include gutathione S-transferase, glutathione peroxidase, superoxide dismutase, and catalase. The antioxidants present in cherry extracts act as inhibitors of the free radicals. However, the DNA and proteins can be damaged when an imbalance occurs in the level of free radicals and the antioxidants. When not enough antioxidants are available to remove the free radicals, many diseases can occur, such as cancers, cardiovascular diseases, Parkinson's disease, etc. Recent studies have shown that using natural antioxidants as a supplement in chemotherapy can decrease the amount of oxidative damage. Some of these natural antioxidants include ascorbic acid, tocopherol, and epigallocatechin gallate; they can be found in certain cherry extracts.
Almonds
Similar to cherries, strawberries, and raspberries, almonds are also rich in phenolics. Almonds have a high oxygen radical absorbing capacity (ORAC), which is another indicator of being rich in antioxidants. As stated before, high levels of free radicals are harmful, thus having the capacity to absorb those radicals is greatly beneficial. The bioactive compounds, polyphenols and anthocyanins, found in berries and cherries are also present in almonds. Almonds also contain nonflavonoid and flavonoid compounds, which contribute to their antioxidant properties. Flavonoids are a group of structurally related compounds that are arranged in a specific manner and can be found in all vascular plants on land. They also contribute to the antioxidant properties of almonds. Some of the nonflavonoid compounds present are protocatechuic, vanillic, and p-hydroxybenzoic acids. Flavonoid compounds that can be found in the skin of the almond are flavanols, dihydroflavonols, and flavanones.
Plums
Of all of the different species of stone fruits, plums are the richest in antioxidants and phenolic compounds. The total antioxidant capacity (TAC) varies within each fruit, but in plums, TAC is much higher in the skin than in the flesh of the fruit.
Apricots
Apricots are high in carotenoids, which play a key role in light absorption during development. Carotenoids are the pigments that give the pulp and peel of apricots and other Prunus fruits their yellow and orange colors. Moreover, it is an essential precursor for vitamin A, which is especially important for vision and the immune system in humans. Moreover, these fruits are quite rich in phenolic substances, including catechin, epicatechin, p-coumaric acid, caffeic acid, and ferulic acid.
Peaches and nectarines
Similar to the plum, peaches and nectarines also have higher TAC in the skin than in the flesh. They also contain moderate levels of carotenoids and ascorbic acid. Peaches and nectarines are orange and yellow in color, which can be attributed to the carotenoids present.
Various Prunus species are winter hosts of the Damson-hop aphid, Phorodon humuli, which is destructive to hops Humulus lupulus just at the time of their maturity, so plum trees should not be grown in the vicinity of hop fields.
Corking is the drying or withering of fruit tissue. In stone fruit, it is often caused by a lack of boron and/or calcium.
Gummosis is a nonspecific condition of stone fruits (peach, nectarine, plum, and cherry) in which gum is exuded and deposited on the bark of trees. Gum is produced in response to any type of wound – insect, mechanical injury, or disease.
Apiosporina morbosa is a major fungal disease in the Northern Americas, with many urban centres running black knot fungus management programs.[38] This disease is best managed by physical removal of knot-bearing branches to prevent spore spread and immediate disposal of infected tissue. Chemical treatment is not largely effective, as trees can easily be re-infected by neighbouring knots.
Laetiporus gilbertsoni (commonly sulfur shelf and chicken of the woods), is a serious cubic brown rot parasite which attacks certain species of decorative red-leaf plum trees in the genus Prunus on the Pacific coast of North America.
The earliest known fossil Prunus specimens are wood, drupe, seed, and a leaf from the middle Eocene of the Princeton Chert of British Columbia, Canada. Using the known age as calibration data, a partial phylogeny of some of the Rosaceae from a number of nucleotide sequences was reconstructed. Prunus and its sister clade Maloideae (apple subfamily) has been suggested to have diverged 44.3 million years ago which is within the Lutetian, or older middle Eocene.[c] Stockey and Wehr report: "The Eocene was a time of rapid evolution and diversification in Angiosperm families such as the Rosaceae ...." The oldest fossil species is Prunus cathybrownae from the Klondike Mountain Formation.
The Princeton finds are among a large number of angiosperm fossils from the Okanagan Highlands dating to the late early and middle Eocene. Crataegus is found at three locations: the McAbee Fossil Beds, British Columbia; the Klondike Mountain Formation around Republic, Washington, and the Allenby Formation around Princeton, British Columbia, while Prunus is found at those locations plus the Coldwater Beds of Quilchena, British Columbia and Chu Chua Formation around Chu Chua, British Columbia. A review of research on the Eocene Okanagan Highlands reported that the Rosaceae were more diverse at higher altitudes. The Okanagan highlands formations date to as early as 52 mya, but the 44.3 mya date[citation needed], which is approximate, depending on assumptions, might still apply. The authors state: "... the McAbee flora records a diverse early middle Eocene angiosperm-dominated forest.": 165
Etymology
The Online Etymology Dictionary presents the customary derivations of plum and prune from Latin prūnum, the plum fruit. The tree is prūnus; and Pliny uses prūnus silvestris to mean the blackthorn. The word is not native Latin, but is a loan from Greek προῦνον (prounon), which is a variant of προῦμνον (proumnon), origin unknown. The tree is προύμνη (proumnē). Most dictionaries follow Hoffman, Etymologisches Wörterbuch des Griechischen, in making some form of the word a loan from a pre-Greek language of Asia Minor, related to Phrygian.
The first use of Prunus as a genus name was by Carl Linnaeus in Hortus Cliffortianus of 1737, which went on to become Species Plantarum. In the latter, Linnaeus attributes the word to "Varr.", who it is assumed must be Marcus Terentius Varro.
Exposition : The color line
Du mardi 04 octobre 2016 au dimanche 15 janvier 2017
Quel rôle a joué l’art dans la quête d’égalité et d’affirmation de l’identité noire dans l’Amérique de la Ségrégation ? L'exposition rend hommage aux artistes et penseurs africains-américains qui ont contribué, durant près d’un siècle et demi de luttes, à estomper cette "ligne de couleur" discriminatoire.
—————
« Le problème du 20e siècle est le problème de la ligne de partage des couleurs ».
Si la fin de la Guerre de Sécession en 1865 a bien sonné l’abolition de l'esclavage, la ligne de démarcation raciale va encore marquer durablement la société américaine, comme le pressent le militant W.E.B. Du Bois en 1903 dans The Soul of Black Folks. L’exposition The Color Line revient sur cette période sombre des États-Unis à travers l’histoire culturelle de ses artistes noirs, premières cibles de ces discriminations.
Des thématiques racistes du vaudeville américain et des spectacles de Minstrels du 19e siècle à l’effervescence culturelle et littéraire de la Harlem Renaissance du début du 20e siècle, des pionniers de l’activisme noir (Frederick Douglass, Booker T. Washington) au réquisitoire de la chanteuse Billie Holiday (Strange Fruit), ce sont près de 150 ans de production artistique – peinture, sculpture, photographie, cinéma, musique, littérature… – qui témoignent de la richesse créative de la contestation noire.
The Art Deco style Strand Theatre was opened in 1939. The theatre operated into the 1960s. It later closed and reopened several times. The building was restored in 1993 to house a community theater group and host special events. The building is listed on the National Register of Historic Places.
A Side Note. The theater was built when many public use spaces in southern states were designed to accommodated racial segregation. The facade of the theater reflects this practice. The facade is symmetrical in every aspect except for the ground floor corners. On the left side there is a recessed panel with a playbill display case. The right side has double doors. The doors provided access to the balcony that was reserved for black patrons.
It is a step in the right direction when Prime Minister Charles Michel of Belgium, apologized on Thursday for the kidnapping, segregation, deportation and forced adoption of thousands of children born to mixed-race couples during its colonial rule of Burundi, Congo and Rwanda.
Thanks for visiting, enjoy each day, you will never again be as young as you are today.
Patterned ground: Sorted stripes. Periglacial stone stripes resulting from downslope creep and rock segregation during freezing and thawing of thin soil layer - Mt M´Goun, Morocco
A casualty of the civil rights struggle in the south. This school closed in the mid 1950s never to reopen. It stands as a silent reminder of the fight to eliminate racial discrimination and segregation in the old south. Southside, Virginia.
Veteran civil rights leader Mary Church Terrell (center) poses with other picketers outside the G.C. Murphy Company on F Street NW in June 1952 where a campaign to desegregate the lunch counter lasted from May until September before the company relented.
The protest was part of a campaign headed by Terrell under the auspices of the Coordinating Committee for the Enforcement of D.C. Anti-Discrimination Laws (CCEAD).
William H. Jernigan, Vice President of the Coordinating Committee is 3rd from the left next to Terrell.
Terrell’s group led a three-prong attack:
1. Direct action against public facilities that discriminated against African Americans, including picketing and boycotts
2. A lobbying effort to compel the District of Columbia government to enforce the 1872 and 1873 laws prohibiting segregation at public facilities such as restaurants and hotels.
3. Legal action brought to enforce the 1872 and 1873 statutes.
The campaign began with Terrell and two others being refused service at Washington, D.C. Thompson’s Restaurant and filed suit and thereafter expanded to other targets.
Most department store and drug store lunch counters desegregated under pressure from Terrell’s group in the years 1950-53.
In 1953, in an 8-0 decision, the Supreme Court ruled that the 1871 Organic Act creating the then D.C. City Council granted it general police power to regulate local affairs, that the 1872 and 1873 regulations fell within this authority, and that they remained valid. The court decision effectively ended Jim Crow in the rest of the public accommodations in the District of Columbia
Murphy’s was the last of the Five and Dime stores to drop Jim Crow. The campaign had increased its presence to three picket lines per week and was coordinated by Alice Trigg, Helen Brown and Robert Smith.
According to the Afro American:
“Many groups contributed to the final victory. One Saturday afternoon, a group of Washington ministers marched on the line. Another day, a group of member of the Va. State Conference of the NAACP, led by their executive secretary W. Lester Banks, drove over a hundred miles from Richmond to picket Murphy’s.”
“The last sit-down that the committee staged at Murphy’s counter was sponsored by Mrs. J. F. Whitefield, president of the Interdenominational Council of Ministers’ Wives of Washington.”
“Several groups in Pittsburgh helped by trying to persuade the Murphy home office to settle the matter. These included the NAACP, the United Steel Workers, CIO and Mrs. Betty Beaver of CORE.”
See two documents from the Coordinating Committee:
1. A list of restaurants and cafeterias that served African Americans: washingtonspark.files.wordpress.com/2017/06/1952-12-dc-an...
2. A flyer from the Coordinating Committee after the courts ruled that the anti-discrimination laws were not valid: washingtonspark.wordpress.com/2013-01-11-dc-library-scans...
Terrell was the former leader of the National Association of Colored Women among many accomplishments in her long career.
Terrell bridged the generations of African American activists as a contemporary of Frederick Douglas who continued to lead civil rights struggles until her death in 1954.
For more information and additional images, see flic.kr/s/aHsjXbLaF4
The photographer is unknown. The image is courtesy of the Moorland Spingarn Research Center, Howard University.
Kapstadt - Bo-Kaap
Circle of Kramat's
The Bo-Kaap is an area of Cape Town, South Africa formerly known as the Malay Quarter. It is a former township, situated on the slopes of Signal Hill above the city centre and is an historical centre of Cape Malay culture in Cape Town. The Nurul Islam Mosque, established in 1844, is located in the area.
Bo-Kaap is traditionally a multicultural area. The area is known for its brightly coloured homes and cobble stoned streets.
As a result of Cape Town's economic development and expansion, and after the demise of forced racial segregation under apartheid, property in the Bo-Kaap has become very sought after, not only for its location but also for its picturesque cobble-streets and unique architecture. Increasingly, this close-knit community is "facing a slow dissolution of its distinctive character as wealthy outsiders move into the suburb to snap up homes in the City Bowl at cut-rate prices". Inter-community conflict has also arisen as some residents object to the sale of buildings and the resultant eviction of long-term residents.
(Wikipedia)
The circle of Kramats in Cape Town is a shrine to Muslim holy men buried in Cape Town. Legend goes that it is this circle that protects Cape Town from earthquakes and National disasters.
Kramats or Mazaars, the holy shrines of Islam, mark the graves of Holy Men of the Muslim faith who have died at the Cape. There are more than 20 recognized kramats in the Peninsula area, with at least another three in the outlying districts of Faure, Caledon, Rawsonville and Bains Kloof.
The history of the Mazaars starts with the Dutch invasion of places such as India, Ceylon and Java. Local communities resisted the tyranny but their leaders were banished to the Cape. Citizens of Malay, Indian, Javanese, Bengalese and Arabian origins were also sold into slavery during this time, and these slaves and sultans started the first Muslim communities in the Cape. It was only during the British occupation that the first Mosque was permitted.
The graves of Sheikh Abdurahman Matebe Shah, at the gateway to Klein Constantia and Sayed Mahmud, in Constantia, are probably the oldest known sites of deceased Auliyah, ('known as,'Friends of Allah'), both having arrived at the Cape in 1667.
Sheikh Abdurahman was the last of the Malaccan Sultans, whose ancestors established the first Malaysian Empire. Sheikh Yusuf, buried at Faure, is probably the most famous Auliyah at the Cape. Of noble birth, he lived in exile due to the Dutch occupation of his hometown Macassar, where he had spearheaded resistance. He was eventually persuaded to surrender. On a broken promise the Dutch transferred him to the Cape in 1693 and accommodated him on the farm "Zandvliet" on the Cape Flats. He provided refuge for fugitive slaves, and it was through his teachings that the first true Muslim community developed in the Cape as early as the late 1690's.
The kramat situated on Lion's Head mountain is probably the easiest kramat to visit whilst on a visit to the "Lion's rump" area view point, it lies just above the road about half way, where the jeep track is visible. Visitors must pay respect when visiting these sites, remove your shoes when entering, no leaning or sitting on the graves and no loud voices, please!
Tuan Guru, whose Kramat is in the Muslim cemetery in the Bo Kaap, was a Prince from the Trinate Islands. His "crime" is not known but he arrived in the Cape in 1780 as a State prisoner. After 12 years imprisonment, Tuan Guru became active in the Muslim community around Dorp Street and was instrumental in the first madrasah (Muslim School) to be built in 1793, and in 1795, the first Mosque. Another Auliyah who served a 12-year sentence was Tuan Sayed Alawie who originated from Yemen. After his release he became a policeman, to have contact with slaves and spread the word of Islam. He died in 1803 and was also buried in the Bo Kaap.
The positioning of the kramats is said to fulfil a 250-year-old prophecy that a "circle of Islam" will be formed around Cape Town. This circle starts at Signal Hill with four separate kramats, continues to the site at Oude Kraal, then Constantia, and further to the famous kramat of Sheikh Yusuf at Faure (Macassar). The old tomb on Robben Island completes the circle.
Etiquette on visiting a Kramat: Please maintain utmost respect when visiting the tombs of Auliyah. Shoes should be removed. Do not sit or lean on, or put your feet on the grave, and please avoid loud conversation. Sit or stand respectfully facing the grave and have no intention other than to derive spiritual benefit from the shrine.
To find local speciality Halaal food while you are in Cape Town on holiday, or to visit the Kramats with a local specialist tour guide, please contact: Tana Baru Tours & the Noon Gun Tea Room
* KRAMAT OF SAYED ABDURAHMAN MOTURA- CO-ORDINATES:-33.798,18.371
Robben Island first gained notoriety as a prison for eastern political exiles, sultans, spiritualists, convicts and slaves. It is a reminder of the injustices and the ill-treatment afforded these prisoners that a Kramat is to be found on the island. The eastern political exiles and convicts are truly the pioneers of Islam in this country; and thus Robben Island becomes very much a part of history of the Muslims in South Africa.
The shrine on Robben Island, is a symbol of the struggle for the establishment of Islam.
It is an expression of Islam’s power, having survived all kinds of restrictions, prejudices, imprisonment and oppression in the land called ‘the fairest Cape on the circumference of the earth.’ Ironically, this shrine was constructed by the Apartheid Prison authorities in the 1960s.
Tuan Matarah also known as Sayed Abduraghman Motura was reputed to have been a very learned and religious man. He spread the message of Islam and consoled those experiencing difficulties. He was known for his wonder cures and the comfort be brought to is fellow prisoners when they were ill.
Tuan Matarah died on Robben Island. Upon his death, his grave soon became a respected shrine. Here those who knew him came to meditate and seek consolation for their suffering. Their example was followed by other prisoners who arrived after his death. On their release, they talked extensively about the holy man who lies buried on Robben Island
* KRAMAT OF SHEIK NOORAL MUBEEN - CO-ORDINATES:-33.98, 18.34
Sheikh Noorul Mubeen was banished to the Cape in 1716. He was incarcerated on Robben Island from where he escaped. There are several legends surrounding the details of his escape. It has been narrated that he escaped by walking across the Atlantic Ocean from Robben Island to the mainland. Another version of his escape is that he swam across from Robben Island where he was helped by fishermen to the spot in the mountain, where his kramat now lies. He taught the fishermen Islam and became their Imam. It has also been related that he escaped by ‘unknown means’ and found this safe site to live. This was a good site helping him to keep watch over the area which included the peaks of the Twelve Apostles and Lion’s head. He began to teach the local slave Islam mostly at night.
(sahistory.org.za)
Bo-Kaap (Afrikaans; deutsch etwa: „Über dem Kap“), auch Malay Quarter („Malaienviertel“) oder Slamsebuurt („Islamviertel“), offiziell Schotschekloof, ist ein Stadtteil von Kapstadt in der südafrikanischen Provinz Westkap (Western Cape). Er entstand als Siedlung von Kapmalaien, die bis heute die Mehrheit der Bewohner stellen.
Bo-Kaap liegt zwischen dem Stadtzentrum und dem Hang des Signal Hill im Westen des Kapstädter Zentrums, etwa einen Kilometer vom Bahnhof Cape Town entfernt. Nördlich liegt der Stadtteil De Waterkant.
Bo-Kaap ist – historisch gesehen – etwa einen Quadratkilometer groß; über 6000 Menschen leben dort. Über 90 Prozent von ihnen sind Muslime, darunter wiederum 90 Prozent Schāfiʿiten. Insgesamt gibt es zehn Moscheen im Bo-Kaap. Der Stadtteil zeichnet sich durch enge, steile Gassen und in unterschiedlichen grellen Farben gestrichene Fassaden aus. Der Baustil ist eine Synthese aus kapholländischer und Edwardianischer Architektur.
Offiziell wird der Stadtteil als Sub Place Schotschekloof geführt und liegt zwischen Signal Hill und Buitengracht Street, dem Motorway M62. 2011 hatte er 3203 Bewohner.
Bo-Kaap wurde im 18. Jahrhundert von Kapmalaien besiedelt, nachdem sie aus der Sklaverei entlassen worden waren. Ältestes erhaltenes Haus im Originalzustand ist das heutige Bo-Kaap Museum aus den 1760er Jahren. Tuan Guru gab von hieraus der Islamisierung der Sklaven und freigelassenen schwarzen Bevölkerung wichtige Impulse. In der Folge wurden mehrere Moscheen errichtet, 1794 die Auwal Mosque in der Dorp Street – die erste Moschee Südafrikas –, ab 1811 die Palm Tree Mosque in der Long Street, die historisch zu Bo-Kaap gehört, und 1844 die Nural Islam Mosque. 1886 sollte auf Anordnung der Behörden die 1805 eingerichtete muslimische Begräbnisstätte Tana Baru Cemetery geschlossen werden; der – letztlich erfolglose – Widerstand tausender Bewohner gilt als bedeutendste Aktion der Kapmalaien gegen die Obrigkeit.
Nach dem Ende der Apartheid und der Aufhebung des Group Areas Act wurden viele Häuser instandgesetzt. Es setzte aber auch mit dem Zuzug reicher Bewohner und der Kündigung bestehender Mietverträge eine Gentrifizierung ein. 2016 wurden Planungen für ein 17-stöckiges Hochhaus mit Luxusapartments bekannt.
Bo-Kaap gilt mit seinen grellbunt gestrichenen Häusern, den Moscheen, dem Bo-Kaap Museum und Straßen mit Kopfsteinpflaster als touristische Sehenswürdigkeit. Die Straße M62 führt durch Bo-Kaap.
(Wikipedia)
My little contribution to the protest
By the way what you see is Jupiter...
I 'll be out all day at work
Formerly Cinema Manuel Rodrigues, completed in 1948. Appears to be closed but once seated 1500 patrons. During the colonial period it was subject to segregation.
Today is Elliott Erwitt’s birthday! Although Henri Cartier-Bresson coined the term “decisive moment”, Erwitt was a master at capturing it. Erwitt is most well known for his candid shots of ironic and absurd situations within everyday settings.
Our Trooper has decided to recreate one of Erwitt's most well know shots depicting the segregation of African Americans in the 1950s. He hopes he has done it justice.
Enjoy!
This photo is part of my mini series Cloned Photos.
Subscribe to 365 Days of Clones via RSS | Email | Tumblr | Twitter
Visit our troopers at www.365DaysofClones.com.
Built around the turn of the century at 26th and M, the old Central High School building remained in use until 1954, when a new building was erected. Central was the first high school in Texas for African-Americans, and was merged into Ball High School in 1968 when Ball was finally integrated.
Ball High School was built in 1884 with a gift of $50,000 from local businessman George Ball, who died before the school was completed. Local lore has it that after his death, his heirs offered the city an additional $10,000 if the school accepted only white students. The City took the bribe and, as a result, Central High was built for black children.
The asymmetrical wing on the right housed the library branch for the city's black readers. It was built in 1905. Architect Nicholas Clayton designed the original high school.
The annex was constructed by Harry Devlin of Galveston (at a total cost for the two-story addition of $2,633.00) who was hired by the Rosenberg Library board of directors.
The Board provided additional funds for bookshelves, furniture, and 1,000 books at the branch. Prof. John R. Gibson, principal of Central High, was appointed manager of the colored branch. He was paid $150 per year to run the library, in addition to his compensation as principal. At some later time Ms. Lilian Davis was hired as a full time librarian.
(Image courtesy of Rosenberg Library; information from Mr. Ennis Williams Jr., Central Cultural Center, and Ms. Eleanor Clark, Rosenberg Library. Errors, if any, are mine.)
Jackson, MS (est. 1821, pop. 165,000)
Marker:
front
"On May 28, 1961, a Greyhound bus with nine Freedom Riders aboard arrived here, the third group of Riders into Jackson. The first two came on Trailways buses May 24. That summer 329 people were arrested in Jackson for integrating public transportation facilities. Convicted on "breach of peace" and jailed, most refused bail and were sent to the state penitentiary. Their protest worked. In September 1961, the federal government mandated that segregation in interstate transportation end."
back
"Greyhound Bus Station This former Greyhound bus station was the scene of many historic arrests in 1961, when Freedom Riders challenged racial segregation in Jackson’s bus and train stations and airport. The Freedom Riders, part of a campaign created by the Congress of Racial Equality (CORE), pressured the federal government to enforce the law regarding illegal racially separate waiting rooms, rest rooms, and restaurants—common in public transportation facilities across the South.
"On May 4, 1961, thirteen Riders—blacks and whites, men and women—left Washington, D.C., on two buses. Trained in nonviolent direct action, they planned to desegregate bus stations throughout the South. They integrated stations in Virginia, the Carolinas, and Georgia with few incidents but were attacked by vicious mobs in Anniston, Birmingham, and Montgomery, Alabama. The Kennedy administration implored them to stop, a call echoed by the media and some civil rights leaders. The Riders, however, reinforced with new volunteers from the Nashville Student Movement, were determined to continue.
"On May 24, two buses of Freedom Riders left Montgomery bound for Jackson, with highway patrolmen and National Guardsmen as armed guards. Instead of a protest mob, policemen met them in Jackson, urging them to “move on” when the Riders tried to use facilities denied them. When the Riders refused, they were arrested, charged with “breach of peace,” and quickly convicted.
"Embracing the "jail-no bail" tactic, they invited new Riders from around the country to join them in Jackson. Within three weeks the city’s jails were full, and the Riders were transferred to the state penitentiary at Parchman, where most served six weeks, suffering indignities and injustices with fortitude and resolve. Between May 24 and September 13, 329 people were arrested in Jackson—half black, half white, and a quarter of them women. Most were between the ages of eighteen and thirty. They came from thirty-nine states and ten other countries; forty-three were from Mississippi.
"On September 23, the Interstate Commerce Commission mandated an end to segregation in all bus and train stations and airports. The victorious Freedom Riders left a legacy of historic changes, proving the value of nonviolent direct action, providing a template for future campaigns, and helping jump-start the movement in Mississippi."
Old Greyhound Station History
• in the mid-1930s, as America struggled through Great Depression, Greyhound Lines adopted a Streamline Moderne design for their buses & terminals, echoing the speed lines of their Super Coaches which, like the Greyhound logo, promised a swift, state of the art ride • brought in engineer Dwight Austin (1897-1960) to create the new Super Coach design & Louisville architect William Strudwick Arrasmith (1898-1965) to reimagine Greyhound terminal design
• in 1937, Greyhound Lines contracted for a Streamline Moderne style terminal in Jackson, topped by a vertical, illuminated "Greyhound" sign • the bldg. was faced with blue Vitrolux structural glass panels and ivory Vitrolite trim • included a coffee shop with a horseshoe-shaped counter & bathing facilities for women (a bath tub) and men (a shower)
• the design is widely believed to be one of the ~60 Moderne Greyhound stations credited to Arrasmith, although photographic evidence suggests that Memphis architect William Nowland Van Powell (1904-1977) — working with George Mahan Jr. (1887-1967) — was responsible for the design, with or without Arrasmith as the consulting architect
• restoration architect Robert Parker Adams acquired the then threatened bldg. in 1988, moved in after restoration, retaining the original neon sign —Wikipedia
The Farish Street Historic District
“but out of the bitterness we wrought an ancient past here in this separate place and made our village here.” —African Village by Margaret Walker (1915-1998)
• during the Reconstruction era that followed the American Civil War, white Southerners struggled to reclaim their lives as millions of black Southerners sought new ones • with the stroke of a pen, the Emancipation Proclamation had transformed African slaves into African Americans & released them into hostile, vengeful & well-armed white communities amid the ruins of a once flourishing society
• the antebellum South had been home to over 262,000 rights-restricted "free blacks" • post-emancipation, the free black population soared to 4.1 million • given that the South had sacrificed 20% of it's white males to the war, blacks now comprised over half the total population of some southern states • uneducated & penniless, most of the new black Americans depended on the Freedman's Bureau for food & clothing
• the social & political implications of this disruptive shift in demographics fueled a violence-laced strain of American racism • in this toxic environment, de facto racial segregation was a given, ordained as Mississippi law in 1890 • with Yankees (the U.S. Army) patrolling Jackson & Maine-born Republican Adelbert Ames installed in the Governor's Mansion, the Farish Street neighborhood was safe haven for freedmen
• as homeless African American refugees poured into Jackson from all reaches of the devastated state, a black economy flickered to life in the form of a few Farish Street mom-and-pops • unwelcome at white churches, the liberated slaves built their own, together with an entire neighborhood's worth of buildings, most erected between 1890 & 1930
• by 1908 1/3 of the district was black-owned, & half of the black families were homeowners • the 1913-1914 business directory listed 11 African American attorneys, 4 doctors, 3 dentists, 2 jewelers, 2 loan companies & a bank, all in the Farish St. neighborhood • the community also had 2 hospitals & numerous retail & service stores —City Data
• by mid-20th c. Farish Street, the state's largest economically independent African American community, had become the cultural, political & business hub for central Mississippi's black citizens [photos] • on Saturdays, countryfolk would come to town on special busses to sell produce & enjoy BBQ while they listened to live street music • vendors sold catfish fried in large black kettles over open fires • hot tamales, a Mississippi staple, were also a popular street food —The Farish District, Its Architecture and Cultural Heritage
“I’ve seen pictures. You couldn’t even get up the street. It was a two-way street back then, and it was wall-to-wall folks. It was just jam-packed: people shopping, people going to clubs, people eating, people dancing.” — Geno Lee, owner of the Big Apple Inn
• as Jackson's black economy grew, Farish Street entertainment venues prospered, drawing crowds with live & juke blues music • the musicians found or first recorded in the Neighborhood include Robert Johnson, Sonny Boy Williamson II & Elmore James
• Farish Street was also home to talent scouts & record labels like H.C. Speir, & Trumpet Records, Ace Records • both Speir & Trumpet founder Lillian McMurry were white Farish St. business owners whose furniture stores also housed recording studios • both discovered & promoted local Blues musicians —The Mississippi Encyclopedia
• Richard Henry Beadle (1884-1971), a prominent Jackson photographer, had a studio at 199-1/2 N. Farish • he was the son of Samuel Alfred Beadle (1857-1932), African-American poet & attorney • born the son of a slave, he was the author of 3 published books of poetry & stories
• The Alamo Theatre was mainly a movie theater but periodically presented musical acts such as Nat King Cole, Elmore James & Otis Spann • Wednesday was talent show night • 12 year old Jackson native Dorothy Moore entered the contest, won & went on to a successful recording career, highlighted by her 1976 no. 1 R&B hit, "Misty Blue" [listen] (3:34)
• in their heyday, Farish Street venues featured African American star performers such as Bessie Smith & the Rabbit Foot Minstrels, Louis Armstrong, Count Basie, Duke Ellington & Dinah Washington —Farish Street Records
• on 28 May, 1963, John Salter, a mixed race (white/Am. Indian) professor at historically black Tougaloo College, staged a sit-in with 3 African American students at the "Whites Only" Woolworth's lunch counter in downtown Jackson • they were refused service • an estimated 300 white onlookers & reporters filled the store
• police officers arrived but did not intercede as, in the words of student Anne Moody, "all hell broke loose" while she and the other black students at the counter prayed • "A man rushed forward, threw [student] Memphis from his seat and slapped my face. Then another man who worked in the store threw me against an adjoining counter." • this act of civil disobedience is remembered as the the signature event of Jackson's protest movement —L.A. Times
"This was the most violently attacked sit-in during the 1960s and is the most publicized. A huge mob gathered, with open police support while the three of us sat there for three hours. I was attacked with fists, brass knuckles and the broken portions of glass sugar containers, and was burned with cigarettes. I'm covered with blood and we were all covered by salt, sugar, mustard, and various other things." —John Salter
• the Woolworth Sit-in was one of many non-violent protests by blacks against racial segregation in the South • in 1969 integration of Jackson's public schools began • this new era in Jackson history also marked the beginning of Farish Street's decline —The Farish Street Project
"Integration was a great thing for black people, but it was not a great thing for black business... Before integration, Farish Street was the black mecca of Mississippi.” — Geno Lee, Big Apple Inn
• for African Americans, integration offered the possibility to shop outside of the neighborhood at white owned stores • as increasing numbers of black shoppers did so, Farish Street traffic declined, businesses closed & the vacated buildings fell into disrepair
• in 1983, a Farish St. redevelopment plan was presented
• in 1995 the street was designated an endangered historic place by the National Trust for Historic Preservation
• in the 1990s, having redeveloped Memphis' Beale Street, Performa Entertainment Real Estate was selected to redevelop Farish St
• in 2008, The Farish Street Group took over the project with plans for a B.B. King's Blues Club to anchor the entertainment district
• in 2012, having spent $21 million, the redevelopment — limited to repaving of the street, stabilizating some abandoned buildings & demolishing many of the rest — was stuck in limbo —Michael Minn
• 2017 update:
"Six mayors and 20 years after the City of Jackson became involved in efforts to develop the Farish Street Historic District, in hopes of bringing it back to the bustling state of its heyday, the project sits at a standstill. Recent Mayor Tony Yarber has referred to the district as “an albatross.” In September of 2014, the U.S. Department of Housing and Urban Development sanctioned the City of Jackson, the Jackson Redevelopment Authority, and developers for misspending federal funds directed toward the development of the Farish Street Historic District. Work is at a halt and "not scheduled to resume until December 2018, when the City of Jackson repays HUD $1.5 million." —Mississippi Dept. of Archives & History
• Farish Street Neighborhood Historic District, National Register # 80002245, 1980
Jackson, MS (est. 1821, pop. 165,000)
Marker:
front
"On May 28, 1961, a Greyhound bus with nine Freedom Riders aboard arrived here, the third group of Riders into Jackson. The first two came on Trailways buses May 24. That summer 329 people were arrested in Jackson for integrating public transportation facilities. Convicted on "breach of peace" and jailed, most refused bail and were sent to the state penitentiary. Their protest worked. In September 1961, the federal government mandated that segregation in interstate transportation end."
back
"Greyhound Bus Station This former Greyhound bus station was the scene of many historic arrests in 1961, when Freedom Riders challenged racial segregation in Jackson’s bus and train stations and airport. The Freedom Riders, part of a campaign created by the Congress of Racial Equality (CORE), pressured the federal government to enforce the law regarding illegal racially separate waiting rooms, rest rooms, and restaurants—common in public transportation facilities across the South.
"On May 4, 1961, thirteen Riders—blacks and whites, men and women—left Washington, D.C., on two buses. Trained in nonviolent direct action, they planned to desegregate bus stations throughout the South. They integrated stations in Virginia, the Carolinas, and Georgia with few incidents but were attacked by vicious mobs in Anniston, Birmingham, and Montgomery, Alabama. The Kennedy administration implored them to stop, a call echoed by the media and some civil rights leaders. The Riders, however, reinforced with new volunteers from the Nashville Student Movement, were determined to continue.
"On May 24, two buses of Freedom Riders left Montgomery bound for Jackson, with highway patrolmen and National Guardsmen as armed guards. Instead of a protest mob, policemen met them in Jackson, urging them to “move on” when the Riders tried to use facilities denied them. When the Riders refused, they were arrested, charged with “breach of peace,” and quickly convicted.
"Embracing the "jail-no bail" tactic, they invited new Riders from around the country to join them in Jackson. Within three weeks the city’s jails were full, and the Riders were transferred to the state penitentiary at Parchman, where most served six weeks, suffering indignities and injustices with fortitude and resolve. Between May 24 and September 13, 329 people were arrested in Jackson—half black, half white, and a quarter of them women. Most were between the ages of eighteen and thirty. They came from thirty-nine states and ten other countries; forty-three were from Mississippi.
"On September 23, the Interstate Commerce Commission mandated an end to segregation in all bus and train stations and airports. The victorious Freedom Riders left a legacy of historic changes, proving the value of nonviolent direct action, providing a template for future campaigns, and helping jump-start the movement in Mississippi."
Old Greyhound Station History
• in the mid-1930s, as America struggled through Great Depression, Greyhound Lines adopted a Streamline Moderne design for their buses & terminals, echoing the speed lines of their Super Coaches which, like the Greyhound logo, promised a swift, state of the art ride • brought in engineer Dwight Austin (1897-1960) to create the new Super Coach design & Louisville architect William Strudwick Arrasmith (1898-1965) to reimagine Greyhound terminal design
• in 1937, Greyhound Lines contracted for a Streamline Moderne style terminal in jn Jackson, topped by a vertical, illuminated "Greyhound" sign • the bldg. was faced with blue Vitrolux structural glass panels and ivory Vitrolite trim • included a coffee shop with a horseshoe-shaped counter & bathing facilities for women (a bath tub) and men (a shower)
• the design is widely believed to be one of the ~60 Moderne Greyhound stations credited to Arrasmith, although photographic evidence suggests that Memphis architect William Nowland Van Powell (1904-1977) — working with George Mahan Jr. (1887-1967) — was responsible for the design, with or without Arrasmith as the consulting architect
• restoration architect Robert Parker Adams acquired the then threatened bldg. in 1988, moved in after restoration, retaining the original neon sign —Wikipedia
The Farish Street Historic District
“but out of the bitterness we wrought an ancient past here in this separate place and made our village here.” —African Village by Margaret Walker (1915-1998)
• during the Reconstruction era that followed the American Civil War, white Southerners struggled to reclaim their lives as millions of black Southerners sought new ones • with the stroke of a pen, the Emancipation Proclamation had transformed African slaves into African Americans & released them into hostile, vengeful & well-armed white communities amid the ruins of a once flourishing society
• the antebellum South had been home to over 262,000 rights-restricted "free blacks" • post-emancipation, the free black population soared to 4.1 million • given that the South had sacrificed 20% of it's white males to the war, blacks now comprised over half the total population of some southern states • uneducated & penniless, most of the new black Americans depended on the Freedman's Bureau for food & clothing
• the social & political implications of this disruptive shift in demographics fueled a violence-laced strain of American racism • in this toxic environment, de facto racial segregation was a given, ordained as Mississippi law in 1890 • with Yankees (the U.S. Army) patrolling Jackson & Maine-born Republican Adelbert Ames installed in the Governor's Mansion, the Farish Street neighborhood was safe haven for freedmen
• as homeless African American refugees poured into Jackson from all reaches of the devastated state, a black economy flickered to life in the form of a few Farish Street mom-and-pops • unwelcome at white churches, the liberated slaves built their own, together with an entire neighborhood's worth of buildings, most erected between 1890 & 1930
• by 1908 1/3 of the district was black-owned, & half of the black families were homeowners • the 1913-1914 business directory listed 11 African American attorneys, 4 doctors, 3 dentists, 2 jewelers, 2 loan companies & a bank, all in the Farish St. neighborhood • the community also had 2 hospitals & numerous retail & service stores —City Data
• by mid-20th c. Farish Street, the state's largest economically independent African American community, had become the cultural, political & business hub for central Mississippi's black citizens [photos] • on Saturdays, countryfolk would come to town on special busses to sell produce & enjoy BBQ while they listened to live street music • vendors sold catfish fried in large black kettles over open fires • hot tamales, a Mississippi staple, were also a popular street food —The Farish District, Its Architecture and Cultural Heritage
“I’ve seen pictures. You couldn’t even get up the street. It was a two-way street back then, and it was wall-to-wall folks. It was just jam-packed: people shopping, people going to clubs, people eating, people dancing.” — Geno Lee, owner of the Big Apple Inn
• as Jackson's black economy grew, Farish Street entertainment venues prospered, drawing crowds with live & juke blues music • the musicians found or first recorded in the Neighborhood include Robert Johnson, Sonny Boy Williamson II & Elmore James
• Farish Street was also home to talent scouts & record labels like H.C. Speir, & Trumpet Records, Ace Records • both Speir & Trumpet founder Lillian McMurry were white Farish St. business owners whose furniture stores also housed recording studios • both discovered & promoted local Blues musicians —The Mississippi Encyclopedia
• Richard Henry Beadle (1884-1971), a prominent Jackson photographer, had a studio at 199-1/2 N. Farish • he was the son of Samuel Alfred Beadle (1857-1932), African-American poet & attorney • born the son of a slave, he was the author of 3 published books of poetry & stories
• The Alamo Theatre was mainly a movie theater but periodically presented musical acts such as Nat King Cole, Elmore James & Otis Spann • Wednesday was talent show night • 12 year old Jackson native Dorothy Moore entered the contest, won & went on to a successful recording career, highlighted by her 1976 no. 1 R&B hit, "Misty Blue" [listen] (3:34)
• in their heyday, Farish Street venues featured African American star performers such as Bessie Smith & the Rabbit Foot Minstrels, Louis Armstrong, Count Basie, Duke Ellington & Dinah Washington —Farish Street Records
• on 28 May, 1963, John Salter, a mixed race (white/Am. Indian) professor at historically black Tougaloo College, staged a sit-in with 3 African American students at the "Whites Only" Woolworth's lunch counter in downtown Jackson • they were refused service • an estimated 300 white onlookers & reporters filled the store
• police officers arrived but did not intercede as, in the words of student Anne Moody, "all hell broke loose" while she and the other black students at the counter prayed • "A man rushed forward, threw [student] Memphis from his seat and slapped my face. Then another man who worked in the store threw me against an adjoining counter." • this act of civil disobedience is remembered as the the signature event of Jackson's protest movement —L.A. Times
"This was the most violently attacked sit-in during the 1960s and is the most publicized. A huge mob gathered, with open police support while the three of us sat there for three hours. I was attacked with fists, brass knuckles and the broken portions of glass sugar containers, and was burned with cigarettes. I'm covered with blood and we were all covered by salt, sugar, mustard, and various other things." —John Salter
• the Woolworth Sit-in was one of many non-violent protests by blacks against racial segregation in the South • in 1969 integration of Jackson's public schools began • this new era in Jackson history also marked the beginning of Farish Street's decline —The Farish Street Project
"Integration was a great thing for black people, but it was not a great thing for black business... Before integration, Farish Street was the black mecca of Mississippi.” — Geno Lee, Big Apple Inn
• for African Americans, integration offered the possibility to shop outside of the neighborhood at white owned stores • as increasing numbers of black shoppers did so, Farish Street traffic declined, businesses closed & the vacated buildings fell into disrepair
• in 1983, a Farish St. redevelopment plan was presented
• in 1995 the street was designated an endangered historic place by the National Trust for Historic Preservation
• in the 1990s, having redeveloped Memphis' Beale Street, Performa Entertainment Real Estate was selected to redevelop Farish St
• in 2008, The Farish Street Group took over the project with plans for a B.B. King's Blues Club to anchor the entertainment district
• in 2012, having spent $21 million, the redevelopment — limited to repaving of the street, stabilizating some abandoned buildings & demolishing many of the rest — was stuck in limbo —Michael Minn
• 2017 update:
"Six mayors and 20 years after the City of Jackson became involved in efforts to develop the Farish Street Historic District, in hopes of bringing it back to the bustling state of its heyday, the project sits at a standstill. Recent Mayor Tony Yarber has referred to the district as “an albatross.” In September of 2014, the U.S. Department of Housing and Urban Development sanctioned the City of Jackson, the Jackson Redevelopment Authority, and developers for misspending federal funds directed toward the development of the Farish Street Historic District. Work is at a halt and "not scheduled to resume until December 2018, when the City of Jackson repays HUD $1.5 million." —Mississippi Dept. of Archives & History
• Farish Street Neighborhood Historic District, National Register # 80002245, 1980
Just like so many abandoned building around town, I like to imagine them when they were in their prime. During the segregation period down here in the South this was an African-American hotel, The Lincoln, near a then functioning but now, long demolished, train station. They also had a lunch room where, rumor has it, many famous performers like Ella Fitzgerald, Duke Ellington and Louis Armstrong enjoyed a meal. Nearby is the Prince Masonic Lodge that hosted many of the premier acts of the 1950 and 60's in their amazing, balconied, top-floor, ball room. There is even a rumor that Ornette Coleman's performance was so avant-guard that the dissatisfied crowd took his saxophone into the street in front of the Prince and stomped it flat. Such is the life of the touring musicial iconoclast.
You can get a peak in to that venue as you drive over the North Boulevard overpass. So far as I can tell, this is main reason for the North Boulecard overpass to exist because its the construction destroyed the much loved Rose and Thomas' Soul Food restaurant, Tabby's Blues Box and spelled the end of Romano's Grocery and plate lunch emporium. Such is the cost of meager progress, I suppose.
Anyway, I like to imagine this stalwart and elegant brick hotel when it was in its heyday. Well dressed men and women visiting the barber shop next door, taking the family out to dinner after church or folks ducking in for a little bite after a wild night of dancing and music at the Prince. I am too young to have ever seen the Prince or the Lincoln Hotel in their prime, though the Prince has been remodeled and is still in use. I did once drunkenly watched a Mike Tyson match in their ground floor barber shop in what ended up to be a singularly surreal evening. But, that is a story for another day.
When I first moved back to Baton Rouge after college I ate many a plate lunch of white beans and sausage with a smothered pork chop under a velvet painting of Jessy Jackson in Rose and Thomas' soul food joint. I heard great bands play the night away in a haze of smoke and cheap bottled beer taken from ice-chests behind the bar at Tabby's; I was 15 and this was back when people cared much less about underage drinking. I paid my money there to a plump woman working a cash registerer with a .38 special strapped to it. Maybe that is when I fell in love with my city, when I interloped into the separate, but no less vibrant, black half of the community from which I had been carefully isolated since birth... with the exception on incident where Ida, our old house-keeper, took me to her cousin's bar and I danced on the jukebox, aged about 4.
All that shameful Jim Crow era segregation is gone. But, the un-codified barriers are still very much in place. I would not dream of going into Webb's barber shop, near the now moldering Hotel Lincoln, without one of my black neighbors. Not because of any fear of violence but because I know there are separate and special places where people come together to congregate and they prefer to do so away from prying eyes or the voyeuristic lens of a culturally interested transgressor like myself. So, imagination is what remains. Imagination about what was and what continues to be.
Check out more at my blog, Lemons and Beans, for lots of photos, recipes, travel writing and other ramblings. I appreciate any feedback but, please do not post graphic awards or invitations in your comments.