View allAll Photos Tagged Segregation
Persistent URL: floridamemory.com/items/show/296156
Local call number: DUE003
Title: White youth ripping poster during demonstration at McCrory's in Tallahassee.
Date: December 6 or 7, 1960
Physical descrip: 1 photoprint - b&w - 10 x 8 in.
Series Title: Patricia Stephens Due Collection
Repository: State Library and Archives of Florida
500 S. Bronough St., Tallahassee, FL, 32399-0250 USA, Contact: 850.245.6700, Archives@dos.myflorida.com
Exposition : The color line
Du mardi 04 octobre 2016 au dimanche 15 janvier 2017
Quel rôle a joué l’art dans la quête d’égalité et d’affirmation de l’identité noire dans l’Amérique de la Ségrégation ? L'exposition rend hommage aux artistes et penseurs africains-américains qui ont contribué, durant près d’un siècle et demi de luttes, à estomper cette "ligne de couleur" discriminatoire.
—————
« Le problème du 20e siècle est le problème de la ligne de partage des couleurs ».
Si la fin de la Guerre de Sécession en 1865 a bien sonné l’abolition de l'esclavage, la ligne de démarcation raciale va encore marquer durablement la société américaine, comme le pressent le militant W.E.B. Du Bois en 1903 dans The Soul of Black Folks. L’exposition The Color Line revient sur cette période sombre des États-Unis à travers l’histoire culturelle de ses artistes noirs, premières cibles de ces discriminations.
Des thématiques racistes du vaudeville américain et des spectacles de Minstrels du 19e siècle à l’effervescence culturelle et littéraire de la Harlem Renaissance du début du 20e siècle, des pionniers de l’activisme noir (Frederick Douglass, Booker T. Washington) au réquisitoire de la chanteuse Billie Holiday (Strange Fruit), ce sont près de 150 ans de production artistique – peinture, sculpture, photographie, cinéma, musique, littérature… – qui témoignent de la richesse créative de la contestation noire.
Company/Owner: Precious Grace Transport
Fleet/Bus Number: 8302074
Classification: Air-conditioned City Bus
Coachbuilder: Santarosa Motor Works, Inc./Columbian Motors Corporation
Body Model: UD Trucks (Nissan Diesel)/Santarosa EXFOH PKB212
Engine Model: UD FE6-D (FE6-TA)
Chassis Model: UD PKB212N
Transmission: Manual (6-speed forward, 1-speed reverse)
Suspension: Leaf Spring Suspension
Seating Configuration: 3×2
Seating Capacity: 61
Route: N/A [Malanday, Valenzuela City–NAIA (Ninoy Aquino International Airport), Pasay City]
Areas passing: N/A
Type of Operation: City Operation Public Utility Bus (Bus A Segregation | Regular Class)
Area of Operation: National Capital Region (NCR)
Shot Location: Governor Fortunato Halili Avenue, Turo, Bocaue, Bulacan
Date Taken: February 5, 2016
Notices:
* Please DON'T GRAB A PHOTO WITHOUT A PERMISSION. If you're going to GRAB IT, please give A CREDIT TO THE OWNER. Also, don't PRINT SCREEN my photos.
** If I have mistakes on the specifications, please comment in a good manner so that I can edit it immediately.
*** The specifications and routes (for provincial, inter-provincial, and city operation) mentioned above are subjected for verification and may be changed without prior notice.
**** The vehicle's registration plate(s), conduction sticker(s), and/or persons (if applicable) were pixelated/blurred to prevent any conflict with the photographer, the bus company and/or to the car owner for their security and/or privacy purposes. So, don't use their plate number, conduction sticker, and vehicle tag as an evidence for any incident. And, I have taken this photo for bus fanatics, bus enthusiasts, and bus lovers purposes.
Company/Owner: Nuestra Señora Del Carmen Transport Services, Inc.
Fleet/Bus Number: L-242 KIELEE
Classification: Air-conditioned City Bus
Coachbuilder: NDSC Motor Works (rebody); Isuzu-Kawasaki Coach, Ltd. (original)
Body Model: Isuzu/NDSC Cubic
Engine Model: Isuzu 6QB2
Chassis Model: Isuzu CJM470
Transmission: Manual (5-speed forward, 1-speed reverse)
Suspension: Leaf Spring Suspension
Seating Configuration: 3×2
Seating Capacity: 61
Route: Garden, Santa Maria, Bulacan–Santolan (Col. Bonny Serrano Avenue)/Cubao, Quezon City via Norzagaray–Santa Maria Road / NLEX-Turo (Bocaue)–NLEX-Balintawak–EDSA
Barangays/areas passing (underlines are designated stops for this bus scheme - EDSA area only: Kamuning–Main Avenue): Santa Maria: Pulong Buhangin\Caypombo\Guyong Elementary School\Walter Mart Santa Maria\McDonald's Santa Clara\Puregold Santa Maria; Bocaue: Turo–Balintawak\Kaingin Road\Muñoz/Roosevelt\SM North EDSA\West Avenue\Quezon Avenue\GMA-Kamuning\Ermin Garcia\Monte de Piedad\Arayat Cubao\Main Avenue
Type of Operation: City Operation Public Utility Bus (Bus A Segregation | Regular Class)
Area of Operations: National Capital Region (NCR)/Central Luzon (Region III)
Shot Location: Governor Fortunato Halili Avenue, Turo, Bocaue, Bulacan
Date Taken: February 5, 2016
Notices:
* Please DON'T GRAB A PHOTO WITHOUT A PERMISSION. If you're going to GRAB IT, please give A CREDIT TO THE OWNER. Also, don't PRINT SCREEN my photos.
** If I have mistakes on the specifications, please comment in a good manner so that I can edit it immediately.
*** The specifications and routes (for provincial, inter-provincial, and city operation) mentioned above are subjected for verification and may be changed without prior notice.
**** The vehicle's registration plate(s), conduction sticker(s), and/or persons (if applicable) were pixelated/blurred to prevent any conflict with the photographer, the bus company and/or to the car owner for their security and/or privacy purposes. So, don't use their plate number, conduction sticker, and vehicle tag as an evidence for any incident. And, I have taken this photo for bus fanatics, bus enthusiasts, and bus lovers purposes.
Famous Shait Gumbad Masque in Bangladesh. 77 Domes. 540 years old or so. Refurbished by the British in about 1900. The two figures are a woman and her daughter who are standing next to a small women's waiting room near the entrance.
hdr
Web sites using this photo:
www.umich.edu/~bengalis/about.htm
as.starware.com/dp/search?x=wKX1ILEOi+Vv3rFYiuWkdLxuQincM...
www.tripwolf.com/en/galleries/media/ext/200879/15656/Bang...
worldheritage.travelxguide.com/asia/bangladesh/historic-m...
mittalsouthasiainstitute.harvard.edu/projects/
qyl.ice.cam.ac.uk/qyls-speak/rakibul-hasan-adaptive-terro...
wellcomecollection.org/articles/W9CcOxIAAM5p1Sic
mittalsouthasiainstitute.harvard.edu/projects/
wellcomecollection.org/stories/the-female-fight-to-reclai...
It's either two against one or two against the world. Who's being victimized is a matter of context.
Company/Owner: Dela Rosa Transit
Fleet/Bus Number: 8869
Classification: Air-conditioned City Bus
Coachbuilder: (Xiamen) Golden Dragon Bus Company, Ltd./Trans-Oriental Motor Builders, Inc.
Body Model: Golden Dragon XML6103J12 Marcopolo 2 Series III (Triumph)
Engine Model: Yuchai YC6A240-30 (A68SA)
Chassis Model: Golden Dragon XML6103D12 (LFZ6103TR)
Transmission: Manual (5-speed forward, 1-speed reverse)
Suspension: Leaf Spring Suspension
Seating Configuration: 2×2
Seating Capacity: 45
Route: Pacita Complex, San Pedro City, Laguna–Malinta/Paso de Blas, Valenzuela City via Susana Heights / EDSA–NLEX-Paseo de Blas and vice versa
Areas passing (underlines are designated stops for this bus scheme - EDSA area only: Magallanes–Kamuning): Shopwise\Hernandez Street\Cataquiz Avenue\BBL Trans Terminal/Savemore San Pedro\Super 8 Grocery Warehouse\SM City Center Muntinlupa\Pepsi-Cola Plant Muntinlupa\Susana Heights–Alabang–Bicutan–Sucat–Magallanes\Ayala Avenue\Buendia Avenue\Estrella\Guadalupe\Boni Avenue/Pioneer\Reliance\Starmall EDSA-Shaw/Shaw Boulevard\SM Megamall\Ortigas Avenue\Robinsons Galleria\Boni Serrano\Main Avenue\Araneta Center Cubao/Farmers\Baliwag Transit/Five Star\Ermin Garcia Avenue\Timog Avenue/GMA Kamuning\NIA Road\Quezon Avenue (Centris)\TriNoma\Landmark\SM City North EDSA\Roosevelt/Muñoz\Kaingin Road/Balintawak
Type of Operation: City Operation Public Utility Bus (Bus C Segregation | Regular Class)
Area of Operations: National Capital Region (NCR) / CALABARZON (Region IV-A)
Shot Location: EDSA-Ayala, Makati City
Date Taken: January 25, 2016
Notices:
* Please DON'T GRAB A PHOTO WITHOUT A PERMISSION. If you're going to GRAB IT, please give A CREDIT TO THE OWNER. Also, don't PRINT SCREEN my photos.
** If I have mistakes on the specifications, please comment in a good manner so that I can edit it immediately.
*** The specifications and routes (for provincial, inter-provincial, and city operation) mentioned above are subjected for verification and may be changed without prior notice.
**** The vehicle's registration plate(s), conduction sticker(s), and/or persons (if applicable) were pixelated/blurred to prevent any conflict with the photographer, the bus company and/or to the car owner for their security and/or privacy purposes. So, don't use their plate number, conduction sticker, and vehicle tag as an evidence for any incident. And, I have taken this photo for bus fanatics, bus enthusiasts, and bus lovers purposes.
Ganda rin nito sa personal; ang angas ng dating nya. At higit pa roon, naka-2×2 seating configuration siya kaya hindi masikip ang room nito.
Company/Owner: Jayross Lucky Seven Tours Bus Company, Inc.
Fleet/Bus Number: 728716
Classification: Air-conditioned City Bus
Coachbuilder: Santarosa Motor Works, Inc./Columbian Motors Corporation
Body Model: Iveco/Santarosa Euromidi CC150
Engine Model: Iveco Tector 6 E25 / Iveco Tector F4A E25
Chassis Model: Iveco EuroCargo CC150 (ZCFA1LJ0402)
Transmission: 6-speed Manual Transmission
Suspension: Leaf Spring Suspension
Seating Configuration: 2×2
Seating Capacity: 52
Franchise route: Baclaran–SM Fairview via Lagro/Commonwealth
Route: SM Mall of Asia / Pasay Rotonda, Pasay City–SM City Fairview, Novaliches, Quezon City via N190 (Sen. Gil Puyat Avenue) / Ayala Avenue / N1 (EDSA) / N174 (East Avenue) / N170 [Commonwealth Avenue (Quezon City)] and vice versa
Areas passing (underlines are designated stops for this bus scheme - EDSA area only: Magallanes–Ermin Garcia Avenue): Double Dragon Plaza/Macapagal Boulevard\Roxas Boulevard/The Heritage Hotel\F.B. Harrison Street\Pasay Rotonda/Metro Point Mall\Tramo\Malibay/Cabrera\Evangelista\Magallanes\Ayala Avenue\Buendia Avenue\Estrella\Guadalupe\Boni/Pioneer\Reliance\Shaw Boulevard\SM Megamall\Ortigas Avenue\Robinsons Galleria\Boni Serrano\Main Avenue\Araneta Center Cubao/Farmers\Baliwag Transit/Five Star\Ermin Garcia Avenue\LTFRB Central Office/LTO Central Office\NIA Road\V. Luna Avenue/Land Registration Authority East Ave\Philippine Statistics Authority\SSS East Ave/BSP East Ave\BIR Road\East Avenue Medical Center\Philippine Heart Center\Matalino Street/Nat'l Kidney Transplant Institute\Quezon Memorial Circle/Quezon City Hall Gate 10\Nat'l Housing Authority Main Office/Maharlika Street\Philcoa\Techno Hub\Central Avenue\INC Templo Central\Tandang Sora Avenue\Luzon Avenue\Ever Gotesco\Sandiganbayan\Commission on Audit\Manggahan\INC Capitol\Litex\Don Fabian\Doña Carmen\Winston Street\Pearl Drive\Fairview Center Mall/Regalado Avenue/NCBA Fairview\Mindanao-Jollibee\Brittany Square/Belfast\Commonwealth Hospital and Medical Center
Type of Operation: City Operation Public Utility Bus (Bus Segregation B | Regular Class)
Area of Operation: National Capital Region (NCR)
Shot Location: Pasay Rotonda, Pasay City
Date Taken: May 11, 2018 (11:08H)
Notices:
* Please DON'T GRAB A PHOTO WITHOUT A PERMISSION. If you're going to GRAB IT, please give A CREDIT TO THE OWNER. Also, don't PRINT SCREEN my photos.
** If I have mistakes on the specifications, please comment in a good manner so that I can edit it immediately.
*** The specifications and routes (for provincial, inter-provincial, and city operation) mentioned above are subjected for verification and may be changed without prior notice.
**** The vehicle's registration plate(s), conduction sticker(s), and/or persons (if applicable) were pixelated/blurred to prevent any conflict with the photographer, the bus company and/or to the car owner for their security and/or privacy purposes. So, don't use their plate number, conduction sticker, and vehicle tag as an evidence for any incident. And, I have taken this photo for bus fanatics, bus enthusiasts, and bus lovers purposes.
Exposition : The color line
Du mardi 04 octobre 2016 au dimanche 15 janvier 2017
Quel rôle a joué l’art dans la quête d’égalité et d’affirmation de l’identité noire dans l’Amérique de la Ségrégation ? L'exposition rend hommage aux artistes et penseurs africains-américains qui ont contribué, durant près d’un siècle et demi de luttes, à estomper cette "ligne de couleur" discriminatoire.
—————
« Le problème du 20e siècle est le problème de la ligne de partage des couleurs ».
Si la fin de la Guerre de Sécession en 1865 a bien sonné l’abolition de l'esclavage, la ligne de démarcation raciale va encore marquer durablement la société américaine, comme le pressent le militant W.E.B. Du Bois en 1903 dans The Soul of Black Folks. L’exposition The Color Line revient sur cette période sombre des États-Unis à travers l’histoire culturelle de ses artistes noirs, premières cibles de ces discriminations.
Des thématiques racistes du vaudeville américain et des spectacles de Minstrels du 19e siècle à l’effervescence culturelle et littéraire de la Harlem Renaissance du début du 20e siècle, des pionniers de l’activisme noir (Frederick Douglass, Booker T. Washington) au réquisitoire de la chanteuse Billie Holiday (Strange Fruit), ce sont près de 150 ans de production artistique – peinture, sculpture, photographie, cinéma, musique, littérature… – qui témoignent de la richesse créative de la contestation noire.
Nope it's not just a new dog of ours! This little beauty is a Red Wolf (Canis rufus), a species that is critically endangered. And to answer your question, yes, "species" is correct for both singular or plural uses. Weird huh? Anyway, check out our Zoo's efforts to breed this species, which was once quite numerous on the East coast of North America: PDZA
An interesting fact about them is that they are essentially a hybrid of the gray wolf and coyote. But, with the wild coyote being so plentiful, continued interbreeding would effectively make them extinct in short order, if left in the wild in its current numbers. An example of the unspoken fact that segregation actually largely increases, or indeed creates diversity. So here's to segregation! ..of this particular Canis species from others... Haha, no one reads this stuff right?
"There is an ecstasy that marks the summit of life, and beyond which life cannot rise. And such is the paradox of living, this ecstasy comes when one is most alive, and it comes as a complete forgetfulness that one is alive." ―Jack London, The Call of the Wild
This painting by Jack Levine ((1915-2010) commemorates the Civil Rights struggle in Birmingham, Alabama, in April of 1963, when Dr. Martin Luther King Jr. and other activists organized a series of protest marches to end segregation in the city's stores. The city's notorious Commissisoner of Public Safety, Theophilus Eugene "Bull" Conner, ordered the police and fire departments to unleash attack dogs and fire hoses on the marchers. The resulting violence helped to change public opinion, and contributed to President John F. Kennedy's decision to actively support Civil Rights Legislation.
Jack Levine was an American Social Realist painter and printmaker best known for his satires on modern life, political corruption, and biblical narratives. In "Birmingham 63" Levine's use of white attack dogs, whose leashes are held by unseen figures outside the painting, involves viewers directly in this brutal act of aggression. Arrayed shoulder to shoulder, the five African American protesters embody line "We shall not be moved" in the famous Civil Rights anthem "We Shall Overcome."
Photographed at the de Young Museum of Fine Arts , San Francisco, California.
Taken from a boat on Aegean Sea.
The Greeks are fond of building religious building like churches and monasteries on hard to get to places
Back in 1940, racial segregation was strong in the U-S and included the military. Political pressure finally prompted the military to open a flight training school for blacks, many believing it would prove they did not have the capacity to fly. The school was in Tuskegee, Alabama, and the trainees worked together to prove they were more than worthy.
They eventually were deployed to the war zone during World War Two where they flew 15,000 sorties in 1,500 missions, destroying 260 enemy aircraft, sinking an enemy destroyer, and winning numerous honours including Distinguished Flying Crosses, Silver Stars, and Purple Hearts.
A Distinguished Unit Citation was awarded to the 332nd Fighter Group for flying a long escort to Berlin and back with no reinforcements.
Thanks for viewing.
© All rights reserved. Please do not use without my permission.
fighting the
stigma
of a BIBLICAL disease
earning a living
with vigor
fortitude
and
persistence
in spite of
the
stigma
and
segregation from society ....
Leprosy
in
Puri
www.who.int/mediacentre/factsheets/fs101/en/
www.who.int/mediacentre/factsheets/fs101/en/
www.youtube.com/watch?v=du1k6LR6Gl0
www.youtube.com/watch?v=6grLG3UUKNk
www.youtube.com/watch?v=P74S3gfVuxA&t=195s
www.youtube.com/watch?v=GfMipejEY7s
www.youtube.com/watch?v=-t38TiOFaMQ
Photography’s new conscience
Harry Belafonte, known for popularizing Caribbean folk music, breaking down barriers and advocating for civil rights, has died. He was 96.
According to a spokesperson, Belafonte died in his home on Tuesday from congestive heart failure.
Born Harold George Belafonte, Jr. in the Harlem district of New York on March 1, 1927, Belafonte was the son of Caribbean island emigrants. In the 1950s, the dashing singer burst to fame, despite the era of racial segregation, and his 1956 album “Calypso” sold more than a million copies.
The album’s hit song, “Day-O! (the Banana Boat Song),” is still recognizable today, with Belafonte’s husky voice belting out an a cappella “Day-O!” before easing into the flow of the Caribbean-inspired song. The success of the song dubbed him the “King of Calypso.”
By 1959, Belafonte was the most highly paid Black performer in history, according to the New York Times, with contracts for appearances in Las Vegas, at the Greek Theater in Los Angeles and at the Palace in New York.
But Belafonte would soon move from behind the microphone to in front of the camera.
In 1953, Belafonte became the first Black man to win a Tony Award on Broadway for his revue “John Murray Anderson’s Almanac.” Just six years later, he became the first Black producer to win an Emmy Award for “Tonight With Belafonte,” a CBS special that presented a history of Black American life through music. He also became close friends with Sidney Poiter, a groundbreaking Hollywood actor in his own right.
But Belafonte’s work would carry him past the hills of Hollywood and into the streets of the civil rights movement. A lifelong friend and supporter of the Rev. Martin Luther King Jr., Belafonte would help finance the start of the Student Nonviolent Coordinating Committee and fundraise for King’s Southern Christian Leadership Conference.
He would also provide bail money for King and other activists arrested for their demonstrations, according to the New York Times, and he participated in the 1963 March on Washington.
“I’ve often responded to queries that ask, ‘When as an artist did you decide to become an activist?’” Belafonte once said. “My response to the question is that I was an activist long before I became an artist. They both service each other, but the activism is first.”
But like many Black Americans at the time — famous or not — Belafonte was struck by the racism he faced every day.
Following the assassination of King, Belafonte sat down with the Washington Post to express his frustration over how most of his fans were white, despite his music having roots in the Black culture.
But it was the racist outage of others that undoubtedly infuriated him.
His role in the 1957 movie “Island in the Sun” generated outrage in the South for its suggestion of a romance between his character and Joan Fontaine’s. In the South Carolina Legislature, a bill was introduced that would have fined theaters for showing the film.
When he was in Atlanta for a benefit concert for the Southern Christian Leadership Conference in 1962, Belafonte was refused service — twice — in the same restaurant. And times when he appeared on television with white female singers, such as Petula Clark in 1968 and Julie Andrews in 1969, threatened to cost him sponsors.
But Black Americans were also unhappy with Belafonte, with some crediting his success to his light skin tone. Others criticized him for marrying Julie Robinson, a white dancer and actress.
Still, Belafonte carried on. In the 1980s, he helped organize the Live Aid concert and the all-star recording “We Are the World,” to fight famine in Africa. In 1987, he became UNICEF’s good-will ambassador.
The singer would also express his opinions about political leaders at home — sometimes with harsh words. In 2002, he accused Secretary of State Colin Powell of abandoning his principles to “come into the house of the master.” In 2006, he called former President George W. Bush “the greatest terrorist in the world.”
But his words weren’t just for Republicans; he also criticized former President Barack Obama.
“For all of his smoothness and intellect, Barack Obama seems to lack a fundamental empathy with the dispossessed, be they White or Black,” Belafonte said.
Still, he is remembered by many fondly for his songs and for his activism.
In a statement following his death, NAACP President and CEO Derrick Johnson said Belafonte “exemplified fearless activism.”
“Sharing his love for the arts, Mr. Belafonte played an instrumental role in bringing the music of Africa to other parts of the world,” Johnson said. “His contributions to the arts, indisputable. He possessed an infinite talent which truly surpasses all understanding of time and life and will be greatly missed.”
Bernice King, daughter of MLK Jr., honored her father’s friend in a tweet.
“When I was a child, #HarryBelafonte showed up for my family in very compassionate ways,” she tweeted. “In fact, he paid for the babysitter for me and my siblings. Here he is mourning with my mother at the funeral service for my father at Morehouse College. I won’t forget…Rest well, sir.”
Civil rights attorney Ben Crump also paid tribute to Belafonte on Tuesday, calling him “a tireless activist, EGOT winner, and successful singer.”
AP African American studies course undergoing changes
They graduated during the pandemic. Now they face their first student loan payments
“Through his extraordinary contributions, including his notable advocacy for human rights and social justice, he leaves an indelible mark on this world,” Crump tweeted. “Rest In Power, Mr. Belafonte.”
Lady Allen’s 1950s mantra, ‘better a broken bone than a broken spirit,’ The urban center of Berlin, capital of Germany takes its name from a West Slavic word meaning 'river rake', or swamp. The previously know as a swamp city is geographically situated on top of glacial valley, making it vulnerable to the moving level of the water table. To overcome this problem the authority has made a groundwater-monitoring network, which functioned to regulate and monitor the movement of the water table. This is exhibited by the pink and blue pipe, scattered all over the city, with Berlin groundwater is rising and expected to go up by 3m for each hundred years, the number of parasite pipes is increasing each year. The groundwater-monitoring network multiplies from 29 in 1870 To 189 in 2007. These pipes multiply from time to time, consuming public spaces without giving back to the society. I believe the system calls for some remodeling, rethinking and redesign. An intervention is needed. Berlin on the other hand, also recognized for its open-arms policy. For many years Berlin has been accepting immigrant from all over the world and have been a home for many refugees. The Selected site is Kottbusser Tor, Friedrich- Kruezberg, is one of the most dense and diverse areas in Berlin. However , there has been a vigourous discussion in the German press about whether multiculturalism in Germany has, as Chancellor Merkel put it, ‘utterly failed‘. This area is one of the area that is facing a social down fall, an awkward social segregation among its people. The Chancellor does not mean that immigrants were unwanted, but rather that they had not been sufficiently integrated. It is true, the kids who live in this immigrant housing blocks, speak heavily accented German, and go to schools which are almost exclusively Turkish and/or Lebanese. I believe this too , is in desparate need of an intervention. Attempting to solve both macro and micro issue, I believe a groundwater monitoring network can be rethought as a social catalyst. The copious amount of Berlin groundwater, particularly in the area of Kottbusser Tor furthered assure that instead of building parasites, this mesh of pipes can be treated as a medium that invigorates social cohesion in an area where divergence is manifest. To conclude my proposal will explore the potential of water as an adhesive to fuse the ethnic mosaic. Thus, what is the more upright way to solve a puzzle? If not to play. A fun social catalyst, Wasseraum : A Water Playground “Play”, as Huizinga once said, “is a serious matter”.
syafamustaffa91@gmail.com
Heading back to town, along XXXX street, one passes through a residential area. The Kertikli Hamam is a 16th-century bathhouse, which was built by the Ottomans not long after their arrival. Evidence suggests that it was built on the foundations of a medieval structure. Although ruinous, its six well-proportioned domes are still intact.
Famagusta is a city on the east coast of the de facto state Northern Cyprus. It is located east of Nicosia and possesses the deepest harbour of the island. During the Middle Ages (especially under the maritime republics of Genoa and Venice), Famagusta was the island's most important port city and a gateway to trade with the ports of the Levant, from where the Silk Road merchants carried their goods to Western Europe. The old walled city and parts of the modern city are de facto part of Northern Cyprus as the capital of the Gazimağusa District.
The city was known as Arsinoe or Arsinoë (Greek: Ἀρσινόη, Arsinóē) in antiquity, after Ptolemy II of Egypt's sister and wife Arsinoe II.
By the 3rd century, the city appears as Ammochostos (Greek: Ἀμμόχωστος or Αμμόχωστος, Ammókhōstos, "Hidden in Sand") in the Stadiasmus Maris Magni.[5] This name is still used in modern Greek with the pronunciation [aˈmːoxostos], while it developed into Latin Fama Augusta, French Famagouste, Italian Famagosta, and English Famagusta during the medieval period. Its informal modern Turkish name Mağusa (Turkish pronunciation: [maˈusa]) came from the same source. Since 1974, it has formally been known to Turkey and Northern Cyprus as Gazimağusa ([ɡaːzimaˈusa]), from the addition of the title gazi, meaning "veteran" or "one who has faught in a holy war".
In the early medieval period, the city was also known as New Justiniana (Greek: Νέα Ἰουστινιανία, Néa Ioustinianía) in appreciation for the patronage of the Byzantine emperor Justinian, whose wife Theodora was born there.
The old town of Famagusta has also been nicknamed "the City of 365 Churches" from the legend that, at its peak, it boasted a church for every day of the year.
The city was founded around 274 BC, after the serious damage to Salamis by an earthquake, by Ptolemy II Philadelphus and named "Arsinoe" after his sister.[6] Arsinoe was described as a "fishing town" by Strabo in his Geographica in the first century BC. In essence, Famagusta was the successor of the most famous and most important ancient city of Cyprus, Salamis. According to Greek mythology, Salamis was founded after the end of the Trojan War by Teucros, the son of Telamon and brother of Aedes, from the Greek island of Salamis.
The city experienced great prosperity much later, during the time of the Byzantine emperor Justinian. To honor the city, from which his wife Theodora came, Justinian enriched it with many buildings, while the inhabitants named it New Justiniania to express their gratitude. In AD 647, when the neighboring cities were destroyed by Arab raiding, the inhabitants of these cities moved to Famagusta, as a result of which the city's population increased significantly and the city experienced another boom.
Later, when Jerusalem was occupied by the Arabs, the Christian population fled to Famagusta, as a result of which the city became an important Christian center, but also one of the most important commercial centers in the eastern Mediterranean.
The turning point for Famagusta was 1192 with the onset of Lusignan rule. It was during this period that Famagusta developed as a fully-fledged town. It increased in importance to the Eastern Mediterranean due to its natural harbour and the walls that protected its inner town. Its population began to increase. This development accelerated in the 13th century as the town became a centre of commerce for both the East and West. An influx of Christian refugees fleeing the downfall of Acre (1291) in Palestine transformed it from a tiny village into one of the richest cities in Christendom.
In 1372 the port was seized by Genoa and in 1489 by Venice. This commercial activity turned Famagusta into a place where merchants and ship owners led lives of luxury. By the mid-14th century, Famagusta was said to have the richest citizens in the world. The belief that people's wealth could be measured by the churches they built inspired these merchants to have churches built in varying styles. These churches, which still exist, were the reason Famagusta came to be known as "the district of churches". The development of the town focused on the social lives of the wealthy people and was centred upon the Lusignan palace, the cathedral, the Square and the harbour.
In 1570–1571, Famagusta was the last stronghold in Venetian Cyprus to hold out against the Turks under Mustafa Pasha. It resisted a siege of thirteen months and a terrible bombardment, until at last the garrison surrendered. The Ottoman forces had lost 50,000 men, including Mustafa Pasha's son. Although the surrender terms had stipulated that the Venetian forces be allowed to return home, the Venetian commander, Marco Antonio Bragadin, was flayed alive, his lieutenant Tiepolo was hanged, and many other Christians were killed.
With the advent of the Ottoman rule, Latins lost their privileged status in Famagusta and were expelled from the city. Greek Cypriots natives were at first allowed to own and buy property in the city, but were banished from the walled city in 1573–74 and had to settle outside in the area that later developed into Varosha. Turkish families from Anatolia were resettled in the walled city but could not fill the buildings that previously hosted a population of 10,000. This caused a drastic decrease in the population of Famagusta. Merchants from Famagusta, who mostly consisted of Latins that had been expelled, resettled in Larnaca and as Larnaca flourished, Famagusta lost its importance as a trade centre. Over time, Varosha developed into a prosperous agricultural town thanks to its location away from the marshes, whilst the walled city remained dilapidated.
In the walled city, some buildings were repurposed to serve the interests of the Muslim population: the Cathedral of St. Nicholas was converted to a mosque (now known as Lala Mustafa Pasha Mosque), a bazaar was developed, public baths, fountains and a theological school were built to accommodate the inhabitants' needs. Dead end streets, an Ottoman urban characteristic, was imported to the city and a communal spirit developed in which a small number of two-storey houses inhabited by the small upper class co-existed with the widespread one-storey houses.
With the British takeover, Famagusta regained its significance as a port and an economic centre and its development was specifically targeted in British plans. As soon as the British took over the island, a Famagusta Development Act was passed that aimed at the reconstruction and redevelopment of the city's streets and dilapidated buildings as well as better hygiene. The port was developed and expanded between 1903 and 1906 and Cyprus Government Railway, with its terminus in Famagusta, started construction in 1904. Whilst Larnaca continued to be used as the main port of the island for some time, after Famagusta's use as a military base in World War I trade significantly shifted to Famagusta. The city outside the walls grew at an accelerated rate, with development being centred around Varosha. Varosha became the administrative centre as the British moved their headquarters and residences there and tourism grew significantly in the last years of the British rule. Pottery and production of citrus and potatoes also significantly grew in the city outside the walls, whilst agriculture within the walled city declined to non-existence.
New residential areas were built to accommodate the increasing population towards the end of the British rule,[11] and by 1960, Famagusta was a modern port city extending far beyond Varosha and the walled city.
The British period saw a significant demographic shift in the city. In 1881, Christians constituted 60% of the city's population while Muslims were at 40%. By 1960, the Turkish Cypriot population had dropped to 17.5% of the overall population, while the Greek Cypriot population had risen to 70%. The city was also the site for one of the British internment camps for nearly 50,000 Jewish survivors of the Holocaust trying to emigrate to Palestine.
From independence in 1960 to the Turkish invasion of Cyprus of 1974, Famagusta developed toward the south west of Varosha as a well-known entertainment and tourist centre. The contribution of Famagusta to the country's economic activity by 1974 far exceeded its proportional dimensions within the country. Whilst its population was only about 7% of the total of the country, Famagusta by 1974 accounted for over 10% of the total industrial employment and production of Cyprus, concentrating mainly on light industry compatible with its activity as a tourist resort and turning out high-quality products ranging from food, beverages and tobacco to clothing, footwear, plastics, light machinery and transport equipment. It contributed 19.3% of the business units and employed 21.3% of the total number of persons engaged in commerce on the island. It acted as the main tourist destination of Cyprus, hosting 31.5% of the hotels and 45% of Cyprus' total bed capacity. Varosha acted as the main touristic and business quarters.
In this period, the urbanisation of Famagusta slowed down and the development of the rural areas accelerated. Therefore, economic growth was shared between the city of Famagusta and the district, which had a balanced agricultural economy, with citrus, potatoes, tobacco and wheat as main products. Famagusta maintained good communications with this hinterland. The city's port remained the island's main seaport and in 1961, it was expanded to double its capacity in order to accommodate the growing volume of exports and imports. The port handled 42.7% of Cypriot exports, 48.6% of imports and 49% of passenger traffic.
There has not been an official census since 1960 but the population of the town in 1974 was estimated to be around 39,000 not counting about 12,000–15,000 persons commuting daily from the surrounding villages and suburbs to work in Famagusta. The number of people staying in the city would swell to about 90,000–100,000 during the peak summer tourist period, with the influx of tourists from numerous European countries, mainly Britain, France, Germany and the Scandinavian countries. The majority of the city population were Greek Cypriots (26,500), with 8,500 Turkish Cypriots and 4,000 people from other ethnic groups.
During the second phase of the Turkish invasion of Cyprus on 14 August 1974 the Mesaoria plain was overrun by Turkish tanks and Famagusta was bombed by Turkish aircraft. It took two days for the Turkish Army to occupy the city, prior to which Famagusta's entire Greek Cypriot population had fled into surrounding fields. As a result of Turkish airstrikes dozens of civilians died, including tourists.
Unlike other parts of the Turkish-controlled areas of Cyprus, the Varosha suburb of Famagusta was fenced off by the Turkish army immediately after being captured and remained fenced off until October 2020, when the TRNC reopened some streets to visitors. Some Greek Cypriots who had fled Varosha have been allowed to view the town and journalists have been allowed in.
UN Security Council resolution 550 (1984) considers any attempts to settle any part of Famagusta by people other than its inhabitants as inadmissible and calls for the transfer of this area to the administration of the UN. The UN's Security Council resolution 789 (1992) also urges that with a view to the implementation of resolution 550 (1984), the area at present under the control of the United Nations Peace-keeping Force in Cyprus be extended to include Varosha.
Famagusta's historic city centre is surrounded by the fortifications of Famagusta, which have a roughly rectangular shape, built mainly by the Venetians in the 15th and 16th centuries, though some sections of the walls have been dated earlier times, as far as 1211.
Some important landmarks and visitor attractions in the old city are:
The Lala Mustafa Pasha Mosque
The Othello Castle
Palazzo del Provveditore - the Venetian palace of the governor, built on the site of the former Lusignan royal palace
St. Francis' Church
Sinan Pasha Mosque
Church of St. George of the Greeks
Church of St. George of the Latins
Twin Churches
Nestorian Church (of St George the Exiler)
Namık Kemal Dungeon
Agios Ioannis Church
Venetian House
Akkule Masjid
Mustafa Pasha Mosque
Ganchvor monastery
In an October 2010 report titled Saving Our Vanishing Heritage, Global Heritage Fund listed Famagusta, a "maritime ancient city of crusader kings", among the 12 sites most "On the Verge" of irreparable loss and destruction, citing insufficient management and development pressures.
Famagusta is an important commercial hub of Northern Cyprus. The main economic activities in the city are tourism, education, construction and industrial production. It has a 115-acre free port, which is the most important seaport of Northern Cyprus for travel and commerce. The port is an important source of income and employment for the city, though its volume of trade is restricted by the embargo against Northern Cyprus. Its historical sites, including the walled city, Salamis, the Othello Castle and the St Barnabas Church, as well as the sandy beaches surrounding it make it a tourist attraction; efforts are also underway to make the city more attractive for international congresses. The Eastern Mediterranean University is also an important employer and supplies significant income and activity, as well as opportunities for the construction sector. The university also raises a qualified workforce that stimulates the city's industry and makes communications industry viable. The city has two industrial zones: the Large Industrial Zone and the Little Industrial Zone. The city is also home to a fishing port, but inadequate infrastructure of the port restricts the growth of this sector. The industry in the city has traditionally been concentrated on processing agricultural products.
Historically, the port was the primary source of income and employment for the city, especially right after 1974. However, it gradually lost some of its importance to the economy as the share of its employees in the population of Famagusta diminished due to various reasons. However, it still is the primary port for commerce in Northern Cyprus, with more than half of ships that came to Northern Cyprus in 2013 coming to Famagusta. It is the second most popular seaport for passengers, after Kyrenia, with around 20,000 passengers using the port in 2013.
The mayor-in-exile of Famagusta is Simos Ioannou. Süleyman Uluçay heads the Turkish Cypriot municipal administration of Famagusta, which remains legal as a communal-based body under the constitutional system of the Republic of Cyprus.
Since 1974, Greek Cypriots submitted a number of proposals within the context of bicommunal discussions for the return of Varosha to UN administration, allowing the return of its previous inhabitants, requesting also the opening of Famagusta harbour for use by both communities. Varosha would have been returned to Greek Cypriot control as part of the 2004 Annan Plan but the plan had been rejected by a majority(3/4) of Greek Cypriot voters.
The walled city of Famagusta contains many unique buildings. Famagusta has a walled city popular with tourists.
Every year, the International Famagusta Art and Culture Festival is organized in Famagusta. Concerts, dance shows and theater plays take place during the festival.
A growth in tourism and the city's university have fueled the development of Famagusta's vibrant nightlife. Nightlife in the city is especially active on Wednesday, Friday and Saturday nights and in the hotter months of the year, starting from April. Larger hotels in the city have casinos that cater to their customers. Salamis Road is an area of Famagusta with a heavy concentration of bars frequented by students and locals.
Famagusta's Othello Castle is the setting for Shakespeare's play Othello. The city was also the setting for Victoria Hislop's 2015 novel The Sunrise, and Michael Paraskos's 2016 novel In Search of Sixpence. The city is the birthplace of the eponymous hero of the Renaissance proto-novel Fortunatus.
Famagusta was home to many Greek Cypriot sport teams that left the city because of the Turkish invasion and still bear their original names. Most notable football clubs originally from the city are Anorthosis Famagusta FC and Nea Salamis Famagusta FC, both of the Cypriot First Division, which are now based in Larnaca. Usually Anorthosis Famagusta fans are politically right wing where Nea Salamis fans are left wing.
Famagusta is represented by Mağusa Türk Gücü in the Turkish Cypriot First Division. Dr. Fazıl Küçük Stadium is the largest football stadium in Famagusta. Many Turkish Cypriot sport teams that left Southern Cyprus because of the Cypriot intercommunal violence are based in Famagusta.
Famagusta is represented by DAÜ Sports Club and Magem Sports Club in North Cyprus First Volleyball Division. Gazimağusa Türk Maarif Koleji represents Famagusta in the North Cyprus High School Volleyball League.
Famagusta has a modern volleyball stadium called the Mağusa Arena.
The Eastern Mediterranean University was founded in the city in 1979. The Istanbul Technical University founded a campus in the city in 2010.
The Cyprus College of Art was founded in Famagusta by the Cypriot artist Stass Paraskos in 1969, before moving to Paphos in 1972 after protests from local hoteliers that the presence of art students in the city was putting off holidaymakers.
Famagusta has three general hospitals. Gazimağusa Devlet Hastahanesi, a state hospital, is the biggest hospital in city. Gazimağusa Tıp Merkezi and Gazimağusa Yaşam Hastahanesi are private hospitals.
Personalities
Saint Barnabas, born and died in Salamis, Famagusta
Chris Achilleos, illustrator of the book versions on the BBC children's series Doctor Who
Beran Bertuğ, former Governor of Famagusta, first Cypriot woman to hold this position
Marios Constantinou, former international Cypriot football midfielder and current manager.
Eleftheria Eleftheriou, Cypriot singer.
Derviş Eroğlu, former President of Northern Cyprus
Alexis Galanos, 7th President of the House of Representatives and Famagusta mayor-in-exile (2006-2019) (Republic of Cyprus)
Xanthos Hadjisoteriou, Cypriot painter
Oz Karahan, political activist, President of the Union of Cypriots
Oktay Kayalp, former Turkish Cypriot Famagusta mayor (Northern Cyprus)
Harry Luke British diplomat
Angelos Misos, former international footballer
Costas Montis was an influential and prolific Greek Cypriot poet, novelist, and playwright born in Famagusta.
Hal Ozsan, actor (Dawson's Creek, Kyle XY)
Dimitris Papadakis, a Greek Cypriot politician, who served as a Member of the European Parliament.
Ṣubḥ-i-Azal, Persian religious leader, lived and died in exile in Famagusta
Touker Suleyman (born Türker Süleyman), British Turkish Cypriot fashion retail entrepreneur, investor and reality television personality.
Alexia Vassiliou, singer, left here as a refugee when the town was invaded.
George Vasiliou, former President of Cyprus
Vamik Volkan, Emeritus Professor of Psychiatry
Derviş Zaim, film director
Famagusta is twinned with:
İzmir, Turkey (since 1974)
Corfu, Greece (since 1994)
Patras, Greece (since 1994)
Antalya, Turkey (since 1997)
Salamina (city), Greece (since 1998)
Struga, North Macedonia
Athens, Greece (since 2005)
Mersin, Turkey
Northern Cyprus, officially the Turkish Republic of Northern Cyprus (TRNC), is a de facto state that comprises the northeastern portion of the island of Cyprus. It is recognised only by Turkey, and its territory is considered by all other states to be part of the Republic of Cyprus.
Northern Cyprus extends from the tip of the Karpass Peninsula in the northeast to Morphou Bay, Cape Kormakitis and its westernmost point, the Kokkina exclave in the west. Its southernmost point is the village of Louroujina. A buffer zone under the control of the United Nations stretches between Northern Cyprus and the rest of the island and divides Nicosia, the island's largest city and capital of both sides.
A coup d'état in 1974, performed as part of an attempt to annex the island to Greece, prompted the Turkish invasion of Cyprus. This resulted in the eviction of much of the north's Greek Cypriot population, the flight of Turkish Cypriots from the south, and the partitioning of the island, leading to a unilateral declaration of independence by the north in 1983. Due to its lack of recognition, Northern Cyprus is heavily dependent on Turkey for economic, political and military support.
Attempts to reach a solution to the Cyprus dispute have been unsuccessful. The Turkish Army maintains a large force in Northern Cyprus with the support and approval of the TRNC government, while the Republic of Cyprus, the European Union as a whole, and the international community regard it as an occupation force. This military presence has been denounced in several United Nations Security Council resolutions.
Northern Cyprus is a semi-presidential, democratic republic with a cultural heritage incorporating various influences and an economy that is dominated by the services sector. The economy has seen growth through the 2000s and 2010s, with the GNP per capita more than tripling in the 2000s, but is held back by an international embargo due to the official closure of the ports in Northern Cyprus by the Republic of Cyprus. The official language is Turkish, with a distinct local dialect being spoken. The vast majority of the population consists of Sunni Muslims, while religious attitudes are mostly moderate and secular. Northern Cyprus is an observer state of ECO and OIC under the name "Turkish Cypriot State", PACE under the name "Turkish Cypriot Community", and Organization of Turkic States with its own name.
Several distinct periods of Cypriot intercommunal violence involving the two main ethnic communities, Greek Cypriots and Turkish Cypriots, marked mid-20th century Cyprus. These included the Cyprus Emergency of 1955–59 during British rule, the post-independence Cyprus crisis of 1963–64, and the Cyprus crisis of 1967. Hostilities culminated in the 1974 de facto division of the island along the Green Line following the Turkish invasion of Cyprus. The region has been relatively peaceful since then, but the Cyprus dispute has continued, with various attempts to solve it diplomatically having been generally unsuccessful.
Cyprus, an island lying in the eastern Mediterranean, hosted a population of Greeks and Turks (four-fifths and one-fifth, respectively), who lived under British rule in the late nineteenth-century and the first half of the twentieth-century. Christian Orthodox Church of Cyprus played a prominent political role among the Greek Cypriot community, a privilege that it acquired during the Ottoman Empire with the employment of the millet system, which gave the archbishop an unofficial ethnarch status.
The repeated rejections by the British of Greek Cypriot demands for enosis, union with Greece, led to armed resistance, organised by the National Organization of Cypriot Struggle, or EOKA. EOKA, led by the Greek-Cypriot commander George Grivas, systematically targeted British colonial authorities. One of the effects of EOKA's campaign was to alter the Turkish position from demanding full reincorporation into Turkey to a demand for taksim (partition). EOKA's mission and activities caused a "Cretan syndrome" (see Turkish Resistance Organisation) within the Turkish Cypriot community, as its members feared that they would be forced to leave the island in such a case as had been the case with Cretan Turks. As such, they preferred the continuation of British colonial rule and then taksim, the division of the island. Due to the Turkish Cypriots' support for the British, EOKA's leader, Georgios Grivas, declared them to be enemies. The fact that the Turks were a minority was, according to Nihat Erim, to be addressed by the transfer of thousands of Turks from mainland Turkey so that Greek Cypriots would cease to be the majority. When Erim visited Cyprus as the Turkish representative, he was advised by Field Marshal Sir John Harding, the then Governor of Cyprus, that Turkey should send educated Turks to settle in Cyprus.
Turkey actively promoted the idea that on the island of Cyprus two distinctive communities existed, and sidestepped its former claim that "the people of Cyprus were all Turkish subjects". In doing so, Turkey's aim to have self-determination of two to-be equal communities in effect led to de jure partition of the island.[citation needed] This could be justified to the international community against the will of the majority Greek population of the island. Dr. Fazil Küçük in 1954 had already proposed Cyprus be divided in two at the 35° parallel.
Lindley Dan, from Notre Dame University, spotted the roots of intercommunal violence to different visions among the two communities of Cyprus (enosis for Greek Cypriots, taksim for Turkish Cypriots). Also, Lindlay wrote that "the merging of church, schools/education, and politics in divisive and nationalistic ways" had played a crucial role in creation of havoc in Cyprus' history. Attalides Michael also pointed to the opposing nationalisms as the cause of the Cyprus problem.
By the mid-1950's, the "Cyprus is Turkish" party, movement, and slogan gained force in both Cyprus and Turkey. In a 1954 editorial, Turkish Cypriot leader Dr. Fazil Kuchuk expressed the sentiment that the Turkish youth had grown up with the idea that "as soon as Great Britain leaves the island, it will be taken over by the Turks", and that "Turkey cannot tolerate otherwise". This perspective contributed to the willingness of Turkish Cypriots to align themselves with the British, who started recruiting Turkish Cypriots into the police force that patrolled Cyprus to fight EOKA, a Greek Cypriot nationalist organisation that sought to rid the island of British rule.
EOKA targeted colonial authorities, including police, but Georgios Grivas, the leader of EOKA, did not initially wish to open up a new front by fighting Turkish Cypriots and reassured them that EOKA would not harm their people. In 1956, some Turkish Cypriot policemen were killed by EOKA members and this provoked some intercommunal violence in the spring and summer, but these attacks on policemen were not motivated by the fact that they were Turkish Cypriots.
However, in January 1957, Grivas changed his policy as his forces in the mountains became increasingly pressured by the British Crown forces. In order to divert the attention of the Crown forces, EOKA members started to target Turkish Cypriot policemen intentionally in the towns, so that Turkish Cypriots would riot against the Greek Cypriots and the security forces would have to be diverted to the towns to restore order. The killing of a Turkish Cypriot policeman on 19 January, when a power station was bombed, and the injury of three others, provoked three days of intercommunal violence in Nicosia. The two communities targeted each other in reprisals, at least one Greek Cypriot was killed and the British Army was deployed in the streets. Greek Cypriot stores were burned and their neighbourhoods attacked. Following the events, the Greek Cypriot leadership spread the propaganda that the riots had merely been an act of Turkish Cypriot aggression. Such events created chaos and drove the communities apart both in Cyprus and in Turkey.
On 22 October 1957 Sir Hugh Mackintosh Foot replaced Sir John Harding as the British Governor of Cyprus. Foot suggested five to seven years of self-government before any final decision. His plan rejected both enosis and taksim. The Turkish Cypriot response to this plan was a series of anti-British demonstrations in Nicosia on 27 and 28 January 1958 rejecting the proposed plan because the plan did not include partition. The British then withdrew the plan.
In 1957, Black Gang, a Turkish Cypriot pro-taksim paramilitary organisation, was formed to patrol a Turkish Cypriot enclave, the Tahtakale district of Nicosia, against activities of EOKA. The organisation later attempted to grow into a national scale, but failed to gain public support.
By 1958, signs of dissatisfaction with the British increased on both sides, with a group of Turkish Cypriots forming Volkan (later renamed to the Turkish Resistance Organisation) paramilitary group to promote partition and the annexation of Cyprus to Turkey as dictated by the Menderes plan. Volkan initially consisted of roughly 100 members, with the stated aim of raising awareness in Turkey of the Cyprus issue and courting military training and support for Turkish Cypriot fighters from the Turkish government.
In June 1958, the British Prime Minister, Harold Macmillan, was expected to propose a plan to resolve the Cyprus issue. In light of the new development, the Turks rioted in Nicosia to promote the idea that Greek and Turkish Cypriots could not live together and therefore any plan that did not include partition would not be viable. This violence was soon followed by bombing, Greek Cypriot deaths and looting of Greek Cypriot-owned shops and houses. Greek and Turkish Cypriots started to flee mixed population villages where they were a minority in search of safety. This was effectively the beginning of the segregation of the two communities. On 7 June 1958, a bomb exploded at the entrance of the Turkish Embassy in Cyprus. Following the bombing, Turkish Cypriots looted Greek Cypriot properties. On 26 June 1984, the Turkish Cypriot leader, Rauf Denktaş, admitted on British channel ITV that the bomb was placed by the Turks themselves in order to create tension. On 9 January 1995, Rauf Denktaş repeated his claim to the famous Turkish newspaper Milliyet in Turkey.
The crisis reached a climax on 12 June 1958, when eight Greeks, out of an armed group of thirty five arrested by soldiers of the Royal Horse Guards on suspicion of preparing an attack on the Turkish quarter of Skylloura, were killed in a suspected attack by Turkish Cypriot locals, near the village of Geunyeli, having been ordered to walk back to their village of Kondemenos.
After the EOKA campaign had begun, the British government successfully began to turn the Cyprus issue from a British colonial problem into a Greek-Turkish issue. British diplomacy exerted backstage influence on the Adnan Menderes government, with the aim of making Turkey active in Cyprus. For the British, the attempt had a twofold objective. The EOKA campaign would be silenced as quickly as possible, and Turkish Cypriots would not side with Greek Cypriots against the British colonial claims over the island, which would thus remain under the British. The Turkish Cypriot leadership visited Menderes to discuss the Cyprus issue. When asked how the Turkish Cypriots should respond to the Greek Cypriot claim of enosis, Menderes replied: "You should go to the British foreign minister and request the status quo be prolonged, Cyprus to remain as a British colony". When the Turkish Cypriots visited the British Foreign Secretary and requested for Cyprus to remain a colony, he replied: "You should not be asking for colonialism at this day and age, you should be asking for Cyprus be returned to Turkey, its former owner".
As Turkish Cypriots began to look to Turkey for protection, Greek Cypriots soon understood that enosis was extremely unlikely. The Greek Cypriot leader, Archbishop Makarios III, now set independence for the island as his objective.
Britain resolved to solve the dispute by creating an independent Cyprus. In 1959, all involved parties signed the Zurich Agreements: Britain, Turkey, Greece, and the Greek and Turkish Cypriot leaders, Makarios and Dr. Fazil Kucuk, respectively. The new constitution drew heavily on the ethnic composition of the island. The President would be a Greek Cypriot, and the Vice-President a Turkish Cypriot with an equal veto. The contribution to the public service would be set at a ratio of 70:30, and the Supreme Court would consist of an equal number of judges from both communities as well as an independent judge who was not Greek, Turkish or British. The Zurich Agreements were supplemented by a number of treaties. The Treaty of Guarantee stated that secession or union with any state was forbidden, and that Greece, Turkey and Britain would be given guarantor status to intervene if that was violated. The Treaty of Alliance allowed for two small Greek and Turkish military contingents to be stationed on the island, and the Treaty of Establishment gave Britain sovereignty over two bases in Akrotiri and Dhekelia.
On 15 August 1960, the Colony of Cyprus became fully independent as the Republic of Cyprus. The new republic remained within the Commonwealth of Nations.
The new constitution brought dissatisfaction to Greek Cypriots, who felt it to be highly unjust for them for historical, demographic and contributional reasons. Although 80% of the island's population were Greek Cypriots and these indigenous people had lived on the island for thousands of years and paid 94% of taxes, the new constitution was giving the 17% of the population that was Turkish Cypriots, who paid 6% of taxes, around 30% of government jobs and 40% of national security jobs.
Within three years tensions between the two communities in administrative affairs began to show. In particular disputes over separate municipalities and taxation created a deadlock in government. A constitutional court ruled in 1963 Makarios had failed to uphold article 173 of the constitution which called for the establishment of separate municipalities for Turkish Cypriots. Makarios subsequently declared his intention to ignore the judgement, resulting in the West German judge resigning from his position. Makarios proposed thirteen amendments to the constitution, which would have had the effect of resolving most of the issues in the Greek Cypriot favour. Under the proposals, the President and Vice-President would lose their veto, the separate municipalities as sought after by the Turkish Cypriots would be abandoned, the need for separate majorities by both communities in passing legislation would be discarded and the civil service contribution would be set at actual population ratios (82:18) instead of the slightly higher figure for Turkish Cypriots.
The intention behind the amendments has long been called into question. The Akritas plan, written in the height of the constitutional dispute by the Greek Cypriot interior minister Polycarpos Georkadjis, called for the removal of undesirable elements of the constitution so as to allow power-sharing to work. The plan envisaged a swift retaliatory attack on Turkish Cypriot strongholds should Turkish Cypriots resort to violence to resist the measures, stating "In the event of a planned or staged Turkish attack, it is imperative to overcome it by force in the shortest possible time, because if we succeed in gaining command of the situation (in one or two days), no outside, intervention would be either justified or possible." Whether Makarios's proposals were part of the Akritas plan is unclear, however it remains that sentiment towards enosis had not completely disappeared with independence. Makarios described independence as "a step on the road to enosis".[31] Preparations for conflict were not entirely absent from Turkish Cypriots either, with right wing elements still believing taksim (partition) the best safeguard against enosis.
Greek Cypriots however believe the amendments were a necessity stemming from a perceived attempt by Turkish Cypriots to frustrate the working of government. Turkish Cypriots saw it as a means to reduce their status within the state from one of co-founder to that of minority, seeing it as a first step towards enosis. The security situation deteriorated rapidly.
Main articles: Bloody Christmas (1963) and Battle of Tillyria
An armed conflict was triggered after December 21, 1963, a period remembered by Turkish Cypriots as Bloody Christmas, when a Greek Cypriot policemen that had been called to help deal with a taxi driver refusing officers already on the scene access to check the identification documents of his customers, took out his gun upon arrival and shot and killed the taxi driver and his partner. Eric Solsten summarised the events as follows: "a Greek Cypriot police patrol, ostensibly checking identification documents, stopped a Turkish Cypriot couple on the edge of the Turkish quarter. A hostile crowd gathered, shots were fired, and two Turkish Cypriots were killed."
In the morning after the shooting, crowds gathered in protest in Northern Nicosia, likely encouraged by the TMT, without incident. On the evening of the 22nd, gunfire broke out, communication lines to the Turkish neighbourhoods were cut, and the Greek Cypriot police occupied the nearby airport. On the 23rd, a ceasefire was negotiated, but did not hold. Fighting, including automatic weapons fire, between Greek and Turkish Cypriots and militias increased in Nicosia and Larnaca. A force of Greek Cypriot irregulars led by Nikos Sampson entered the Nicosia suburb of Omorphita and engaged in heavy firing on armed, as well as by some accounts unarmed, Turkish Cypriots. The Omorphita clash has been described by Turkish Cypriots as a massacre, while this view has generally not been acknowledged by Greek Cypriots.
Further ceasefires were arranged between the two sides, but also failed. By Christmas Eve, the 24th, Britain, Greece, and Turkey had joined talks, with all sides calling for a truce. On Christmas day, Turkish fighter jets overflew Nicosia in a show of support. Finally it was agreed to allow a force of 2,700 British soldiers to help enforce a ceasefire. In the next days, a "buffer zone" was created in Nicosia, and a British officer marked a line on a map with green ink, separating the two sides of the city, which was the beginning of the "Green Line". Fighting continued across the island for the next several weeks.
In total 364 Turkish Cypriots and 174 Greek Cypriots were killed during the violence. 25,000 Turkish Cypriots from 103-109 villages fled and were displaced into enclaves and thousands of Turkish Cypriot houses were ransacked or completely destroyed.
Contemporary newspapers also reported on the forceful exodus of the Turkish Cypriots from their homes. According to The Times in 1964, threats, shootings and attempts of arson were committed against the Turkish Cypriots to force them out of their homes. The Daily Express wrote that "25,000 Turks have already been forced to leave their homes". The Guardian reported a massacre of Turks at Limassol on 16 February 1964.
Turkey had by now readied its fleet and its fighter jets appeared over Nicosia. Turkey was dissuaded from direct involvement by the creation of a United Nations Peacekeeping Force in Cyprus (UNFICYP) in 1964. Despite the negotiated ceasefire in Nicosia, attacks on the Turkish Cypriot persisted, particularly in Limassol. Concerned about the possibility of a Turkish invasion, Makarios undertook the creation of a Greek Cypriot conscript-based army called the "National Guard". A general from Greece took charge of the army, whilst a further 20,000 well-equipped officers and men were smuggled from Greece into Cyprus. Turkey threatened to intervene once more, but was prevented by a strongly worded letter from the American President Lyndon B. Johnson, anxious to avoid a conflict between NATO allies Greece and Turkey at the height of the Cold War.
Turkish Cypriots had by now established an important bridgehead at Kokkina, provided with arms, volunteers and materials from Turkey and abroad. Seeing this incursion of foreign weapons and troops as a major threat, the Cypriot government invited George Grivas to return from Greece as commander of the Greek troops on the island and launch a major attack on the bridgehead. Turkey retaliated by dispatching its fighter jets to bomb Greek positions, causing Makarios to threaten an attack on every Turkish Cypriot village on the island if the bombings did not cease. The conflict had now drawn in Greece and Turkey, with both countries amassing troops on their Thracian borders. Efforts at mediation by Dean Acheson, a former U.S. Secretary of State, and UN-appointed mediator Galo Plaza had failed, all the while the division of the two communities becoming more apparent. Greek Cypriot forces were estimated at some 30,000, including the National Guard and the large contingent from Greece. Defending the Turkish Cypriot enclaves was a force of approximately 5,000 irregulars, led by a Turkish colonel, but lacking the equipment and organisation of the Greek forces.
The Secretary-General of the United Nations in 1964, U Thant, reported the damage during the conflicts:
UNFICYP carried out a detailed survey of all damage to properties throughout the island during the disturbances; it shows that in 109 villages, most of them Turkish-Cypriot or mixed villages, 527 houses have been destroyed while 2,000 others have suffered damage from looting.
The situation worsened in 1967, when a military junta overthrew the democratically elected government of Greece, and began applying pressure on Makarios to achieve enosis. Makarios, not wishing to become part of a military dictatorship or trigger a Turkish invasion, began to distance himself from the goal of enosis. This caused tensions with the junta in Greece as well as George Grivas in Cyprus. Grivas's control over the National Guard and Greek contingent was seen as a threat to Makarios's position, who now feared a possible coup.[citation needed] The National Guard and Cyprus Police began patrolling the Turkish Cypriot enclaves of Ayios Theodoros and Kophinou, and on November 15 engaged in heavy fighting with the Turkish Cypriots.
By the time of his withdrawal 26 Turkish Cypriots had been killed. Turkey replied with an ultimatum demanding that Grivas be removed from the island, that the troops smuggled from Greece in excess of the limits of the Treaty of Alliance be removed, and that the economic blockades on the Turkish Cypriot enclaves be lifted. Grivas was recalled by the Athens Junta and the 12,000 Greek troops were withdrawn. Makarios now attempted to consolidate his position by reducing the number of National Guard troops, and by creating a paramilitary force loyal to Cypriot independence. In 1968, acknowledging that enosis was now all but impossible, Makarios stated, "A solution by necessity must be sought within the limits of what is feasible which does not always coincide with the limits of what is desirable."
After 1967 tensions between the Greek and Turkish Cypriots subsided. Instead, the main source of tension on the island came from factions within the Greek Cypriot community. Although Makarios had effectively abandoned enosis in favour of an 'attainable solution', many others continued to believe that the only legitimate political aspiration for Greek Cypriots was union with Greece.
On his arrival, Grivas began by establishing a nationalist paramilitary group known as the National Organization of Cypriot Fighters (Ethniki Organosis Kyprion Agoniston B or EOKA-B), drawing comparisons with the EOKA struggle for enosis under the British colonial administration of the 1950s.
The military junta in Athens saw Makarios as an obstacle. Makarios's failure to disband the National Guard, whose officer class was dominated by mainland Greeks, had meant the junta had practical control over the Cypriot military establishment, leaving Makarios isolated and a vulnerable target.
During the first Turkish invasion, Turkish troops invaded Cyprus territory on 20 July 1974, invoking its rights under the Treaty of Guarantee. This expansion of Turkish-occupied zone violated International Law as well as the Charter of the United Nations. Turkish troops managed to capture 3% of the island which was accompanied by the burning of the Turkish Cypriot quarter, as well as the raping and killing of women and children. A temporary cease-fire followed which was mitigated by the UN Security Council. Subsequently, the Greek military Junta collapsed on July 23, 1974, and peace talks commenced in which a democratic government was installed. The Resolution 353 was broken after Turkey attacked a second time and managed to get a hold of 37% of Cyprus territory. The Island of Cyprus was appointed a Buffer Zone by the United Nations, which divided the island into two zones through the 'Green Line' and put an end to the Turkish invasion. Although Turkey announced that the occupied areas of Cyprus to be called the Federated Turkish State in 1975, it is not legitimised on a worldwide political scale. The United Nations called for the international recognition of independence for the Republic of Cyprus in the Security Council Resolution 367.
In the years after the Turkish invasion of northern Cyprus one can observe a history of failed talks between the two parties. The 1983 declaration of the independent Turkish Republic of Cyprus resulted in a rise of inter-communal tensions and made it increasingly hard to find mutual understanding. With Cyprus' interest of a possible EU membership and a new UN Secretary-General Kofi Annan in 1997 new hopes arose for a fresh start. International involvement from sides of the US and UK, wanting a solution to the Cyprus dispute prior to the EU accession led to political pressures for new talks. The believe that an accession without a solution would threaten Greek-Turkish relations and acknowledge the partition of the island would direct the coming negotiations.
Over the course of two years a concrete plan, the Annan plan was formulated. In 2004 the fifth version agreed upon from both sides and with the endorsement of Turkey, US, UK and EU then was presented to the public and was given a referendum in both Cypriot communities to assure the legitimisation of the resolution. The Turkish Cypriots voted with 65% for the plan, however the Greek Cypriots voted with a 76% majority against. The Annan plan contained multiple important topics. Firstly it established a confederation of two separate states called the United Cyprus Republic. Both communities would have autonomous states combined under one unified government. The members of parliament would be chosen according to the percentage in population numbers to ensure a just involvement from both communities. The paper proposed a demilitarisation of the island over the next years. Furthermore it agreed upon a number of 45000 Turkish settlers that could remain on the island. These settlers became a very important issue concerning peace talks. Originally the Turkish government encouraged Turks to settle in Cyprus providing transfer and property, to establish a counterpart to the Greek Cypriot population due to their 1 to 5 minority. With the economic situation many Turkish-Cypriot decided to leave the island, however their departure is made up by incoming Turkish settlers leaving the population ratio between Turkish Cypriots and Greek Cypriots stable. However all these points where criticised and as seen in the vote rejected mainly by the Greek Cypriots. These name the dissolution of the „Republic of Cyprus", economic consequences of a reunion and the remaining Turkish settlers as reason. Many claim that the plan was indeed drawing more from Turkish-Cypriot demands then Greek-Cypriot interests. Taking in consideration that the US wanted to keep Turkey as a strategic partner in future Middle Eastern conflicts.
A week after the failed referendum the Republic of Cyprus joined the EU. In multiple instances the EU tried to promote trade with Northern Cyprus but without internationally recognised ports this spiked a grand debate. Both side endure their intention of negotiations, however without the prospect of any new compromises or agreements the UN is unwilling to start the process again. Since 2004 negotiations took place in numbers but without any results, both sides are strongly holding on to their position without an agreeable solution in sight that would suit both parties.
Jackson, MS (est. 1821, pop. 165,000)
Marker:
front
"On May 28, 1961, a Greyhound bus with nine Freedom Riders aboard arrived here, the third group of Riders into Jackson. The first two came on Trailways buses May 24. That summer 329 people were arrested in Jackson for integrating public transportation facilities. Convicted on "breach of peace" and jailed, most refused bail and were sent to the state penitentiary. Their protest worked. In September 1961, the federal government mandated that segregation in interstate transportation end."
back
"Greyhound Bus Station This former Greyhound bus station was the scene of many historic arrests in 1961, when Freedom Riders challenged racial segregation in Jackson’s bus and train stations and airport. The Freedom Riders, part of a campaign created by the Congress of Racial Equality (CORE), pressured the federal government to enforce the law regarding illegal racially separate waiting rooms, rest rooms, and restaurants—common in public transportation facilities across the South.
"On May 4, 1961, thirteen Riders—blacks and whites, men and women—left Washington, D.C., on two buses. Trained in nonviolent direct action, they planned to desegregate bus stations throughout the South. They integrated stations in Virginia, the Carolinas, and Georgia with few incidents but were attacked by vicious mobs in Anniston, Birmingham, and Montgomery, Alabama. The Kennedy administration implored them to stop, a call echoed by the media and some civil rights leaders. The Riders, however, reinforced with new volunteers from the Nashville Student Movement, were determined to continue.
"On May 24, two buses of Freedom Riders left Montgomery bound for Jackson, with highway patrolmen and National Guardsmen as armed guards. Instead of a protest mob, policemen met them in Jackson, urging them to “move on” when the Riders tried to use facilities denied them. When the Riders refused, they were arrested, charged with “breach of peace,” and quickly convicted.
"Embracing the "jail-no bail" tactic, they invited new Riders from around the country to join them in Jackson. Within three weeks the city’s jails were full, and the Riders were transferred to the state penitentiary at Parchman, where most served six weeks, suffering indignities and injustices with fortitude and resolve. Between May 24 and September 13, 329 people were arrested in Jackson—half black, half white, and a quarter of them women. Most were between the ages of eighteen and thirty. They came from thirty-nine states and ten other countries; forty-three were from Mississippi.
"On September 23, the Interstate Commerce Commission mandated an end to segregation in all bus and train stations and airports. The victorious Freedom Riders left a legacy of historic changes, proving the value of nonviolent direct action, providing a template for future campaigns, and helping jump-start the movement in Mississippi."
Old Greyhound Station History
• in the mid-1930s, as America struggled through Great Depression, Greyhound Lines adopted a Streamline Moderne design for their buses & terminals, echoing the speed lines of their Super Coaches which, like the Greyhound logo, promised a swift, state of the art ride • brought in engineer Dwight Austin (1897-1960) to create the new Super Coach design & Louisville architect William Strudwick Arrasmith (1898-1965) to reimagine Greyhound terminal design
• in 1937, Greyhound Lines contracted for a Streamline Moderne style terminal in Jackson, topped by a vertical, illuminated "Greyhound" sign • the bldg. was faced with blue Vitrolux structural glass panels and ivory Vitrolite trim • included a coffee shop with a horseshoe-shaped counter & bathing facilities for women (a bath tub) and men (a shower)
• the design is widely believed to be one of the ~60 Moderne Greyhound stations credited to Arrasmith, although photographic evidence suggests that Memphis architect William Nowland Van Powell (1904-1977) — working with George Mahan Jr. (1887-1967) — was responsible for the design, with or without Arrasmith as the consulting architect
• restoration architect Robert Parker Adams acquired the then threatened bldg. in 1988, moved in after restoration, retaining the original neon sign —Wikipedia
The Farish Street Historic District
“but out of the bitterness we wrought an ancient past here in this separate place and made our village here.” —African Village by Margaret Walker (1915-1998)
• during the Reconstruction era that followed the American Civil War, white Southerners struggled to reclaim their lives as millions of black Southerners sought new ones • with the stroke of a pen, the Emancipation Proclamation had transformed African slaves into African Americans & released them into hostile, vengeful & well-armed white communities amid the ruins of a once flourishing society
• the antebellum South had been home to over 262,000 rights-restricted "free blacks" • post-emancipation, the free black population soared to 4.1 million • given that the South had sacrificed 20% of it's white males to the war, blacks now comprised over half the total population of some southern states • uneducated & penniless, most of the new black Americans depended on the Freedman's Bureau for food & clothing
• the social & political implications of this disruptive shift in demographics fueled a violence-laced strain of American racism • in this toxic environment, de facto racial segregation was a given, ordained as Mississippi law in 1890 • with Yankees (the U.S. Army) patrolling Jackson & Maine-born Republican Adelbert Ames installed in the Governor's Mansion, the Farish Street neighborhood was safe haven for freedmen
• as homeless African American refugees poured into Jackson from all reaches of the devastated state, a black economy flickered to life in the form of a few Farish Street mom-and-pops • unwelcome at white churches, the liberated slaves built their own, together with an entire neighborhood's worth of buildings, most erected between 1890 & 1930
• by 1908 1/3 of the district was black-owned, & half of the black families were homeowners • the 1913-1914 business directory listed 11 African American attorneys, 4 doctors, 3 dentists, 2 jewelers, 2 loan companies & a bank, all in the Farish St. neighborhood • the community also had 2 hospitals & numerous retail & service stores —City Data
• by mid-20th c. Farish Street, the state's largest economically independent African American community, had become the cultural, political & business hub for central Mississippi's black citizens [photos] • on Saturdays, countryfolk would come to town on special busses to sell produce & enjoy BBQ while they listened to live street music • vendors sold catfish fried in large black kettles over open fires • hot tamales, a Mississippi staple, were also a popular street food —The Farish District, Its Architecture and Cultural Heritage
“I’ve seen pictures. You couldn’t even get up the street. It was a two-way street back then, and it was wall-to-wall folks. It was just jam-packed: people shopping, people going to clubs, people eating, people dancing.” — Geno Lee, owner of the Big Apple Inn
• as Jackson's black economy grew, Farish Street entertainment venues prospered, drawing crowds with live & juke blues music • the musicians found or first recorded in the Neighborhood include Robert Johnson, Sonny Boy Williamson II & Elmore James
• Farish Street was also home to talent scouts & record labels like H.C. Speir, & Trumpet Records, Ace Records • both Speir & Trumpet founder Lillian McMurry were white Farish St. business owners whose furniture stores also housed recording studios • both discovered & promoted local Blues musicians —The Mississippi Encyclopedia
• Richard Henry Beadle (1884-1971), a prominent Jackson photographer, had a studio at 199-1/2 N. Farish • he was the son of Samuel Alfred Beadle (1857-1932), African-American poet & attorney • born the son of a slave, he was the author of 3 published books of poetry & stories
• The Alamo Theatre was mainly a movie theater but periodically presented musical acts such as Nat King Cole, Elmore James & Otis Spann • Wednesday was talent show night • 12 year old Jackson native Dorothy Moore entered the contest, won & went on to a successful recording career, highlighted by her 1976 no. 1 R&B hit, "Misty Blue" [listen] (3:34)
• in their heyday, Farish Street venues featured African American star performers such as Bessie Smith & the Rabbit Foot Minstrels, Louis Armstrong, Count Basie, Duke Ellington & Dinah Washington —Farish Street Records
• on 28 May, 1963, John Salter, a mixed race (white/Am. Indian) professor at historically black Tougaloo College, staged a sit-in with 3 African American students at the "Whites Only" Woolworth's lunch counter in downtown Jackson • they were refused service • an estimated 300 white onlookers & reporters filled the store
• police officers arrived but did not intercede as, in the words of student Anne Moody, "all hell broke loose" while she and the other black students at the counter prayed • "A man rushed forward, threw [student] Memphis from his seat and slapped my face. Then another man who worked in the store threw me against an adjoining counter." • this act of civil disobedience is remembered as the the signature event of Jackson's protest movement —L.A. Times
"This was the most violently attacked sit-in during the 1960s and is the most publicized. A huge mob gathered, with open police support while the three of us sat there for three hours. I was attacked with fists, brass knuckles and the broken portions of glass sugar containers, and was burned with cigarettes. I'm covered with blood and we were all covered by salt, sugar, mustard, and various other things." —John Salter
• the Woolworth Sit-in was one of many non-violent protests by blacks against racial segregation in the South • in 1969 integration of Jackson's public schools began • this new era in Jackson history also marked the beginning of Farish Street's decline —The Farish Street Project
"Integration was a great thing for black people, but it was not a great thing for black business... Before integration, Farish Street was the black mecca of Mississippi.” — Geno Lee, Big Apple Inn
• for African Americans, integration offered the possibility to shop outside of the neighborhood at white owned stores • as increasing numbers of black shoppers did so, Farish Street traffic declined, businesses closed & the vacated buildings fell into disrepair
• in 1983, a Farish St. redevelopment plan was presented
• in 1995 the street was designated an endangered historic place by the National Trust for Historic Preservation
• in the 1990s, having redeveloped Memphis' Beale Street, Performa Entertainment Real Estate was selected to redevelop Farish St
• in 2008, The Farish Street Group took over the project with plans for a B.B. King's Blues Club to anchor the entertainment district
• in 2012, having spent $21 million, the redevelopment — limited to repaving of the street, stabilizating some abandoned buildings & demolishing many of the rest — was stuck in limbo —Michael Minn
• 2017 update:
"Six mayors and 20 years after the City of Jackson became involved in efforts to develop the Farish Street Historic District, in hopes of bringing it back to the bustling state of its heyday, the project sits at a standstill. Recent Mayor Tony Yarber has referred to the district as “an albatross.” In September of 2014, the U.S. Department of Housing and Urban Development sanctioned the City of Jackson, the Jackson Redevelopment Authority, and developers for misspending federal funds directed toward the development of the Farish Street Historic District. Work is at a halt and "not scheduled to resume until December 2018, when the City of Jackson repays HUD $1.5 million." —Mississippi Dept. of Archives & History
• Farish Street Neighborhood Historic District, National Register # 80002245, 1980
Mabuti at ginawang airconary itong BF106 ni Magicline dahil mukhang sa 2020, wala na dapat non-AC buses sa EDSA.
Company/Owner: Magicline Express Corporation
Fleet/Bus Number: 8885888
Classification: Non-Air-conditioned/Air-conditioned City Bus
Coachbuilder: Santarosa Motor Works, Inc. / Columbian Motors Corporation (rebody); Aspire Manufacturing and Rebuilding (original)
Body Model: Santarosa Daewoo Bus BF106
Original Body Model: Daewoo/Aspire HFC6108H Imperial Series
Engine Model: Doosan DE08TIS
Chassis Model: Daewoo BF106 (KL5UK42HD3P)
Transmission: 6-speed Manual Transmission
Suspension: Leaf Spring Suspension
Seating Configuration: 3×2
Seating Capacity: 58
Franchise route: Grotto (SJDM Bulacan)–NAIA via EDSA, SM Fairview
Route: Ninoy Aquino International Airport, Pasay City/Parañaque City–Sapang Palay, San Jose Del Monte City, Bulacan via N195 (Ninoy Aquino Avenue) / N194 (NAIA Road) / N61 (Roxas Boulevard)/EDSA/ N174 (East Avenue) / N170 [Commonwealth Avenue (Quezon City)] / N127 (Quirino Highway) and vice versa
Areas passing (underlines are designated stops for this bus scheme - EDSA area only: Magallanes–Ermin Garcia Avenue): Tambo\Coastal Mall\Bayview International Towers\City of Dreams\Airport Road\Baclaran Church\The Heritage Hotel\F.B. Harrison Street\Pasay Rotonda/Metro Point Mall\Tramo\Malibay/Cabrera\Evangelista\Magallanes\Ayala Avenue\Buendia Avenue\Estrella\Guadalupe\Boni/Pioneer\Reliance\Shaw Boulevard\SM Megamall\Ortigas Avenue\Robinsons Galleria\Boni Serrano\Main Avenue\Araneta Center Cubao/Farmers\Baliwag Transit/Five Star\Ermin Garcia Avenue\LTFRB Central Office/LTO Central Office\NIA Road\V. Luna Avenue/Land Registration Authority East Ave\Philippine Statistics Authority\SSS East Ave/BSP East Ave\BIR Road\East Avenue Medical Center\Philippine Heart Center\Matalino Street/Nat'l Kidney Transplant Institute\Quezon Memorial Circle/City Hall Gate 10\Nat'l Housing Authority Main Office/Maharlika Street\Philcoa\Techno Hub\Central Avenue\INC Templo Central\Tandang Sora Avenue\Luzon Avenue\Diliman Doctors Hospital\Don Antonio\Ever Gotesco\Saint Peter Parish\Sandiganbayan\Commission on Audit\Commonwealth Market\Manggahan\INC Capitol\Litex\Don Fabian\Doña Carmen Avenue\Winston Street\Pearl Drive\Fairview Center Mall/NCBA Fairview\Our Lady of Fatima Regalado\AMA Fairview/Bristol Street\Mindanao-Jollibee\Brittany Square/Belfast\Commonwealth Hospital and Medical Center\SM City Fairview\Trees Residences\Hilltop Mansion Subdivision/Our Lady of Fatima Hilltop\Mater Carmeli School\Sacred Heart Novitiate\Quezon City–Caloocan Boundary\Sacred Heart Village/Dela Costa Homes 2\Midway Park Subdivision\Amparo Subdivision Gate 2\Guadanoville Subdivision\Mountain Heights Subdivision\Pangarap Village\Bankers Village 2/North Caloocan Doctors Hospital\Cefels Park 3 Subdivision\Malaria Road\Funnside Ningnangan Caloocan\Ascoville Road\Sampaguita Street\Altaraza Town Center/Pleasant Hills Subdivision\Diamond Crest Village\Savano Park\Pecsonville Subdivision/SM Tungko (SM San Jose del Monte)\Skyline Hospital\Gumaok East\Francisco Homes Subdivision\Starmall San Jose del Monte\Palmera Subdivision\Igay RoadCurva\Classica Northgate\Santo Cristo\Tialo Bridge\Towerville\Newtown\Road 1\Bestlink College SJDM/Quarry\Road 2 (Dr. E. V. Roquero, Sr. Road)\Road 5\Minuyan\Citrus Road\Santo Niño I\Lawang Pari\Santo Niño II/Block 64 Street\Assumption\Libis-Rancho\Kadiwa/Sampol
Type of Operation: City Operation Public Utility Bus (Bus Segregation A | Regular Class/Economy Class)
Area of Operations: Central Luzon (Region III)/National Capital Region (NCR)
Shot Location: EDSA-Shaw, Mandaluyong City
Date Taken: May 12, 2018
Notices:
* Please DON'T GRAB A PHOTO WITHOUT A PERMISSION. If you're going to GRAB IT, please give A CREDIT TO THE OWNER. Also, don't PRINT SCREEN my photos.
** If I have mistakes on the specifications, please comment in a good manner so that I can edit it immediately.
*** The specifications and routes (for provincial, inter-provincial, and city operation) mentioned above are subjected for verification and may be changed without prior notice.
**** The vehicle's registration plate(s), conduction sticker(s), and/or persons (if applicable) were pixelated/blurred to prevent any conflict with the photographer, the bus company and/or to the car owner for their security and/or privacy purposes. So, don't use their plate number, conduction sticker, and vehicle tag as an evidence for any incident. And, I have taken this photo for bus fanatics, bus enthusiasts, and bus lovers purposes.
Higer KLQ6101 chassis - Yuchai YC6A240-20 engine
Pala-pala - Malanday via EDSA
Bus Segregation Scheme Bus C - All Stops
Taken at Pala-pala Dasma Cavite
Moma, New York City
Horace Pippin was a self-taught African-American painter. The injustice of slavery and American segregation figure prominently in many of his works.
...at Söder (South) in Helsingborg.
Cheap fruits and veggies there, but that's about the only positive thing I can say about that part of Helsingborg...
The Mount Frosty Mine began operation in the 1950s to the 1970s, extracting limestone and calcite which was used for flux by the nearby Mount Isa Mines smelters. Modern day smelting processes now used at Mount Isa use silica as a flux and all of the calcite quarries like Mount Frosty have since been abandoned. The mine was owned by Clem Walton, who, along with Norman Gilbert McConachy (1914 - 1976), founded the famous Mary Kathleen uranium mine. Mount Frosty operations declined by the 1960s, leaving the mine abandoned, developing into an attraction for locals and tourists alike. The name Mount Frosty apparently refers to the abundant white calcite of the mine site.
The deposit is at the contact between steeply inclined calc-silicate rocks of the Corella Formation and a subhorizontal intrusion of dolerite. The calcite may have been mobilised from the calc-silicate rocks by the heat and fluids of the dolerite or during metamorphism. The 'limestone' is in a cigar-shaped segregation, about 30m wide and at least 70m long. It is mainly composed of granular calcite, but some large well-formed crystals of calcite are present.
The dolerite is veined and brecciated by calcite. Adjacent to the dolerite the normally white 'limestone' is salmon pink due to the migration of iron from the dolerite.
Segregations of the sulphides pyrite, chalcopyrite, and pyrrhotite up to 1m in diameter are dispersed through the 'limestone'. About 156 tonnes of copper metal were mined with the 'limestone' flux, the copper ore having an average grade of 7.2%. The quarry workings were about 25m deep and are now filled with water.
In 2017, a joint venture between Hammer and Glencore rejuvenated drilling at the Mount Frosty mine, expecting to find copper and other minerals in the area.
Source: Derek Barry, North West Star & Rocks and Landscapes of Northwest Queensland by Laurie Hutton and Ian Withnall.
Jackson, MS (est. 1821, pop. 165,000)
Marker:
front
"On May 28, 1961, a Greyhound bus with nine Freedom Riders aboard arrived here, the third group of Riders into Jackson. The first two came on Trailways buses May 24. That summer 329 people were arrested in Jackson for integrating public transportation facilities. Convicted on "breach of peace" and jailed, most refused bail and were sent to the state penitentiary. Their protest worked. In September 1961, the federal government mandated that segregation in interstate transportation end."
back
"Greyhound Bus Station This former Greyhound bus station was the scene of many historic arrests in 1961, when Freedom Riders challenged racial segregation in Jackson’s bus and train stations and airport. The Freedom Riders, part of a campaign created by the Congress of Racial Equality (CORE), pressured the federal government to enforce the law regarding illegal racially separate waiting rooms, rest rooms, and restaurants—common in public transportation facilities across the South.
"On May 4, 1961, thirteen Riders—blacks and whites, men and women—left Washington, D.C., on two buses. Trained in nonviolent direct action, they planned to desegregate bus stations throughout the South. They integrated stations in Virginia, the Carolinas, and Georgia with few incidents but were attacked by vicious mobs in Anniston, Birmingham, and Montgomery, Alabama. The Kennedy administration implored them to stop, a call echoed by the media and some civil rights leaders. The Riders, however, reinforced with new volunteers from the Nashville Student Movement, were determined to continue.
"On May 24, two buses of Freedom Riders left Montgomery bound for Jackson, with highway patrolmen and National Guardsmen as armed guards. Instead of a protest mob, policemen met them in Jackson, urging them to “move on” when the Riders tried to use facilities denied them. When the Riders refused, they were arrested, charged with “breach of peace,” and quickly convicted.
"Embracing the "jail-no bail" tactic, they invited new Riders from around the country to join them in Jackson. Within three weeks the city’s jails were full, and the Riders were transferred to the state penitentiary at Parchman, where most served six weeks, suffering indignities and injustices with fortitude and resolve. Between May 24 and September 13, 329 people were arrested in Jackson—half black, half white, and a quarter of them women. Most were between the ages of eighteen and thirty. They came from thirty-nine states and ten other countries; forty-three were from Mississippi.
"On September 23, the Interstate Commerce Commission mandated an end to segregation in all bus and train stations and airports. The victorious Freedom Riders left a legacy of historic changes, proving the value of nonviolent direct action, providing a template for future campaigns, and helping jump-start the movement in Mississippi."
Old Greyhound Station History
• in the mid-1930s, as America struggled through Great Depression, Greyhound Lines adopted a Streamline Moderne design for their buses & terminals, echoing the speed lines of their Super Coaches which, like the Greyhound logo, promised a swift, state of the art ride • brought in engineer Dwight Austin (1897-1960) to create the new Super Coach design & Louisville architect William Strudwick Arrasmith (1898-1965) to reimagine Greyhound terminal design
• in 1937, Greyhound Lines contracted for a Streamline Moderne style terminal in Jackson, topped by a vertical, illuminated "Greyhound" sign • the bldg. was faced with blue Vitrolux structural glass panels and ivory Vitrolite trim • included a coffee shop with a horseshoe-shaped counter & bathing facilities for women (a bath tub) and men (a shower)
• the design is widely believed to be one of the ~60 Moderne Greyhound stations credited to Arrasmith, although photographic evidence suggests that Memphis architect William Nowland Van Powell (1904-1977) — working with George Mahan Jr. (1887-1967) — was responsible for the design, with or without Arrasmith as the consulting architect
• restoration architect Robert Parker Adams acquired the then threatened bldg. in 1988, moved in after restoration, retaining the original neon sign —Wikipedia
The Farish Street Historic District
“but out of the bitterness we wrought an ancient past here in this separate place and made our village here.” —African Village by Margaret Walker (1915-1998)
• during the Reconstruction era that followed the American Civil War, white Southerners struggled to reclaim their lives as millions of black Southerners sought new ones • with the stroke of a pen, the Emancipation Proclamation had transformed African slaves into African Americans & released them into hostile, vengeful & well-armed white communities amid the ruins of a once flourishing society
• the antebellum South had been home to over 262,000 rights-restricted "free blacks" • post-emancipation, the free black population soared to 4.1 million • given that the South had sacrificed 20% of it's white males to the war, blacks now comprised over half the total population of some southern states • uneducated & penniless, most of the new black Americans depended on the Freedman's Bureau for food & clothing
• the social & political implications of this disruptive shift in demographics fueled a violence-laced strain of American racism • in this toxic environment, de facto racial segregation was a given, ordained as Mississippi law in 1890 • with Yankees (the U.S. Army) patrolling Jackson & Maine-born Republican Adelbert Ames installed in the Governor's Mansion, the Farish Street neighborhood was safe haven for freedmen
• as homeless African American refugees poured into Jackson from all reaches of the devastated state, a black economy flickered to life in the form of a few Farish Street mom-and-pops • unwelcome at white churches, the liberated slaves built their own, together with an entire neighborhood's worth of buildings, most erected between 1890 & 1930
• by 1908 1/3 of the district was black-owned, & half of the black families were homeowners • the 1913-1914 business directory listed 11 African American attorneys, 4 doctors, 3 dentists, 2 jewelers, 2 loan companies & a bank, all in the Farish St. neighborhood • the community also had 2 hospitals & numerous retail & service stores —City Data
• by mid-20th c. Farish Street, the state's largest economically independent African American community, had become the cultural, political & business hub for central Mississippi's black citizens [photos] • on Saturdays, countryfolk would come to town on special busses to sell produce & enjoy BBQ while they listened to live street music • vendors sold catfish fried in large black kettles over open fires • hot tamales, a Mississippi staple, were also a popular street food —The Farish District, Its Architecture and Cultural Heritage
“I’ve seen pictures. You couldn’t even get up the street. It was a two-way street back then, and it was wall-to-wall folks. It was just jam-packed: people shopping, people going to clubs, people eating, people dancing.” — Geno Lee, owner of the Big Apple Inn
• as Jackson's black economy grew, Farish Street entertainment venues prospered, drawing crowds with live & juke blues music • the musicians found or first recorded in the Neighborhood include Robert Johnson, Sonny Boy Williamson II & Elmore James
• Farish Street was also home to talent scouts & record labels like H.C. Speir, & Trumpet Records, Ace Records • both Speir & Trumpet founder Lillian McMurry were white Farish St. business owners whose furniture stores also housed recording studios • both discovered & promoted local Blues musicians —The Mississippi Encyclopedia
• Richard Henry Beadle (1884-1971), a prominent Jackson photographer, had a studio at 199-1/2 N. Farish • he was the son of Samuel Alfred Beadle (1857-1932), African-American poet & attorney • born the son of a slave, he was the author of 3 published books of poetry & stories
• The Alamo Theatre was mainly a movie theater but periodically presented musical acts such as Nat King Cole, Elmore James & Otis Spann • Wednesday was talent show night • 12 year old Jackson native Dorothy Moore entered the contest, won & went on to a successful recording career, highlighted by her 1976 no. 1 R&B hit, "Misty Blue" [listen] (3:34)
• in their heyday, Farish Street venues featured African American star performers such as Bessie Smith & the Rabbit Foot Minstrels, Louis Armstrong, Count Basie, Duke Ellington & Dinah Washington —Farish Street Records
• on 28 May, 1963, John Salter, a mixed race (white/Am. Indian) professor at historically black Tougaloo College, staged a sit-in with 3 African American students at the "Whites Only" Woolworth's lunch counter in downtown Jackson • they were refused service • an estimated 300 white onlookers & reporters filled the store
• police officers arrived but did not intercede as, in the words of student Anne Moody, "all hell broke loose" while she and the other black students at the counter prayed • "A man rushed forward, threw [student] Memphis from his seat and slapped my face. Then another man who worked in the store threw me against an adjoining counter." • this act of civil disobedience is remembered as the the signature event of Jackson's protest movement —L.A. Times
"This was the most violently attacked sit-in during the 1960s and is the most publicized. A huge mob gathered, with open police support while the three of us sat there for three hours. I was attacked with fists, brass knuckles and the broken portions of glass sugar containers, and was burned with cigarettes. I'm covered with blood and we were all covered by salt, sugar, mustard, and various other things." —John Salter
• the Woolworth Sit-in was one of many non-violent protests by blacks against racial segregation in the South • in 1969 integration of Jackson's public schools began • this new era in Jackson history also marked the beginning of Farish Street's decline —The Farish Street Project
"Integration was a great thing for black people, but it was not a great thing for black business... Before integration, Farish Street was the black mecca of Mississippi.” — Geno Lee, Big Apple Inn
• for African Americans, integration offered the possibility to shop outside of the neighborhood at white owned stores • as increasing numbers of black shoppers did so, Farish Street traffic declined, businesses closed & the vacated buildings fell into disrepair
• in 1983, a Farish St. redevelopment plan was presented
• in 1995 the street was designated an endangered historic place by the National Trust for Historic Preservation
• in the 1990s, having redeveloped Memphis' Beale Street, Performa Entertainment Real Estate was selected to redevelop Farish St
• in 2008, The Farish Street Group took over the project with plans for a B.B. King's Blues Club to anchor the entertainment district
• in 2012, having spent $21 million, the redevelopment — limited to repaving of the street, stabilizating some abandoned buildings & demolishing many of the rest — was stuck in limbo —Michael Minn
• 2017 update:
"Six mayors and 20 years after the City of Jackson became involved in efforts to develop the Farish Street Historic District, in hopes of bringing it back to the bustling state of its heyday, the project sits at a standstill. Recent Mayor Tony Yarber has referred to the district as “an albatross.” In September of 2014, the U.S. Department of Housing and Urban Development sanctioned the City of Jackson, the Jackson Redevelopment Authority, and developers for misspending federal funds directed toward the development of the Farish Street Historic District. Work is at a halt and "not scheduled to resume until December 2018, when the City of Jackson repays HUD $1.5 million." —Mississippi Dept. of Archives & History
• Farish Street Neighborhood Historic District, National Register # 80002245, 1980
An Israeli private security guard runs in front of Israel's controversial security barrier around the Palestinian city of Bethlehem in the West Bank.
This image is All Rights Reserved and the property of Jason Moore and, therefore, subject to international copyright law and may not be used without permission.
Crystal Pool was part of the Glen Echo Park, an amusement park near Bannockburn, Maryland about 10 minutes outside Washington, DC. The pool was only open to whites. In 1960, five students were arrested, protesting the discrimination. In 1961, the park allowed non-whites into the pool. In 1968, the amusement park closed and the pool was filled in with concrete.
Europe, Netherlands, Rotterdam, Centre, Luchtsingel, Schieblock (cut from all sides).
The Luchtsingel and the Schieblock projects are exciting strategies that counteract the detrimental effects that the combination of modernist urban planning (with its rigorous segregation of work, living and commercial functions) and chronic high levels of vacancy of office buildings have on the livability and vitality of the city.
The begin of the Luchtsigneal that leads to the section passing thru the Schieblock is shown here.
For the almost empty 60s office building Schieblock a coalition of an architecture bureau (ZUS), a real estate developer, the owner of the building and the municipality of Rotterdam turned it into a creative hotspot and a laboratory of urban redevelopment. A specialty is the “Dak Akker” an agricultural facility on the roof of the building.
The Luchtsingel offers a circuit of elevated walkways that passes through the Schieblock, crosses roads and a railroad to offer the pedestrian new ways to discover the city, help them to avoid the anonymous and sometime unsafe existing urban ground level and realizing a connection between emerging cultural hotspots in the Rotterdam Central and Noord areas. Funding: the municipality of Rotterdam and crowd sourcing/crowd funding. For 25 € people could and can buy planks on which the name of the buyer is printed (as can be seen on this capture).
The first part of the walkway is ready now. The next one which will lead to the square of the former Hofplein railway station and will cross the four tracks of the Rotterdam-Dordrecht railway main line to connect to the Hofpleinviaduct redevelopment project. It will be ready in the last quarter of this year.
The projects are urban renewal ‘light’, intervening before demolition and total redevelopment are the only options left.
Because of this I added it to my Urban Frontiers set
Shot during a delightful lunch and impromptu summer walk with Leun:-)
Abandone Benelux -
The Netherlands Environmental Assessment Agency (PBL), in collaboration with Utrecht University and the Netherlands Interdisciplinary Demographic Institute (NIDI), investigated the relocations that were brought about in the period 1999-2005 by new buildings in the urban areas of Rotterdam, The Hague, Utrecht, Tilburg, Groningen and Arnhem. The results were published today in the report "New construction, removals and segregation". This research shows for the first time the effects of new construction and restructuring on the composition of existing urban districts.
Entitled: Manchu Vista [1909] By TC Chamberlin [RESTORED]. Despite its age, the photograph was nearly perfect except for the need of a contrast boost. I did light spot elimination and then added a false duo-tone.
Thomas C Chamberlin was a noted geologist and educator. He founded the famous Journal of Geology in 1893, and was its editor for many years. The journal is an exceptionally well referenced title that remains in publication to this day. His work in US geology is widely recognized as being the bedrock of our current understanding in North American glaciation. He also served as the president of the University of Wisconsin. In his permanent collection of papers held at his alma mater, Beloit College, there is also a large body of photographs that he took whilst traveling on a geologic survey in China. The original picture above can be found at dcms.beloit.edu/cdm/singleitem/collection/chamber/id/592/...
Quiet lane in a Manchu section. While it would be currently looked upon as racist and politically incorrect, the Manchu rulers were strict segregationists for fear of their being subsumed by the much larger Han population (much like how the Vikings invaders eventually became English or Norman, despite their having conquered them). The Manchu initially were fierce nomadic tribesman, similar in many respects to their Mongol neighbors. In order to maintain their racial and cultural purity, Manchus were forbidden to intermarry with Han, and lived in separate Tartar (older, alternate name for Manchu) enclaves. They were also forbidden to be merchants for fear that commercial dealings would divide their loyalty to the Qing state. Each Manchu family lived off imperial stipends and belonged to a clanish hierarchy called a "banner," so named after their distinctive clan flags. In times of turmoil, each Manchu family were required to send their soldiers in support of their banner when called upon by the emperor.
However, all of this only delayed the inevitable. The banners, because of their feted isolationism, soon lost their steppes honed martial edge. Annual imperial funds sent for military purposes were often squandered and banner readiness was only valid on paper. In reality, musters were short and corruption was rampant. In the latter Qing, the Taiping Civil War dealt a death blow to the Manchus as nearly all available Manchu men were called upon to fight against the Taipings of which only an estimated twenty percent survived. The Manchu as a race was thenceforth marginalized and their dynasty soon collapsed, having had their greatest fear of being eventually assimilated by their Han subjects realized.
Five of the original Freedom Riders, who would board a Greyhound and a Trailways bus in an attempt to desegregate bus service and terminals throughout the south, are shown May 4, 1961 in Washington, D.C. just before beginning their trip.
From left to right: Edward Blankenheim of Tucson, Ariz.; Congress of Racial Equality founder James Farmer of New York; Genevieve Hughes, a Chevy Chase, Md. native then of New York; Rev. Benjamin Elton Cox of High Point North Carolina; and Henry “Hank” Thomas, a Howard University student from St. Augustine, Fl.
Before embarking on their “Freedom Ride” the participants had undergone non-violent training in Washington, D.C.
The riders were trying to enforce U.S. Supreme Court decisions in the 1946 Morgan v. Virginia, the 1955 Keys v. Carolina Coach and 1960 Boynton v. Virginia cases outlawing segregation on interstate transportation.
The Freedom Riders were inspired by the 1947 Journey of Reconciliation, led by Bayard Rustin and George Houser and co-sponsored by the Fellowship of Reconciliation and the then-fledgling Congress of Racial Equality (CORE).
Like the Freedom Rides of 1961, the Journey of Reconciliation was intended to test an earlier Supreme Court ruling that banned racial discrimination in interstate travel. Rustin, Igal Roodenko, Joe Felmet and Andrew Johnnson, were arrested and sentenced to serve on a chain gang in North Carolina for violating local Jim Crow laws regarding segregated seating on public transportation.
The first Freedom Ride began on May 4, 1961. Led by CORE Director James Farmer, 13 riders (seven black, six white, left Washington, DC, on Greyhound (from the Greyhound Terminal) and Trailways buses.
Their plan was to ride through Virginia, the Carolinas, Georgia, Alabama, and Mississippi, ending in New Orleans, Louisiana, where a civil rights rally was planned. Most of the Riders were from CORE, and two were from Student Non-Violent Coordinating Committee (SNCC). Many were in their 40s and 50s. Some were as young as 18.
The Freedom Riders' tactics for their journey were to have at least one interracial pair sitting in adjoining seats, and at least one black rider sitting up front, where seats under segregation had been reserved for white customers by local custom throughout the South. The rest of the team would sit scattered throughout the rest of the bus. One rider would abide by the South's segregation rules in order to avoid arrest and to contact CORE and arrange bail for those who were arrested.
Only minor trouble was encountered in Virginia and North Carolina, but John Lewis was attacked in Rock Hill, South Carolina. Some of the Riders were arrested in Charlotte, North Carolina; and Winnsboro, South Carolina.
The Birmingham, Alabama, Police Commissioner, Bull Connor, together with Police Sergeant Tom Cook (an avid Ku Klux Klan supporter), organized violence against the Freedom Riders with local Klan chapters. The pair made plans to bring the Ride to an end in Alabama.
They assured Gary Thomas Rowe, an FBI informer and member of Eastview Klavern 13 (the most violent Klan group in Alabama), that the mob would have fifteen minutes to attack the Freedom Riders without any arrests being made. The plan was to allow an initial assault in Anniston with a final assault taking place in Birmingham.
On May 14, Mother's Day, in Anniston, Alabama, a mob of Klansmen, some still in church attire, attacked the first of the two buses (the Greyhound). The driver tried to leave the station, but was blocked until KKK members slashed its tires.
The mob forced the crippled bus to stop several miles outside of town and then threw a firebomb into it. As the bus burned, the mob held the doors shut, intending to burn the riders to death.
Sources disagree, but either an exploding fuel tank or an undercover state investigator brandishing a revolver caused the mob to retreat, and the riders escaped the bus. The mob beat the riders after they got out. Only warning shots fired into the air by highway patrolmen prevented the riders from being lynched.
Some injured riders were taken to Anniston Memorial Hospital. That night, the hospitalized Freedom Riders, most of whom had been refused care, were removed from the hospital at 2 AM, because the staff feared the mob outside the hospital.
The local civil rights leader Rev. Fred Shuttlesworth organized several cars of black citizens to rescue the injured Freedom Riders in defiance of the white supremacists. The black people were under the leadership of Colonel Stone Johnson and were openly armed as they arrived at the hospital, protecting the Freedom Riders from the mob.
When the Trailways bus reached Anniston and pulled in at the terminal an hour after the Greyhound bus was burned, it was boarded by eight Klansmen. They beat the Freedom Riders and left them semi-conscious in the back of the bus.
When the bus arrived in Birmingham, it was attacked by a mob of KKK members aided and abetted by police under the orders of Commissioner Bull Connor.
As the riders exited the bus, they were beaten by the mob with baseball bats, iron pipes and bicycle chains. Among the attacking Klansmen was Gary Thomas Rowe, an FBI informant.
Despite the violence suffered and the threat of more to come, the Freedom Riders intended to continue their journey. Attorney General Robert F. Kennedy had arranged an escort for the Riders in order to get them to Montgomery, Alabama, safely.
However, radio reports told of a mob awaiting the riders at the bus terminal, as well as on the route to Montgomery. The Greyhound clerks told the Riders that their drivers were refusing to drive any Freedom Riders anywhere.
Recognizing that their efforts had already called national attention to the civil rights cause and wanting to get to the rally in New Orleans, the Riders decided to abandon the rest of the bus ride and fly directly to New Orleans from Birmingham. When they first boarded the plane, all passengers had to exit because of a bomb threat.
The nationwide news coverage spurred civil rights activists to continue the effort and numerous Freedom Rides were organized in subsequent weeks resulting in beatings and jailings throughout the south, particularly in Alabama and Mississippi.
The Kennedys, often looked upon fondly today as civil rights icons, were anything but at the time. President Kennedy sent word calling for a “cooling off period” while his brother Robert, the chief law-enforcement officer of the land, was quoted as saying that he "does not feel that the Department of Justice can side with one group or the other in disputes over Constitutional rights."
His comment angered civil rights supporters, who considered the Justice Department duty-bound to enforce Supreme Court rulings and defend citizens exercising their Constitutional rights from mob violence.
By September CORE and SNCC leaders made tentative plans for a mass demonstration known as the "Washington Project." This would mobilize hundreds, perhaps thousands, of nonviolent demonstrators to the capital city to apply pressure on the Interstate Commerce Commission and the Kennedy administration to enforce the court ruling outlawing segregation on interstate public transportation.
The idea was pre-empted when the ICC finally issued the necessary orders just before the end of the month. The new policies went into effect on November 1, 1961,
After the new ICC rule took effect, passengers were permitted to sit wherever they pleased on interstate buses and trains; "white" and "colored" signs were removed from the terminals; racially segregated drinking fountains, toilets, and waiting rooms serving interstate customers were consolidated; and the lunch counters began serving all customers, regardless of race.
Despite widespread condemnation in the white press that the Freedom Riders were provoking racial violence and exacerbating racial tension, the victory in a hard fought, direct action protest that inspired and mobilized hundreds of activists would provide another major boost to the burgeoning civil rights movement.
Those pictured:
Edward Blankenheim
While studying chemistry at the University of Arizona and being a carpenter's apprentice, he became involved with the civil rights movement, and joined CORE. He was one of the few white people who participated in local civil rights activities.
He started out by becoming involved with NAACP Youth Council in Tucson, Arizona and later became a leader for a division of CORE known as Students for Equality.
During the first Freedom Ride and upon arriving in Anniston, a mob firebombed the bus, but the passengers managed to escape. The riders were regrouped by the mob and severely beaten.
Blankenheim was hit in the face with a tire iron and lost several teeth, however he survived the attack. As a result of the attack, he lost the use of the right side of his body. He also suffered a stroke which is believed to be a result of the injuries he suffered from the attack.
He was interviewed on National Public Radio in 2001 on the 40th anniversary of the freedom rides. That year he rode on a bus to recreate the first freedom ride, but this time was welcomed as a hero, in contrast to the beatings and bus burning of 1961.
Blankenheim died of cancer at 70 years old September 26, 2004.
James Farmer
Farmer was a founder of CORE and its national director at the time of the Freedom Rides. He set out as one of the original Freedom Riders, but before the group made it to Alabama, the most dangerous part of the Freedom Ride, Farmer had to return home because his father died.
CORE would eventually grow to 82,000 members in 114 chapters around the nation by the mid-1960s with Farmer as its executive director.
CORE employed sit-ins, picketing, and other non-violent tactics modeled after the Indian protest movement led by Mahatma Gandhi. Farmer participated in the first CORE sit-ins in Chicago during World War II that ended discriminatory services practices in two restaurants.
CORE’s tactics captured the imagination of many activists who would lend their support to the civil rights movement emerging in the nation in the late 1950s. Farmer led the organization from its founding in 1942 until 1965.
He was also criticized for softening his tactics after the Freedom Rides and sought to halt direct action that would offend some of CORE’s funders.
Farmer put the Washington, D.C. chapter of CORE in receivership, ousting militant direct action leader Julius Hobson, despite Hobson’s successes desegregating department store employment and hospitals.
Hobson would go on to lead a boycott of public schools and file a successful lawsuit to end the school track system where black students were denied college preparatory courses. The D.C. chapter of CORE faded into obscurity.
In 1969, James Farmer, a lifelong Republican, was appointed by President Nixon to the post of Assistant Secretary of the U.S. Department of Health, Education and Welfare. He was also criticized in many activist quarters for joining with Nixon.
The former civil rights activist soon became uncomfortable with both the Washington bureaucracy — which he believed moved far too slowly on major racial problems — and with the Nixon administration which crafted policy at odds with his views.
Farmer resigned in 1970 to work on his memoir and teach at Mary Washington College in Virginia, a post he held until failing health forced his resignation in 1998.
James Farmer died on July 9, 1999 in Fredericksburg, Virginia. He was 79.
Genevieve Hughes
Hughes grew up in the upper-middle-class suburban community of Chevy Chase, Maryland. She studied at Cornell University and, upon her graduation, moved to New York City to work as a stockbroker. I
in the late 1950s she became involved in the New York chapter of CORE, and she organized a boycott of dime stores that worked with chain restaurants that resisted the sit-in movements in the South. Hughes started to become ostracized from her colleagues on Wall Street, and she decided to work full time to end racism.
In fall of 1960 she took the position as CORE's field secretary and, in doing so, she was the first woman to serve on CORE's Field Staff.
When explaining her decision to join the Freedom Rides she said, "I figured Southern women should be represented so the South and the nation would realize all Southern people do not think alike."
She was among those attacked during the Freedom Ride at Anniston, Ga. She recounts her experience in the Anniston hospital:
"There was no doctor at the hospital, only a nurse. They had me breathe pure oxygen but that only burned my throat and did not relieve the coughing. I was burning hot and my clothes were a wet mess.
“After a while Ed and Bert were brought in, choking. We all lay on our beds and coughed. Finally, a woman doctor came in—she had to look up smoke poisoning before treating us. They brought in the Negro man who had been in the back of the bus with me. I pointed to him and told them to take care of him. But they did not bring him into our emergency room.”
“I understand that they did not do anything at all for Hank. Thirteen in all were brought in, and three were admitted: Ed, the Negro man and myself. They gave me a room and I slept. When I woke up the nurse asked me if I could talk with the FBI. The FBI did not care about us, but only the bombing."
She continued to be active in movements for social justice, environmental protection, and world peace. In 1972 she was a co-founder and first director of the Women's Center in Carbondale, Illinois, one of the first shelters for women victims of domestic violence in the United States.
Hughes died October 2, 2012.
Rev Benjamin Elton Cox
After his ordination in 1958, he became a pastor of Pilgrim Congregational Church in High Point, North Carolina.
Cox quickly gained a reputation for being a strong supporter of the civil rights movement. He started desegregation efforts in local schools, serving as an advisor for NAACP Youth Council, and participating as an observer for the American Friends Service Committee.
After the Greensboro sit-ins in February 1960, he encouraged local students to participate in their own sit-ins, under the condition they stay non-violent.
Cox views on being non-violent were very strong. He soon caught the attention of the national NAACP leaders, including James Farmer. Farmer hired Cox to help stump the south.
Shortly after Farmer hired Cox, Farmer became executive director of CORE. Cox soon received a call from Farmer, wanting to know if Cox would be willing to join the Freedom Rides due to his background as being an ordained minister. Cox agreed and showed up in Washington wearing formal clothing, in case anyone was questioning if the Ride lacked divine guidance.
He was one of those on the bus at Anniston, Ga. When the mobs attacked, but never talked much about it according to his eldest son.
In the summer of 1961, he participated in another CORE Freedom Ride from Missouri to Louisiana on July 8-15 1961.
He defended his actions in the Freedom Ride by stating in the film Freedom Riders, "If men like Governor Patterson [of Alabama] and Governor Barnett of Mississippi... would carry out the good oath of their office, then people would be able to travel in this country. Then people in Tel Aviv and Moscow and London would not pick up their newspaper for breakfast and realize that America is not living up to the dream of liberty and justice for all."
Cox was arrested seventeen times over the course of a few decades. He died in 2011.
Henry “Hank” Thomas
Thomas attended Howard University in Washington D.C. While attending Howard,
Thomas participated in many lunch counter sit-ins, and became one of the founders of the Non-Violent Action Group (NAG), an affiliate of the Student Nonviolent Coordination Committee (SNCC).
His commitment to civil rights increased as he heard about the sit-in movements going on in Greensboro. Inspired by these movements, Thomas became a participant and organizer of early movements in Maryland and in Virginia.
Thomas' first arrest was at a movie theater in Hyattsville, MD. He attempted to purchase movie tickets at a white movie theater, and they wouldn't let him buy any because he was black, so he waited. Eventually the police arrived came and arrested him.
"My first arrest came in the Hyattsville, MD. There's a movie theater there that, of course, we could not go in. And we went there to buy tickets, prearranging we wouldn't move out of the way for other people to buy tickets. That's when I was arrested. That was the beginning."
Thomas was the first one to make it out of the burning bus in Anniston, Ga. As he made his way out, a man asked "Are you all OK?" Before anyone could answer, the man smirked and struck Thomas in the head with a baseball bat. He fell to the ground and almost lost consciousness.
Although almost all of the Freedom Riders needed medical attention, the hospital they were taken to did not give them much help. Genevieve Hughes, another rider, made this statement about Hank Thomas' visit to the hospital after the incident: "I understand they did not do anything at all for Hank."
Although Thomas was injured, and injected with a sense of fear, he participated in a second Freedom Ride from Montgomery, Alabama to Jackson, Mississippi ten days later.
This time, he was incarcerated and served time at the Parchman State Prison Farm. Thomas was soon after released on bail, and on August 22, 1961, he became the first rider to appeal his conviction for the breach of peace. Although the Mississippi Supreme Court affirmed his conviction in 1964,[8] the U.S. Supreme Court reversed in 1965.[9]
After the Freedom Rides he was drafted into the service In 1965, and served in the Vietnam War as a medic. He was injured in battle and subsequently received a Purple Heart.
Thomas moved to Atlanta, which he thought was the best place for black middle-class at the time. Here, he became an entrepreneur, opening up a laundromat with his friend.
Afterward, he worked his way up through the franchise business. First, he became the franchisee of a Burger King and two Dairy Queens, and eventually became the franchisee of six McDonald's restaurants.[citation needed] He currently owns four Marriott Hotels, two Fairfield Inns, and two TownePlace Suites.
--partially excerpted from The Black Past and from Wikipedia
For more information and related images, see flic.kr/s/aHskgSB6Zi
Photo by Walter Oates. The image is courtesy of the D.C. Public Library Washington Star Collection © Washington Post.
Company/Owner: Nuestra Señora Del Carmen Transport Services, Inc.
Fleet/Bus Number: E-462 JMER
Classification: Air-conditioned City Bus
Coachbuilder: Kia Motors Corporation
Body Model: Kia KM928 Parkway (facelifted and buttlifted into King Long XMQ6118; facelifted and buttlifted by NDSC Motor Works)
Engine Model: Hyundai D6AB (Q300)
Chassis Model: Kia KM928 (KNGBBG)
Transmission: Manual (6-speed forward, 1-speed reverse)
Suspension: Leaf Spring Suspension
Seating Configuration: 2×2
Seating Capacity: 50
Route: Garden, Santa Maria, Bulacan–Santolan (Col. Bonny Serrano Avenue)/Cubao, Quezon City via Norzagaray–Santa Maria Road / NLEX-Turo (Bocaue)–NLEX-Balintawak–EDSA
Barangays/areas passing (underlines are designated stops for this bus scheme - EDSA area only: Kamuning–Main Avenue): Santa Maria: Pulong Buhangin\Caypombo\Guyong Elementary School\Walter Mart Santa Maria\McDonald's Santa Clara\Puregold Santa Maria; Bocaue: Turo–Balintawak\Kaingin Road\Muñoz/Roosevelt\SM North EDSA\West Avenue\Quezon Avenue\GMA-Kamuning\Ermin Garcia\Monte de Piedad\Arayat Cubao\Main Avenue
Type of Operation: City Operation Public Utility Bus (Bus A Segregation | Regular Class)
Area of Operations: National Capital Region (NCR) / Central Luzon (Region III)
Shot Location: Governor Fortunato Halili Avenue, Barangay Turo, Bocaue, Bulacan
Date Taken: February 5, 2016
Notices:
* Please DON'T GRAB A PHOTO WITHOUT A PERMISSION. If you're going to GRAB IT, please give A CREDIT TO THE OWNER. Also, don't PRINT SCREEN my photos.
** If I have mistakes on the specifications, please comment in a good manner so that I can edit it immediately.
*** The specifications and routes (for provincial, inter-provincial, and city operation) mentioned above are subjected for verification and may be changed without prior notice.
**** The vehicle's registration plate(s), conduction sticker(s), and/or persons (if applicable) were pixelated/blurred to prevent any conflict with the photographer, the bus company and/or to the car owner for their security and/or privacy purposes. So, don't use their plate number, conduction sticker, and vehicle tag as an evidence for any incident. And, I have taken this photo for bus fanatics, bus enthusiasts, and bus lovers purposes.
Colonial Drugs was the site of a 1960 sit in to end segregation in Chapel Hill, North Carolina in Orange County. It is on West Franklin Street. The building no longer houses a drug store. It is now an event space, The Story.
blogs.lib.unc.edu/uarms/2012/03/02/1960-sit-in-at-colonia...
Samburu National Reserve
Kenya
East Africa
BEST VIEWED IN LARGER SIZE
Musth or must /ˈmʌst/ is a periodic condition in bull (male) elephants, characterized by highly aggressive behavior and accompanied by a large rise in reproductive hormones. Testosterone levels in an elephant in musth can be as much as 60 times greater than in the same elephant at other times. However, whether this hormonal surge is the sole cause of musth, or merely a contributing factor, is unknown; scientific investigation of musth is problematic because even the most placid elephants become highly violent toward humans and other elephants during musth, requiring segregation and isolation until they recover. Female elephants do not undergo musth.
Often, elephants in musth discharge a thick tar-like secretion called temporin from the temporal ducts on the sides of the head. Temporin contains proteins, lipids (notably cholesterol), phenol and 4-methyl phenol,[2][3] cresols and sesquiterpenes (notably farnesol and its derivatives).[4] Secretions and urine collected from zoo elephants have been shown to contain elevated levels of various highly odorous ketones and aldehydes. The elephant's aggression may be partially caused by a reaction to the temporin, which naturally trickles down into the elephant's mouth. Another contributing factor may be the accompanying swelling of the temporal glands; this presses on the elephant's eyes and causes acute pain comparable to severe root abscess toothache. Elephants sometimes try to counteract this pain by digging their tusks into the ground.
Musth is linked to sexual arousal or establishing dominance, but this relationship is far from clear. Cases of elephants goring and killing rhinoceroses without provocation in national parks in Africa have been documented and attributed to musth in young male elephants, especially those growing in the absence of older males. Studies show that reintroducing older males into the elephant population of the area seems to prevent younger males from entering musth, and therefore, stop this aggressive behavior.
Three years ago, I made a video/ machinima about miscegeny and race in mid 20th century US: Falling Between Worlds.
Yet preparing it sucked me down into a dark space: the actors who had organised online around the far right and gamergate who now had delivered Trump after trialling through Brexit.
I wrote a blog post at the time, having written something much longer about how the ideas came together. A key point was that as Trump was inaugurated the Rev said about it raining and boding well - I went back to the tradition of rain being associated with funerals. That seems almost prophetic now.
Made at One Caress in Second Life.