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Seen and photographed while wandering with Christian. Mitchell Island, Richmond, BC. December 27, 2012.
I love the shape, colour and structure of artichoke. Of course you can eat them, lovely, but these ones are allowed to grow and show their violet flowers inside. But we need patience.
Even though this band of spacefaring thugs rumor is well known among all more or less legal crew of space-vessels some think they are outnumbering them and have a chance, something that this crew will learn as the last lesson ever since the space-pirates are battle hardened scum and nerf-herders of the worst kind!
The Post Building (formerly Royal Mail West Central District Office) Museum Street, London WC1.
Sony A7 + Canon FD 55mmm f/1.2 Aspherical
Edited ISS070 image of the Richat Structure in Mauritania. Color/processing variant.
Original metadata: GMT064_14_17_Jasmin Moghbeli_SN1067_Africa Eye of Sahara to Southern and Antarctic Lands 50-500mm
The truth shall set you free, or kill you trying to get there.
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Si Vis Pacem Para Bellum
"If You Wish For Peace; Prepare For War"
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“We must hang together, gentlemen...else, we shall most assuredly hang separately.” -- Benjamin Franklin
"Those who would give up essential Liberty, to purchase a little temporary Safety, deserve neither Liberty nor Safety." -- Benjamin Franklin
"The tree of liberty must be refreshed from time to time with the blood of patriots and tyrants." -- Thomas Jefferson
“When the people fear the government, that's tyranny; when the government fears the people, that's freedom.” -- Thomas Jefferson
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Military-Industrial Complex Speech, Dwight D. Eisenhower, 1961
Public Papers of the Presidents, Dwight D. Eisenhower, 1960, p. 1035- 1040
My fellow Americans:
Three days from now, after half a century in the service of our country, I shall lay down the responsibilities of office as, in traditional and solemn ceremony, the authority of the Presidency is vested in my successor.
This evening I come to you with a message of leave-taking and farewell, and to share a few final thoughts with you, my countrymen.
Like every other citizen, I wish the new President, and all who will labor with him, Godspeed. I pray that the coming years will be blessed with peace and prosperity for all.
Our people expect their President and the Congress to find essential agreement on issues of great moment, the wise resolution of which will better shape the future of the Nation.
My own relations with the Congress, which began on a remote and tenuous basis when, long ago, a member of the Senate appointed me to West Point, have since ranged to the intimate during the war and immediate post-war period, and, finally, to the mutually interdependent during these past eight years.
In this final relationship, the Congress and the Administration have, on most vital issues, cooperated well, to serve the national good rather than mere partisanship, and so have assured that the business of the Nation should go forward. So, my official relationship with the Congress ends in a feeling, on my part, of gratitude that we have been able to do so much together.
II.
We now stand ten years past the midpoint of a century that has witnessed four major wars among great nations. Three of these involved our own country. Despite these holocausts America is today the strongest, the most influential and most productive nation in the world. Understandably proud of this pre-eminence, we yet realize that America's leadership and prestige depend, not merely upon our unmatched material progress, riches and military strength, but on how we use our power in the interests of world peace and human betterment.
III.
Throughout America's adventure in free government, our basic purposes have been to keep the peace; to foster progress in human achievement, and to enhance liberty, dignity and integrity among people and among nations. To strive for less would be unworthy of a free and religious people. Any failure traceable to arrogance, or our lack of comprehension or readiness to sacrifice would inflict upon us grievous hurt both at home and abroad.
Progress toward these noble goals is persistently threatened by the conflict now engulfing the world. It commands our whole attention, absorbs our very beings. We face a hostile ideology -- global in scope, atheistic in character, ruthless in purpose, and insidious in method. Unhappily the danger is poses promises to be of indefinite duration. To meet it successfully, there is called for, not so much the emotional and transitory sacrifices of crisis, but rather those which enable us to carry forward steadily, surely, and without complaint the burdens of a prolonged and complex struggle -- with liberty the stake. Only thus shall we remain, despite every provocation, on our charted course toward permanent peace and human betterment.
Crises there will continue to be. In meeting them, whether foreign or domestic, great or small, there is a recurring temptation to feel that some spectacular and costly action could become the miraculous solution to all current difficulties. A huge increase in newer elements of our defense; development of unrealistic programs to cure every ill in agriculture; a dramatic expansion in basic and applied research -- these and many other possibilities, each possibly promising in itself, may be suggested as the only way to the road we wish to travel.
But each proposal must be weighed in the light of a broader consideration: the need to maintain balance in and among national programs -- balance between the private and the public economy, balance between cost and hoped for advantage -- balance between the clearly necessary and the comfortably desirable; balance between our essential requirements as a nation and the duties imposed by the nation upon the individual; balance between actions of the moment and the national welfare of the future. Good judgment seeks balance and progress; lack of it eventually finds imbalance and frustration.
The record of many decades stands as proof that our people and their government have, in the main, understood these truths and have responded to them well, in the face of stress and threat. But threats, new in kind or degree, constantly arise. I mention two only.
IV.
A vital element in keeping the peace is our military establishment. Our arms must be mighty, ready for instant action, so that no potential aggressor may be tempted to risk his own destruction.
Our military organization today bears little relation to that known by any of my predecessors in peacetime, or indeed by the fighting men of World War II or Korea.
Until the latest of our world conflicts, the United States had no armaments industry. American makers of plowshares could, with time and as required, make swords as well. But now we can no longer risk emergency improvisation of national defense; we have been compelled to create a permanent armaments industry of vast proportions. Added to this, three and a half million men and women are directly engaged in the defense establishment. We annually spend on military security more than the net income of all United States corporations.
This conjunction of an immense military establishment and a large arms industry is new in the American experience. The total influence -- economic, political, even spiritual -- is felt in every city, every State house, every office of the Federal government. We recognize the imperative need for this development. Yet we must not fail to comprehend its grave implications. Our toil, resources and livelihood are all involved; so is the very structure of our society.
In the councils of government, we must guard against the acquisition of unwarranted influence, whether sought or unsought, by the military industrial complex. The potential for the disastrous rise of misplaced power exists and will persist.
We must never let the weight of this combination endanger our liberties or democratic processes. We should take nothing for granted. Only an alert and knowledgeable citizenry can compel the proper meshing of the huge industrial and military machinery of defense with our peaceful methods and goals, so that security and liberty may prosper together.
Akin to, and largely responsible for the sweeping changes in our industrial-military posture, has been the technological revolution during recent decades.
In this revolution, research has become central; it also becomes more formalized, complex, and costly. A steadily increasing share is conducted for, by, or at the direction of, the Federal government.
Today, the solitary inventor, tinkering in his shop, has been overshadowed by task forces of scientists in laboratories and testing fields. In the same fashion, the free university, historically the fountainhead of free ideas and scientific discovery, has experienced a revolution in the conduct of research. Partly because of the huge costs involved, a government contract becomes virtually a substitute for intellectual curiosity. For every old blackboard there are now hundreds of new electronic computers.
The prospect of domination of the nation's scholars by Federal employment, project allocations, and the power of money is ever present
and is gravely to be regarded.
Yet, in holding scientific research and discovery in respect, as we should, we must also be alert to the equal and opposite danger that public policy could itself become the captive of a scientific technological elite.
It is the task of statesmanship to mold, to balance, and to integrate these and other forces, new and old, within the principles of our democratic system -- ever aiming toward the supreme goals of our free society.
V.
Another factor in maintaining balance involves the element of time. As we peer into society's future, we -- you and I, and our government -- must avoid the impulse to live only for today, plundering, for our own ease and convenience, the precious resources of tomorrow. We cannot mortgage the material assets of our grandchildren without risking the loss also of their political and spiritual heritage. We want democracy to survive for all generations to come, not to become the insolvent phantom of tomorrow.
VI.
Down the long lane of the history yet to be written America knows that this world of ours, ever growing smaller, must avoid becoming a community of dreadful fear and hate, and be instead, a proud confederation of mutual trust and respect.
Such a confederation must be one of equals. The weakest must come to the conference table with the same confidence as do we, protected as we are by our moral, economic, and military strength. That table, though scarred by many past frustrations, cannot be abandoned for the certain agony of the battlefield.
Disarmament, with mutual honor and confidence, is a continuing imperative. Together we must learn how to compose differences, not with arms, but with intellect and decent purpose. Because this need is so sharp and apparent I confess that I lay down my official responsibilities in this field with a definite sense of disappointment. As one who has witnessed the horror and the lingering sadness of war -- as one who knows that another war could utterly destroy this civilization which has been so slowly and painfully built over thousands of years -- I wish I could say tonight that a lasting peace is in sight.
Happily, I can say that war has been avoided. Steady progress toward our ultimate goal has been made. But, so much remains to be done. As a private citizen, I shall never cease to do what little I can to help the world advance along that road.
VII.
So -- in this my last good night to you as your President -- I thank you for the many opportunities you have given me for public service in war and peace. I trust that in that service you find some things worthy; as for the rest of it, I know you will find ways to improve performance in the future.
You and I -- my fellow citizens -- need to be strong in our faith that all nations, under God, will reach the goal of peace with justice. May we be ever unswerving in devotion to principle, confident but humble with power, diligent in pursuit of the Nation's great goals.
To all the peoples of the world, I once more give expression to America's prayerful and continuing aspiration:
We pray that peoples of all faiths, all races, all nations, may have their great human needs satisfied; that those now denied opportunity shall come to enjoy it to the full; that all who yearn for freedom may experience its spiritual blessings; that those who have freedom will understand, also, its heavy responsibilities; that all who are insensitive to the needs of others will learn charity; that the scourges of poverty, disease and ignorance will be made to disappear from the earth, and that, in the goodness of time, all peoples will come to live together in a peace guaranteed by the binding force of mutual respect and love.
_______________________________________________
IN CONGRESS, July 4, 1776.
The unanimous Declaration of the thirteen united States of America,
When in the Course of human events, it becomes necessary for one people to dissolve the political bands which have connected them with another, and to assume among the powers of the earth, the separate and equal station to which the Laws of Nature and of Nature's God entitle them, a decent respect to the opinions of mankind requires that they should declare the causes which impel them to the separation.
We hold these truths to be self-evident, that all men are created equal, that they are endowed by their Creator with certain unalienable Rights, that among these are Life, Liberty and the pursuit of Happiness.--That to secure these rights, Governments are instituted among Men, deriving their just powers from the consent of the governed, --That whenever any Form of Government becomes destructive of these ends, it is the Right of the People to alter or to abolish it, and to institute new Government, laying its foundation on such principles and organizing its powers in such form, as to them shall seem most likely to effect their Safety and Happiness. Prudence, indeed, will dictate that Governments long established should not be changed for light and transient causes; and accordingly all experience hath shewn, that mankind are more disposed to suffer, while evils are sufferable, than to right themselves by abolishing the forms to which they are accustomed. But when a long train of abuses and usurpations, pursuing invariably the same Object evinces a design to reduce them under absolute Despotism, it is their right, it is their duty, to throw off such Government, and to provide new Guards for their future security.--Such has been the patient sufferance of these Colonies; and such is now the necessity which constrains them to alter their former Systems of Government. The history of the present King of Great Britain is a history of repeated injuries and usurpations, all having in direct object the establishment of an absolute Tyranny over these States. To prove this, let Facts be submitted to a candid world.
He has refused his Assent to Laws, the most wholesome and necessary for the public good. He has forbidden his Governors to pass Laws of immediate and pressing importance, unless suspended in their operation till his Assent should be obtained; and when so suspended, he has utterly neglected to attend to them. He has refused to pass other Laws for the accommodation of large districts of people, unless those people would relinquish the right of Representation in the Legislature, a right inestimable to them and formidable to tyrants only. He has called together legislative bodies at places unusual, uncomfortable, and distant from the depository of their public Records, for the sole purpose of fatiguing them into compliance with his measures. He has dissolved Representative Houses repeatedly, for opposing with manly firmness his invasions on the rights of the people. He has refused for a long time, after such dissolutions, to cause others to be elected; whereby the Legislative powers, incapable of Annihilation, have returned to the People at large for their exercise; the State remaining in the meantime exposed to all the dangers of invasion from without, and convulsions within. He has endeavoured to prevent the population of these States; for that purpose obstructing the Laws for Naturalization of Foreigners; refusing to pass others to encourage their migrations hither, and raising the conditions of new Appropriations of Lands. He has obstructed the Administration of Justice, by refusing his Assent to Laws for establishing Judiciary powers. He has made Judges dependent on his Will alone, for the tenure of their offices, and the amount and payment of their salaries. He has erected a multitude of New Offices, and sent hither swarms of Officers to harass our people, and eat out their substance. He has kept among us, in times of peace, Standing Armies without the Consent of our legislatures. He has affected to render the Military independent of and superior to the Civil power. He has combined with others to subject us to a jurisdiction foreign to our constitution, and unacknowledged by our laws; giving his Assent to their Acts of pretended Legislation: For Quartering large bodies of armed troops among us: For protecting them, by a mock Trial, from punishment for any Murders which they should commit on the Inhabitants of these States: For cutting off our Trade with all parts of the world: For imposing Taxes on us without our Consent: For depriving us in many cases, of the benefits of Trial by Jury: For transporting us beyond Seas to be tried for pretended offences For abolishing the free System of English Laws in a neighbouring Province, establishing therein an Arbitrary government, and enlarging its Boundaries so as to render it at once an example and fit instrument for introducing the same absolute rule into these Colonies: For taking away our Charters, abolishing our most valuable Laws, and altering fundamentally the Forms of our Governments: For suspending our own Legislatures, and declaring themselves invested with power to legislate for us in all cases whatsoever. He has abdicated Government here, by declaring us out of his Protection and waging War against us. He has plundered our seas, ravaged our Coasts, burnt our towns, and destroyed the lives of our people. He is at this time transporting large Armies of foreign Mercenaries to complete the works of death, desolation and tyranny, already begun with circumstances of Cruelty & perfidy scarcely paralleled in the most barbarous ages, and totally unworthy the Head of a civilized nation. He has constrained our fellow Citizens taken Captive on the high Seas to bear Arms against their Country, to become the executioners of their friends and Brethren, or to fall themselves by their Hands. He has excited domestic insurrections amongst us, and has endeavoured to bring on the inhabitants of our frontiers, the merciless Indian Savages, whose known rule of warfare, is an undistinguished destruction of all ages, sexes and conditions.
In every stage of these Oppressions We have Petitioned for Redress in the most humble terms: Our repeated Petitions have been answered only by repeated injury. A Prince whose character is thus marked by every act which may define a Tyrant, is unfit to be the ruler of a free people.
Nor have We been wanting in attentions to our British brethren. We have warned them from time to time of attempts by their legislature to extend an unwarrantable jurisdiction over us. We have reminded them of the circumstances of our emigration and settlement here. We have appealed to their native justice and magnanimity, and we have conjured them by the ties of our common kindred to disavow these usurpations, which, would inevitably interrupt our connections and correspondence. They too have been deaf to the voice of justice and of consanguinity. We must, therefore, acquiesce in the necessity, which denounces our Separation, and hold them, as we hold the rest of mankind, Enemies in War, in Peace Friends.
We, therefore, the Representatives of the united States of America, in General Congress, Assembled, appealing to the Supreme Judge of the world for the rectitude of our intentions, do, in the Name, and by Authority of the good People of these Colonies, solemnly publish and declare, That these United Colonies are, and of Right ought to be Free and Independent States; that they are Absolved from all Allegiance to the British Crown, and that all political connection between them and the State of Great Britain, is and ought to be totally dissolved; and that as Free and Independent States, they have full Power to levy War, conclude Peace, contract Alliances, establish Commerce, and to do all other Acts and Things which Independent States may of right do. And for the support of this Declaration, with a firm reliance on the protection of divine Providence, we mutually pledge to each other our Lives, our Fortunes and our sacred Honor.
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“We must hang together, gentlemen...else, we shall most assuredly hang separately.” -- Benjamin Franklin
"The tree of liberty must be refreshed from time to time with the blood of patriots and tyrants." -- Thomas Jefferson
“When the people fear the government, that's tyranny; when the government fears the people, that's freedom.” -- Thomas Jefferson
The GASP (Glenorchy Art and Sculpture Park ) has a new pavilion offering great views of Elwick Bay on the Derwent River and the surrounding hills. The new structure offers shelter from the prevailing winds without blocking too much light. The mixture of coloured windows brightens the brutalist concrete structure.
Source: About Tasmania
This is a creative commons image, which you may freely use by linking to this page. Please respect the photographer and his work.
[This set contains 8 photos] The J. Sidna Allen house (1911) in Fancy Gap, Virginia is a timber frame one-and-a-half-story Queen Anne on a brick foundation. Diamond-shaped shingles cover the upper portion of the building, and ornamental wood trim abounds. It has a cross-gable slate roof intersected by dormer windows and a hexagonal tower capped by a cone. The roof line is complex as a result of the dormers and tower. The Eastlake brackets and scalloping in the cornices correspond to the brackets and flat drops of the porch (best seen in image #6). The front gable roof and front dormer roof ridges formerly had a pattern of iron cresting them, which I assume will appear on the restored structure. There are two exterior brick chimneys and an interior one, each capped with a stone course, four stone insets and corbelled brickwork at the top.
The porch has a shed roof with shingles, brackets and scalloping; at one corner is a gazebo with a conical slate roof and a banquet of wood decoration. Above the front entrance, and connected to a door in the tower, was a balcony (missing at this time in the restoration process). The porch support columns and turned balusters are also currently missing. A small side porch on one side of the house shows a similar pattern of decoration. The entrance has sidelights and a rectangular transom. The molded trim, simulating piers, occurs as window surrounds as well. Most of the windows are temporarily covered: they originally were stained or leaded, many with intricate patterns. Some were 3-part, showing a classical Palladian influence. Some were decorated with a border of smaller colored panes in Queen Anne-style.
Steps led from the road up the hill to the front porch; at present, they are not there. It's easy to see the beauty of this home, even in its pre-restoration state by the Carroll County Historical Society. Architecturally significant, the J. Sidna Allen House was placed on the National Register of Historic Places July 15, 1974 with ID # 74002112
Allen and his wife, who designed their own home, enjoyed it for about a year before the state of Virgnia confiscated the property. Then occurred the Hillsville Massacre of 1912 involving the Allen family in a melee where the judge and some county officials were killed. Sidna Allen was sentenced to life imprisonment; two members of his family were executed. A superb discussion on the Hillsville Massacre and its cast is found at theroanoker.com/interests/history/hillsville-massacre .
An article about Sidna's brother Floyd and the family and trial is at en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Floyd_Allen
An article on the restoration of the house is at www.thecarrollnews.com/news/4668/undoing-revisionist-history
This work is licensed under a Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial-ShareAlike 3.0 Unported License
The barn at the Oconaluftee Farm Museum in the Great Smoky Mountains National Park. It is a cantilever barn with overhang for storage space. The trail along the Oconaluftee River is one of my favorite places in the Smokies. For 125 in 2025 #96- Structure.
Urbex Benelux -
Today’s global short-term vacation property rental market is estimated to be worth $100 billion .The holiday cottage market in both Canada and the UK is highly competitive – and big business. In the UK, this increased competition has led to significant improvements in the quality of properties on offer. This improvement in standards has in turn contributed to the increase in the popularity of holiday cottages for weekend breaks, offering in many cases the same standard of accommodation as an hotel, yet with the increased freedom that a holiday cottage offers.
And a Mafersa D Series train arriving at Carrão Station, Line 3 - Red, São Paulo Subway System, Brazil
This image clearly represent de-evolution of building tradition in Croatia.
First on the left is the old village house that reflects history and tradition, but is completely abandoned for being too small for tourist apartments.
In the middle there is awkward construction that presents times when some urban planning was still present: semi-floor was allowed in the attic. While pretty grotesque it still show some charm.
Building on the right symbolizes total construction anarchy - ugly and soulless concrete structure that does not pay any respect to the environment, building rules and tradition, made by sole improvisation of the owner.
Stacked one by another these constructions show one historical path...
Conrail GP15-1 is about to cross 33rd Street in Pittsburgh's Lawrenceville neighborhood. The elevated structure is the former B&O, over which the 'Broadway Limited operated during that train's final years.
Both the Conrail and the B&O lines in this photo are now operated by Allegheny Valley Railroad.
Not the first time around the barn w/ this but we were favored w/ a break in the sunshine. Really nice conditions for a LE, was even warm w/ a soft rain.
This is one of the stunning Neo-Mudejar architectural structures in the nation's capital, the Bellevue Theater.
ABOUT BELLEVUE THEATER
Bellevue Theater is one of the existing theatrical structures in Manila, located in the Paco District of the city. This theater has the fusion of Neo-Mudejar and Art Deco styles, stands as a tribute to both the past and the enduring allure of artistic design.
Neo-Mudejar is a revival of Moorish architectural elements fused together with the geometrical features of the Art Deco Architecture.
The theater's facade is a symphony of ornate arches, intricate tilework, and elegant lines. It was built in 1931 and currently reused as a grocery supermarket.
Medium: Canon EOS 4000D
Date Taken: October 12, 2024
Copyright 2024. All Rights Reserved.
Structure Synth structure. Rendered in SunFlow.
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