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Given a brief 90 seconds with their families, cadet candidates are ushered out of Eisenhower Hall and bus after bus sends them to Thayer Hall for inprocessing and company assignments. Afterward, the new cadets become acquainted with such things as drill and ceremony and chain of command as they begin their initial transformation from civilian to West Point cadet. Mike Strasser, West Point Public Affairs
We are downsizing, so I’m going through all of my stuff and getting rid of some things but photographing them before I do. In the late 1980s we lived in London and our landlord was involved with the English National Opera so we were given free tickets to these wonderful events. The theatre programmes are the UK and Australia, mostly from the 1980s and 1990s.
A couple of thousand people gathered Tuesday afternoon at the Haymarket Riot Memorial Sculpture on Des Plaines Street in Chicago's West Loop to celebrate the traditional workers May Day..
Speeches were given and music was played. The usual festive type of atmosphere seemed to be absent this time. People were angry over the actions of the Trump administration directed towards the working class in general, and immigrants..
Billionaire J. B. Pritzker, candidate for governor of Illinois, put in an appearance, He was supported by local union members carrying signs that read 'We Rise With J.B.'. His presence sparked some vocal opposition from people who felt that 'this is a working class event and a billionaire has no business being part of it'. Some shouting occurred between the two camps, but other than that things remained peaceful.
The march went down Washington Street then shifted over via LaSalle Street to the State of Illinois Thompson Center on Randolph Street where another rally was held.
To me, what symbolized the event and the message being broadcast on the many signs people displayed, was Felipe the Ice Cream Seller. Pushing his cart loaded with tasty frozen treats, he accompanied the marchers from Des Plaines Street all the way to the Thompson Center. It was a warm day with temperatures in the low 80s. It's been a long time since Chicago has had a day that warm. Needless to say Felipe did a lot of business. He works out of the Paleteria 2215 S. Kedzie Avenue in Chicago's Little Village neighborhood. Apparently, a paletero can earn up to $30-$60 a day pushing that cart around. It's a heavy cart too. I had a chance to talk to him a little bit. A very nice man. Just doing his best to earn a living. An excellent example of what the working class is all about.
North Toraja (or Toraja Utara) is a regency (kabupaten) of South Sulawesi Province of Indonesia, and the home of the Toraja ethnic group. The local government seat is in Rantepao which is also the center of Toraja culture. Formerly this regency was part of Tana Toraja Regency.
The Tana Toraja boundary was determined by the Dutch East Indies government in 1909. In 1926, Tana Toraja was under the administration of Bugis state, Luwu. The regentschap (or regency) status was given on October 8, 1946, the last regency given by the Dutch. Since 1984, Tana Toraja has been named as the second tourist destination after Bali by the Ministry of Tourism, Indonesia. Since then, hundreds of thousands of foreign visitors have visited this regency. In addition, numerous Western anthropologists have come to Tana Toraja to study the indigenous culture and people of Toraja.
GEOGRAPHY
Tana Toraja is located on the Sulawesi island, 300 km north of Makassar, the provincial capital of South Sulawesi. Its geographical location is between latitude of 2°-3° South and longitude 119°-120° East (center: 3°S 120°ECoordinates: 3°S 120°E). The area of the new North Toraja Regency is 1,151.47 km², about 2.5% of the total area of South Sulawesi province. The topography of Tana Toraja is mountainous; its minimum elevation is 150 m, while the maximum is 3,083 above the sea level.
Tana Toraja Regency (Indonesian for Torajaland or Land of the Toraja, abbreviated Tator) is a regency (kabupaten) of South Sulawesi Province of Indonesia, and home to the Toraja ethnic group. The local government seat is in Makale, while the center of Toraja culture is in Rantepao. But now, Tana Toraja has been divided to two regencies that consist of Tana Toraja with its capital at Makale and North toraja with its capital at Rantepao.
The Tana Toraja boundary was determined by the Dutch East Indies government in 1909. In 1926, Tana Toraja was under the administration of Bugis state, Luwu. The regentschap (or regency) status was given on 8 October 1946, the last regency given by the Dutch. Since 1984, Tana Toraja has been named as the second tourist destination after Bali by the Ministry of Tourism, Indonesia. Since then, hundreds of thousands of foreign visitors have visited this regency. In addition, numerous Western anthropologists have come to Tana Toraja to study the indigenous culture and people of Toraja.
GEOGRAPHY
Tana Toraja is centrally placed in the island of Sulawesi, 300 km north of Makassar, the provincial capital of South Sulawesi. It lies between latitude of 2°-3° South and longitude 119°-120° East (center: 3°S 120°ECoordinates: 3°S 120°E). The total area (since the separation of the new regency of North Toraja) is 2,054.30 km², about 4.4% of the total area of South Sulawesi province. The topography of Tana Toraja is mountainous; its minimum elevation is 150 m, while the maximum is 3,083 above the sea level.
ADMINISTRATION
Tana Toraja Regency in 2010 comprised nineteen administrative Districts (Kecamatan), tabulated below with their 2010 Census population.
The Torajans are an ethnic group indigenous to a mountainous region of South Sulawesi, Indonesia. Their population is approximately 1,100,000, of whom 450,000 live in the regency of Tana Toraja ("Land of Toraja").[1] Most of the population is Christian, and others are Muslim or have local animist beliefs known as aluk ("the way"). The Indonesian government has recognised this animistic belief as Aluk To Dolo ("Way of the Ancestors").
The word Toraja comes from the Buginese language term to riaja, meaning "people of the uplands". The Dutch colonial government named the people Toraja in 1909. Torajans are renowned for their elaborate funeral rites, burial sites carved into rocky cliffs, massive peaked-roof traditional houses known as tongkonan, and colourful wood carvings. Toraja funeral rites are important social events, usually attended by hundreds of people and lasting for several days.
Before the 20th century, Torajans lived in autonomous villages, where they practised animism and were relatively untouched by the outside world. In the early 1900s, Dutch missionaries first worked to convert Torajan highlanders to Christianity. When the Tana Toraja regency was further opened to the outside world in the 1970s, it became an icon of tourism in Indonesia: it was exploited by tourism development and studied by anthropologists. By the 1990s, when tourism peaked, Toraja society had changed significantly, from an agrarian model—in which social life and customs were outgrowths of the Aluk To Dolo—to a largely Christian society. Today, tourism and remittances from migrant Torajans have made for major changes in the Toraja highland, giving the Toraja a celebrity status within Indonesia and enhancing Toraja ethnic group pride.
ETHNIC IDENTITY
The Torajan people had little notion of themselves as a distinct ethnic group before the 20th century. Before Dutch colonisation and Christianisation, Torajans, who lived in highland areas, identified with their villages and did not share a broad sense of identity. Although complexes of rituals created linkages between highland villages, there were variations in dialects, differences in social hierarchies, and an array of ritual practices in the Sulawesi highland region. "Toraja" (from the coastal languages' to, meaning people; and riaja, uplands) was first used as a lowlander expression for highlanders. As a result, "Toraja" initially had more currency with outsiders—such as the Bugis and Makassarese, who constitute a majority of the lowland of Sulawesi—than with insiders. The Dutch missionaries' presence in the highlands gave rise to the Toraja ethnic consciousness in the Sa'dan Toraja region, and this shared identity grew with the rise of tourism in the Tana Toraja Regency. Since then, South Sulawesi has four main ethnic groups—the Bugis (the majority, including shipbuilders and seafarers), the Makassarese (lowland traders and seafarers), the Mandarese (traders and fishermen), and the Toraja (highland rice cultivators).
HISTORY
From the 17th century, the Dutch established trade and political control on Sulawesi through the Dutch East Indies Company. Over two centuries, they ignored the mountainous area in the central Sulawesi, where Torajans lived, because access was difficult and it had little productive agricultural land. In the late 19th century, the Dutch became increasingly concerned about the spread of Islam in the south of Sulawesi, especially among the Makassarese and Bugis peoples. The Dutch saw the animist highlanders as potential Christians. In the 1920s, the Reformed Missionary Alliance of the Dutch Reformed Church began missionary work aided by the Dutch colonial government. In addition to introducing Christianity, the Dutch abolished slavery and imposed local taxes. A line was drawn around the Sa'dan area and called Tana Toraja ("the land of Toraja"). Tana Toraja was first a subdivision of the Luwu kingdom that had claimed the area. In 1946, the Dutch granted Tana Toraja a regentschap, and it was recognised in 1957 as one of the regencies of Indonesia.
Early Dutch missionaries faced strong opposition among Torajans, especially among the elite, because the abolition of their profitable slave trade had angered them. Some Torajans were forcibly relocated to the lowlands by the Dutch, where they could be more easily controlled. Taxes were kept high, undermining the wealth of the elites. Ultimately, the Dutch influence did not subdue Torajan culture, and only a few Torajans were converted. In 1950, only 10% of the population had converted to Christianity.
In the 1930s, Muslim lowlanders attacked the Torajans, resulting in widespread Christian conversion among those who sought to align themselves with the Dutch for political protection and to form a movement against the Bugis and Makassarese Muslims. Between 1951 and 1965 (following Indonesian independence), southern Sulawesi faced a turbulent period as the Darul Islam separatist movement fought for an Islamic state in Sulawesi. The 15 years of guerrilla warfare led to massive conversions to Christianity.
Alignment with the Indonesian government, however, did not guarantee safety for the Torajans. In 1965, a presidential decree required every Indonesian citizen to belong to one of five officially recognised religions: Islam, Christianity (Protestantism and Catholicism), Hinduism, or Buddhism. The Torajan religious belief (aluk) was not legally recognised, and the Torajans raised their voices against the law. To make aluk accord with the law, it had to be accepted as part of one of the official religions. In 1969, Aluk To Dolo ("the way of ancestors") was legalised as a sect of Agama Hindu Dharma, the official name of Hinduism in Indonesia.
SOCIETY
There are three main types of affiliation in Toraja society: family, class and religion.
FAMILY AFFILIATION
Family is the primary social and political grouping in Torajan society. Each village is one extended family, the seat of which is the tongkonan, a traditional Torajan house. Each tongkonan has a name, which becomes the name of the village. The familial dons maintain village unity. Marriage between distant cousins (fourth cousins and beyond) is a common practice that strengthens kinship. Toraja society prohibits marriage between close cousins (up to and including the third cousin)—except for nobles, to prevent the dispersal of property. Kinship is actively reciprocal, meaning that the extended family helps each other farm, share buffalo rituals, and pay off debts.
Each person belongs to both the mother's and the father's families, the only bilateral family line in Indonesia. Children, therefore, inherit household affiliation from both mother and father, including land and even family debts. Children's names are given on the basis of kinship, and are usually chosen after dead relatives. Names of aunts, uncles and cousins are commonly referred to in the names of mothers, fathers and siblings.
Before the start of the formal administration of Toraja villages by the Tana Toraja Regency, each Toraja village was autonomous. In a more complex situation, in which one Toraja family could not handle their problems alone, several villages formed a group; sometimes, villages would unite against other villages. Relationship between families was expressed through blood, marriage, and shared ancestral houses (tongkonan), practically signed by the exchange of water buffalo and pigs on ritual occasions. Such exchanges not only built political and cultural ties between families but defined each person's place in a social hierarchy: who poured palm wine, who wrapped a corpse and prepared offerings, where each person could or could not sit, what dishes should be used or avoided, and even what piece of meat constituted one's share.
CLASS AFFILIATION
In early Toraja society, family relationships were tied closely to social class. There were three strata: nobles, commoners, and slaves (slavery was abolished in 1909 by the Dutch East Indies government). Class was inherited through the mother. It was taboo, therefore, to marry "down" with a woman of lower class. On the other hand, marrying a woman of higher class could improve the status of the next generation. The nobility's condescending attitude toward the commoners is still maintained today for reasons of family prestige.
Nobles, who were believed to be direct descendants of the descended person from heaven, lived in tongkonans, while commoners lived in less lavish houses (bamboo shacks called banua). Slaves lived in small huts, which had to be built around their owner's tongkonan. Commoners might marry anyone, but nobles preferred to marry in-family to maintain their status. Sometimes nobles married Bugis or Makassarese nobles. Commoners and slaves were prohibited from having death feasts. Despite close kinship and status inheritance, there was some social mobility, as marriage or change in wealth could affect an individuals status. Wealth was counted by the ownership of water buffaloes.
Slaves in Toraja society were family property. Sometimes Torajans decided to become slaves when they incurred a debt, pledging to work as payment. Slaves could be taken during wars, and slave trading was common. Slaves could buy their freedom, but their children still inherited slave status. Slaves were prohibited from wearing bronze or gold, carving their houses, eating from the same dishes as their owners, or having sex with free women—a crime punishable by death.
RELIGIOUS AFFILATION
Toraja's indigenous belief system is polytheistic animism, called aluk, or "the way" (sometimes translated as "the law"). In the Toraja myth, the ancestors of Torajan people came down from heaven using stairs, which were then used by the Torajans as a communication medium with Puang Matua, the Creator. The cosmos, according to aluk, is divided into the upper world (heaven), the world of man (earth), and the underworld. At first, heaven and earth were married, then there was a darkness, a separation, and finally the light. Animals live in the underworld, which is represented by rectangular space enclosed by pillars, the earth is for mankind, and the heaven world is located above, covered with a saddle-shaped roof. Other Toraja gods include Pong Banggai di Rante (god of Earth), Indo' Ongon-Ongon (a goddess who can cause earthquakes), Pong Lalondong (god of death), and Indo' Belo Tumbang (goddess of medicine); there are many more.
The earthly authority, whose words and actions should be cleaved to both in life (agriculture) and death (funerals), is called to minaa (an aluk priest). Aluk is not just a belief system; it is a combination of law, religion, and habit. Aluk governs social life, agricultural practices, and ancestral rituals. The details of aluk may vary from one village to another. One common law is the requirement that death and life rituals be separated. Torajans believe that performing death rituals might ruin their corpses if combined with life rituals. The two rituals are equally important. During the time of the Dutch missionaries, Christian Torajans were prohibited from attending or performing life rituals, but were allowed to perform death rituals. Consequently, Toraja's death rituals are still practised today, while life rituals have diminished.
CULTURE
TONGKONAN
Tongkonan are the traditional Torajan ancestral houses. They stand high on wooden piles, topped with a layered split-bamboo roof shaped in a sweeping curved arc, and they are incised with red, black, and yellow detailed wood carvings on the exterior walls. The word "tongkonan" comes from the Torajan tongkon ("to sit").
Tongkonan are the center of Torajan social life. The rituals associated with the tongkonan are important expressions of Torajan spiritual life, and therefore all family members are impelled to participate, because symbolically the tongkonan represents links to their ancestors and to living and future kin. According to Torajan myth, the first tongkonan was built in heaven on four poles, with a roof made of Indian cloth. When the first Torajan ancestor descended to earth, he imitated the house and held a large ceremony.
The construction of a tongkonan is laborious work and is usually done with the help of the extended family. There are three types of tongkonan. The tongkonan layuk is the house of the highest authority, used as the "center of government". The tongkonan pekamberan belongs to the family members who have some authority in local traditions. Ordinary family members reside in the tongkonan batu. The exclusivity to the nobility of the tongkonan is diminishing as many Torajan commoners find lucrative employment in other parts of Indonesia. As they send back money to their families, they enable the construction of larger tongkonan.
Architecture in the style of a tongkonan is still very common. Various administration buildings were built in this style in recent years, e.g. the Kecamatan building in Rantepao.
WOOD CARVINGS
To express social and religious concepts, Torajans carve wood, calling it Pa'ssura (or "the writing"). Wood carvings are therefore Toraja's cultural manifestation.
Each carving receives a special name, and common motifs are animals and plants that symbolise some virtue. For example, water plants and animals, such as crabs, tadpoles and water weeds, are commonly found to symbolise fertility. In some areas noble elders claim these symbols refer to strength of noble family, but not everyone agrees. The overall meaning of groups of carved motifs on houses remains debated and tourism has further complicated these debates because some feel a uniform explanation must be presented to tourists. Torajan wood carvings are composed of numerous square panels, each of which can represent various things, for example buffaloes as a wish of wealth for the family; a knot and a box, symbolizing the hope that all of the family's offspring will be happy and live in harmony; aquatic animals, indicating the need for fast and hard work, just like moving on the surface of water.
Regularity and order are common features in Toraja wood carving (see table below), as well as abstracts and geometrical designs. Nature is frequently used as the basis of Toraja's ornaments, because nature is full of abstractions and geometries with regularities and ordering. Toraja's ornaments have been studied in ethnomathematics to reveal their mathematical structure, but Torajans base this art only on approximations. To create an ornament, bamboo sticks are used as a geometrical tool.
FUNERAL RITES
In Toraja society, the funeral ritual is the most elaborate and expensive event. The richer and more powerful the individual, the more expensive is the funeral. In the aluk religion, only nobles have the right to have an extensive death feast. The death feast of a nobleman is usually attended by thousands and lasts for several days. A ceremonial site, called rante, is usually prepared in a large, grassy field where shelters for audiences, rice barns, and other ceremonial funeral structures are specially made by the deceased's family. Flute music, funeral chants, songs and poems, and crying and wailing are traditional Toraja expressions of grief with the exceptions of funerals for young children, and poor, low-status adults.
The ceremony is often held weeks, months, or years after the death so that the deceased's family can raise the significant funds needed to cover funeral expenses. Torajans traditionally believe that death is not a sudden, abrupt event, but a gradual process toward Puya (the land of souls, or afterlife). During the waiting period, the body of the deceased is wrapped in several layers of cloth and kept under the tongkonan. The soul of the deceased is thought to linger around the village until the funeral ceremony is completed, after which it begins its journey to Puya.
Another component of the ritual is the slaughter of water buffalo. The more powerful the person who died, the more buffalo are slaughtered at the death feast. Buffalo carcasses, including their heads, are usually lined up on a field waiting for their owner, who is in the "sleeping stage". Torajans believe that the deceased will need the buffalo to make the journey and that they will be quicker to arrive at Puya if they have many buffalo. Slaughtering tens of water buffalo and hundreds of pigs using a machete is the climax of the elaborate death feast, with dancing and music and young boys who catch spurting blood in long bamboo tubes. Some of the slaughtered animals are given by guests as "gifts", which are carefully noted because they will be considered debts of the deceased's family. However, a cockfight, known as bulangan londong, is an integral part of the ceremony. As with the sacrifice of the buffalo and the pigs, the cockfight is considered sacred because it involves the spilling of blood on the earth. In particular, the tradition requires the sacrifice of at least three chickens. However, it is common for at least 25 pairs of chickens to be set against each other in the context of the ceremony.
There are three methods of burial: the coffin may be laid in a cave or in a carved stone grave, or hung on a cliff. It contains any possessions that the deceased will need in the afterlife. The wealthy are often buried in a stone grave carved out of a rocky cliff. The grave is usually expensive and takes a few months to complete. In some areas, a stone cave may be found that is large enough to accommodate a whole family. A wood-carved effigy, called Tau tau, is usually placed in the cave looking out over the land. The coffin of a baby or child may be hung from ropes on a cliff face or from a tree. This hanging grave usually lasts for years, until the ropes rot and the coffin falls to the ground.
In the ritual called Ma'Nene, that takes place each year in August, the bodies of the deceased are exhumed to be washed, groomed and dressed in new clothes. The mummies are then walked around the village.
DANNCE AND MUSIC
Torajans perform dances on several occasions, most often during their elaborate funeral ceremonies. They dance to express their grief, and to honour and even cheer the deceased person because he is going to have a long journey in the afterlife. First, a group of men form a circle and sing a monotonous chant throughout the night to honour the deceased (a ritual called Ma'badong). This is considered by many Torajans to be the most important component of the funeral ceremony. On the second funeral day, the Ma'randing warrior dance is performed to praise the courage of the deceased during life. Several men perform the dance with a sword, a large shield made from buffalo skin, a helmet with a buffalo horn, and other ornamentation. The Ma'randing dance precedes a procession in which the deceased is carried from a rice barn to the rante, the site of the funeral ceremony. During the funeral, elder women perform the Ma'katia dance while singing a poetic song and wearing a long feathered costume. The Ma'akatia dance is performed to remind the audience of the generosity and loyalty of the deceased person. After the bloody ceremony of buffalo and pig slaughter, a group of boys and girls clap their hands while performing a cheerful dance called Ma'dondan.
As in other agricultural societies, Torajans dance and sing during harvest time. The Ma'bugi dance celebrates the thanksgiving event, and the Ma'gandangi dance is performed while Torajans are pounding rice. There are several war dances, such as the Manimbong dance performed by men, followed by the Ma'dandan dance performed by women. The aluk religion governs when and how Torajans dance. A dance called Ma'bua can be performed only once every 12 years. Ma'bua is a major Toraja ceremony in which priests wear a buffalo head and dance around a sacred tree.
A traditional musical instrument of the Toraja is a bamboo flute called a Pa'suling (suling is an Indonesian word for flute). This six-holed flute (not unique to the Toraja) is played at many dances, such as the thanksgiving dance Ma'bondensan, where the flute accompanies a group of shirtless, dancing men with long fingernails. The Toraja have indigenous musical instruments, such as the Pa'pelle (made from palm leaves) and the Pa'karombi (the Torajan version of a jaw harp). The Pa'pelle is played during harvest time and at house inauguration ceremonies.
COGENDER VIEWS
Among the Saʼadan (eastern Toraja) in the island of Sulawesi (Celebes), Indonesia, there are homosexual male toburake tambolang shamans; although among their neighbors the Mamasa (western Toraja) there are instead only heterosexual female toburake shamanesses.
LANGUAGE
The ethnic Toraja language is dominant in Tana Toraja with the main language as the Sa'dan Toraja. Although the national Indonesian language is the official language and is spoken in the community, all elementary schools in Tana Toraja teach Toraja language.
Language varieties of Toraja, including Kalumpang, Mamasa, Tae, Talondo, Toala, and Toraja-Sa'dan, belong to the Malayo-Polynesian language from the Austronesian family. At the outset, the isolated geographical nature of Tana Toraja formed many dialects between the Toraja languages themselves. After the formal administration of Tana Toraja, some Toraja dialects have been influenced by other languages through the transmigration program, introduced since the colonialism period, and it has been a major factor in the linguistic variety of Toraja languages.
A prominent attribute of Toraja language is the notion of grief. The importance of death ceremony in Toraja culture has characterised their languages to express intricate degrees of grief and mourning. The Toraja language contains many terms referring to sadness, longing, depression, and mental pain. Giving a clear expression of the psychological and physical effect of loss is a catharsis and sometimes lessens the pain of grief itself.
ECONOMY
Prior to Suharto's "New Order" administration, the Torajan economy was based on agriculture, with cultivated wet rice in terraced fields on mountain slopes, and supplemental cassava and maize crops. Much time and energy were devoted to raising water buffalo, pigs, and chickens, primarily for ceremonial sacrifices and consumption. Coffee was the first significant cash crop produced in Toraja, and was introduced in the mid 19th century, changing the local economy towards commodity production for external markets and gaining an excellent reputation for quality in the international market.
With the commencement of the New Order in 1965, Indonesia's economy developed and opened to foreign investment. In Toraja, a coffee plantation and factory was established by Key Coffee of Japan, and Torajan coffee regained a reputation for quality within the growing international specialty coffee sector Multinational oil and mining companies opened new operations in Indonesia during the 1970s and 1980s. Torajans, particularly younger ones, relocated to work for the foreign companies—to Kalimantan for timber and oil, to Papua for mining, to the cities of Sulawesi and Java, and many went to Malaysia. The out-migration of Torajans was steady until 1985. and has continued since, with remittances sent back by emigre Torajans performing an important role within the contemporary economy.
Tourism commenced in Toraja in the 1970s, and accelerated in the 1980s and 1990s. Between 1984 and 1997, a significant number of Torajans obtained their incomes from tourism, working in and owning hotels, as tour guides, drivers, or selling souvenirs. With the rise of political and economic instability in Indonesia in the late 1990s—including religious conflicts elsewhere on Sulawesi—tourism in Tana Toraja has declined dramatically. Toraja continues to be a well known origin for Indonesian coffee, grown by both smallholders and plantation estates, although migration, remittances and off-farm income is considered far more important to most households, even those in rural areas.
TOURISM AND CULTURAL CHANGE
Before the 1970s, Toraja was almost unknown to Western tourism. In 1971, about 50 Europeans visited Tana Toraja. In 1972, at least 400 visitors attended the funeral ritual of Puang of Sangalla, the highest-ranking nobleman in Tana Toraja and the so-called "last pure-blooded Toraja noble." The event was documented by National Geographic and broadcast in several European countries. In 1976, about 12,000 tourists visited the regency and in 1981, Torajan sculpture was exhibited in major North American museums. "The land of the heavenly kings of Tana Toraja", as written in the exhibition brochure, embraced the outside world.
In 1984, the Indonesian Ministry of Tourism declared Tana Toraja Regency the prima donna of South Sulawesi. Tana Toraja was heralded as "the second stop after Bali". Tourism was increasing dramatically: by 1985, a total number of 150,000 foreigners had visited the Regency (in addition to 80,000 domestic tourists), and the annual number of foreign visitors was recorded at 40,000 in 1989. Souvenir stands appeared in Rantepao, the cultural center of Toraja, roads were sealed at the most-visited tourist sites, new hotels and tourist-oriented restaurants were opened, and an airstrip was opened in the Regency in 1981.
Tourism developers have marketed Tana Toraja as an exotic adventure—an area rich in culture and off the beaten track. Western tourists expected to see stone-age villages and pagan funerals. Toraja is for tourists who have gone as far as Bali and are willing to see more of the wild, "untouched" islands. However, they were more likely to see a Torajan wearing a hat and denim, living in a Christian society. Tourists felt that the tongkonan and other Torajan rituals had been preconceived to make profits, and complained that the destination was too commercialised. This has resulted in several clashes between Torajans and tourism developers, whom Torajans see as outsiders.
A clash between local Torajan leaders and the South Sulawesi provincial government (as a tourist developer) broke out in 1985. The government designated 18 Toraja villages and burial sites as traditional tourist attractions. Consequently, zoning restrictions were applied to these areas, such that Torajans themselves were barred from changing their tongkonans and burial sites. The plan was opposed by some Torajan leaders, as they felt that their rituals and traditions were being determined by outsiders. As a result, in 1987, the Torajan village of Kété Kesú and several other designated tourist attractions closed their doors to tourists. This closure lasted only a few days, as the villagers found it too difficult to survive without the income from selling souvenirs.
Tourism has also transformed Toraja society. Originally, there was a ritual which allowed commoners to marry nobles (puang) and thereby gain nobility for their children. However, the image of Torajan society created for the tourists, often by "lower-ranking" guides, has eroded its traditional strict hierarchy. High status is not as esteemed in Tana Toraja as it once was. Many low-ranking men can declare themselves and their children nobles by gaining enough wealth through work outside the region and then marrying a noble woman.
WIKIPEDIA
Given the All Black theme of the camera, I opted for black black black for my gordy strap. I also opted for the neckpad (not that the camera is heavy, just that I plan to carry it a lot) and the bumpers.
I was one of a handful of local photographers given access to the old Temple Works warehouse in Holbeck a few weeks ago (i've only just now had chance to process them).
The building was originally built as a flax mill for John Marshall, founder of the Leeds flax industry and an entrepreneur of the industrial revolution.
It was designed by egyptologist and architect Joseph Bonomi Jun to be a direct copy of the Temple of Horus at Edfu, Egypt.
As temperature and humidity were very important to the flax industry, the building had a quirky way of maintaining that - the roof was covered in earth and grass, where they had sheep to keep the grass length down! The roof it also full of glass domes flooding the inside with light.
More recently, until a couple of years ago the site was used by Kays Catalogue as an order fulfillment warehouse, but since then has been left dormant and started to decay.
The site is now undergoing a major redevelopment to turn it into an art space - this was the last chance to document it's current state before the builders move in.
Wolf Pack Invite 09/27/08
River Walk Park - Bakersfield, CA, Wednesday, September 27, 2008
www.andynoise.com/wolfpack08.html
Chris Schwartz (Foothill) won the varsity boys race in 16:18. McFarland took the team title. McFarland also won the boys frosh/soph and jv team races. medals were given out to the top 15 runners.
Varsity Boys Team Results
1 MCFA McFarland 25
2 PADA Palmdale 95
3 RIDG Ridgeview 118
4 SHAF Shafter 130
5 BAEA East Bakersfield 142
6 BAKE Bakersfield 174
7 WASC Wasco 176
8 STOC Stockdale 210
9 FTHL Foothill 233
10 GARC Garces Memorial 254
11 ARVI Arvin 321
12 NORT North 324
13 Fron Frontier 345
14 SOUT South 404
15 BACH Bakersfield Christian 423
16 WSTB West Bakersfield 461
TFCC Taft INC
1. 16:18 179 179 Chris Schwartz Sr M FTHL 1
2. 16:29 292 292 Cisneros Alfonso Sr M MCFA 2
3. 16:38 450 450 Robby Baker Jr M RIDG 3
4. 16:44 297 297 Marco Perez So M MCFA 4
5. 16:48 293 293 Eduardo Bautista Jr M MCFA 5
6. 16:51 294 294 Marco Camargo Jr M MCFA 6
7. 16:54 451 451 Alex Garcia Jr M RIDG 7
8. 16:56 291 291 Gerardo Alcala Sr M MCFA 8
9. 16:58 295 295 Eddie Garcia Sr M MCFA 9
10. 17:04 296 296 Francisco Nava So M MCFA 10
11. 17:05 483 483 Joshua Wittenberg Sr M SHAF 11
12. 17:10 402 402 Adrian Ramos Jr M PADA 12
13. 17:16 400 400 Victor Hernandez Sr M PADA 13
14. 17:19 72 72 Andrew Ariey Sr M BAKE 14
15. 17:20 403 403 Daniel Ramos Jr M PADA 15
Elizabeth Wittenberg (Shafter) won the girls varsity race in 20:10. The Ridgeview varsity girls won the team title. Palmdale won the jv race and McFarland won the frosh/soph team title.
Varsity Girls Team Results
1 RIDG Ridgeview 45
2 SHAF Shafter 73
3 PADA Palmdale 94
4 NORT North 95
5 STOC Stockdale 124
6 FTHL Foothill 142
7 BAKE Bakersfield 142
8 GARC Garces Memorial 189
9 Fron Frontier 243
10 SOUT South 278
BAEA East Bakersfield INC
ARVI Arvin INC
WASC Wasco INC
TFCC Taft INC
WSTB West Bakersfield INC
BACH Bakersfield Christian INC
1. 20:10 464 464 Elizabeth Wittenberg Sr F SHAF
2. 21:04 430 430 Tijerra Lynch So F RIDG
3. 21:07 369 369 Merino Jennifer Sr F PADA
4. 21:10 428 428 Jessica Huizar Jr F RIDG
5. 21:12 89 89 Lucia Garcia Jr F BAEA
6. 21:17 208 208 Monica Guzman Jr F GARC
7. 21:23 330 330 Cecilia Lopez Sr F NORT
8. 21:33 90 90 Sophia Garcia So F BAEA
9. 21:35 136 136 Natalie Fernandez So F FTHL
10. 21:46 2 2 Tonya Hernandez Jr F ARVI
11. 21:53 624 624 Alejandra Gutierrez Sr F WASC
12. 21:55 372 372 Anaiz Ortiz Sr F PADA
13. 21:56 426 426 Ashley Duran Sr F RIDG
14. 22:05 459 459 Lindsee Handel So F SHAF
15. 22:12 45 45 Gabrielle Lerma So F BAKE
JV Boys Results
1 MCFA McFarland 29
2 RIDG Ridgeview 72
3 BAEA East Bakersfield 105
4 PADA Palmdale 118
5 SOUT South 150
6 Fron Frontier 160
7 WASC Wasco 161
8 STOC Stockdale 169
9 FTHL Foothill 237
10 GARC Garces Memorial 246
11 MiMo Mira Monte 278
12 BAKE Bakersfield 341
SHAF Shafter INC
TFCC Taft INC
ARVI Arvin INC
NORT North INC
1. 11:06 284 284 Bryan Calvo Sr M MCFA
2. 11:23 290 290 Pedro Sanchez Jr M MCFA
3. 11:34 661 661 Eric Sanchez Jr M WASC
4. 11:34 100 100 felix Trevino So M BAEA
5. 11:36 277 277 Bernardo Garcia Fr M MCFA
6. 11:39 440 440 Ernesto Castillo Jr M RIDG
7. 11:45 476 476 Matt Yanez Jr M SHAF
8. 11:46 439 439 Michael Anseno Sr M RIDG
9. 11:47 98 98 Marc Sotello Jr M BAEA
10. 11:47 474 474 Elias Picazo Sr M SHAF
11. 11:49 288 288 Adam Marquez Fr M MCFA
12. 11:50 394 394 Ramirez Miguel Jr M PADA
13. 11:50 393 393 Nicholas Mayo Jr M PADA
14. 11:53 276 276 Ismael Bautista Fr M MCFA
15. 12:00 101 101 Esteban Vargas Sr M BAEA
JV Girls Results
1 PADA Palmdale 27
2 STOC Stockdale 51
3 RIDG Ridgeview 66
4 MiMo Mira Monte 100
SOUT South INC
BAKE Bakersfield INC
FTHL Foothill INC
NORT North INC
GARC Garces Memorial INC
1. 14:45 494 494 Claudia Cuevas Sr F SOUT
2. 15:05 420 420 Natalia Motta Sr F RIDG
3. 15:12 528 528 Amber Crabtree Sr F STOC
4. 15:28 351 351 Amy Diaz Sr F PADA
5. 15:33 360 360 Lizet Onofre Jr F PADA
6. 15:41 364 364 Crystal Schachter Jr F PADA
7. 15:48 531 531 Shelby Pinkham Jr F STOC
8. 15:51 41 41 Felisa Torres Sr F BAKE
9. 15:52 118 118 Lucia Garcia Jr F FTHL
10. 15:54 362 362 Karina Ortega Jr F PADA
11. 15:54 328 328 Aubree Mossburg Jr F NORT
12. 16:04 365 365 Michelle Silva Jr F PADA
13. 16:06 367 367 Zaria Zambrano Jr F PADA
14. 16:07 525 525 Justine Benavidez Sr F STOC
15. 16:19 128 128 Nancy Tenorio Sr F FTHL
Frosh/Soph Boys
1 MCFA McFarland 25
2 WASC Wasco 66
3 FTHL Foothill 95
4 STOC Stockdale 114
5 RIDG Ridgeview 121
6 PADA Palmdale 139
7 SHAF Shafter 174
8 Inde Independence 183
9 TFCC Taft 254
10 BAKE Bakersfield 287
11 RFKH RFKH 312
12 GARC Garces Memorial 313
13 ARVI Arvin 337
14 MiMo Mira Monte 383
SOUT South INC
Error 2042 #N/A INC
1. 10:53 666 666 Jorge Zuniga Fr M WASC
2. 10:55 282 282 Chavez Ryan Fr M MCFA
3. 11:12 275 275 Sergio Avelar Fr M MCFA
4. 11:25 638 638 Eddie Aguilar So M WASC
5. 11:26 280 280 Leo Perez Fr M MCFA
6. 11:26 278 278 Jose Monrreal Fr M MCFA
7. 11:36 177 177 Genaro Quintanar Fr M FTHL
8. 11:38 541 541 Alex Eckley Fr M STOC
9. 11:39 279 279 Gonzalo Mulato Fr M MCFA
10. 11:40 252 252 Dwayne Facho So M Inde
11. 11:41 434 434 Brandon Magno Fr M RIDG
12. 11:42 383 383 Corey Nieto Fr M PADA
13. 11:48 543 543 Abraham Mayorga So M STOC
14. 11:49 467 467 Pablo Mendez Fr M SHAF
15. 11:50 650 650 Asencion Mendoza Sr M WASC
Frosh/Soph Girls
1 MCFA McFarland 43
2 Inde Independence 51
3 STOC Stockdale 73
4 FTHL Foothill 101
5 TFCC Taft 121
6 RIDG Ridgeview 139
7 RFKH RFKH 173
8 WASC Wasco 180
SOUT South INC
BAEA East Bakersfield INC
NORT North INC
BAKE Bakersfield INC
GARC Garces Memorial INC
1. 14:02 267 267 Corina Garcia So F MCFA
2. 14:02.6 270 270 Kathy Torres Fr F MCFA
3. 14:09 266 266 Olivia Ayon Fr F MCFA
4. 14:09 586 586 Daisy Guitron Fr F TFCC
5. 14:16 522 522 Madison Schutzner Fr F STOC
6. 14:23 484 484 Natalie Espinoza So F SOUT
7. 14:37 248 248 Sara Sullivan Fr F Inde
8. 14:37 110 110 Erica Castro So F FTHL
9. 14:44 237 237 Natalie Ambriz So F Inde
10. 14:46 93 93 Mayra Ponce So F BAEA
11. 14:50 244 244 Acacia Ingram So F Inde
12. 14:58 523 523 Victoria Valos So F STOC
13. 15:00 268 268 Liset Perezchica Fr F MCFA
14. 15:03 249 249 Katelynn Webb Fr F Inde
15. 15:20 135 135 Mari Escuedero So F FTHL
2007 Mattel USA Catalog. This was a catalog given to store managers, a vendor catalog, with manufacturing numbers so store managers could order items to then sell in their stores. All items in this catalog should have a packaging date of 2006, the date on the Barbie box or fashion pack should be 2006. Remember these are like "production", "press", or "prototype" information so the actual dolls and fashions sold in store might be slightly different have different colors, etc. This is especially true for the cheaper items and playsets. special editions and store exclusives may not be listed here. Items in this catalog include Barbie as Princess Rosella from DVD movie Barbie as The Island Princess, item number K8103 and K8104, K9268 Assortment number L3131. Princess Luciana item number K8105, K8106, L3130, Ken as Prince Antonio K8107, K8108. Barbie Royal Princess assortment number L2582 and item numbers L2583, L2584, L2585. Fairytopia Rainbow Adventure Elina K8130, K8131. Barbie I Can Be A Ballet Teacher item number K8627, Barbie I Can Be Cake Baker item number K8627, K8626, K8629, assortment number K8625, Horse Tawny, Gymnastic Divas, Barbie I Can be Pet Sitter, Baby Photographer Art Teacher, Barbie Beach Glam, Barbie Fashion Fever K8495, K8496, K8497, K8494, K8471, K8472, K8473, K8474, K8475, K8476, K8477, K8478, K8463, K8462, K8465, K8467, K8464, K8466, K8504, K8503, K8505, K8506, K8507, L0863, L0866, L0867, L0868, L0869, Fashion Fever Hillary Duff Dolls and Fashion Packs
9
I have given this some thought over the years; what distinguishes a neck corset from a collar? For me, a collar has limited adjustment using buckles or locks, etc. A neck corset has infinite adjustment through laces.
Obviously, tight-lacing a neck corset could be deleterious to the wearer, but they can certinaly be utilised to immobilise the wearer's head and to restrict breathing. There are a few photos out there of a girl I knew as Gina, who intentionally wore a neck corset so tight that she could barely breathe, the veins in her forehead stood out, and she couldn't swallow.
Neck corsets could be used to give the appearance of a stretched neck by pushing the collar bones down and the chin up. I have never worn a neck corset, but I am guessing that a neck corset that tall will be highly restrictive.
This Northern Mockingbird is one we often see at the Marsh toward the northern end--apparent territory claimed. We have come to learn that whenever approaching that area of the wildlife park, we would need to take everything with a grain of salt, regarding the sounds of different birds, for this one, like all Mockingbirds, is a master of imitating other sounds. Not being too shy, we can often get a nice look at the critter, and on this day, the setting was absolutely perfect for a nice wildlife and landscape shot . . .
Mill Creek Marsh, with its vast array of wildlife, never ceases to amaze visitors of nature’s wonders, right here in the great metropolis. Seasonal changes always keep things interesting and fresh, with the wide range of migratory birds, furry critters, reptiles, insects, and flowers plus other plants appearing at different times of the year.
What makes the central landscape so unique is the fact that it was once a thriving white cedar forest centuries ago, only to be altered by man, but leaving the resilient stumps, hauntingly protruding from the marsh waters, while dramatically altering the scenery depending on the tide level and weather conditions. It is one of the most fascinating landscapes for photographers and nature enthusiasts. Magic hour—early in the morning or later in the day—is simply magnificent here, and the views toward any direction are unlike anything else. The lower tide stumps and the overall landscape is enhanced with the rich tones during those periods.
The main circuit trail is slightly over a mile in length, and the view of the aforementioned is always present. In addition, the New York City skyscrapers to the east can also be quite rewarding, with varying moods at any given time.
Check out some of the SETS related to the Meadowlands, including Mill Creek Marsh, Richard DeKorte Park, Mill Creek Point, and Laurel Hill Park.
CHECK OUT OUR OTHER ALBUMS FOR SOME GREAT LOCALES AND SUBJECTS . . .
This silver and wood plaque was given to me by two very dear friends Dina and Reza when they returned from Italy. I will treasure this and their friendship forever. I have this on my mantel among my Christmas decorations.
The two cherubs are from the painting called The Sistine Madonna was painted by Raphael / Raffael (Raffaello Santi / Raffaello Sanzio 1483 -1520/21 and is on an altar in the Benedictine monastery church of San Sisto, the holy Sistine, in Piacenza northern Italy.
Given the resurgence of photos diverted in my stream, erotic photos will no longer be available to the public, as of this day.
Thanks for your understanding...
Jim P.
(devant la recrudescence de photos détournées dans mon stream, les photos érotiques ne seront plus accessibles au public, à compter de ce jour.
Merci pour votre compréhension...
Jim P.)
GIVEN A MASS OF OLD CROCHET PATTERNS SOME TIME BACK .THESE ARE THE ONES I KEPT,MUST ADMIT I USUALLY MAKE UP MY PATTERNS NOW AS I GO.
Plenty of opportunity here today for using the camera as a means of 'painting a picture', given enough 'where-with-all' to realise the potential when its available and usually, here, this is the case. In this three part panorama/composite, a few folk are about crossing the old 'stepping bridge', some historic detail was given about this here-
www.flickr.com/photos/daohaiku/29082080745/in/
and two of the bridge personnel are at least interested in what's going on and who had waited for the arrival of the RHTT with fortunately, one of the H.N.R.C.'s 'Satsuma' liveried stock, 20314, on the front, whilst the other two crossing back over the bridge, are oblivious. Its a real shame, in these conditions, that the set had been to the 'car wash' and turned up looking pristine but that never happens once the season gets under way, this is only the middle of the third week and so almost another 6 weeks to go! Although DRS had run their own pair of class 20s, 20302 and 20303 for a short while, starting out on October 11th, a poor shot in the dark was taken of them at Carnaby, near the east coast resort of Bridlington, see-
www.flickr.com/photos/daohaiku/48907858018/in/
things went down-hill from there and 20303 was removed to have work undertaken on it and the set then ran with these two, today Harry Needle's 20314, ex-D8117, on the front, with the DRS blue-job, 20302 on the back. The two 'enthusiasts' appear momentarily distracted by what's going happening on the canal bridge, though its just three of us looking and talking enthusiastically about the RHTT passage in its less than pristine state. Behind the 'orange' are the 'blues', the usual set of'"Sandite Units', FEA-B RHTT A Tank Wagons and at the back, a grimy DRS blue 20, 20302, the latter barely recognisable from this view as it appears out of the lineside shrubbery. This is the 3rd section of the RHTT run today and earlier, the working, 3S11 which should have come out of York Thrall at 04:15, arriving in Sheffield at 06:36, was cancelled due to- 'This service was cancelled due to a request by the train operator (FL)...' and hence the following working back north, 3S12, also had to be cancelled, both of these being replaced by a V.S.T.P., 3J12, at 07:45 which left York Thrall at 07:45 but now bound for Woodburn Junction; missing out Sheffield completely on this day. The VSTP service at the later time to Woodburn, then ran on its usual eastern jaunt, 3S13, to Gainsborough Central, arriving back at Woodburn at 11:18, in preparation for this working, 3S14, at 11:29 to Hull and from the re, on the 3S15, back to York Thrall Europa, arriving at 19:03. ONe assumes that the 1st working of the day, 3S11, from York to Sheffield, didn't run due to problems with the other DRS blue class 20, 20303 and this had to be substituted for the HNRC unit, 20314.. What a day!
Given the sad news of the passing of the Queen it seems a good time to post this. They do an amazing job with the landscaping of the palace and the work inside, while not photographable was beautiful and well done.
Given out to the first 300 people to spend $35 on 4/10/10 at the opening of the new store in Garden City, New York.
Full review (including instructions) here
GIVEN A MASS OF OLD CROCHET PATTERNS SOME TIME BACK .THESE ARE THE ONES I KEPT,MUST ADMIT I USUALLY MAKE UP MY PATTERNS NOW AS I GO.
Four miles north of Cirencester, the ancient village of North Cerney occupies the steep valley of the River Churn, the church and the old rectory form an attractive group on the western slope high above the river, while the village cascades down the opposite side beyond the main Cirencester to Cheltenham road. Sheep are allowed to graze in the churchyard in the summertime and can often be seen dozing in the shade of the many table tombs.
All Saints North Cerney is one of the most interesting churches in the Cotswolds, wonderfully furnished at the expense of William Iveson Croome (1891-1967) and full of rare medieval carvings and stained glass. Possibly the third church to have occupied this lofty site, archaeological evidence found when installing a new heating system revealed the foundations of a smaller earlier building. The Saxon origin of these fragmentary remains was given credence when a pre-conquest crucifix, part of an early reredos, was found during further works in the graveyard, now set in the splay of a window in the chancel. A Norman church was built in the 12th century represented by the present nave, the base of the west tower and half the length of the chancel. Liturgical changes in the 13th century increased the role of the chancel in celebration of the Mass and here as elsewhere the chancel was lengthened. The original altar is a rare survival hidden from Reformation iconoclasts under the floor of the Lady chapel and only discovered during alterations in 1912.
Much of the present church rose from the ashes of a fire that caused much damage sometime between 1450 and 1460, the Norman roof was beyond repair and the upper stages of the tower bore the brunt of the flames as they took hold of the building. Indeed the effects of the fire returned to haunt present generations of parishioners as substantial funds had to be raised to stabilise the tower which had begun to crack. After the fire, the rector, William Whitchurch undertook the restoration, rebuilding the north wall with large Perpendicular windows, only the one at the west end survives. A window commemorating Whitchurch was moved when the north transept was built and inserted in its new north wall, a Latin inscription reads "Pray for the soul of William Whitchurch".
Sometime between 1461 and 1465 the Norman south wall was pierced and a Lady Chapel was constructed giving the church a cruciform plan. The chapel can be dated by its east window which includes the Yorkist symbol of the radiant sun. Prominent among the chapel's furnishings are three 15th century carved figures, St Martin cutting his cloak to give half to a beggar, the Virgin Mary and St Urban holding a bunch of grapes, who also wears the tiara usually associated with Urban the Great. A passage squint leads from the west wall of the transept to the nave. The Lady Chapel screen was designed by F.C. Eden and carved by Laurence Turner in 1913, the St George above is by Giorgio Maurus 1920.
Late in the 15th century the north transept was replaced by a chapel dedicated to St Catherine, patron saint of wool merchants. The 16th century altar served the church until the recovery of the medieval mensa in 1912. A vestment press by F.C. Eden occupies the south wall, he also designed the altar frontal and reredos. The east window commemorates the curate who succeeded William Whitchurch and bears the Latin inscription "Pray for the soul of John Bicot", he is seen praying beneath the crucified Christ. However at some stage the stained glass was re leaded with the painted surface outermost and the decoration has suffered as a result. The north transept has a ceiled wagon roof and a curving squint leads to the chancel.
The chancel was lengthened in the 13th century. The altar frontal is made from material woven for Chartres Cathedral before the First World War. The mensa with its consecration crosses is supported on the original medieval stones though a modern frame bears the considerable weight. The attractive reredos is the work of architect F.C. Eden responsible for much of the 20th century work in the church. Robert Broad carved the communion rails from Norway oak in 1736. The stepped east window is by Waller 1878 and bears the legend 'God is Love' and has stained glass by Hardman.
The Perpendicular nave roof has an interesting collection of carved bosses at its eastern end. The roof rests on large carved corbels, those on the north side are thought to depict the reigning monarch Henry VI, William Whitchurch and the Lord of the manor, the Duke of Buckingham with a ducal coronet and moustaches. The church was lit by candles until 25 years ago and several 17th century Flemish brass candelabra survive. Unfortunately the original Queen Anne arms was stolen but the insurance money was used to make a replacement bearing the present Queen's Royal Coat Of Arms. The pulpit of c1480 is ornamented with lilies and was carved from a single block of stone possibly by carvers from Burford, the pedestal is slightly later. The eagle lectern is of similar date and is made of Flemish brass with a Spanish steel pedestal, it was found in the Marine stores at Gloucester docks. Old pew ends have been used to construct a reading desk, one of the panels has an inscription WC 1631, William Cherrington was churchwarden at this time. In 1870 an organ chamber was created in the north wall of the nave, accessed by stairs from the Catherine chapel, part of F.S. Waller & Son's restoration. The organ is richly decorated by Dykes Bower and William Butchart of Westminster Abbey. Above the east end of the nave is a rood loft designed by F.C. Eden and carved by William Smith in the village, using oak from nearby Rendcomb. John and Mary were carved at this time but the central figure of Christ is Italian c1600 found when the churchwarden William Croome fell over its packing case in an antique shop in northern Italy and bought for £10. F.C. Eden designed several stained glass windows including the figure of St Nicholas in the south nave window and the south window of the south chapel which has the arms of the owners of North Cerney House through the ages. The nave has a deep west gallery that obscures the double chamfered C13-C14 tower arch. The 15th century octagonal font has a 18th century cover.
The tower has two lower stages of Norman work with original north and south windows and a clasping north-west buttress of the same date. The west window is 16th century, the bell-stage has west and east windows c1200. The right jamb of the south tower door bears a scratch dial.
The church has a Norman south porch with a carved tympanum, the door is 15th century and has its original closing ring. On the outside of the south wall of the south transept you will find the incised figure of a manticora which has a human head and arms, the body of a lion and a scorpion's tail. Another manticora is carved at the base of the tower apparently the work of the same 'artist'. On the steep slope above the church is a churchyard cross of 14th date, recently restored. On the outside of the tower the roof-line of the original Norman roof is clearly visible. A ring of six bells include four by Abraham Rudhall I, 1714, one by John Rudhall 1820 and a treble by Warner, 1863. Lychgate 1910 by FC Eden.
When given the opportunity to build a new kitchen for the agency, you can rest assured I sieged the opportunity to infuse award winning koolnez. At the very core of the concept was the utilization of industrial shop shelving units in lieu of base cabinets. Various other "shop" component were also used (a tool box for the silverware storage) to complete the vibe.
Yeah, we love it!
LUGNuts' founder Lino Martins has graciously given me permission to replicate his series of automotive illustrations based on various mixed alcoholic drinks.
The third in this series is a Lego -model replication of 'FrankenBerry' - 1984 Oldsmobile Cutlass Supreme.
.
In Lino's own words:
"Here is my final installment of the holy trinity of cars. If you’ve been following my formula (advancing decades and increasingly larger rims) you may have predicted that Franken Berry would go in this direction. This is a 1984 Oldsmobile Cutlass Supreme customized as a Donk. The donk phenomenon originated in the American south amongst the rap and hip hop scene. “Donk” is sort of a blanket term given to cars with outsized rims but depending on car model and decade, these typically full-sized American-made sedans can be categorized as donks, boxes, or bubbles with many other sub-categories as well. This ‘84 Cutlass is an example of a box hi-riser. There is nothing subtle about the candy sparkle pink paint scheme. Massive rims that each borrow design cues from Franken Berry’s eyes also feature strawberries on four of the spokes. Beefy truck axles are required to accommodate such large rims while truck horns configured below the front bumper gives this ride an attitude as big as everything else. While I designed this car myself it is not unheard of to have such graphics along the side. Many real-life donks feature fast food restaurant logos, candy or junk food themes. Donks are the youngest of the three car cultures featured so it makes sense that it represents “The Son” in this Holy Trinity. I truly had a blast drawing this triptych of vehicles and I look forward to drawing other odd pairs or trilogies. I have other artistic projects on the burner right now but if you have suggestions for other pairings for me to draw leave them in the comments. No guarantees, but who knows, maybe they’ll happen. Thanks for reading and liking my work."
Given the popularity of Fodens on the funfair it was inevitable that at least a couple would find their way into my present-day model fleet. This one is a Fleetmaster hand cast in whitemetal by an eBay seller called 'fairchasers' and improved by me; the trailer is a Kentoys plastic model.
Given the bleak history of so many lives lost at sea from the fishing village of Dunmore East, Co. Waterford, I felt the aspect and form of this tree overlooking the harbour, with its limbs outstretched towards Heaven, implied, perhaps, a prayer or entreaty for mercy and courage...
it is dedicated to the families and friends of all who are lost at sea.
Wikipedia says:
Kuntur Wasi (Quechua kuntur condor, wasi house, "condor house") is the name given to the ruins of a religious center with complex architecture and stone sculptures, located in the Andean highlands of Peru.
It is believed the inhabitants had a link with the Chavín culture.
Kuntur Wasi is located in the Northern Mountain Range of Peru, specifically at the headwaters of the Jequetepeque River, in the region of the city of Cajamarca near the small town of San Pablo. The Jequetepeque valley provided a transportation corridor between the coastal region and the highlands.
Kuntur Wasi was a center where people congregated.
It is thought to have been constructed around 1000-700 BCE, during the Initial Period. The architecture consists of a hill-top temple, quadrangular platforms, a sunken courtyard, and series of rooms.
In the floor of one room there is an anthropomorphic figure made of clay, about 30 inches (75 cm) in height. It is painted with cinnabar red, malachite green, and black, yellow, and pink. Its face has big square eyes and a wide mouth with prominent canine teeth. There are also stepped platforms and funeral structures.
Lithosculptures have been found, similar to the Chavín style.
Kuntur Wasi was occupied between the years 1200-50 BC.
It was first discovered in 1945 by Julio C. Tello. In 1989, scientists from the University of Tokyo excavated four tombs at Kuntur Wasi. Valuable items, such as pectoral necklaces (decorative breastplates), gold crowns, ornamental stone beads, earrings, sets of dishes and iconographies of people were discovered in the burial area.
Since the beginning of the University of Tokyo's archaeological mission, eight tombs have been found in the area.
The Kuntur Wasi Museum, managed by local citizens, opened in 1994.
---------------
Según Wikipedia:
Kuntur Wasi es un sitio arqueológico que data del Formativo Inferior, se encuentra ubicado en el centro poblado del mismo nombre, en la provincia de San Pablo, en el departamento de Cajamarca, en el Perú.
En la lengua quechua Kuntur Wasi significa "Casa del Cóndor". Según el arqueológo japonés, Yoshio Onuki, estudioso principal de este sitio arqueológico, Kuntur Wasi es una expresión prechavín pero que posteriormente posee una gran influencia no solo de Chavín sino también de Cupisnique especialmente en la orfebrería y la cerámica.
Kuntur Wasi pasó por los siguientes periodos:
Fase Ídolo: Construcción del centro ceremonial con pisos enlucidos con cal de color blanco. En esta fase hay una cierta relación con Huacaloma y Pacopampa.
Fase Kuntur: Construcción de un nuevo complejo ceremonial en forma de U. Se desarrolla la cerámica fina y la orfebrería.
Fase Copa: Modificación del complejo arquitectónico ceremonial y la renovación del sistema de canales de drenaje.
Fase Sotera: Existe una relación con la Fase Layzón del valle de Cajamarca.
Corresponde a la decadencia de Kuntur Wasi.
Stromboli is a small island in the Tyrrhenian Sea, off the north coast of Sicily, containing one of the three active volcanoes in Italy. It is one of the eight Aeolian Islands, a volcanic arc north of Sicily. This name is derived from the Ancient Greek name Strongulē which was given to it because of its round swelling form. The island's population is between 400 and 850. The volcano has erupted many times and is constantly active with minor eruptions, often visible from many points on the island and from the surrounding sea, giving rise to the island's nickname "Lighthouse of the Mediterranean". The most recent major eruption was on 13 April 2009. Stromboli stands 926 m (3,034 ft) above sea level, and over 2,700 m (8,860 ft) on average above the sea floor.There are three active craters at the peak. A significant geological feature of the volcano is the Sciara del Fuoco ("Stream of fire"), a big horseshoe-shaped depression generated in the last 13,000 years by several collapses on the northwestern side of the cone. Two kilometers to the northeast lies Strombolicchio, the volcanic plug remnant of the original volcano.Mt. Stromboli has been in almost continuous eruption for the past 2,000 years. A pattern of eruption is maintained in which explosions occur at the summit craters, with mild to moderate eruptions of incandescent volcanic bombs, at intervals ranging from minutes to hours. This Strombolian eruption, as it is known, is also observed at other volcanoes worldwide. Eruptions from the summit craters typically result in a few short, mild, but energetic bursts, ranging up to a few hundred meters in height, containing ash, incandescent lava fragments and stone blocks. Mt. Stromboli's activity is almost exclusively explosive, but lava flows do occur at times when volcanic activity is high: an effusive eruption occurred in 2002, the first in 17 years, and again in 2003, 2007, and 2013-14.The two villages San Bartolo and San Vincenzo lie in the northeast while the smaller village Ginostra lies in the southwest. Administratively, they are one of the frazione of Lipari.In the early 1900s a few thousand people inhabited the island, but after several emigrations the population numbered a few hundred by the mid-1950s.
Stromboli è un'isola dell'Italia appartenente all'arcipelago delle isole Eolie, in Sicilia. Si tratta di un vulcano attivo facente parte dell'Arco Eoliano. Posta nel bacino Tirreno del mare Mediterraneo occidentale, l'isola è la più settentrionale delle Eolie e si estende su una superficie di 12,2 km².L'edificio vulcanico è alto 926 m s.l.m. e raggiunge una profondità compresa tra 1300 m e 2400 m al di sotto del livello del mare. Stromboli ha una persistente attività esplosiva ed è uno dei vulcani più attivi del mondo. A poche centinaia di metri a nord-est dell'isola di Stromboli si trova il neck di Strombolicchio, residuo di un antico camino vulcanico. L'isolotto ospita un faro della Marina, disabitato e automatizzato.Lo Stromboli è un vulcano esplosivo e le sue eruzioni avvengono con una frequenza media di circa una ogni ora. La sua attività "ordinaria" ha luogo ad una quota di 750 m s.l.m. dalle diverse bocche eruttive presenti nell'area craterica e allineate in direzione NE-SW. Tale attività consiste in esplosioni intermittenti di media energia, della durata di pochi secondi ad intervalli di 10–20 minuti, durante le quali vengono emesse piccole quantità di bombe scoriacee incandescenti, lapilli, cenere e blocchi, con velocità di uscita compresa tra 20 a 120 metri al secondo ed altezze comprese tra poche decine fino ad alcune centinaia di metri. L'attività eruttiva è associata ad un degassamento pressoché continuo dall'area craterica, il cui volume stimato è di 6000-12000 t/gi, e che consiste principalmente di H2O (3200-6300 t/g), CO2 (2900-5800 t/g), SO2 (400-800 t/g) e quantità minori di HCl e HF.Periodi di totale inattività, senza lanci di materiale, sono piuttosto rari. Il più lungo tra quelli registrati si è protratto per circa due anni, dal 1908 al 1910. Periodi di prolungata quiescenza, della durata di qualche mese, sono stati registrati più volte.
L'attività normale può essere periodicamente interrotta da esplosioni di maggiore energia, dette "esplosioni maggiori". Questi eventi consistono di brevi ma violente esplosioni, durante le quali vengono prodotti lanci balistici di blocchi e bombe di dimensioni anche metriche a distanze di alcune centinaia di metri, associati a piogge di lapilli e cenere; la distribuzione dei prodotti è solitamente confinata all'interno dell'area craterica. Sono distribuite non omogeneamente nel tempo, ma si tratta mediamente di 2,1 eventi ogni anno.
Le eruzioni stromboliane più violente mai accadute in tempi storici risalgono al 1919 e al 1930, ed entrambe (pare) furono causate da grandi infiltrazioni d'acqua marina nel camino vulcanico: il magma, a contatto con l'acqua, avrebbe causato violente esplosioni con grande emissione di vapori e scorie, accompagnate da violenti terremoti. Per la prima e finora unica volta nella storia del vulcano, delle colate laviche si riversarono anche al di fuori della Sciara del Fuoco, arrivando a lambire i centri abitati (Piscità fu sfiorata ad appena 20 metri), causando ingenti danni e numerose vittime, e causando un piccolo tsunami che generò un'onda di 2–3 m che arrivò a far danni fino a Capo Vaticano, in Calabria.I parossismi rappresentano le manifestazioni più energetiche del vulcano di Stromboli; consistono in violente ed improvvise esplosioni "tipo cannonata", durante le quali avviene l'emissione sostenuta di scorie incandescenti, ceneri, bombe e blocchi litici a distanze considerevoli, fino ad interessare le zone abitate dell'isola. Tali esplosioni possono produrre nubi convettive che raggiungono quote di 10 km. Durante i parossismi sono emessi volumi sensibilmente maggiori di materiali rispetto alle eruzioni normali e a quelle maggiori e frequentemente possono avvenire profonde modificazioni dell'area craterica. L'ultimo evento parossistico è avvenuto il 15 marzo 2007 all'interno dell'eruzione di febbraio-aprile 2007.Il 27 febbraio 2007, con un'iniziale effusione di lava dal cratere di NE, durata alcune ore e seguita dall'apertura di una bocca effusiva nella Sciara del Fuoco, a quota 400 m s.l.m. circa. Il 9 marzo 2007 si è aperta una seconda bocca sempre sulla Sciara del Fuoco, ma posizionata a circa 500 m s.l.m.; l'attività di questa bocca è stata comunque breve (circa 24 ore). Il 2 aprile 2007 è infine terminata anche l'effusione di lava dalla bocca di quota 400 m s.l.m. Il 4 maggio 2009 il vulcano ha ripreso l'attività eruttiva.
Nell'ultimo secolo sono riportati circa 26 episodi durante i quali si sono avute emissioni laviche. I prodotti emessi sono rappresentati principalmente da colate di spessore variabile; la morfologia del vulcano obbliga le colate di lava a riversarsi sul versante nord-occidentale, dove sono confinate all'interno della Sciara di Fuoco e quindi non rappresentano un pericolo per la popolazione dell'isola. Le colate fuoriescono generalmente attraverso fratture eruttive nella zona craterica o all'interno della Sciara del Fuoco, ma possono generarsi anche per tracimazione dal bordo craterico.La storia geologica dell'isola di Stromboli comincia circa 200.000 anni fa, quando un primo vulcano attivo di grandi dimensioni emerge dal mare, in posizione NE rispetto all'isola; di questo vulcano antico rimane soltanto il condotto solidificato (neck) rappresentato da Strombolicchio (vedi sotto).Il vero e proprio vulcano di Stromboli emerge dal mare circa 160.000 anni fa. Inizialmente i centri di emissione sono nella parte meridionale dell'isola, dove affiorano le unità più antiche appartenenti ai complessi del Paleostromboli I e II.Circa 35.000 anni fa il centro di emissione migra leggermente verso nord e le emissioni di lava e i depositi piroclastici legati a eruzioni esplosive danno origine ad un cono che raggiunge quota 700 m s.l.m. (Paleostromboli III).Le fasi successive della storia di Stromboli vedono la formazione ed il collasso calderico di vari edifici vulcanici. In particolare, a circa 34.600 anni fa risale il complesso eruttivo di Scari, osservabile presso Scari e a sud del paese sotto forma di spesse sequenze di bombe vulcaniche, lapilli e lahar. Mentre successivo (circa 26.000 anni fa) è il complesso del Vancori, caratterizzato da depositi piroclastici e basalti shoshonitici. In questa fase, la cima del vulcano era occupata probabilmente da una grande caldera. Il ciclo Scari-Vancori si conclude con il collasso laterale (una grande frana) del settore occidentale e nordoccidentale dell'edificio vulcanico.La fase successiva, a partire da circa 13.800 anni fa, vede la ricostruzione dell'edificio nel settore nordoccidentale. Il nuovo centro eruttivo, detto Neostromboli, è ubicato a nord del costone dei Vancori. Contemporaneamente, alcuni centri eruttivi secondari danno origine al "Timpone del Fuoco" presso Ginostra, alle lave di San Bartolo e di San Vincenzo.All'incirca tra 10000 e 5000 anni fa il settore nordoccidentale subisce nuovi collassi laterali (frane), lasciando una profonda depressione a forma di ferro di cavallo che si estende dalla cima fino ad una profondità di circa 2.000 m sotto il livello del mare: la Sciara del Fuoco. Lentamente la depressione viene riempita da materiale piroclastico e colate di lava. Il centro eruttivo attuale è rappresentato da un grande cono piroclastico che si trova nella parte sommitale della Sciara del Fuoco, a quota inferiore rispetto al Pizzo Sopra la Fossa, ed è caratterizzato, come detto sopra, dalla presenza di tre crateri allineati parallelamente alla Sciara, in direzione NE-SW.
Stromboli è nota, frequentata ed abitata fin dall'antichità remota, e la sua economia si è sempre fondata sulle produzioni agricole tipicamente mediterranee: olivo, vite (malvasia coltivato basso in giardini terrazzati), fichi - e poi sulla pesca e sulla marineria. Fino al XIX secolo questa economia fu fiorente e Stromboli arrivò a contare circa 2700 abitanti, precisamente nel 1891, secondo i dati ufficiali a disposizione (fonte Mastriani e ISTAT ).Il peggioramento delle condizioni economiche seguito all'unità d'Italia, il ripetersi di eruzioni e terremoti (in particolare l'eruzione del 1930) e infine l'attacco della peronospora che negli anni trenta sterminò la più redditizia coltura locale, quella della vite, fecero sì che una grandissima maggioranza degli strombolani prendesse la via dell'emigrazione, soprattutto verso l'Australia e l'America e l'isola rischiò seriamente di restare abbandonata.Venne riscoperta dopo la guerra da Roberto Rossellini che, con il film del 1949 Stromboli terra di Dio (con protagonista femminile la giovane Ingrid Bergman), portò l'isola e la sua straordinarietà all'attenzione del pubblico.Il vulcano è chiamato dai suoi abitanti (gli stombolani) Struògnoli, o anche Iddu (Lui in siciliano), in riferimento alla natura divina che un tempo era attribuita ai fenomeni naturali incontrollabili.Il nome proviene dal greco antico Στρογγύλη (rotondo) per via della sua forma. In siciliano strummulu significa trottola.Stromboli dà il nome a un tipo di vulcani caratterizzati da un'attività vulcanica effusiva detta Stromboliana.I principali borghi abitati sono San Vincenzo (o semplicemente il paese di Stromboli, anticamente era borgo degli agricoltori) con l'approdo storico di Scari, Piscità e Ficogrande, che anticamente era il borgo degli armatori.A sudovest, raggiungibile solo via mare, c'è Ginostra dove d'inverno restano circa 30 o 40 abitanti e dove l'unico mezzo di trasporto è il mulo.A Stromboli c'è una scuola elementare e media per i pochi ragazzi abitanti dell'isola. Dopo le scuole solitamente i ragazzi vanno a Lipari dove sono presenti alcune scuole secondarie di secondo grado.Da Napoli, Lipari, Milazzo e Messina Stromboli è raggiungibile col traghetto e, d'estate, anche in aliscafo da Messina, Reggio Calabria, Vibo Valentia e Tropea.Il flusso turistico verso l'isola, che costituisce la principale risorsa economica di Stromboli, fino agli anni settanta fu rappresentato soprattutto da persone alla ricerca di un ambiente particolare, naturale ed integro e non privo di scomodità come mancanza di elettricità, scarsità d'acqua. Nei decenni successivi le scomodità sono molto diminuite e il turismo è molto cresciuto, anche se resta limitato prevalentemente ai mesi centrali estivi.L'isola è meta di turisti in cerca di tranquillità: anche per questo nei locali dell'isola è vietato diffondere musica oltre le due di notte.Giornalmente, inoltre, si organizzano escursioni al vulcano con guide esperte, che portano ad oltre 900 metri sul livello del mare. Tramite imbarcazioni è inoltre possibile raggiungere nelle ore notturne la vicina e movimentata Panarea, lo scoglio di Strombolicchio e Ginostra, caratteristica località sull'isola di Stromboli dove l'unico mezzo di trasporto sono i muli (ne sono presenti una decina in tutto) e che è irraggiungibile per via terrestre dall'altra parte abitata dell'isola.Stromboli è anche meta, seppur in misura minore, di molti giovani, che si recano nei locali e nelle feste sulla spiaggia periodicamente organizzate nella stagione estiva.Caratteristica dell'isola, oltre alle stradine strette percorribili solo dal motocarro e dai motorini elettrici, che i turisti affittano sull'isola stessa, è la mancata illuminazione notturna nelle strade, che il Comune a cui l'isola fa riferimento, ovvero quello di Lipari, vuol mantenere come importante attrattiva turistica. Dall'Osservatorio, infine, si può vedere la lava del vulcano, l'unico delle Isole Eolie perennemente in attività e il cielo stellato evidenziato dalla mancanza di illuminazione.Durante la stagione turistica partono imbarcazioni per permettere ai turisti di fare il bagno presso lo scoglio di Strombolicchio.
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YORK, ENGLAND - OCTOBER 19: during the BUCS Men’s Northern Tier 6 Group C match between York St John University 8ths and Leeds Trinity University 4ths at Haxby Road on October 19th 2022 in North Yorkshire, United Kingdom. (Photo by Matthew Appleby)
A big, Bowie-style knife given to me by a friend who had bought it in Africa. I don't know if it was made to be sold to a tourist, but its workmanship is very beautiful. Here, the whole knife on its obverse, with the leather and wood scabbard.
GIVEN A MASS OF OLD CROCHET PATTERNS SOME TIME BACK .THESE ARE THE ONES I KEPT,MUST ADMIT I USUALLY MAKE UP MY PATTERNS NOW AS I GO.
Floating in space like a cosmic jellyfish…
This is one of the most famous supernovas, SN 1987A. These remains of an exploded star have been well-studied since their discovery in 1987.
Webb’s sensitivity and resolution has given us the most clear and detailed look yet, revealing a new feature: small crescent-like structures thought to be a part of the outer layers of gas shot out from the supernova explosion.
Learn more: go.nasa.gov/47SE9BM
Credit: NASA, ESA, CSA, Mikako Matsuura (Cardiff University), Richard Arendt (NASA-GSFC, UMBC), Claes Fransson (Stockholm University), Josefin Larsson (KTH) Image Processing: A. Pagan (STScI).
Image description: A supernova with its components labeled. The center of the image contains a dense green cloud, shaped like a keyhole. A white line points to this area, labeled “inner ejecta (keyhole)”. Outside of this region are two, curved dotted lines with a white line pointing to the left one, labeled “crescent”. Outside of this cloud of gas is a ring of dense orange gas and dust that becomes more diffused as it travels further away from the center. A dotted blue line is overlaid in the center of this ring with a blue line that is labeled “equatorial ring”. The innermost part of this dense orange ring contains brighter orange clumps of glowing gas. There is a gray line pointing to one of these hotspots labeled “equatorial ring hotspots”. Outside of these structures, both above and below them, are very faint orange rings of gas and dust. They are overlain with dotted lines and both have white lines pointing to them, labeled “outer ring”. There are several white stars are strewn throughout the image.
Compass Arrows, Scale Bar, and Color Key
At the bottom left are compass arrows indicating the orientation of the image on the sky. The north arrow points in the 11 o’clock direction. The east arrow points toward 8 o’clock. At the lower right is a scale bar labeled 1.5 light-years. The length of the scale bar is approximately one-fifth the total width of the image. Below the image is a color key showing which NIRCam filters were used to create the image and which visible-light color is assigned to each filter. From left to right, NIRCam filters are: F150W is blue; F164N is a greenish blue; F200W is light blue; F322N is yellow; F405N is orange; and F444W is red.
A mural is any piece of artwork painted or applied directly on a wall, ceiling or other large permanent surface. A distinguishing characteristic of mural painting is that the architectural elements of the given space are harmoniously incorporated into the picture.
Some wall paintings are painted on large canvases, which are then attached to the wall (e.g., with marouflage). Whether these works can be accurately called "murals" is a subject of some controversy in the art world, but the technique has been in common use since the late 19th century.
HISTORY
Murals of sorts date to Upper Paleolithic times such as the paintings in the Chauvet Cave in Ardèche department of southern France (around 30,000 BC). Many ancient murals have survived in Egyptian tombs (around 3150 BC), the Minoan palaces (Middle period III of the Neopalatial period, 1700-1600 BC) and in Pompeii (around 100 BC - AD 79).
During the Middle Ages murals were usually executed on dry plaster (secco). In Italy, circa 1300, the technique of painting of frescos on wet plaster was reintroduced and led to a significant increase in the quality of mural painting.
In modern times, the term became more well-known with the Mexican "muralista" art movement (Diego Rivera, David Siqueiros, or José Orozco). There are many different styles and techniques. The best-known is probably fresco, which uses water-soluble paints with a damp lime wash, a rapid use of the resulting mixture over a large surface, and often in parts (but with a sense of the whole). The colors lighten as they dry. The marouflage method has also been used for millennia.
Murals today are painted in a variety of ways, using oil or water-based media. The styles can vary from abstract to trompe-l'œil (a French term for "fool" or "trick the eye"). Initiated by the works of mural artists like Graham Rust or Rainer Maria Latzke in the 1980s, trompe-l'oeil painting has experienced a renaissance in private and public buildings in Europe. Today, the beauty of a wall mural has become much more widely available with a technique whereby a painting or photographic image is transferred to poster paper or canvas which is then pasted to a wall surface (see wallpaper, Frescography) to give the effect of either a hand-painted mural or realistic scene.
TECHNIQUE
In the history of mural several methods have been used:
A fresco painting, from the Italian word affresco which derives from the adjective fresco ("fresh"), describes a method in which the paint is applied on plaster on walls or ceilings. The buon fresco technique consists of painting in pigment mixed with water on a thin layer of wet, fresh, lime mortar or plaster. The pigment is then absorbed by the wet plaster; after a number of hours, the plaster dries and reacts with the air: it is this chemical reaction which fixes the pigment particles in the plaster. After this the painting stays for a long time up to centuries in fresh and brilliant colors.
Fresco-secco painting is done on dry plaster (secco is "dry" in Italian). The pigments thus require a binding medium, such as egg (tempera), glue or oil to attach the pigment to the wall.
Mezzo-fresco is painted on nearly-dry plaster, and was defined by the sixteenth-century author Ignazio Pozzo as "firm enough not to take a thumb-print" so that the pigment only penetrates slightly into the plaster. By the end of the sixteenth century this had largely displaced the buon fresco method, and was used by painters such as Gianbattista Tiepolo or Michelangelo. This technique had, in reduced form, the advantages of a secco work.
MATERIAL
In Greco-Roman times, mostly encaustic colors applied in a cold state were used.
Tempera painting is one of the oldest known methods in mural painting. In tempera, the pigments are bound in an albuminous medium such as egg yolk or egg white diluted in water.
In 16th-century Europe, oil painting on canvas arose as an easier method for mural painting. The advantage was that the artwork could be completed in the artist’s studio and later transported to its destination and there attached to the wall or ceiling. Oil paint can be said to be the least satisfactory medium for murals because of its lack of brilliance in colour. Also the pigments are yellowed by the binder or are more easily affected by atmospheric conditions. The canvas itself is more subject to rapid deterioration than a plaster ground. Different muralists tend to become experts in their preferred medium and application, whether that be oil paints, emulsion or acrylic paints applied by brush, roller or airbrush/aerosols. Clients will often ask for a particular style and the artist may adjust to the appropriate technique.
A consultation usually leads to a detailed design and layout of the proposed mural with a price quote that the client approves before the muralist starts on the work. The area to be painted can be gridded to match the design allowing the image to be scaled accurately step by step. In some cases the design is projected straight onto the wall and traced with pencil before painting begins. Some muralists will paint directly without any prior sketching, preferring the spontaneous technique.
Once completed the mural can be given coats of varnish or protective acrylic glaze to protect the work from UV rays and surface damage.
As an alternative to a hand-painted or airbrushed mural, digitally printed murals can also be applied to surfaces. Already existing murals can be photographed and then be reproduced in near-to-original quality.
The disadvantages of pre-fabricated murals and decals are that they are often mass-produced and lack the allure and exclusivity of an original artwork. They are often not fitted to the individual wall sizes of the client and their personal ideas or wishes can not be added to the mural as it progresses. The Frescography technique, a digital manufacturing method (CAM) invented by Rainer Maria Latzke addresses some of the personalisation and size restrictions.
Digital techniques are commonly used in advertisements. A "wallscape" is a large advertisement on or attached to the outside wall of a building. Wallscapes can be painted directly on the wall as a mural, or printed on vinyl and securely attached to the wall in the manner of a billboard. Although not strictly classed as murals, large scale printed media are often referred to as such. Advertising murals were traditionally painted onto buildings and shops by sign-writers, later as large scale poster billboards.
SIGNIFICANCE OF MURALS
Murals are important in that they bring art into the public sphere. Due to the size, cost, and work involved in creating a mural, muralists must often be commissioned by a sponsor. Often it is the local government or a business, but many murals have been paid for with grants of patronage. For artists, their work gets a wide audience who otherwise might not set foot in an art gallery. A city benefits by the beauty of a work of art.
Murals can be a relatively effective tool of social emancipation or achieving a political goal. Murals have sometimes been created against the law, or have been commissioned by local bars and coffeeshops. Often, the visual effects are an enticement to attract public attention to social issues. State-sponsored public art expressions, particularly murals, are often used by totalitarian regimes as a tool of mass-control and propaganda. However, despite the propagandist character of that works, some of them still have an artistic value.
Murals can have a dramatic impact whether consciously or subconsciously on the attitudes of passers by, when they are added to areas where people live and work. It can also be argued that the presence of large, public murals can add aesthetic improvement to the daily lives of residents or that of employees at a corporate venue.
Other world-famous murals can be found in Mexico, New York, Philadelphia, Belfast, Derry, Los Angeles, Nicaragua, Cuba and in India. They have functioned as an important means of communication for members of socially, ethnically and racially divided communities in times of conflict. They also proved to be an effective tool in establishing a dialogue and hence solving the cleavage in the long run. The Indian state Kerala has exclusive murals. These Kerala mural painting are on walls of Hindu temples. They can be dated from 9th century AD.
The San Bartolo murals of the Maya civilization in Guatemala, are the oldest example of this art in Mesoamerica and are dated at 300 BC.
Many rural towns have begun using murals to create tourist attractions in order to boost economic income. Colquitt, Georgia is one such town. Colquitt was chosen to host the 2010 Global Mural Conference. The town has more than twelve murals completed, and will host the Conference along with Dothan, Alabama, and Blakely, Georgia. In the summer of 2010, Colquitt will begin work on their Icon Mural.
The Jax crew have given the Hi-priority intermodal Q026 the nickname "Prince of Darkness". The "prince" had not yet made an appearance but its equally tardy counterpart would and not at an expedited pace. SFRM calls the Q025 "Darth Vader" for the same reason as the Jax crew does Q026. Once in the window, this pair of intermodals parks or overtakes every train it their path.
Checkpoint Charlie (or "Checkpoint C") was the name given by the Western Allies to the best-known Berlin Wall crossing point between East Berlin and West Berlin during the Cold War.
The Soviet Union prompted the construction of the Berlin Wall in 1961 to stop Eastern Bloc emigration westward through the Soviet border system, preventing escape across the city sector border from East Berlin to West Berlin. Checkpoint Charlie became a symbol of the Cold War, representing the separation of east and west. Soviet and American tanks briefly faced each other at the location during the Berlin Crisis of 1961.
After the dissolution of the Eastern Bloc and the reunification of Germany, the building at Checkpoint Charlie became a tourist attraction. It is now located in the Allied Museum in the Dahlem neighbourhood of Berlin.
Checkpoint Charlie was a crossing point in the Berlin Wall located at the junction of Friedrichstraße with Zimmerstraße and Mauerstraße, (which for older historical reasons coincidentally means 'Wall Street'). It is in the Friedrichstadt neighbourhood. Checkpoint Charlie was designated as the single crossing point (by foot or by car) for foreigners and members of the Allied forces. (Members of the Allied forces were not allowed to use the other sector crossing point designated for use by foreigners, the Friedrichstraße railway station).
The name Charlie came from the letter C in the NATO phonetic alphabet; similarly for other Allied checkpoints on the Autobahn from the West: Checkpoint Alpha at Helmstedt and its counterpart Checkpoint Bravo at Dreilinden, Wannsee in the south-west corner of Berlin. The Soviets simply called it the Friedrichstraße Crossing Point (КПП Фридрихштрассе). The East Germans referred officially to Checkpoint Charlie as the Grenzübergangsstelle ("Border Crossing Point") Friedrich-/Zimmerstraße.
Admission stamp applied to a passport at the East German (DDR) Friedrich/ Zimmerstraße crossing at Checkpoint Charlie. (1964)
As the most visible Berlin Wall checkpoint, Checkpoint Charlie is frequently featured in spy movies and books. A famous cafe and viewing place for Allied officials, Armed Forces and visitors alike, Cafe Adler ("Eagle Café"), is situated right on the checkpoint. It was an excellent viewing point to look into East Berlin, while having something to eat and drink.
The checkpoint was curiously asymmetrical. During its 28-year active life, the infrastructure on the Eastern side was expanded to include not only the wall, watchtower and zig-zag barriers, but a multi-lane shed where cars and their occupants were checked. However the Allied authority never erected any permanent buildings, and made do with the well-known wooden shed, which was replaced during the 1980s by a larger metal structure, now displayed at the Allied Museum in western Berlin. Their reason was that they did not consider the inner Berlin sector boundary an international border and did not treat it as such
Although the wall was opened in November 1989 and the checkpoint booth removed on June 22, 1990, the checkpoint remained an official crossing for foreigners and diplomats until German reunification during October 1990 when the guard house was removed; it is now on display in the open-air museum of the Allied Museum in Berlin-Zehlendorf. The course of the former wall and border is now marked in the street with a line of cobblestones. A copy of the guard house and sign that once marked the border crossing was later built where Checkpoint Charlie once was. It resembles the first guard house erected during 1961, behind a sandbag barrier towards the border. Over the years it was replaced several times by guard houses of different sizes and layouts . The one removed during 1990 was considerably larger than the first one and did not have sandbags.
Near the location of the guard house is the Haus am Checkpoint Charlie, a private museum opened in 1963 by Rainer Hildebrandt, which was augmented with a new building during the 1990s. The two Soldiers (one American and one Russian) represented at the Checkpoint Memorial were both stationed in Berlin during the early 1990s.
Developers demolished the East German checkpoint watchtower in 2000. The watchtower, which was the last surviving original Checkpoint Charlie structure, was demolished to make way for offices and shops. The city tried to save the tower but failed, as it was not classified as a historic landmark. As of August 2011, nothing has been built at this site and the original proposals for development have been terminated.
Checkpoint Charlie has become one of Berlin's primary tourist attractions. An open-air exhibit was opened during the summer of 2006. Gallery walls along the Friedrichstraße and the Zimmerstraße inform on escape attempts, how the checkpoint was expanded, and its significance during the Cold War, in particular the confrontation of Soviet and American tanks in 1961. An overview of other important memorial sites and museums on the division of Germany and the wall is presented as well. Tourists can have their photographs taken for a fee with actors dressed as allied military policemen standing in front of the guard house. Several souvenir stands with fake military items and stores proliferate as well.
(Yeah. Now I see the "that's" typo. Argh. Got no time to fix this.)
Given what Chris Wallace *could* have asked Walker this was soft.
And yet, given that this was on FOX News, I didn't expect even this much confrontation.
If you'd like to see the video segment, here it is. The grilling starts fairly soon after the video starts.:
www.youtube.com/watch?v=2qZ6k88qM90&feature=youtube_g...
Incidentally, that quote was not what was flashed on the screen. They chose different quotes.
One was a quote about how Nardelli and Walker coordinated Walker's public employee staff with campaign staff. He had his Milwaukee County underlings doing his campaign work on the taxpayer's dime. He was, in 2010, the Milwaukee County Executive and he was also running a campaign for Governor of Wisconsin.
Quote: "...to review events ofthe day or of a previous or future day, so we can better coordinate sound, timely responses." - Tom Nardelli, then Chief of Staff
And
a quote that comes just before what I pulled for this little texty picture:
Quote: "I use this private account quite a bit to communicate with SKW and Nardelli"
I think it's worth noting and remembering that former Wisconsin Assembly Speaker Scott Jensen was convicted of a felony for using his taxpayer-paid staff to campaign for him in what is commonly referred to as "The Caucus Scandal" - - which I hope tells you that at least IN THEORY Wisconsinites don't want their politicians campaigning using tax money!
Given the extent of the undergrowth this well-worn stone staircase gets much less footfall than it used to. This is the path running down from Crackenedge Lane to Wood Lane and then onto Bradford Road. No doubt once used by workers living in the terraces on top to get to work in the mills in town.
However it did have another function, long-gone, because Wood Lane, after crossing the the ex-LNWR 1848 main line to Huddersfield and Manchester south of Batley, was the access road to the former Great Northern Railway Batley Carr station opened in 1880 and closed in 1950 (See below).
Bavarian Schneeschuh (Mountain Troops) soldier (Jaeger/Infantryman)) with large chainstitched green "S" on collar tabs. He wears the Bavarian Schneeschuh billed mountain cap with a vulcanfiber gray rigid visor seen in the early war only on Bavarians.
given the focal length, the landscape, and the fact that we obviously was in a moving, just, I might add, vehicle, if it hadn`t been for that I caught a glimpse of her white tail-tip, never in a thousand years would I`ve spotted her in the vegetation of this dry riverbed. These are masters of their environment! This young, just independent, leopardess was stalking some female nyalas, with no luck that time sadly..
I Love this cat very much,he goes by a few names,,scooter was his given name by the neighbors from the house in the background ,yellow cat by my Momma,and Bubba by ME.They moved and he did not and thats when me and my friend became acquainted.He has been a close by for the last three years.I tryed to get hem to live here with me, But the best I could do was get him to come in and eat two times a day, and hang arround on hot days. which he was OK with that .But when the sun start to set Bubba wants out!!!!!!!!!!!!! He is Quite the ladys man too.Sometimes when Im out in the shop he comes by gets a drink and says hi as he makes his morning walk throught His territory. he was not an aggressive guy,but quite the opposite he a very gentile .I am very sad to say that my friend has left me behind and has gone to the side of the lord.He will be missed bye me and my Momma a great deal....Good By I love You.....If you read this PLEASE say a small prayer for him.... Thank You........ "Just this side of heaven is a place called Rainbow Bridge.
When an animal dies that has been especially close to someone here, that pet goes to Rainbow Bridge.
There are meadows and hills for all of our special friends so they can run and play together.
There is plenty of food, water and sunshine, and our friends are warm and comfortable.
All the animals who had been ill and old are restored to health and vigor; those who were hurt or maimed are made whole and strong again, just as we remember them in our dreams of days and times gone by.
The animals are happy and content, except for one small thing; they each miss someone very special to them, who had to be left behind.
They all run and play together, but the day comes when one suddenly stops and looks into the distance. His bright eyes are intent; His eager body quivers. Suddenly he begins to run from the group, flying over the green grass, his legs carrying him faster and faster.
You have been spotted, and when you and your special friend finally meet, you cling together in joyous reunion, never to be parted again. The happy kisses rain upon your face; your hands again caress the beloved head, and you look once more into the trusting eyes of your pet, so long gone from your life but never absent from your heart.
Then you cross Rainbow Bridge together."auther unknown
North Toraja (or Toraja Utara) is a regency (kabupaten) of South Sulawesi Province of Indonesia, and the home of the Toraja ethnic group. The local government seat is in Rantepao which is also the center of Toraja culture. Formerly this regency was part of Tana Toraja Regency.
The Tana Toraja boundary was determined by the Dutch East Indies government in 1909. In 1926, Tana Toraja was under the administration of Bugis state, Luwu. The regentschap (or regency) status was given on October 8, 1946, the last regency given by the Dutch. Since 1984, Tana Toraja has been named as the second tourist destination after Bali by the Ministry of Tourism, Indonesia. Since then, hundreds of thousands of foreign visitors have visited this regency. In addition, numerous Western anthropologists have come to Tana Toraja to study the indigenous culture and people of Toraja.
GEOGRAPHY
Tana Toraja is located on the Sulawesi island, 300 km north of Makassar, the provincial capital of South Sulawesi. Its geographical location is between latitude of 2°-3° South and longitude 119°-120° East (center: 3°S 120°ECoordinates: 3°S 120°E). The area of the new North Toraja Regency is 1,151.47 km², about 2.5% of the total area of South Sulawesi province. The topography of Tana Toraja is mountainous; its minimum elevation is 150 m, while the maximum is 3,083 above the sea level.
Tana Toraja Regency (Indonesian for Torajaland or Land of the Toraja, abbreviated Tator) is a regency (kabupaten) of South Sulawesi Province of Indonesia, and home to the Toraja ethnic group. The local government seat is in Makale, while the center of Toraja culture is in Rantepao. But now, Tana Toraja has been divided to two regencies that consist of Tana Toraja with its capital at Makale and North toraja with its capital at Rantepao.
The Tana Toraja boundary was determined by the Dutch East Indies government in 1909. In 1926, Tana Toraja was under the administration of Bugis state, Luwu. The regentschap (or regency) status was given on 8 October 1946, the last regency given by the Dutch. Since 1984, Tana Toraja has been named as the second tourist destination after Bali by the Ministry of Tourism, Indonesia. Since then, hundreds of thousands of foreign visitors have visited this regency. In addition, numerous Western anthropologists have come to Tana Toraja to study the indigenous culture and people of Toraja.
GEOGRAPHY
Tana Toraja is centrally placed in the island of Sulawesi, 300 km north of Makassar, the provincial capital of South Sulawesi. It lies between latitude of 2°-3° South and longitude 119°-120° East (center: 3°S 120°ECoordinates: 3°S 120°E). The total area (since the separation of the new regency of North Toraja) is 2,054.30 km², about 4.4% of the total area of South Sulawesi province. The topography of Tana Toraja is mountainous; its minimum elevation is 150 m, while the maximum is 3,083 above the sea level.
ADMINISTRATION
Tana Toraja Regency in 2010 comprised nineteen administrative Districts (Kecamatan), tabulated below with their 2010 Census population.
The Torajans are an ethnic group indigenous to a mountainous region of South Sulawesi, Indonesia. Their population is approximately 1,100,000, of whom 450,000 live in the regency of Tana Toraja ("Land of Toraja").[1] Most of the population is Christian, and others are Muslim or have local animist beliefs known as aluk ("the way"). The Indonesian government has recognised this animistic belief as Aluk To Dolo ("Way of the Ancestors").
The word Toraja comes from the Buginese language term to riaja, meaning "people of the uplands". The Dutch colonial government named the people Toraja in 1909. Torajans are renowned for their elaborate funeral rites, burial sites carved into rocky cliffs, massive peaked-roof traditional houses known as tongkonan, and colourful wood carvings. Toraja funeral rites are important social events, usually attended by hundreds of people and lasting for several days.
Before the 20th century, Torajans lived in autonomous villages, where they practised animism and were relatively untouched by the outside world. In the early 1900s, Dutch missionaries first worked to convert Torajan highlanders to Christianity. When the Tana Toraja regency was further opened to the outside world in the 1970s, it became an icon of tourism in Indonesia: it was exploited by tourism development and studied by anthropologists. By the 1990s, when tourism peaked, Toraja society had changed significantly, from an agrarian model—in which social life and customs were outgrowths of the Aluk To Dolo—to a largely Christian society. Today, tourism and remittances from migrant Torajans have made for major changes in the Toraja highland, giving the Toraja a celebrity status within Indonesia and enhancing Toraja ethnic group pride.
ETHNIC IDENTITY
The Torajan people had little notion of themselves as a distinct ethnic group before the 20th century. Before Dutch colonisation and Christianisation, Torajans, who lived in highland areas, identified with their villages and did not share a broad sense of identity. Although complexes of rituals created linkages between highland villages, there were variations in dialects, differences in social hierarchies, and an array of ritual practices in the Sulawesi highland region. "Toraja" (from the coastal languages' to, meaning people; and riaja, uplands) was first used as a lowlander expression for highlanders. As a result, "Toraja" initially had more currency with outsiders—such as the Bugis and Makassarese, who constitute a majority of the lowland of Sulawesi—than with insiders. The Dutch missionaries' presence in the highlands gave rise to the Toraja ethnic consciousness in the Sa'dan Toraja region, and this shared identity grew with the rise of tourism in the Tana Toraja Regency. Since then, South Sulawesi has four main ethnic groups—the Bugis (the majority, including shipbuilders and seafarers), the Makassarese (lowland traders and seafarers), the Mandarese (traders and fishermen), and the Toraja (highland rice cultivators).
HISTORY
From the 17th century, the Dutch established trade and political control on Sulawesi through the Dutch East Indies Company. Over two centuries, they ignored the mountainous area in the central Sulawesi, where Torajans lived, because access was difficult and it had little productive agricultural land. In the late 19th century, the Dutch became increasingly concerned about the spread of Islam in the south of Sulawesi, especially among the Makassarese and Bugis peoples. The Dutch saw the animist highlanders as potential Christians. In the 1920s, the Reformed Missionary Alliance of the Dutch Reformed Church began missionary work aided by the Dutch colonial government. In addition to introducing Christianity, the Dutch abolished slavery and imposed local taxes. A line was drawn around the Sa'dan area and called Tana Toraja ("the land of Toraja"). Tana Toraja was first a subdivision of the Luwu kingdom that had claimed the area. In 1946, the Dutch granted Tana Toraja a regentschap, and it was recognised in 1957 as one of the regencies of Indonesia.
Early Dutch missionaries faced strong opposition among Torajans, especially among the elite, because the abolition of their profitable slave trade had angered them. Some Torajans were forcibly relocated to the lowlands by the Dutch, where they could be more easily controlled. Taxes were kept high, undermining the wealth of the elites. Ultimately, the Dutch influence did not subdue Torajan culture, and only a few Torajans were converted. In 1950, only 10% of the population had converted to Christianity.
In the 1930s, Muslim lowlanders attacked the Torajans, resulting in widespread Christian conversion among those who sought to align themselves with the Dutch for political protection and to form a movement against the Bugis and Makassarese Muslims. Between 1951 and 1965 (following Indonesian independence), southern Sulawesi faced a turbulent period as the Darul Islam separatist movement fought for an Islamic state in Sulawesi. The 15 years of guerrilla warfare led to massive conversions to Christianity.
Alignment with the Indonesian government, however, did not guarantee safety for the Torajans. In 1965, a presidential decree required every Indonesian citizen to belong to one of five officially recognised religions: Islam, Christianity (Protestantism and Catholicism), Hinduism, or Buddhism. The Torajan religious belief (aluk) was not legally recognised, and the Torajans raised their voices against the law. To make aluk accord with the law, it had to be accepted as part of one of the official religions. In 1969, Aluk To Dolo ("the way of ancestors") was legalised as a sect of Agama Hindu Dharma, the official name of Hinduism in Indonesia.
SOCIETY
There are three main types of affiliation in Toraja society: family, class and religion.
FAMILY AFFILIATION
Family is the primary social and political grouping in Torajan society. Each village is one extended family, the seat of which is the tongkonan, a traditional Torajan house. Each tongkonan has a name, which becomes the name of the village. The familial dons maintain village unity. Marriage between distant cousins (fourth cousins and beyond) is a common practice that strengthens kinship. Toraja society prohibits marriage between close cousins (up to and including the third cousin)—except for nobles, to prevent the dispersal of property. Kinship is actively reciprocal, meaning that the extended family helps each other farm, share buffalo rituals, and pay off debts.
Each person belongs to both the mother's and the father's families, the only bilateral family line in Indonesia. Children, therefore, inherit household affiliation from both mother and father, including land and even family debts. Children's names are given on the basis of kinship, and are usually chosen after dead relatives. Names of aunts, uncles and cousins are commonly referred to in the names of mothers, fathers and siblings.
Before the start of the formal administration of Toraja villages by the Tana Toraja Regency, each Toraja village was autonomous. In a more complex situation, in which one Toraja family could not handle their problems alone, several villages formed a group; sometimes, villages would unite against other villages. Relationship between families was expressed through blood, marriage, and shared ancestral houses (tongkonan), practically signed by the exchange of water buffalo and pigs on ritual occasions. Such exchanges not only built political and cultural ties between families but defined each person's place in a social hierarchy: who poured palm wine, who wrapped a corpse and prepared offerings, where each person could or could not sit, what dishes should be used or avoided, and even what piece of meat constituted one's share.
CLASS AFFILIATION
In early Toraja society, family relationships were tied closely to social class. There were three strata: nobles, commoners, and slaves (slavery was abolished in 1909 by the Dutch East Indies government). Class was inherited through the mother. It was taboo, therefore, to marry "down" with a woman of lower class. On the other hand, marrying a woman of higher class could improve the status of the next generation. The nobility's condescending attitude toward the commoners is still maintained today for reasons of family prestige.
Nobles, who were believed to be direct descendants of the descended person from heaven, lived in tongkonans, while commoners lived in less lavish houses (bamboo shacks called banua). Slaves lived in small huts, which had to be built around their owner's tongkonan. Commoners might marry anyone, but nobles preferred to marry in-family to maintain their status. Sometimes nobles married Bugis or Makassarese nobles. Commoners and slaves were prohibited from having death feasts. Despite close kinship and status inheritance, there was some social mobility, as marriage or change in wealth could affect an individuals status. Wealth was counted by the ownership of water buffaloes.
Slaves in Toraja society were family property. Sometimes Torajans decided to become slaves when they incurred a debt, pledging to work as payment. Slaves could be taken during wars, and slave trading was common. Slaves could buy their freedom, but their children still inherited slave status. Slaves were prohibited from wearing bronze or gold, carving their houses, eating from the same dishes as their owners, or having sex with free women—a crime punishable by death.
RELIGIOUS AFFILATION
Toraja's indigenous belief system is polytheistic animism, called aluk, or "the way" (sometimes translated as "the law"). In the Toraja myth, the ancestors of Torajan people came down from heaven using stairs, which were then used by the Torajans as a communication medium with Puang Matua, the Creator. The cosmos, according to aluk, is divided into the upper world (heaven), the world of man (earth), and the underworld. At first, heaven and earth were married, then there was a darkness, a separation, and finally the light. Animals live in the underworld, which is represented by rectangular space enclosed by pillars, the earth is for mankind, and the heaven world is located above, covered with a saddle-shaped roof. Other Toraja gods include Pong Banggai di Rante (god of Earth), Indo' Ongon-Ongon (a goddess who can cause earthquakes), Pong Lalondong (god of death), and Indo' Belo Tumbang (goddess of medicine); there are many more.
The earthly authority, whose words and actions should be cleaved to both in life (agriculture) and death (funerals), is called to minaa (an aluk priest). Aluk is not just a belief system; it is a combination of law, religion, and habit. Aluk governs social life, agricultural practices, and ancestral rituals. The details of aluk may vary from one village to another. One common law is the requirement that death and life rituals be separated. Torajans believe that performing death rituals might ruin their corpses if combined with life rituals. The two rituals are equally important. During the time of the Dutch missionaries, Christian Torajans were prohibited from attending or performing life rituals, but were allowed to perform death rituals. Consequently, Toraja's death rituals are still practised today, while life rituals have diminished.
CULTURE
TONGKONAN
Tongkonan are the traditional Torajan ancestral houses. They stand high on wooden piles, topped with a layered split-bamboo roof shaped in a sweeping curved arc, and they are incised with red, black, and yellow detailed wood carvings on the exterior walls. The word "tongkonan" comes from the Torajan tongkon ("to sit").
Tongkonan are the center of Torajan social life. The rituals associated with the tongkonan are important expressions of Torajan spiritual life, and therefore all family members are impelled to participate, because symbolically the tongkonan represents links to their ancestors and to living and future kin. According to Torajan myth, the first tongkonan was built in heaven on four poles, with a roof made of Indian cloth. When the first Torajan ancestor descended to earth, he imitated the house and held a large ceremony.
The construction of a tongkonan is laborious work and is usually done with the help of the extended family. There are three types of tongkonan. The tongkonan layuk is the house of the highest authority, used as the "center of government". The tongkonan pekamberan belongs to the family members who have some authority in local traditions. Ordinary family members reside in the tongkonan batu. The exclusivity to the nobility of the tongkonan is diminishing as many Torajan commoners find lucrative employment in other parts of Indonesia. As they send back money to their families, they enable the construction of larger tongkonan.
Architecture in the style of a tongkonan is still very common. Various administration buildings were built in this style in recent years, e.g. the Kecamatan building in Rantepao.
WOOD CARVINGS
To express social and religious concepts, Torajans carve wood, calling it Pa'ssura (or "the writing"). Wood carvings are therefore Toraja's cultural manifestation.
Each carving receives a special name, and common motifs are animals and plants that symbolise some virtue. For example, water plants and animals, such as crabs, tadpoles and water weeds, are commonly found to symbolise fertility. In some areas noble elders claim these symbols refer to strength of noble family, but not everyone agrees. The overall meaning of groups of carved motifs on houses remains debated and tourism has further complicated these debates because some feel a uniform explanation must be presented to tourists. Torajan wood carvings are composed of numerous square panels, each of which can represent various things, for example buffaloes as a wish of wealth for the family; a knot and a box, symbolizing the hope that all of the family's offspring will be happy and live in harmony; aquatic animals, indicating the need for fast and hard work, just like moving on the surface of water.
Regularity and order are common features in Toraja wood carving (see table below), as well as abstracts and geometrical designs. Nature is frequently used as the basis of Toraja's ornaments, because nature is full of abstractions and geometries with regularities and ordering. Toraja's ornaments have been studied in ethnomathematics to reveal their mathematical structure, but Torajans base this art only on approximations. To create an ornament, bamboo sticks are used as a geometrical tool.
FUNERAL RITES
In Toraja society, the funeral ritual is the most elaborate and expensive event. The richer and more powerful the individual, the more expensive is the funeral. In the aluk religion, only nobles have the right to have an extensive death feast. The death feast of a nobleman is usually attended by thousands and lasts for several days. A ceremonial site, called rante, is usually prepared in a large, grassy field where shelters for audiences, rice barns, and other ceremonial funeral structures are specially made by the deceased's family. Flute music, funeral chants, songs and poems, and crying and wailing are traditional Toraja expressions of grief with the exceptions of funerals for young children, and poor, low-status adults.
The ceremony is often held weeks, months, or years after the death so that the deceased's family can raise the significant funds needed to cover funeral expenses. Torajans traditionally believe that death is not a sudden, abrupt event, but a gradual process toward Puya (the land of souls, or afterlife). During the waiting period, the body of the deceased is wrapped in several layers of cloth and kept under the tongkonan. The soul of the deceased is thought to linger around the village until the funeral ceremony is completed, after which it begins its journey to Puya.
Another component of the ritual is the slaughter of water buffalo. The more powerful the person who died, the more buffalo are slaughtered at the death feast. Buffalo carcasses, including their heads, are usually lined up on a field waiting for their owner, who is in the "sleeping stage". Torajans believe that the deceased will need the buffalo to make the journey and that they will be quicker to arrive at Puya if they have many buffalo. Slaughtering tens of water buffalo and hundreds of pigs using a machete is the climax of the elaborate death feast, with dancing and music and young boys who catch spurting blood in long bamboo tubes. Some of the slaughtered animals are given by guests as "gifts", which are carefully noted because they will be considered debts of the deceased's family. However, a cockfight, known as bulangan londong, is an integral part of the ceremony. As with the sacrifice of the buffalo and the pigs, the cockfight is considered sacred because it involves the spilling of blood on the earth. In particular, the tradition requires the sacrifice of at least three chickens. However, it is common for at least 25 pairs of chickens to be set against each other in the context of the ceremony.
There are three methods of burial: the coffin may be laid in a cave or in a carved stone grave, or hung on a cliff. It contains any possessions that the deceased will need in the afterlife. The wealthy are often buried in a stone grave carved out of a rocky cliff. The grave is usually expensive and takes a few months to complete. In some areas, a stone cave may be found that is large enough to accommodate a whole family. A wood-carved effigy, called Tau tau, is usually placed in the cave looking out over the land. The coffin of a baby or child may be hung from ropes on a cliff face or from a tree. This hanging grave usually lasts for years, until the ropes rot and the coffin falls to the ground.
In the ritual called Ma'Nene, that takes place each year in August, the bodies of the deceased are exhumed to be washed, groomed and dressed in new clothes. The mummies are then walked around the village.
DANNCE AND MUSIC
Torajans perform dances on several occasions, most often during their elaborate funeral ceremonies. They dance to express their grief, and to honour and even cheer the deceased person because he is going to have a long journey in the afterlife. First, a group of men form a circle and sing a monotonous chant throughout the night to honour the deceased (a ritual called Ma'badong). This is considered by many Torajans to be the most important component of the funeral ceremony. On the second funeral day, the Ma'randing warrior dance is performed to praise the courage of the deceased during life. Several men perform the dance with a sword, a large shield made from buffalo skin, a helmet with a buffalo horn, and other ornamentation. The Ma'randing dance precedes a procession in which the deceased is carried from a rice barn to the rante, the site of the funeral ceremony. During the funeral, elder women perform the Ma'katia dance while singing a poetic song and wearing a long feathered costume. The Ma'akatia dance is performed to remind the audience of the generosity and loyalty of the deceased person. After the bloody ceremony of buffalo and pig slaughter, a group of boys and girls clap their hands while performing a cheerful dance called Ma'dondan.
As in other agricultural societies, Torajans dance and sing during harvest time. The Ma'bugi dance celebrates the thanksgiving event, and the Ma'gandangi dance is performed while Torajans are pounding rice. There are several war dances, such as the Manimbong dance performed by men, followed by the Ma'dandan dance performed by women. The aluk religion governs when and how Torajans dance. A dance called Ma'bua can be performed only once every 12 years. Ma'bua is a major Toraja ceremony in which priests wear a buffalo head and dance around a sacred tree.
A traditional musical instrument of the Toraja is a bamboo flute called a Pa'suling (suling is an Indonesian word for flute). This six-holed flute (not unique to the Toraja) is played at many dances, such as the thanksgiving dance Ma'bondensan, where the flute accompanies a group of shirtless, dancing men with long fingernails. The Toraja have indigenous musical instruments, such as the Pa'pelle (made from palm leaves) and the Pa'karombi (the Torajan version of a jaw harp). The Pa'pelle is played during harvest time and at house inauguration ceremonies.
COGENDER VIEWS
Among the Saʼadan (eastern Toraja) in the island of Sulawesi (Celebes), Indonesia, there are homosexual male toburake tambolang shamans; although among their neighbors the Mamasa (western Toraja) there are instead only heterosexual female toburake shamanesses.
LANGUAGE
The ethnic Toraja language is dominant in Tana Toraja with the main language as the Sa'dan Toraja. Although the national Indonesian language is the official language and is spoken in the community, all elementary schools in Tana Toraja teach Toraja language.
Language varieties of Toraja, including Kalumpang, Mamasa, Tae, Talondo, Toala, and Toraja-Sa'dan, belong to the Malayo-Polynesian language from the Austronesian family. At the outset, the isolated geographical nature of Tana Toraja formed many dialects between the Toraja languages themselves. After the formal administration of Tana Toraja, some Toraja dialects have been influenced by other languages through the transmigration program, introduced since the colonialism period, and it has been a major factor in the linguistic variety of Toraja languages.
A prominent attribute of Toraja language is the notion of grief. The importance of death ceremony in Toraja culture has characterised their languages to express intricate degrees of grief and mourning. The Toraja language contains many terms referring to sadness, longing, depression, and mental pain. Giving a clear expression of the psychological and physical effect of loss is a catharsis and sometimes lessens the pain of grief itself.
ECONOMY
Prior to Suharto's "New Order" administration, the Torajan economy was based on agriculture, with cultivated wet rice in terraced fields on mountain slopes, and supplemental cassava and maize crops. Much time and energy were devoted to raising water buffalo, pigs, and chickens, primarily for ceremonial sacrifices and consumption. Coffee was the first significant cash crop produced in Toraja, and was introduced in the mid 19th century, changing the local economy towards commodity production for external markets and gaining an excellent reputation for quality in the international market.
With the commencement of the New Order in 1965, Indonesia's economy developed and opened to foreign investment. In Toraja, a coffee plantation and factory was established by Key Coffee of Japan, and Torajan coffee regained a reputation for quality within the growing international specialty coffee sector Multinational oil and mining companies opened new operations in Indonesia during the 1970s and 1980s. Torajans, particularly younger ones, relocated to work for the foreign companies—to Kalimantan for timber and oil, to Papua for mining, to the cities of Sulawesi and Java, and many went to Malaysia. The out-migration of Torajans was steady until 1985. and has continued since, with remittances sent back by emigre Torajans performing an important role within the contemporary economy.
Tourism commenced in Toraja in the 1970s, and accelerated in the 1980s and 1990s. Between 1984 and 1997, a significant number of Torajans obtained their incomes from tourism, working in and owning hotels, as tour guides, drivers, or selling souvenirs. With the rise of political and economic instability in Indonesia in the late 1990s—including religious conflicts elsewhere on Sulawesi—tourism in Tana Toraja has declined dramatically. Toraja continues to be a well known origin for Indonesian coffee, grown by both smallholders and plantation estates, although migration, remittances and off-farm income is considered far more important to most households, even those in rural areas.
TOURISM AND CULTURAL CHANGE
Before the 1970s, Toraja was almost unknown to Western tourism. In 1971, about 50 Europeans visited Tana Toraja. In 1972, at least 400 visitors attended the funeral ritual of Puang of Sangalla, the highest-ranking nobleman in Tana Toraja and the so-called "last pure-blooded Toraja noble." The event was documented by National Geographic and broadcast in several European countries. In 1976, about 12,000 tourists visited the regency and in 1981, Torajan sculpture was exhibited in major North American museums. "The land of the heavenly kings of Tana Toraja", as written in the exhibition brochure, embraced the outside world.
In 1984, the Indonesian Ministry of Tourism declared Tana Toraja Regency the prima donna of South Sulawesi. Tana Toraja was heralded as "the second stop after Bali". Tourism was increasing dramatically: by 1985, a total number of 150,000 foreigners had visited the Regency (in addition to 80,000 domestic tourists), and the annual number of foreign visitors was recorded at 40,000 in 1989. Souvenir stands appeared in Rantepao, the cultural center of Toraja, roads were sealed at the most-visited tourist sites, new hotels and tourist-oriented restaurants were opened, and an airstrip was opened in the Regency in 1981.
Tourism developers have marketed Tana Toraja as an exotic adventure—an area rich in culture and off the beaten track. Western tourists expected to see stone-age villages and pagan funerals. Toraja is for tourists who have gone as far as Bali and are willing to see more of the wild, "untouched" islands. However, they were more likely to see a Torajan wearing a hat and denim, living in a Christian society. Tourists felt that the tongkonan and other Torajan rituals had been preconceived to make profits, and complained that the destination was too commercialised. This has resulted in several clashes between Torajans and tourism developers, whom Torajans see as outsiders.
A clash between local Torajan leaders and the South Sulawesi provincial government (as a tourist developer) broke out in 1985. The government designated 18 Toraja villages and burial sites as traditional tourist attractions. Consequently, zoning restrictions were applied to these areas, such that Torajans themselves were barred from changing their tongkonans and burial sites. The plan was opposed by some Torajan leaders, as they felt that their rituals and traditions were being determined by outsiders. As a result, in 1987, the Torajan village of Kété Kesú and several other designated tourist attractions closed their doors to tourists. This closure lasted only a few days, as the villagers found it too difficult to survive without the income from selling souvenirs.
Tourism has also transformed Toraja society. Originally, there was a ritual which allowed commoners to marry nobles (puang) and thereby gain nobility for their children. However, the image of Torajan society created for the tourists, often by "lower-ranking" guides, has eroded its traditional strict hierarchy. High status is not as esteemed in Tana Toraja as it once was. Many low-ranking men can declare themselves and their children nobles by gaining enough wealth through work outside the region and then marrying a noble woman.
WIKIPEDIA
02/10/2021. Ladies European Tour 2021. Estrella Damm Ladies Open Presented by Catalunya, Club de Golf Terramar, Sitges, Spain. October 1-3 2021. Ellie Givens of England during the second round. Credit: Tristan Jones/LET
Given what she's able to do, I guess some nice toned back muscles are a requirement.
Strobist Details: Blue gel'd with a cookie 285HV as a backlight to the left of the frame (on the super-reasonably-priced MPEX backlight stand) and a Sunpak 622 with a cookie to break up the light to the right of the frame. Both optically triggered off of the Sunpak 144PC that I had in the E-P3's hotshoe.
Given the date & the relative completeness of the loco, this is quite likely to be Y6 being lowered onto its bogies in Launceston Workshops.
This was the last new TGR loco to enter service carrying the red/cream band livery and the bogies and fuel tank were painted silver before it entered traffic on the 18-8-1970. It took another year before Y7 & 8 were ready to enter service.
Oregon Army National Guard Staff Sgt. Eric Givens (right), with Delta Company, 2nd Battalion, 162nd Infantry Regiment, 41st Infantry Brigade Combat Team, and Canadian Army Reserve Cpl. Avery Whitty-Kirker, with Royal Westminster Regiment, 39th Canadian Brigade Group, use knives to feather kindling sticks as part of a fire making class taught by the 4th Canadian Rangers Patrol Group during Westie Avalanche Exercise, January 26, 2019, at E.C. Manning Park, British Columbia, Canada. Nearly 40 Oregon Army National Guard Soldiers traveled to British Columbia and worked shoulder-to-shoulder with the Royal Westminster Regiment to learn basic winter survival skills. (Photo by Sgt. 1st Class April Davis, Oregon Military Department Public Affairs)