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I watched for about 20 minutes as these guys struggled, using a crowbar and muscles, trying to dislodge this temporary handmade framework. Co-workers in the other lift were prepared to swing over and assist if needed, but they prevailed. Like photographing wildlife, luck and patience allowed me to capture the moment.
Having more fun with the fisheye lens in the Lamberton Conservatory, Rochester New York. In this shot, I caught DBJules taking this awesome lensbaby picture.
Lab2014 students presented their final design explorations for Benjamin Bratton's Critical Frameworks section, "2 or 3 Things I Know About The Stack" at The California Institute for Telecommunications and Information Technology (Calit2) at UCSD. The group visited an immersive 3-D projection "CAVE", a 4K digital theater and the nanotech cleanrooms on campus, as well as The Salk Institute for Biological Studies.
A while ago I got a Walimex Pro 8 mm Fisheye lens. Today I took it for a few test shots with my Canon 60D.
The framework of a power pole is one of them.
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Camera: Canon EOS 60D
Focal Length: 8mm Fish-Eye
1/80 sec
ISO: 400
press "L" for the best view
"Scottish–American Soldiers Monument"
"The American Civil War Memorial, also known as the Scottish–American Soldiers Monument, was dedicated on 21 August 1893 to Scots who fought and died in the American Civil War. Depicting a standing figure of Abraham Lincoln, with a freed slave giving thanks at his feet, it is a focal point of the burial ground, located just in front of Hume’s tomb.
It is the only monument to the American Civil War outwith the United States and was the first statue to a U.S. President outwith her own borders. It is the only statue of Lincoln in Scotland.
Sculptures were by George Edwin Bissell and stonework by Stewart McGlashan & Son. A bronze shield bears the old US flag, and is wreathed in thistles to the left, and cotton to the right. Two regimental flags lie furled, the battle being over. The black man holds a book, indicating that he is not only free, he is also now educated. The monument was erected at American expense to a small group of Scots (only one of whom, William Duff, is buried under the monument, the rest being nearby) to whom it felt indebted, and wished their graves to be marked, despite their later poverty. They had all fought for the Union (the North) in the American Civil War. The inscription, "To preserve the jewel of liberty in the framework of Freedom" is a quotation from the writings of Abraham Lincoln." (Wikipedia).
Zenit B with Rite Aid 200 (expired).
Processed at home with Tetenal C-41 kit.
Sketchnote of a really nice study of using a novel metal-organic framework (MOF) to separate acetylene from ethylene. This is typically an energy-intensive process by conventional methods but MOFs offer a new means to do this separation better. This research was published in Science.
Disclaimer: Occasional errors in the content of these notes are mine and may be due to an error I made understanding the paper. Such errors do not reflect the intent of the author(s).
Today we made a visit at Tobiashammer in Ohrdruf, a an old hammer and steel-mill, dating back to 1482. You can also see Europe's largest steam engine there.
Btw: sorry for not staying in touch - I'm just too busy these days. Have a great weekend!
Kamera: Nikon F3 (1982)
Linse: Nikkor-S Auto 50mm f1.4 (1970)
Film: Kodak 5222 @ ISO 250
Kjemi: Rodinal (1:50 / 9 min. @ 20°C)
Wikipedia: Gaza Genocide
- ATHENS, GREECE / 3 September 2025 — The Hind Rajab Foundation announces that on 3 September 2025, it has formally submitted a criminal complaint (μηνυτήρια αναφορά) before the Prosecutor of the Supreme Court of Greece, represented by its legal counsel Ms. Evgenia Kouniaki, against Major Yair Ohana, an officer of the Israeli armed forces. Ohana served as a company commander and logistics officer in the Givati Brigade’s 432nd Infantry Battalion “Tzabar”, one of the core units deployed in the genocidal campaign against the Palestinian people in Gaza.
Mr. Ohana is now visiting Greece as a tourist.
The complaint, supported by a comprehensive evidentiary report prepared by the Foundation, demonstrates that Major Ohana bears individual criminal responsibility for war crimes, torture, and genocide. As a company commander within the 432nd Battalion, and an officer responsible for logistics, Ohana played a critical role in supporting the Battalion’s operations in Gaza and was therefore directly involved in its criminal conduct.
Nature of the Crimes
Systematic Attacks on Civilian Objects Without Military Necessity
As part of the so-called “Generals’ Plan,” the 432nd Battalion executed the wholesale devastation of Netzarim and Jabaliya, destroying homes, schools, hospitals, and essential infrastructure. These attacks were deliberate and controlled demolitions aimed at rendering large areas of northern Gaza permanently uninhabitable and served the strategic aim of erasing entire communities. Such acts may amount to directing attacks against civilian objects, extensive destruction of property, not justified by military necessity, as well as attacking or bombarding, by whatever means, towns, villages, dwellings or buildings which are undefended and which are not military objectives, war crimes under the Rome Statute and the Fourth Geneva Convention.
Torture and Inhumane Treatment
Evidence shows Ohana’s involvement in the transfer of Palestinians detained in Gaza under conditions of humiliation and abuse — blindfolded, bound, and transported to Israel. These acts violate the UN Convention Against Torture and constitute war crimes.
Genocidal Conduct
By creating conditions of life designed to prevent the survival of the civilian population in northern Gaza — through the destruction of entire residential neighborhoods and other civilian objects — the acts contribute to the crime of genocide, as defined in Article 6(c) of the Rome Statute: “deliberately inflicting conditions of life calculated to bring about the physical destruction of a people, in whole or in part.”
By transferring Palestinians arrested by the army in inhumane conditions to places where they were likely subjected to torture and ill-treatment, he also “caused serious bodily or mental harm,” as defined in Article 6(b) of the Rome Statute.
Jurisdiction of Greece
The presence of Yair Ohana on Greek territory establishes the obligation of the Greek state to act:
Article 28 of the Greek Constitution: international treaties such as the Geneva Conventions and the UN Convention Against Torture form part of domestic law and prevail over conflicting provisions.
Article 8 of the Greek Penal Code: Greek criminal law applies to crimes committed abroad when international treaties so require.
Article 7 of the UN Convention Against Torture (Law 1782/1988) and Articles 49, 50, 129, and 146 of the Geneva Conventions (Law 3481/1955) impose an absolute duty on states to prosecute or extradite perpetrators of torture and grave breaches (“aut dedere aut judicare”).
Accordingly, Greece cannot ignore the presence of a suspected war criminal and genocidaire within its territory. The law requires the initiation of a criminal investigation and, where evidence is substantiated, prosecution before Greek courts.
Regional and International Cooperation
The complaint and the full dossier of evidence against Yair Ohana were also shared with all neighboring countries of Greece — Turkey, Albania, North Macedonia, Bulgaria, and Cyprus — to encourage parallel action and prevent safe haven for suspected war criminals in the region. Furthermore, the report was also transmitted to Belgium, Spain, Ireland, Slovenia, South Africa, Brazil, and Peru, countries that have taken a leading role in supporting accountability for international crimes. A copy has also been submitted to Interpol, to facilitate international arrest mechanisms, and to the International Criminal Court (ICC) in The Hague, thereby forming part of the Court’s broader consideration of atrocities committed in Gaza.
The filing against Major Yair Ohana represents not only a demand for justice for the victims of Gaza, but also a test of Greece’s adherence to its international obligations. The crimes documented are not abstract violations — they are acts of calculated brutality, aimed at extinguishing a civilian population through destruction, displacement, and terror.
By opening proceedings against Ohana, Greece has the opportunity to stand on the side of international law, justice, and humanity, and to send a clear message that impunity for war crimes and genocide will not be tolerated on its soil.
- Source - Hind Rajab Foundation: No Safe Haven: HRF Seeks Prosecution of Israeli War Criminal Yair Ohana in Greece (Publ. 3 September 2025)
- BRUSSELS, BELGIUM / 31 August 2025 — Today, the Hind Rajab Foundation (HRF) and the Palestinian Centre for Human Rights (PCHR) submitted a formal complaint to the International Criminal Court (ICC) regarding the massacre at Nasser Hospital in Khan Younis on 25 August 2025. The attack killed 22 civilians, including five journalists, three hospital staff, one doctor, a civil defense worker, and one child, 14-year-old Rayan Omar Mahmoud Abu Omar. More than fifty others were injured in what can only be described as a deliberate double-tap strike carried out with full knowledge of the civilian presence.
Golani at the Center of the Operation
The Golani Brigade, under the command of Col. Bar Ganon, was at the heart of this atrocity. Evidence demonstrates that Golani forces engineered the attack from its inception. Their reconnaissance unit, Sayeret Golani (Recon 631), Lead by Lt. Col. Bar Veakart, conducted continuous UAV surveillance over Nasser Hospital and may have executed the first strike themselves using a drone-fired munition. The footage and testimonies establish that Golani’s operators had uninterrupted “eyes on the target,” observing the stairwell where Reuters cameraman Hussam al-Masri positioned his live camera every day. They knew precisely who was present — journalists in clearly marked press vests, civil defense workers in uniform, doctors, patients, and even a child.
The first strike killed al-Masri and cut his live broadcast. Nine minutes later, once rescue workers and journalists had gathered to assist the wounded, Golani requested and coordinated a second strike. The timing and method show that this was no accident, but a calculated decision to maximize civilian casualties.
Tactical Execution by the 188th Armored Brigade
The 188th Armored Brigade, commanded by Col. Miki Sharvit, executed the second strike. Forensic analysis of debris and video footage confirms that at least two LAHAT laser-guided missiles were fired in near-simultaneous salvo from Merkava tanks, striking the exact same stairwell landing within a second of each other. This precision was only possible because Golani’s UAVs provided the laser designation that guided the missiles directly onto the stairwell filled with civilians.
The 188th Armored Brigade therefore carried out the tactical launch of the massacre, fully aware—thanks to drone oversight—of who their victims would be.
Divisional Oversight by the 36th Armored Division
Above these units stood the 36th Armored Division (“Ga’ash”), commanded by Brig. Gen. Moran Omer. This division held operational responsibility over both the Golani Brigade and the 188th Armored Brigade in Khan Younis. Brig. Gen. Omer personally toured the area in the days before the attack, meeting with his subordinate commanders and overseeing their deployment. His division had ultimate control over fire missions in the sector, and the precision strikes against the hospital stairwell could not have taken place without his approval.
Sectoral Authorization by the Southern Command
The next level of responsibility lies with the Southern Command, led by Maj. Gen. Yaniv Asor (b. 1972). All operations in Gaza fell under his authority, including the approval of attacks on highly sensitive sites such as hospitals. Reports confirm that the first strike on Nasser Hospital was approved specifically as a drone attack due to the sensitivity of the location. The second strike, launched with guided missiles only minutes later, likewise required his approval. His authorization allowed the escalation that transformed one lethal strike into a massacre.
Strategic Oversight by the Chief of Staff
The overall command rested with Lt. Gen. Eyal Zamir (b. 1966), Chief of Staff of the Israeli military. Zamir visited Khan Younis just days before the massacre, together with Maj. Gen. Asor and Brig. Gen. Omer, meeting directly with Golani and 188th commanders. As Chief of Staff, Zamir was responsible for the rules of engagement and permitted the use of double-tap tactics: an initial strike, followed by a second strike once journalists, doctors, and rescue teams had rushed to assist the wounded. By endorsing such methods, Zamir effectively institutionalized a strategy designed to maximize terror and death among civilians.
Political Responsibility of the Prime Minister
At the very top stands Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu (b. 1949), who provided the political and ideological framework that made this massacre possible. By repeatedly branding journalists as “Hamas affiliates” and hospitals as “terrorist infrastructure,” without offering evidence, Netanyahu legitimized attacks on civilians and created an environment in which the targeting of hospitals and journalists became state policy. His leadership role makes him not only an enabler but also an architect of this policy of extermination and erasure.
Weapons Analysis: Precision and Intent
The weapons analysis carried out by HRF’s forensic team underscores the deliberate nature of the attack. The first strike was carried out with a drone-fired munition, consistent with eyewitness accounts and the localized damage that killed Hussam al-Masri without collapsing the hospital building. The second strike involved at least two LAHAT guided missiles launched from Merkava tanks, homing in on the stairwell designated by Golani’s UAV. Debris collected at the site showed modular alloy casings consistent with guided missile systems, not conventional shells.
The presence of UAVs over the hospital during the entire attack confirms that the perpetrators saw exactly who was on the ground. The choice to strike the same spot twice, with such precision, proves that this was intentional killing rather than incidental harm.
War Crimes and Genocide
The massacre at Nasser Hospital is not an isolated event but part of a wider pattern. Since October 2023, more than 270 journalists have been killed in Gaza, making it the deadliest conflict for media workers in modern history. At the same time, 94% of Gaza’s hospitals have been damaged or destroyed. This systematic targeting of both healthcare and the press shows a dual strategy: to deprive Palestinians of survival and to erase the evidence of their suffering. Such acts are consistent with a genocidal policy.
HRF and PCHR therefore conclude that the Nasser Hospital massacre constitutes war crimes under the Rome Statute, including willful killing, deliberate attacks on a hospital, and disproportionate harm. It also constitutes genocide, as it involves the intentional killing of members of a protected group and the deliberate infliction of conditions of life calculated to destroy that group in whole or in part.
A Call for Justice
With today’s filing before the ICC, the Hind Rajab Foundation and the Palestinian Centre for Human Rights demand that the Court open proceedings and issue arrest warrants against those responsible — from the Golani operators who designated the target, to the tank commanders who launched the missiles, to the generals who approved the attack, and ultimately to Prime Minister Netanyahu who provided political cover.
This massacre was not the result of chaos or confusion but of a carefully executed plan under a clear chain of command. Journalists, doctors, rescue workers, and even a child were killed deliberately, under the watching eyes of Israeli drones. This was not only a war crime — it was an act of genocide.
The world cannot allow impunity to continue. Justice for the victims of Nasser Hospital demands accountability at the highest level.
- Source - Hind Rajab Foundation: HRF and PCHR File ICC Complaint on the Nasser Hospital Massacre: Exposing the Command Chain Behind the Killing of 22 Civilians (Publ. 31 August 2025)
- BRUSSELS, BELGIUM / 12 August 2025 — By any measure, Anas Al-Sharif (1996-2025) should still be alive.
On the morning of 10 August 2025, the 28-year-old Al Jazeera Arabic correspondent was doing what he had done since the first days of the Gaza onslaught — reporting from the frontlines, armed only with a camera and a press vest. Outside the main gate of Al Shifa Hospital, in one of the last corners of northern Gaza where journalists could still work, Al-Sharif was filing footage of bombardments that shook the streets around him. Moments later, a missile struck the tent where he and his colleagues were sheltering.
Seven people died instantly. Among them: Mohammed Qreiqeh, Ibrahim Zaher, Mohammed Noufal, and Moamen Aliwa — four Al Jazeera journalists who, like Al-Sharif, had refused to stop documenting the Genocide.
Mohammed Al-Khaldi, also a journalist who worked for Sahat Media Platform, and Saad Jundiya, a Palestinian civilian who happened to be present in the scene at the time of attack were also killed.
The Israeli military would later admit the strike was deliberate. Their justification? The same recycled accusation used in killing over 220 journalists since October 2023: that the victims were “terrorists in press vests.”
For the Hind Rajab Foundation (HRF) and the Palestinian Center for Human Rights (PCHR), this was not just another tragedy in a long war on the press. This was a clear-cut criminal act — a war crime and part of a broader genocidal campaign — and it demanded a direct, targeted legal response.
A Joint Case to The Hague
The new Article 15 Communication to the International Criminal Court was filed jointly by HRF and PCHR. While HRF focused its investigation on the chain of command and operational decisions that led to Al-Sharif’s killing, PCHR brought to the case its meticulous documentation of the other Al Jazeera journalists killed in Gaza — cases that fit the same pattern of premeditation and deliberate targeting.
PCHR’s files cover the assassinations of Hossam Shabat (2001-2025), Ismail Al-Ghoul (1997-2024), Ahmed Al-Louh, Hamza Wael Al-Dahdouh (1996-2024), and Samer Abu Daqa (d. 2023), among others — all journalists marked by Israel as “terrorists” before being eliminated in targeted strikes. These cases show that Al-Sharif’s killing was not an isolated event but part of an established policy.
Following the Chain of Command
When HRF investigators began reconstructing the strike, they followed the trail from the moment a drone camera locked onto Al-Sharif’s position to the instant the missile hit.
Using operational patterns, signals intelligence reports, and expert military analysis, the foundation identified the chain of command behind the killing:
* Lt.-Gen. Eyal Zamir (b. 1966) – IDF Chief of the General Staff
* Maj.-Gen. Tomer Bar (b. 1969) – Commander of the Israeli Air Force
* Maj.-Gen. Yaniv Asor (b. 1972) – Southern Command Commander
* Brig.-Gen. Yossi Sariel (b. 1978) – Former Commander of Unit 8200 (Israel’s signals intelligence branch)
* General A. : Current Commander of Unit 8200
* Palmachim Airbase Commander – Name undisclosed
* 161 “Black Snake” Squadron Commander – Name undisclosed
* Col. Avichay Adraee (b. 1982) – IDF Spokesperson’s Unit, Arab Media Division, responsible for a sustained smear campaign against Al-Sharif
At the political summit stands Benjamin Netanyahu (b. 1949), the Prime Minister who presided over — and encouraged — a strategy to eliminate journalists as part of Israel’s assault on Gaza.
The Smear Before the Strike
If the missile was the killing blow, the campaign to delegitimize Anas Al-Sharif (1996-2025) had begun long before. For nearly two years, Avichay Adraee (b. 1982), Israel’s Arabic-language military spokesperson, used social media to accuse Al-Sharif of being a Hamas operative. He mocked the journalist’s emotional reporting, called his on-camera tears “crocodile tears,” and framed his work as propaganda.
This smear playbook is familiar. Before being killed, journalists such as Hamza Wael Al-Dahdouh (1996-2024), Ismail Al-Ghoul (1997-2024), and Hossam Shabat (2001-2025) — whose cases PCHR has fully documented — were branded “terrorists” by Israeli officials. Days or weeks later, they were dead — killed in precision strikes on clearly marked press vehicles or while wearing “PRESS” vests.
A War on Witnesses
The killings of Anas Al-Sharif and his colleagues are not isolated incidents. Together, HRF and PCHR’s investigations reveal a systematic policy targeting Al Jazeera journalists:
1. Label them terrorists without any plausible proof.
2. Smear them publicly to dehumanize and justify their killing.
3. Eliminate them in targeted strikes.
In the Gaza war, local journalists are not just chroniclers—they are the last line of independent witness to a conflict foreign reporters are barred from entering. Silencing them is not collateral damage; it is strategic.
From Evidence to Action
The joint submission to the ICC does not mince words. It accuses the identified military and political figures of:
* War crimes under Article 8(2)(a)(i) of the Rome Statute (willful killing)
* Genocide under Article 6(a) of the Rome Statute (as part of the broader campaign to destroy the Palestinian people and erase those documenting their suffering)
And it makes three urgent demands to the ICC Prosecutor:
1. Issue arrest warrants for the military officials named in the submission.
2. Expand Netanyahu’s arrest warrant to include crimes against journalists.
3. Formally include all 220+ journalist killings in the ICC’s Palestine investigation.
Hunting the Perpetrators
This is not symbolic litigation. HRF is tracking these individuals, identifying their roles, and preparing to pursue them in any jurisdiction willing to act. The case is being built not only for The Hague, but also for prosecution in national courts that recognize universal jurisdiction for war crimes and genocide.
“The assassination of Anas Al-Sharif was so blunt, so arrogant, and so drenched in contempt for human life, truth, the legal order, and humanity itself, that it cannot and will not be allowed to pass into silence.” says HRF Chairman Dyab Abou Jahjah (b. 1971).
The Message to The ICC
The evidence is there. The legal foundation is unshakable. The jurisdiction is established beyond question. What remains is for the International Criminal Court to move past statements of “grave concern” and take the decisive step that justice demands: act.
The killing of journalists in Gaza is not a footnote to the story — it is the method by which every other war crime is hidden from the world. It is the deliberate blinding of humanity’s eyes, the extinguishing of the witnesses who stand between atrocity and oblivion. To ignore this is not neutrality — it is complicity. It is to give the perpetrators the silence they seek.
Anas Al-Sharif (1996-2025) knew this better than anyone. His last words, prepared in anticipation of his own assassination, still echo across the digital world:
“If these words of mine reach you, know that Israel has succeeded in killing me and silencing my voice.”
But voices like his are not so easily buried. The joint HRF–PCHR case ensures that his words will rise again—in the courtroom of the ICC, in the ink of arrest warrants, and in the unyielding memory of history. They will stand as testimony not only to his courage but to the moral imperative that binds us all: that truth must be defended, justice must be pursued, and those who kill to hide their crimes must one day answer for them.
- Source - Hind Rajab Foundation: The Hunt for Anas Al-Sharif’s Killers: HRF and PCHR Bring Israel’s War on Journalists to the ICC (Publ. 12 August 2025)
The total population of the Mediterranean countries grew from 276 million in 1970 to 412 million in 2000 (a 1,35% increase per year) and to 466 million in 2010. The population is predicted to reach 529 million by 2025. Four countries account for about 60% of the total population: Turkey (81 million), Egypt (72 million), France (62 million), and Italy (60 million) (Plan Bleu computations based on UNDESA 2011). Overall, more than half the population lives in countries on the southern shores of the Mediterranean, and this proportion is expected to grow to three quarters by 2025 (UNEP/MAP/MED POL 2005). The Mediterranean region’s population is concentrated near the coasts. More than a third live in coastal administrative entities totaling less than 12% of the surface area of the Mediterranean countries. The population of the coastal regions grew from 95 million in 1979 to 143 million in 2000. It could reach 174 million by 2025 (UN/MAP/BP/RAC 2005). The concentration of population in coastal zones is heaviest in the western Mediterranean, the western shore of the Adriatic Sea, the eastern shore of the Aegean-Levantine region, and the Nile Delta. Overall, the concentration of population in the coastal zone is higher in the southern Mediterranean countries. This is also where the variability of the population density in the coastal zone is highest, ranging from more than 1000 people/km2 in the Nile Delta to fewer than 20 people/km2 along parts of coastal Libya.
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This photo has been graciously provided to be used in the GRID-Arendal resources library by: GRID-Arendal
The estimated mean annual river discharge into the Mediterranean for recent years is about 10.000 m3/s, with a dry season in midsummer and a peak flow in early spring (Struglia et al. 2004). Ranked according to annual discharge, the ten largest rivers contributing to the Mediterranean Sea are the Rhone, Po, Drin-Bojana, Nile, Neretva, Ebro, Tiber, Adige, Seyhan, and Ceyhan. These rivers account for half of the mean annual discharge, with the Rhone and the Po alone accounting for already one-third of it (Ludwig et al. 2009). Of the three continents that discharge into the Mediterranean Sea, Europe dominates, with a climatological mean annual discharge that accounts for half of the total. The European discharge clearly determines the seasonal cycle for the Mediterranean. Discharge from Asia and Africa is considerably smaller. Discharge into the Adriatic Sea, the Northwestern Basin, and the Aegean Sea, combined, accounts for 76% of the whole. About one-third of the total basin discharge flows into the Adriatic (3.700 m3/s) (data from Ludwig et al. 2009). The Nile, with a catchment area an order of magnitude greater than any other Mediterranean river, has a mean annual discharge of 2.800 m3/s to the Aswan Dam. The discharge is reduced to about 5% of that amount (150 m3/s) by the time it reaches the Mediterranean Sea.
For any form of publication, please include the link to this page:
This photo has been graciously provided to be used in the GRID-Arendal resources library by: GRID-Arendal
www.intersectionconsulting.com From a leadership perspective, embedding social business ideas into an organization has less to do with embracing tools and technology than it does with learning how to facilitate and manage culture change. What set of skills do leaders need in their toolbox to effectively lead organizations through the process of adopting social business philosophy?
The following framework is inspired by James Kouzes and Barry Posner’s Five Practices Model, from their ground breaking book The Leadership Challenge . This post is designed to help leaders understand some of the unique considerations, competencies and behaviors related to leadership in the age of social media.
Exploring a tangent from the Cymatic Fluid studies. No fancy GLSL here, just simple white lines on black background.