View allAll Photos Tagged faulty
Flint Station North Wales
By Accident this shot-The Station main exit was Blocked due to a faulty Door so I left From The Side Gate Turned around a saw the shot
The Sculpture is Named 'Footplate' and marks the beginning of the North Wales Cycle Network
Samyang 8mm Fish-eye
Die Zweifinger-Faultiere (Choloepus) sind eine Säugetiergattung aus der Unterordnung der Faultiere, wo sie die einzigen überlebenden Vertreter der Familie Megalonychidae darstellen. Die Bezeichnung Zweizehen-Faultiere, die manchmal für die Gruppe verwendet wird, ist insofern irreführend, als sie nur an den Vorderfüßen zwei, an den Hinterfüßen jedoch drei Zehen aufweisen. Die Gattung umfasst zwei rezente Arten, das Eigentliche Zweifingerfaultier(Choloepus didactylus) und das Hoffmann-Zweifingerfaultier (Choloepus hoffmanni). Beide Arten bewohnen den zentralen und nördlichen Teil Südamerikas, ersteres ist zudem auch in Teilen Mittelamerikas zu finden. Hauptsächlich kommen die Zweifinger-Faultiere in tropischen Regenwäldern des Flach- und Berglands vor. Sie ernähren sich meist von pflanzlicher, gelegentlich auch von tierischer Nahrung. Die Tiere leben einzelgängerisch und sind nachtaktiv. Besonderheiten stellen vor allem die mit dem Rücken nach unten, in den Ästen hängende Lebensweise und Fortbewegung, ebenso wie die aufgrund der energiearmen Ernährung niedrige Stoffwechselrate einhergehend mit sehr langsamen Bewegungen dar.
____________________________
Choloepus is a genus of mammals of Central and South America, within the familyMegalonychidae consisting of two-toed sloths. The two species of Choloepus(which means "lame foot"), Linnaeus's two-toed sloth (Choloepus didactylus) and Hoffmann's two-toed sloth (Choloepus hoffmanni), are the only surviving members of the family Megalonychidae.
Faulty structures in the Rana Plaza clothing factory building triggered cracks on one of the lower storeys. The result was a devastating collapse in April 2013, resulting in the deaths of around 1,200 workers. ActionAid provided emergency support in the immediate aftermath and continues to support survivors and families of those who died.
One year after the Rana Plaza factory building collapse in Savar, Bangladesh, ActionAid is helping many of those left injured or vulnerable to restart their lives and is part of the campaign seeking compensation for the survivors and families of those who died. ActionAid has worked for a number of years with garment workers in Bangladesh, supporting women to demand better pay and safer conditions. The Rana Plaza tragedy reinforced why this is so important.
Photo: ActionAid
Follow us at @ActionAidUK
Like us on Facebook
Taken with a Zeiss Ikon Ikonta 523/16 with a faulty lens. Will try to repair.
Camera: Zeiss Ikon Ikonta 523/16 6x6 cm format.
Lens: Novar-Anastigmat 75mm F4.5 with lens disassembled, cleaned and assembled with one lens element the wrong way around.
Film: Ilford FP4+ dev. in D-76.
Help please from anyone who knows their DS gearboxes or can have a quick look at one. My 1963 DS19 BVM has lost gear change; the lever is all floppy, it will engage what I take to be 1st and 2nd gears half way across the movement range, might just get as far as 3rd and 4th and it won't go into reverse (which involves the gear lever pulling the cable right out and then rotating). It may all be my fault, it followed an episode where I jacked the car up to refit a suspension cafetiere before I had refitted the gearbox support, leaving the cable and bracket taking the weight of the engine...ooops.
Anyhow, the picture shows the gearbox end of the control system; there's a central cable which goes in and out, that's the smaller bit with the notch. Then there's the outer sleeve which rotates, attached by two bolts onto the rest of the mechanism. The cable is pushed into the gearbox as far as it will go. There is wear on the rotating sleeve where it enters the gearbox - might this mean it has come out of the gearbox a little, perhaps either damaging the control rods inside, or just losing position? The wear is a band measuring about 6mm, a lighter colour. The rotating part of the gearbox control isn't meant to move in and out of the gearbox, I imagine. The oval flange is 13mm from the gearbox casing.
Might there be a fix that involves removing the gearbox cover rather than ripping the gearbox completely (I don't need to change the clutch and the gearbox and diff bearings have always seemed OK to me). I am reluctant just to take the cover off without any advice, as the inside of a gearbox is getting beyond my limited mechanical skills.
The manual gearchange system is the same as on an ID19, of course.
Thanks in advance!
Presumably deputising for a faulty Class 175 on 31 May 2014 is Arriva Trains Wales' 150267 working 1W66, the 13.10 Milford haven to Manchester Piccadilly slowing for the stop at Pembrey and Burry Port. Of interest is the recently refurbished footbridge, but this is not enough to prevent the photographer from feeling sorry for any passengers (customers?) travelling a long journey on one of these noisy, uncomfortable commuter trains.
Banteay Kdei, meaning "A Citadel of Chambers", also known as "Citadel of Monks' cells", is a Buddhist temple in Angkor, Cambodia. It is located southeast of Ta Prohm and east of Angkor Thom. Built in the mid-12th to early 13th centuries AD during the reign of Jayavarman VII (who was posthumously given the title "Maha paramasangata pada"), it is in the Bayon architectural style, similar in plan to Ta Prohm and Preah Khan, but less complex and smaller. Its structures are contained within two successive enclosure walls, and consist of two concentric galleries from which emerge towers, preceded to the east by a cloister.
This Buddhist monastic complex is currently dilapidated due to faulty construction and poor quality of sandstone used in its buildings, and is now undergoing renovation. Banteay Kdei had been occupied by monks at various intervals over the centuries until the 1960s
The Banteay Kdei, one of the many Angkor temples, is located in the Angkor Archaeological Park of 400 square kilometres (150 sq mi) area. The ancient city of Angkor during the Khmer Empire extended from Tonle Sap to the Kulen hills covering a vast area of 1,000 square kilometres (390 sq mi). The temple is approached from the east gopura of Ta Prohm along a 600 metres (2,000 ft) path. This path leads to the west gate entrance gopura of Banteay Kdei. It is 3 kilometres (1.9 mi) east of Angkor Thom.
The name Banteay Kdei originates from an earlier name, Kuti, which is mentioned in the Sdok Kak Thom. This stele describes the arrival of Jayavarman II to the area, "When they arrived at the eastern district, the king bestowed an estate and a village called Kuti upon the family of the royal chaplain." This royal chaplain was the Brahman scholar Sivakaivalya, his chief priest for the Devaraja cult.: 98
The Khmer Empire lasted from 802 to 1431, initially under Hindu religious beliefs up to the end of the 12th century and later under Buddhist religious practices. It was a time when temples of grandeur came to be built and reached a crescendo during the reign of Suryavarman II until 1145/1150, and later in the 12th–13th centuries, under Jayavarman VII. Many Buddhist temples were built, including the Banteay Kdei, from middle of the 12th century to early 13th century. Though Jayavarman VII was credited with building many temples, he was also accused of squandering money on extravagant temple building projects at the expense of society and other duties. He built Buddhist temples in which Bodhisattva Avalokitesvara was the main deity. This temple built, conforming to the style of the Ta Prohm and Preah Khan temples in the vicinity during the same period by Jayavarman VII, but of a smaller size, was built as a Buddhist monastic complex on the site of a 10th-century temple built by Rajendravarman. Some small inscriptions attest to the building of this temple by Jayavarman VII and the royal architect, Kavindrarimathana.
Jayavarman VII had come to power at the age of 55 after defeating Chams who had invaded Angkor and subjected it to devastation. His "prodigious activity" resulted in the restoration of Cambodia from its ruins. He was chiefly the architect of the rebuilt capital at Angkor Thom and was called a "Great Builder". He was responsible for building many temples, which apart from Banteay Kdei, included the central temple of the Bayon, Prah Khan, Ta Prohm and many others, and also many rest houses for pilgrims. The reasons for building this temple at its present site is not known. However, it is established that the temple is a contemporary of the Angkor Wat as many similarities have been identified between the two, and also with Phimai temple in Thailand. It is reported to be the first temple built by Jayavarman VII in 1181 AD, opposite to the Srah Srang reservoir.
In the 13th century, most of the temples built by Jayavarman were vandalised. However, some of the Mahayana Buddhist frontons and lintels are still seen in good condition. It is also the view of some archaeologists that the temple was built by Jayavarman II in honour of his religious teacher.
The temple, which for several centuries after the Khmer reign ended, remained neglected and covered with vegetation. It was exposed after clearing the surrounding overgrowth of vegetation in 1920–1922. This work was carried out under the guidance of Henri Marchal (then Conservator of Angkor) and Ch. Battuer, by adopting a conservation principle which was known as "the principle of anastylosis, which was being employed very effectively by the Dutch authorities in Indonesia". It was partially occupied by Buddhist monks till the 1960s.
For ten years till March 2002, Sophia University Mission or the Sophia Mission of Japan carried out several Archaeological research at the Banteay Kdei temple. During these investigations, a cache of fragments of 274 Buddhist statues made in sandstone, along with a few metal art pieces, were unearthed, in 2001. Plans to build a storage room to house the statues was also planned.
The sacred temple complex is cloistered and packed in a space of 65 m × 50 m (213 ft × 164 ft) with three enclosures within a large compound wall of size 700 m × 300 m (2,300 ft × 980 ft), made of laterite stones. The entry is from the east facing gopura, which is in a cruciform embellished with Lokesvara images. The temple is a treasure house of sculptures in the architectural styles of the Bayon and also of the Angkor Wat. The complex is on a single level.
The external enclosure with four concentric walls, has four gopuras similar to the Ta Prohm temple, and all are in some degree of preserved status. At the four corners, the gopuras have a fascia of Lokesvara (Buddhist deity, Avalokitesvara) mounted over Garuda images (it is also mentioned that the smiling faces are of King Jayavarman II, similar to those seen in the Beyan temple). The east facing gopura, in particular, has well-preserved garuda images on its corners. Two hundred meters from the west entrance of this enclosure leads to a moat, which is decorated with statues of lions and naga-balustrades mounted on garudas. The moat itself has in its precincts the third enclosure which measures 320 m × 300 m (1,050 ft × 980 ft), also enclosed with laterite walls. The Buddha image at the entrance to the moat, near the second interior gate, is well preserved, considering the fact that most of the other statues have been destroyed or stolen.
The third enclosure has a gopura which has a cruciform plan. It has pillars which are crossed by vaults. There are three passages in this enclosure, two on either side are independent, with laterite walls. The niches here have small figurines, and large apsara devatas in single poses or in pairs of dancing poses. Large Buddha images, in an internal courtyard of this enclosure, have been defaced by vandals. A paved access from here leads to the main shrine, which comprises two galleried enclosures. At the entrance to these enclosures, from the eastern end, is the "Hall of Dancers", which has four open courtyards and the pillars have fine carvings of apsaras.
The second enclosure, which is part of the main temple, measures 58 m × 50 m (190 ft × 164 ft). It has a gopura on its eastern side and also subsidiary gopura on the west. Entrance doors are at the northern and southern ends. The gopura is built like a gallery with one exterior wall and double row of pillars which open into a courtyard and which has mostly shored up walls with small openings at the bottom to allow air circulation. The niches here are decorated with images of apsaras, and a Buddha statue in the central hall has been defaced by vandals. Bayon style architectural features built-in are the "balustered false windows with lowered blinds and devatas with headdresses in the form of small flaming discs set in a triangle." The vaults built in sandstone and laterite have collapsed at several locations of the gallery. The inner enclosures contain library building to its north and south and also a central sanctuary.
The inner enclosure of the main temple is built on a 36 m × 30 m (118 ft × 98 ft) layout plan. This enclosure has four corner towers abutted by small gopuras. Galleries running along an axis link these towers to the main sanctuary. The towers at the north-east and south-east are linked with the second gallery where a Buddha statue in a sitting posture is seen, in the backdrop of an open sky line. The sanctum which is 2.75 m (9.0 ft) square enclosure has some traces of statues of deities. This entire enclosure, however, is not built in Bayon style and hence conjectured to be of an earlier period. Remnants of wooden ceiling are also seen here. The entrance to the sanctum is flanked by dvarapalas surrounded by apsaras.
Srah Srang or "The royal bathing pool" or "pool of ablutions" to the east of Banteay Kdei, which was dug to dimensions of 700 metres (2,300 ft)x300 metres (980 ft) during the reign of Rajendraverman in the 10th century, was beautified by Jayavarman VII with well laid out steps of laterite stones with external margin of sandstone, on the banks of the pond facing the Sun. It is set amidst large trees and has turquoise blue waters all the year round. The approaching steps to the water edge are flanked by two stone statues of lions with ornamented Nāga-balustrades. The pond was reserved for use by the king and his wives. A stone base seen at an island in the centre of the pond once housed a wooden temple where the king did meditation. At the lily filled lake, watching sunset reflections in the lake is quite an experience. The water from the lake is now used for rice cultivation by farmers of the area.
Some specific architectural features which evolved with the Bayon style are clearly discerned in this temple. The roof is supported on free-standing pillars in the eastern and western pavilions in the third enclosure, built in a cruciform plan with the inner row of pillars supporting the roof. The pillars are also tied to the wall by a tie beam using a "mortise–and–tenon join" patterned on wooden structures. Other features noted are of the four central pillars in the western pavilion which have been strengthened with temporary supports of laterite stone block pillars. Carvings of Buddha are seen on all these pillars but mostly defaced. The temporary support system provided to the roof built on free standing pillars is indicative of problems of design seen in the temples built during this period.
Brand: DRD
Item Name: Faulty Signs
Price: 75L - 275L each/775L fatpack
Go To Marketplace Listing
www.seraphimsl.com/2023/06/04/faulty-signs-by-drd-now-on-...
after I've replaced the faulty selenium cell it is ready to go. could this be the perfect compact 35 camera?
*no batteries
*all mechanical except for that light meter (which is still partly mechanical)
*ae lock
*zone focusing
*sharp multicoated 40mm f/2,8 4 element lens
*beautiful
*simple
*compact
*no frills but excellent VF
*cheap
A refurbished DL traction motor hass just been delivered, and shop staff will set about changing out a faulty one under 9066.
With regards to marriage, Periyar has stated that it is one of the worst customs in India. He claimed that the marriage principle, briefly, involves the enslavement of a woman by her husband and nothing else. This enslavement is concealed under the cover of marriage rites to deceive the women concerned by giving the wedding the false name of a divine function.[7]
There have been numerous papers in South India reporting how husbands have killed their wives, suspecting immoral behavior. The husband's suspicion of his wife's character has often led to murders. Those who believe in the divine dispensation, according to Periyar, do not have the knowledge to ask themselves why marriages conducted according to religious rites and the approval of God end in this fashion.[7]
Periyar further states that the very idea that the only proper thing for women to do is to be slaves of domesticity, bear children and bring them up, is a faulty one. As long as these restrictions are imposed on women, we can be sure that women have to be subservient to men and depend on men for help. If women have to live on terms of equality with men, they must have the liberty, like men, to have the kind of education they like and also to do unhampered, any work suitable to their knowledge, ability and taste.[8]
Furthermore, Periyar objected to terms like "giving of a maid" and "given in marriage". They are, "Sanskrit terms" and treat woman as a thing. He advocated the substitution of the word for marriage taken from the Tirukkual "Valkai thunai" or "life partner".
With marriage comes the expenses. Periyar stated that in our country, and particularly in Hindu society, a marriage is a function causing a lot of difficulties and waste to all people concerned. But those who conduct the marriage function and those who are getting married do not appear to notice the attendant difficulties because they think that social life necessitates wasteful expense and many difficulties and therefore they must necessarily face those inconveniences and hardships.[10]
Wedding feast, jewels, expensive clothes, procession, pandal, dance, music—money is spent on all these to satisfy the vanity of the organizers. Whatever may be the amount of money spent on the wedding and however pompous each of the items may be, the mirth and jollity associated with these are over in two or three days. In a week's time the prestige and honor connected with these are forgotten.[10] But the wedding expenses leave many families crushed; for many poor families hese expenses leave an enormous burden and the debts remain uncleared for a number of years.[11]
However, if the money intended for the wedding expense is not borrowed and belongs to either of the marriage parties, then that amount could be used by her to bring up her children and to educate them. Such a procedure would be highly beneficial to her
Arranged marriages[edit]
In South Asia we mostly hear of arranged marriages as part of custom, heritage, and religions. Periyar thought that the Aryan wedding methods were barbarous because of the Aryan religion and art: Vedas, Sastras, Puranas, and Epics belong to the barbaric age. He further stated that is the reason why their wedding methods involve the parents giving the girl, prostituting the girl children and some stranger carrying the girl away by force or stealth.[13]
Arranged marriages in general were meant to enable the couple to live together throughout life and derive happiness, satisfaction and a good reputation, even years after the sexual urge and sexual pleasure are forgotten.[14]
But, with the selfish manipulation of this pact, Periyar claimed that women find 'pleasure' in slavish marriage because they have been brought up by their parents without education, independence and self-respect and because they have been made to believe that marriage means subordination to males. The inclusion of such slavish women in the group of 'chaste' women is another lure to them, leading them to find pleasure in such marriages.
Because a man is also married before he has understood the nature of life, its problems and its pleasures, he is satisfied with the slavish nature of the wife and the sexual pleasure she gives. If he finds any incompatibility, he adapts himself to his partner and the circumstances and puts up with his lot.
Love marriages[edit]
Love marriages, claims Periyar, on the other hand will suit only those who have no ideals in life. Such a wedding gives primacy to sexual union along and it is doubtful if it indicates an agreement between the couple for good life. Sexual compatibility alone does not ensure happy married life; the couple should be able to live together cheerfully. Suitability for life or living together can be determined only if the man and woman get used to the company of each other, and are satisfied with each other. Only then, they can enter into an agreement to live together.[13]
Periyar further states that love marriages can give pleasure only as long as there is lust and the ability to satisfy that lust. If there is no compatibility between the partners in other respects, such marriages end only in the enslavement of women. The lies of such women resemble the lives of bullocks which are tied to a cart, beaten up and made to labor endlessly until they die.[14]
Therefore, there is a proverb stating, "A deeply loving girl is unfit for family life; a suitable life partner is unfit for love." Periyar believed that the agreement between partners to live together will constitute a better marriage than a love marriage
In a leading article of Viduthalai, Periyar states that a self-respect wedding is based on rationalism. Rationalism is based on the individual's courage. Some may have the courage to conduct it during the time which almanacs indicate as the time of the planet Rahu and that, particularly in the evening. Some others may have just enough daring to avoid the Brahmin priest and his mother tongue - the Sanskrit language.[15] Some may feel nervous about not keeping the traditional lamp burning in broad daylight. Some others may have the rotten thought that conducting a wedding without 'mangala sutra' is disgraceful.
Still, the self-respect weddings conducted during the past thirty years have some basic limits. They are: Brahmins and their mantras should be utterly avoided; meaningless rituals, piling mud pots, one on another, having the traditional lamp during day time, ritual smoke - all these should be avoided. Rationalism does not approve of these. Periyar then asks why can't the government pass an Act that legalizes weddings which avoid the above-mentioned superstitious practices. If all these details cannot be accommodated in the Act, the latter can legalize weddings which don't have Brahmin priests, the Sanskrit language and the so called holy fire.[16]
Thus, marriages styled as Self-Respect marriages carried a threefold significance: a) replacing the Purohit, b) inter-caste equality, c) man-woman equality. Periyar claimed to have performed Self-Respect marriages unofficially since 1925 and officially since 1928.[17] Self-Respect marriages were legalized in 1967 by the Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam (DMK) Government
On the remarriage of widows, Periyar states that among the atrocities perpetrated by the Hindu male population against women, here we have to consider the treatment meted out to widows alone. If a girl loses her husband, even before knowing anything of worldly pleasures, she is compelled to close her eyes to everything in the world and die broken-hearted. Even in Periyar's community at the time, there were widowed girls below the age of 13 years. Periyar stated how it is a touching sight to see the parents of those widowed children treating them like untouchables.[19]
He goes on to say that whatever may be the reason for the present state of the Hindu society, my firm belief that the low position given permanently to widows may prove to be the reason for the utter ruin of the Hindu religion and the Hindu society.[20]
If we try to find the reason for such conduct, we will have to conclude that they instinctively feel that women are slaves, subservient to men and that they must be kept under control. That is why these people treat women like animals. They seem to feel that giving freedom to women is equivalent to committing a very serious crime. The result of this attitude is that there is no independence or freedom to one half of the human race. This wicked enslavement of half of the human race is due to the fact that men are physically a little stronger than women. This principle applies to all spheres of life and the weaker are enslaved by the stronger.
If slavery has to be abolished in society, the male arrogance and wickedness which lead to the enslavement of women must be abolished first. Only when this is achieved, the tender sprouts of freedom and equality will register growth.[21]
One of the reasons why Periayr hated Hinduism and the orthodoxy practiced in the name of Hinduism was the practice of child marriage. Many of the girl children who were married before they were ten or twelve years old became widows before they knew the meaning of the word. According to the 1921 All India Census the details of the child widows reported living in the country that time were as follows
1 year baby widows - 497
1 to 2 year child widows - 494
2 to 3 year child widows - 1,257
3 to 4 year child widows - 2,837
4 to 5 year child widows - 6,707
Total number of widows - 11,342
5 to 10 year young widows - 85,037
10 to 15 year young widows - 232,147
15 to 20 year young widows - 396,172
20 to 25 year young widows - 742,820
25 to 30 year young widows - 1,163,720
Total number of widows - 2,631,238[22][23]
Periyar was deeply disturbed when he realized that among the widows in India, 11,892 were little children below 5 years and that young widows below 15 years numbering 232,147 were denied the pleasures of life.[24]
With regards to the re-marriage of widows, Periyar stated that it is the practice of our people to refer to such a wedding as "a widow's marriage". Such an expression is used only with reference to women and in connection with men. Just as this lady is marrying another husband after the death of the first husband, many men marry again after the death of the first wife. But the second marriage of a man is not referred to as "a widower's marriage", though that is the proper thing to do.
Periyar himself was a widower. After becoming one, he took a second wife. He claimed that in the ancient days, both men and women in the country had this practice. There were numerous instances in sastras and puranas of women getting married again after the death of their first husband. Periyar further stated that this is not an unusual practice in the rest of the world though it might appear strange for us at the present time. Christian and Muslim women marry again after the death of the first husband. 90 percent of women in Muslim countries get married again soon after the death of the first husband. This may be unusual in certain sections of Indian societies. But it is a common practice in certain other sections of our society which are called very backward communities.[25]
Further, inter-caste marriages and remarriage of widows are on the increase in India. Brahmins oppose these because they are afraid that they cannot exploit the people any more in the name of sastras. For the same reason they oppose the Sharada Act which is necessary for social well-being
Child marriage[edit]
In all the meetings of the non-Brahmins and the Self-Respectors, Periyar condemned child marriages and emphasized the need for educating all girl children and giving right to young widows to get married again.
Periyar has been very much against child marriage and stated that it reflects the cruelty to which innocent girls were subjected by their well-meaning parents. Periyar asked that if these parents can be considered civilized in any sense of the term. There was no other leader other than Periyar who reacted against this practice of child marriage.[24]
Those who supported child marriage were strongly against Periyar's condemnation of this act. Take for example, the Sharada Act. Those who opposed this Act say that it was against the Sastras to conduct the marriage of a girl after she has attained puberty. They further say that those who conduct such marriages are committing a sin and therefore will go to hell
Periyar claimed that "household duties" have risen out of the foolishness of people and were not natural duties.[28] He went on to say that it was our selfish greed which has multiplied our household work. Nobody need worry that without household work, the women will lose their "chastity". On chastity, Periyar went on to say that it is something that belongs to women and is not a pledge to men. Whatever, chastity is, it was something that belonged to individuals.
In society, it was believed that if people lose their chastity, they will get divine punishment. Others are not going to get that punishment. Referring to the doctrines of institutionalized orthodox religions, he went on to say that men need not to worry themselves that women are committing a sin by not doing household work. Thus, let men realize that women are not slaves and that men are not their masters or guardians. Women should be allowed to develop the competence to protect themselves and their chastity and men need not be their watchdogs. He also believed that it was derogatory for men to play such a role.[citation needed]
It was said by the orthodox[who?] that women will develop diseases if they lose their chastity. The disease that a woman gets affects the husbands also. If we[who?] educate the women, they will develop the capability to keep themselves and their husbands pure. Thus, Periyar stated in the Kudi Arasu for the society to think deeply about taking a decision and do the right thing for their sisters and girl children.[29]
Periyar kindled the thoughts of everybody by also ridiculing the use of the word chastity only with reference to women. (Periyar-Father of Tamil 32) He stated that character is essential for both men and women and that speaking of chastity only with reference to women degraded not merely women but men also. He extended this thought and said that in any sphere of activity, civilized society cannot think of one law for men and another for women. He also said that the way most men treated their women was far worse than the way the upper class people treated the lower class, the way in which rich men treated the poor and the way in which a master treated his slave
On education, Periyar stated that some foolish parents believe that if girls get educated, they will correspond with their secret lovers. That it is a very foolish and mischievous notion. No parent need be anxious about it. If a girl writes a letter, it will only be to a male. We can even now caution men not to read any love letter addressed to them by a woman and, even if they read it, not to reply to it. If men do not listen to this advice, they, as well as the girls who write them must be punished. It will be a hopelessly bad thing, if parents keep their girl children uneducated for this reason.[29]
At a speeched delivered by Periyar at the Prize Distribution function in the Municipal School for Girls at Karungal Palayam, Erode, he stated that girl children should be taught active and energetic exercises like running, high jump, long jump,and wrestling so that they may acquire the strength and courage of men. Their time and energy should not be wasted in light pastimes like Kummi (groups going in a circle, clapping their hands rhythmically) and in Kolatam (striking with sticks rhythmically).
In ancient Tamil literature, poets have stressed the value of education for women. In a famous verse, a poet by the name of Naladiar stated that, "What gives beauty to a woman is not the hair style or the patter of her dress or the saffron on her face but only education".[31] In a verse of Eladhi it states, "Beauty does not lie in the style of wailing or in the charm of a blush but only in the combination of numbers and letters (education).[32]
In a 1960 issue if Viduthalai Periyar stated that "There should be a drastic revolution in the desires and ideals of Indian women. They should equip themselves to do all types of work that men are doing. They should have good domestic life without allowing nature's obstacles in their own lives. Therefore, there should be a welcome change in the minds of our women. The administrators also most pay special attention to the advancement of women"
Periyar advocated for women to be given weapons to protect themselves in reply to a question put in the Central Legislature. He stated that we have no hope that the state governments will do anything in this sphere because most of the state ministers hold the orthodox belief that women are slavish creatures.[34] Though here and there we[who?] find women also as ministers, they are old-fashioned traditionalists who will say, "We don't want any kind of freedom. We are perfectly happy with slavery".[33]
In Periyar's time he explained that ""Indian" women had no self-determination in any sphere of life like education property and marriage. They thought that modern civilization meant dressing themselves like British and American women and adorning themselves. Even our educated women do not entertain any thought that they must enter the police and army departments and learn to pilot airplanes like the women of Russia and Turkey. Just as modern education has made men cowards an book-worms, it has made our women decoratie [sic] dolls and weaklings".[33]
In a leading article written by Periyar in Viduthalai in 1946, he claimed that unless there is a drastic, fundamental and revolutionary change in our[who?] administrative machinery, it is impossible to make our women independent beings.[33]
Periyar goes on to explain that in our country also, there are thousands of women with the courage, competence and desire to work in the police department. Just as girls going to school was considered wonderful and cycle-riding by girls was considered funny, a few years ago, women on police duty may appear to be wonderful or strange for a few years. Then, in course of time, this will be considered natural.[33]
We[who?] need methods that will effect an astounding revolution in the world of women. Until we acquire those methods, we will be moving forward like a tortoise and writing and talking about Drowpath and Sita.[35]
Periyar, in a 1932 article of Kudi Arasu, explained that "women should develop physical strength like men. They must take exercise and get training in the use of weapons. They must acquire the ability to protect themselves when any sex-mad person tries to molest them. They should get the necessary training to join the armey [sic] when need arises and fight the enemy. This is the view of all civilized people. Women also wholeheartedly support this view. When the general view in the world is like this, who can accept the statement of some people that there is no use in giving higher education to women?
Property rights and divorce[edit]
With regards to property rights for women, Periyar stated that there was no difference between men and women. He went on to say that like men, women should have the right to own property and enjoy its benefits. With regards to divorce or separations, he advocated that a woman can lie away from her husband if he is an undesirable person and if he has nay virulent disease. When a woman has to live apart from her husband in these circumstances, she is entitled to maintenance allowance and a claim on the husband's property. Even if a widow gets remarried, she must be given the right to claim a share of the first husband's property.[41]
On February 4, 1946, the Central Legislature passed an Act giving the right the Hindu married woman to get from her husband in certain circumstances a separate place to live in and a maintenance allowance. Periyar explained how that it was a useless Act. since it seems that the members of the Hindu Mahasabha and Sanadahnis agitated against the grant of even this right
Dowry[edit]
On the Dowry system practiced widely throughout the Indian sub-continent not only by Hindus but Christians too, Periyar calls it a "serious disease that was spreading fast amongst Tamilians". He went on to state that the disease was also found in its virulent form among the Andhras and the Brahmins of Tamil Nadu. Periyar also argued that if a man with property worth one lakh has three daughters, he has to become a beggar by the time these daughters are married. In the name of dowry, the parents of the young men who marry the three daughters, squeeze the man's property out of him.[43]
In the 1959 issue of Viduthalai, Periyar stated that, "according to a new legislation, women have the right to a share of the parents' property. Therefore every girl will definitely get her legitimate share from the parents' wealth - if the parents are wealth. It is inhuamane [sic] on the part of the parents of a boy to dump on him a girl whom he does not like and to plan to such as much as they can from the property of the girl's father. There is basically no difference between selling education and love for money and selling one's chastity for money. 'Prostitute' is a germ of contempt for a woman; a boy should not be reduced by his avaricous [sic] parents to get the name, 'a prostituted boy' or 'a boy that has been sold'. A father-in-law who has means, however miserly he may be by nature, will not be indifferent when his daughter suffers out of poverty. Therefore, it is very shameful on the part of the bridegroom's parents to demand from the bride's father that at the time of the marriage he should gie jewels worth so many thousands along with so many thousand rupees as dowry and that he should provide the bridegroom with a house and a care. The fact that another party makes such demands at the time of his daughter's marriage does not justify any parent's demands at the time of his son's wedding. All people must realize that both demanding and giving dowry are wrong and they must boldly declare this when occasion arises."[44]
Periyar calls the dowry an evil and exploitative practice depriving tens of thousands of talented and beautiful young women with sound character remaining spinsters without any chance of getting married.
Devadasis[edit]
Among the atrocities the Tamil society committed against women was the practice of keeping some women attached to temples as Devadasis. Dr. Muthulakshmi proposed the resolution at the Madras Legislature that the Devadasi system should be abolished. The Government wanted comments on that from all important people. Periyar in his statement pointed out that the Devadasi system was a disgrace to Hindu religion. The fact that, in the name of a temple or a god, some women are kept as common property is an insult to all the women in the society. He also remarked that the prevalence of this system encouraged immorality among men and thus set the pattern for unprincipled life in many families. This was stoutly opposed in the Assembly by Satyamurthi Iyer, an orthodox Congress member, under the pretext of safeguarding the Hindu traditions. It should be said to the credit of Dr. Muthulakshmi and the leaders like Periyar that the proposal of the Doctor was accepted and a law was enacted against the Devadasi system.[30]
Periyar's example of the degradation of women in the Devadasi system is explained that "if a man's physical passion is aroused when his wife is not with him, he immediately goes to a prostitute. Rough stones are planted where cows and bufaloes [sic] graze to facilitate the animals to rub against the stones when they feel like it.[46] Likewise, Devadasis served in temples and in all villages rough stones planted on the borders and they say that these two (employing devadasis and the planting rough stones) are aamong [sic] the 32 dharmas mentioned in the sastras. When we consider why his kindness to the suffering and also the 32 dharmas are all bogus"
Resolutions passed[edit]
As the Self-Respect conference held in Chengalpattu, Tamil Nadu in 1929, the following were among the many resolutions passed with regards for women's rights:
Women should be given equal right along with men for the family property.
There should be no objection to employing women to any job for which they are qualified.[47]
Schools, particularly schools, should try to employ only women teachers.
At the conference held in Erode in 1930, the same resolutions were passed again reminding the delegates and others that the interest of women was still uppermost in Periyar's mind. M.R. Jayakar who presided oer the Erode conference was greatly impressed by the progressive views of Periyar and other members. He was particularly happy that the movement included not merely non-Brahmin Hindus but Christians and Muslims too. He pointed out that the Self-Respect movement was more progressive than Congress. Furthermore, at the Virudhnagar conference the women members held a separate conference and passed some resolutions demanding that women should have the right to select their life partners without any consideration of religion or community and that weddings should not involve wasteful expenditure and elaborate ceremonies
Juvenile Brown-throated Sloth / Braunkehl-Faultier / Perecoso de tres dedos (Bradypus variegatus) - Large On Black
Cahuita N.P., Costa Rica
With regards to marriage, Periyar has stated that it is one of the worst customs in India. He claimed that the marriage principle, briefly, involves the enslavement of a woman by her husband and nothing else. This enslavement is concealed under the cover of marriage rites to deceive the women concerned by giving the wedding the false name of a divine function.[7]
There have been numerous papers in South India reporting how husbands have killed their wives, suspecting immoral behavior. The husband's suspicion of his wife's character has often led to murders. Those who believe in the divine dispensation, according to Periyar, do not have the knowledge to ask themselves why marriages conducted according to religious rites and the approval of God end in this fashion.[7]
Periyar further states that the very idea that the only proper thing for women to do is to be slaves of domesticity, bear children and bring them up, is a faulty one. As long as these restrictions are imposed on women, we can be sure that women have to be subservient to men and depend on men for help. If women have to live on terms of equality with men, they must have the liberty, like men, to have the kind of education they like and also to do unhampered, any work suitable to their knowledge, ability and taste.[8]
Furthermore, Periyar objected to terms like "giving of a maid" and "given in marriage". They are, "Sanskrit terms" and treat woman as a thing. He advocated the substitution of the word for marriage taken from the Tirukkual "Valkai thunai" or "life partner".
With marriage comes the expenses. Periyar stated that in our country, and particularly in Hindu society, a marriage is a function causing a lot of difficulties and waste to all people concerned. But those who conduct the marriage function and those who are getting married do not appear to notice the attendant difficulties because they think that social life necessitates wasteful expense and many difficulties and therefore they must necessarily face those inconveniences and hardships.[10]
Wedding feast, jewels, expensive clothes, procession, pandal, dance, music—money is spent on all these to satisfy the vanity of the organizers. Whatever may be the amount of money spent on the wedding and however pompous each of the items may be, the mirth and jollity associated with these are over in two or three days. In a week's time the prestige and honor connected with these are forgotten.[10] But the wedding expenses leave many families crushed; for many poor families hese expenses leave an enormous burden and the debts remain uncleared for a number of years.[11]
However, if the money intended for the wedding expense is not borrowed and belongs to either of the marriage parties, then that amount could be used by her to bring up her children and to educate them. Such a procedure would be highly beneficial to her
Arranged marriages[edit]
In South Asia we mostly hear of arranged marriages as part of custom, heritage, and religions. Periyar thought that the Aryan wedding methods were barbarous because of the Aryan religion and art: Vedas, Sastras, Puranas, and Epics belong to the barbaric age. He further stated that is the reason why their wedding methods involve the parents giving the girl, prostituting the girl children and some stranger carrying the girl away by force or stealth.[13]
Arranged marriages in general were meant to enable the couple to live together throughout life and derive happiness, satisfaction and a good reputation, even years after the sexual urge and sexual pleasure are forgotten.[14]
But, with the selfish manipulation of this pact, Periyar claimed that women find 'pleasure' in slavish marriage because they have been brought up by their parents without education, independence and self-respect and because they have been made to believe that marriage means subordination to males. The inclusion of such slavish women in the group of 'chaste' women is another lure to them, leading them to find pleasure in such marriages.
Because a man is also married before he has understood the nature of life, its problems and its pleasures, he is satisfied with the slavish nature of the wife and the sexual pleasure she gives. If he finds any incompatibility, he adapts himself to his partner and the circumstances and puts up with his lot.
Love marriages[edit]
Love marriages, claims Periyar, on the other hand will suit only those who have no ideals in life. Such a wedding gives primacy to sexual union along and it is doubtful if it indicates an agreement between the couple for good life. Sexual compatibility alone does not ensure happy married life; the couple should be able to live together cheerfully. Suitability for life or living together can be determined only if the man and woman get used to the company of each other, and are satisfied with each other. Only then, they can enter into an agreement to live together.[13]
Periyar further states that love marriages can give pleasure only as long as there is lust and the ability to satisfy that lust. If there is no compatibility between the partners in other respects, such marriages end only in the enslavement of women. The lies of such women resemble the lives of bullocks which are tied to a cart, beaten up and made to labor endlessly until they die.[14]
Therefore, there is a proverb stating, "A deeply loving girl is unfit for family life; a suitable life partner is unfit for love." Periyar believed that the agreement between partners to live together will constitute a better marriage than a love marriage
In a leading article of Viduthalai, Periyar states that a self-respect wedding is based on rationalism. Rationalism is based on the individual's courage. Some may have the courage to conduct it during the time which almanacs indicate as the time of the planet Rahu and that, particularly in the evening. Some others may have just enough daring to avoid the Brahmin priest and his mother tongue - the Sanskrit language.[15] Some may feel nervous about not keeping the traditional lamp burning in broad daylight. Some others may have the rotten thought that conducting a wedding without 'mangala sutra' is disgraceful.
Still, the self-respect weddings conducted during the past thirty years have some basic limits. They are: Brahmins and their mantras should be utterly avoided; meaningless rituals, piling mud pots, one on another, having the traditional lamp during day time, ritual smoke - all these should be avoided. Rationalism does not approve of these. Periyar then asks why can't the government pass an Act that legalizes weddings which avoid the above-mentioned superstitious practices. If all these details cannot be accommodated in the Act, the latter can legalize weddings which don't have Brahmin priests, the Sanskrit language and the so called holy fire.[16]
Thus, marriages styled as Self-Respect marriages carried a threefold significance: a) replacing the Purohit, b) inter-caste equality, c) man-woman equality. Periyar claimed to have performed Self-Respect marriages unofficially since 1925 and officially since 1928.[17] Self-Respect marriages were legalized in 1967 by the Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam (DMK) Government
On the remarriage of widows, Periyar states that among the atrocities perpetrated by the Hindu male population against women, here we have to consider the treatment meted out to widows alone. If a girl loses her husband, even before knowing anything of worldly pleasures, she is compelled to close her eyes to everything in the world and die broken-hearted. Even in Periyar's community at the time, there were widowed girls below the age of 13 years. Periyar stated how it is a touching sight to see the parents of those widowed children treating them like untouchables.[19]
He goes on to say that whatever may be the reason for the present state of the Hindu society, my firm belief that the low position given permanently to widows may prove to be the reason for the utter ruin of the Hindu religion and the Hindu society.[20]
If we try to find the reason for such conduct, we will have to conclude that they instinctively feel that women are slaves, subservient to men and that they must be kept under control. That is why these people treat women like animals. They seem to feel that giving freedom to women is equivalent to committing a very serious crime. The result of this attitude is that there is no independence or freedom to one half of the human race. This wicked enslavement of half of the human race is due to the fact that men are physically a little stronger than women. This principle applies to all spheres of life and the weaker are enslaved by the stronger.
If slavery has to be abolished in society, the male arrogance and wickedness which lead to the enslavement of women must be abolished first. Only when this is achieved, the tender sprouts of freedom and equality will register growth.[21]
One of the reasons why Periayr hated Hinduism and the orthodoxy practiced in the name of Hinduism was the practice of child marriage. Many of the girl children who were married before they were ten or twelve years old became widows before they knew the meaning of the word. According to the 1921 All India Census the details of the child widows reported living in the country that time were as follows
1 year baby widows - 497
1 to 2 year child widows - 494
2 to 3 year child widows - 1,257
3 to 4 year child widows - 2,837
4 to 5 year child widows - 6,707
Total number of widows - 11,342
5 to 10 year young widows - 85,037
10 to 15 year young widows - 232,147
15 to 20 year young widows - 396,172
20 to 25 year young widows - 742,820
25 to 30 year young widows - 1,163,720
Total number of widows - 2,631,238[22][23]
Periyar was deeply disturbed when he realized that among the widows in India, 11,892 were little children below 5 years and that young widows below 15 years numbering 232,147 were denied the pleasures of life.[24]
With regards to the re-marriage of widows, Periyar stated that it is the practice of our people to refer to such a wedding as "a widow's marriage". Such an expression is used only with reference to women and in connection with men. Just as this lady is marrying another husband after the death of the first husband, many men marry again after the death of the first wife. But the second marriage of a man is not referred to as "a widower's marriage", though that is the proper thing to do.
Periyar himself was a widower. After becoming one, he took a second wife. He claimed that in the ancient days, both men and women in the country had this practice. There were numerous instances in sastras and puranas of women getting married again after the death of their first husband. Periyar further stated that this is not an unusual practice in the rest of the world though it might appear strange for us at the present time. Christian and Muslim women marry again after the death of the first husband. 90 percent of women in Muslim countries get married again soon after the death of the first husband. This may be unusual in certain sections of Indian societies. But it is a common practice in certain other sections of our society which are called very backward communities.[25]
Further, inter-caste marriages and remarriage of widows are on the increase in India. Brahmins oppose these because they are afraid that they cannot exploit the people any more in the name of sastras. For the same reason they oppose the Sharada Act which is necessary for social well-being
Child marriage[edit]
In all the meetings of the non-Brahmins and the Self-Respectors, Periyar condemned child marriages and emphasized the need for educating all girl children and giving right to young widows to get married again.
Periyar has been very much against child marriage and stated that it reflects the cruelty to which innocent girls were subjected by their well-meaning parents. Periyar asked that if these parents can be considered civilized in any sense of the term. There was no other leader other than Periyar who reacted against this practice of child marriage.[24]
Those who supported child marriage were strongly against Periyar's condemnation of this act. Take for example, the Sharada Act. Those who opposed this Act say that it was against the Sastras to conduct the marriage of a girl after she has attained puberty. They further say that those who conduct such marriages are committing a sin and therefore will go to hell
Periyar claimed that "household duties" have risen out of the foolishness of people and were not natural duties.[28] He went on to say that it was our selfish greed which has multiplied our household work. Nobody need worry that without household work, the women will lose their "chastity". On chastity, Periyar went on to say that it is something that belongs to women and is not a pledge to men. Whatever, chastity is, it was something that belonged to individuals.
In society, it was believed that if people lose their chastity, they will get divine punishment. Others are not going to get that punishment. Referring to the doctrines of institutionalized orthodox religions, he went on to say that men need not to worry themselves that women are committing a sin by not doing household work. Thus, let men realize that women are not slaves and that men are not their masters or guardians. Women should be allowed to develop the competence to protect themselves and their chastity and men need not be their watchdogs. He also believed that it was derogatory for men to play such a role.[citation needed]
It was said by the orthodox[who?] that women will develop diseases if they lose their chastity. The disease that a woman gets affects the husbands also. If we[who?] educate the women, they will develop the capability to keep themselves and their husbands pure. Thus, Periyar stated in the Kudi Arasu for the society to think deeply about taking a decision and do the right thing for their sisters and girl children.[29]
Periyar kindled the thoughts of everybody by also ridiculing the use of the word chastity only with reference to women. (Periyar-Father of Tamil 32) He stated that character is essential for both men and women and that speaking of chastity only with reference to women degraded not merely women but men also. He extended this thought and said that in any sphere of activity, civilized society cannot think of one law for men and another for women. He also said that the way most men treated their women was far worse than the way the upper class people treated the lower class, the way in which rich men treated the poor and the way in which a master treated his slave
On education, Periyar stated that some foolish parents believe that if girls get educated, they will correspond with their secret lovers. That it is a very foolish and mischievous notion. No parent need be anxious about it. If a girl writes a letter, it will only be to a male. We can even now caution men not to read any love letter addressed to them by a woman and, even if they read it, not to reply to it. If men do not listen to this advice, they, as well as the girls who write them must be punished. It will be a hopelessly bad thing, if parents keep their girl children uneducated for this reason.[29]
At a speeched delivered by Periyar at the Prize Distribution function in the Municipal School for Girls at Karungal Palayam, Erode, he stated that girl children should be taught active and energetic exercises like running, high jump, long jump,and wrestling so that they may acquire the strength and courage of men. Their time and energy should not be wasted in light pastimes like Kummi (groups going in a circle, clapping their hands rhythmically) and in Kolatam (striking with sticks rhythmically).
In ancient Tamil literature, poets have stressed the value of education for women. In a famous verse, a poet by the name of Naladiar stated that, "What gives beauty to a woman is not the hair style or the patter of her dress or the saffron on her face but only education".[31] In a verse of Eladhi it states, "Beauty does not lie in the style of wailing or in the charm of a blush but only in the combination of numbers and letters (education).[32]
In a 1960 issue if Viduthalai Periyar stated that "There should be a drastic revolution in the desires and ideals of Indian women. They should equip themselves to do all types of work that men are doing. They should have good domestic life without allowing nature's obstacles in their own lives. Therefore, there should be a welcome change in the minds of our women. The administrators also most pay special attention to the advancement of women"
Periyar advocated for women to be given weapons to protect themselves in reply to a question put in the Central Legislature. He stated that we have no hope that the state governments will do anything in this sphere because most of the state ministers hold the orthodox belief that women are slavish creatures.[34] Though here and there we[who?] find women also as ministers, they are old-fashioned traditionalists who will say, "We don't want any kind of freedom. We are perfectly happy with slavery".[33]
In Periyar's time he explained that ""Indian" women had no self-determination in any sphere of life like education property and marriage. They thought that modern civilization meant dressing themselves like British and American women and adorning themselves. Even our educated women do not entertain any thought that they must enter the police and army departments and learn to pilot airplanes like the women of Russia and Turkey. Just as modern education has made men cowards an book-worms, it has made our women decoratie [sic] dolls and weaklings".[33]
In a leading article written by Periyar in Viduthalai in 1946, he claimed that unless there is a drastic, fundamental and revolutionary change in our[who?] administrative machinery, it is impossible to make our women independent beings.[33]
Periyar goes on to explain that in our country also, there are thousands of women with the courage, competence and desire to work in the police department. Just as girls going to school was considered wonderful and cycle-riding by girls was considered funny, a few years ago, women on police duty may appear to be wonderful or strange for a few years. Then, in course of time, this will be considered natural.[33]
We[who?] need methods that will effect an astounding revolution in the world of women. Until we acquire those methods, we will be moving forward like a tortoise and writing and talking about Drowpath and Sita.[35]
Periyar, in a 1932 article of Kudi Arasu, explained that "women should develop physical strength like men. They must take exercise and get training in the use of weapons. They must acquire the ability to protect themselves when any sex-mad person tries to molest them. They should get the necessary training to join the armey [sic] when need arises and fight the enemy. This is the view of all civilized people. Women also wholeheartedly support this view. When the general view in the world is like this, who can accept the statement of some people that there is no use in giving higher education to women?
Property rights and divorce[edit]
With regards to property rights for women, Periyar stated that there was no difference between men and women. He went on to say that like men, women should have the right to own property and enjoy its benefits. With regards to divorce or separations, he advocated that a woman can lie away from her husband if he is an undesirable person and if he has nay virulent disease. When a woman has to live apart from her husband in these circumstances, she is entitled to maintenance allowance and a claim on the husband's property. Even if a widow gets remarried, she must be given the right to claim a share of the first husband's property.[41]
On February 4, 1946, the Central Legislature passed an Act giving the right the Hindu married woman to get from her husband in certain circumstances a separate place to live in and a maintenance allowance. Periyar explained how that it was a useless Act. since it seems that the members of the Hindu Mahasabha and Sanadahnis agitated against the grant of even this right
Dowry[edit]
On the Dowry system practiced widely throughout the Indian sub-continent not only by Hindus but Christians too, Periyar calls it a "serious disease that was spreading fast amongst Tamilians". He went on to state that the disease was also found in its virulent form among the Andhras and the Brahmins of Tamil Nadu. Periyar also argued that if a man with property worth one lakh has three daughters, he has to become a beggar by the time these daughters are married. In the name of dowry, the parents of the young men who marry the three daughters, squeeze the man's property out of him.[43]
In the 1959 issue of Viduthalai, Periyar stated that, "according to a new legislation, women have the right to a share of the parents' property. Therefore every girl will definitely get her legitimate share from the parents' wealth - if the parents are wealth. It is inhuamane [sic] on the part of the parents of a boy to dump on him a girl whom he does not like and to plan to such as much as they can from the property of the girl's father. There is basically no difference between selling education and love for money and selling one's chastity for money. 'Prostitute' is a germ of contempt for a woman; a boy should not be reduced by his avaricous [sic] parents to get the name, 'a prostituted boy' or 'a boy that has been sold'. A father-in-law who has means, however miserly he may be by nature, will not be indifferent when his daughter suffers out of poverty. Therefore, it is very shameful on the part of the bridegroom's parents to demand from the bride's father that at the time of the marriage he should gie jewels worth so many thousands along with so many thousand rupees as dowry and that he should provide the bridegroom with a house and a care. The fact that another party makes such demands at the time of his daughter's marriage does not justify any parent's demands at the time of his son's wedding. All people must realize that both demanding and giving dowry are wrong and they must boldly declare this when occasion arises."[44]
Periyar calls the dowry an evil and exploitative practice depriving tens of thousands of talented and beautiful young women with sound character remaining spinsters without any chance of getting married.
Devadasis[edit]
Among the atrocities the Tamil society committed against women was the practice of keeping some women attached to temples as Devadasis. Dr. Muthulakshmi proposed the resolution at the Madras Legislature that the Devadasi system should be abolished. The Government wanted comments on that from all important people. Periyar in his statement pointed out that the Devadasi system was a disgrace to Hindu religion. The fact that, in the name of a temple or a god, some women are kept as common property is an insult to all the women in the society. He also remarked that the prevalence of this system encouraged immorality among men and thus set the pattern for unprincipled life in many families. This was stoutly opposed in the Assembly by Satyamurthi Iyer, an orthodox Congress member, under the pretext of safeguarding the Hindu traditions. It should be said to the credit of Dr. Muthulakshmi and the leaders like Periyar that the proposal of the Doctor was accepted and a law was enacted against the Devadasi system.[30]
Periyar's example of the degradation of women in the Devadasi system is explained that "if a man's physical passion is aroused when his wife is not with him, he immediately goes to a prostitute. Rough stones are planted where cows and bufaloes [sic] graze to facilitate the animals to rub against the stones when they feel like it.[46] Likewise, Devadasis served in temples and in all villages rough stones planted on the borders and they say that these two (employing devadasis and the planting rough stones) are aamong [sic] the 32 dharmas mentioned in the sastras. When we consider why his kindness to the suffering and also the 32 dharmas are all bogus"
Resolutions passed[edit]
As the Self-Respect conference held in Chengalpattu, Tamil Nadu in 1929, the following were among the many resolutions passed with regards for women's rights:
Women should be given equal right along with men for the family property.
There should be no objection to employing women to any job for which they are qualified.[47]
Schools, particularly schools, should try to employ only women teachers.
At the conference held in Erode in 1930, the same resolutions were passed again reminding the delegates and others that the interest of women was still uppermost in Periyar's mind. M.R. Jayakar who presided oer the Erode conference was greatly impressed by the progressive views of Periyar and other members. He was particularly happy that the movement included not merely non-Brahmin Hindus but Christians and Muslims too. He pointed out that the Self-Respect movement was more progressive than Congress. Furthermore, at the Virudhnagar conference the women members held a separate conference and passed some resolutions demanding that women should have the right to select their life partners without any consideration of religion or community and that weddings should not involve wasteful expenditure and elaborate ceremonies
With regards to marriage, Periyar has stated that it is one of the worst customs in India. He claimed that the marriage principle, briefly, involves the enslavement of a woman by her husband and nothing else. This enslavement is concealed under the cover of marriage rites to deceive the women concerned by giving the wedding the false name of a divine function.[7]
There have been numerous papers in South India reporting how husbands have killed their wives, suspecting immoral behavior. The husband's suspicion of his wife's character has often led to murders. Those who believe in the divine dispensation, according to Periyar, do not have the knowledge to ask themselves why marriages conducted according to religious rites and the approval of God end in this fashion.[7]
Periyar further states that the very idea that the only proper thing for women to do is to be slaves of domesticity, bear children and bring them up, is a faulty one. As long as these restrictions are imposed on women, we can be sure that women have to be subservient to men and depend on men for help. If women have to live on terms of equality with men, they must have the liberty, like men, to have the kind of education they like and also to do unhampered, any work suitable to their knowledge, ability and taste.[8]
Furthermore, Periyar objected to terms like "giving of a maid" and "given in marriage". They are, "Sanskrit terms" and treat woman as a thing. He advocated the substitution of the word for marriage taken from the Tirukkual "Valkai thunai" or "life partner".
With marriage comes the expenses. Periyar stated that in our country, and particularly in Hindu society, a marriage is a function causing a lot of difficulties and waste to all people concerned. But those who conduct the marriage function and those who are getting married do not appear to notice the attendant difficulties because they think that social life necessitates wasteful expense and many difficulties and therefore they must necessarily face those inconveniences and hardships.[10]
Wedding feast, jewels, expensive clothes, procession, pandal, dance, music—money is spent on all these to satisfy the vanity of the organizers. Whatever may be the amount of money spent on the wedding and however pompous each of the items may be, the mirth and jollity associated with these are over in two or three days. In a week's time the prestige and honor connected with these are forgotten.[10] But the wedding expenses leave many families crushed; for many poor families hese expenses leave an enormous burden and the debts remain uncleared for a number of years.[11]
However, if the money intended for the wedding expense is not borrowed and belongs to either of the marriage parties, then that amount could be used by her to bring up her children and to educate them. Such a procedure would be highly beneficial to her
Arranged marriages[edit]
In South Asia we mostly hear of arranged marriages as part of custom, heritage, and religions. Periyar thought that the Aryan wedding methods were barbarous because of the Aryan religion and art: Vedas, Sastras, Puranas, and Epics belong to the barbaric age. He further stated that is the reason why their wedding methods involve the parents giving the girl, prostituting the girl children and some stranger carrying the girl away by force or stealth.[13]
Arranged marriages in general were meant to enable the couple to live together throughout life and derive happiness, satisfaction and a good reputation, even years after the sexual urge and sexual pleasure are forgotten.[14]
But, with the selfish manipulation of this pact, Periyar claimed that women find 'pleasure' in slavish marriage because they have been brought up by their parents without education, independence and self-respect and because they have been made to believe that marriage means subordination to males. The inclusion of such slavish women in the group of 'chaste' women is another lure to them, leading them to find pleasure in such marriages.
Because a man is also married before he has understood the nature of life, its problems and its pleasures, he is satisfied with the slavish nature of the wife and the sexual pleasure she gives. If he finds any incompatibility, he adapts himself to his partner and the circumstances and puts up with his lot.
Love marriages[edit]
Love marriages, claims Periyar, on the other hand will suit only those who have no ideals in life. Such a wedding gives primacy to sexual union along and it is doubtful if it indicates an agreement between the couple for good life. Sexual compatibility alone does not ensure happy married life; the couple should be able to live together cheerfully. Suitability for life or living together can be determined only if the man and woman get used to the company of each other, and are satisfied with each other. Only then, they can enter into an agreement to live together.[13]
Periyar further states that love marriages can give pleasure only as long as there is lust and the ability to satisfy that lust. If there is no compatibility between the partners in other respects, such marriages end only in the enslavement of women. The lies of such women resemble the lives of bullocks which are tied to a cart, beaten up and made to labor endlessly until they die.[14]
Therefore, there is a proverb stating, "A deeply loving girl is unfit for family life; a suitable life partner is unfit for love." Periyar believed that the agreement between partners to live together will constitute a better marriage than a love marriage
In a leading article of Viduthalai, Periyar states that a self-respect wedding is based on rationalism. Rationalism is based on the individual's courage. Some may have the courage to conduct it during the time which almanacs indicate as the time of the planet Rahu and that, particularly in the evening. Some others may have just enough daring to avoid the Brahmin priest and his mother tongue - the Sanskrit language.[15] Some may feel nervous about not keeping the traditional lamp burning in broad daylight. Some others may have the rotten thought that conducting a wedding without 'mangala sutra' is disgraceful.
Still, the self-respect weddings conducted during the past thirty years have some basic limits. They are: Brahmins and their mantras should be utterly avoided; meaningless rituals, piling mud pots, one on another, having the traditional lamp during day time, ritual smoke - all these should be avoided. Rationalism does not approve of these. Periyar then asks why can't the government pass an Act that legalizes weddings which avoid the above-mentioned superstitious practices. If all these details cannot be accommodated in the Act, the latter can legalize weddings which don't have Brahmin priests, the Sanskrit language and the so called holy fire.[16]
Thus, marriages styled as Self-Respect marriages carried a threefold significance: a) replacing the Purohit, b) inter-caste equality, c) man-woman equality. Periyar claimed to have performed Self-Respect marriages unofficially since 1925 and officially since 1928.[17] Self-Respect marriages were legalized in 1967 by the Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam (DMK) Government
On the remarriage of widows, Periyar states that among the atrocities perpetrated by the Hindu male population against women, here we have to consider the treatment meted out to widows alone. If a girl loses her husband, even before knowing anything of worldly pleasures, she is compelled to close her eyes to everything in the world and die broken-hearted. Even in Periyar's community at the time, there were widowed girls below the age of 13 years. Periyar stated how it is a touching sight to see the parents of those widowed children treating them like untouchables.[19]
He goes on to say that whatever may be the reason for the present state of the Hindu society, my firm belief that the low position given permanently to widows may prove to be the reason for the utter ruin of the Hindu religion and the Hindu society.[20]
If we try to find the reason for such conduct, we will have to conclude that they instinctively feel that women are slaves, subservient to men and that they must be kept under control. That is why these people treat women like animals. They seem to feel that giving freedom to women is equivalent to committing a very serious crime. The result of this attitude is that there is no independence or freedom to one half of the human race. This wicked enslavement of half of the human race is due to the fact that men are physically a little stronger than women. This principle applies to all spheres of life and the weaker are enslaved by the stronger.
If slavery has to be abolished in society, the male arrogance and wickedness which lead to the enslavement of women must be abolished first. Only when this is achieved, the tender sprouts of freedom and equality will register growth.[21]
One of the reasons why Periayr hated Hinduism and the orthodoxy practiced in the name of Hinduism was the practice of child marriage. Many of the girl children who were married before they were ten or twelve years old became widows before they knew the meaning of the word. According to the 1921 All India Census the details of the child widows reported living in the country that time were as follows
1 year baby widows - 497
1 to 2 year child widows - 494
2 to 3 year child widows - 1,257
3 to 4 year child widows - 2,837
4 to 5 year child widows - 6,707
Total number of widows - 11,342
5 to 10 year young widows - 85,037
10 to 15 year young widows - 232,147
15 to 20 year young widows - 396,172
20 to 25 year young widows - 742,820
25 to 30 year young widows - 1,163,720
Total number of widows - 2,631,238[22][23]
Periyar was deeply disturbed when he realized that among the widows in India, 11,892 were little children below 5 years and that young widows below 15 years numbering 232,147 were denied the pleasures of life.[24]
With regards to the re-marriage of widows, Periyar stated that it is the practice of our people to refer to such a wedding as "a widow's marriage". Such an expression is used only with reference to women and in connection with men. Just as this lady is marrying another husband after the death of the first husband, many men marry again after the death of the first wife. But the second marriage of a man is not referred to as "a widower's marriage", though that is the proper thing to do.
Periyar himself was a widower. After becoming one, he took a second wife. He claimed that in the ancient days, both men and women in the country had this practice. There were numerous instances in sastras and puranas of women getting married again after the death of their first husband. Periyar further stated that this is not an unusual practice in the rest of the world though it might appear strange for us at the present time. Christian and Muslim women marry again after the death of the first husband. 90 percent of women in Muslim countries get married again soon after the death of the first husband. This may be unusual in certain sections of Indian societies. But it is a common practice in certain other sections of our society which are called very backward communities.[25]
Further, inter-caste marriages and remarriage of widows are on the increase in India. Brahmins oppose these because they are afraid that they cannot exploit the people any more in the name of sastras. For the same reason they oppose the Sharada Act which is necessary for social well-being
Child marriage[edit]
In all the meetings of the non-Brahmins and the Self-Respectors, Periyar condemned child marriages and emphasized the need for educating all girl children and giving right to young widows to get married again.
Periyar has been very much against child marriage and stated that it reflects the cruelty to which innocent girls were subjected by their well-meaning parents. Periyar asked that if these parents can be considered civilized in any sense of the term. There was no other leader other than Periyar who reacted against this practice of child marriage.[24]
Those who supported child marriage were strongly against Periyar's condemnation of this act. Take for example, the Sharada Act. Those who opposed this Act say that it was against the Sastras to conduct the marriage of a girl after she has attained puberty. They further say that those who conduct such marriages are committing a sin and therefore will go to hell
Periyar claimed that "household duties" have risen out of the foolishness of people and were not natural duties.[28] He went on to say that it was our selfish greed which has multiplied our household work. Nobody need worry that without household work, the women will lose their "chastity". On chastity, Periyar went on to say that it is something that belongs to women and is not a pledge to men. Whatever, chastity is, it was something that belonged to individuals.
In society, it was believed that if people lose their chastity, they will get divine punishment. Others are not going to get that punishment. Referring to the doctrines of institutionalized orthodox religions, he went on to say that men need not to worry themselves that women are committing a sin by not doing household work. Thus, let men realize that women are not slaves and that men are not their masters or guardians. Women should be allowed to develop the competence to protect themselves and their chastity and men need not be their watchdogs. He also believed that it was derogatory for men to play such a role.[citation needed]
It was said by the orthodox[who?] that women will develop diseases if they lose their chastity. The disease that a woman gets affects the husbands also. If we[who?] educate the women, they will develop the capability to keep themselves and their husbands pure. Thus, Periyar stated in the Kudi Arasu for the society to think deeply about taking a decision and do the right thing for their sisters and girl children.[29]
Periyar kindled the thoughts of everybody by also ridiculing the use of the word chastity only with reference to women. (Periyar-Father of Tamil 32) He stated that character is essential for both men and women and that speaking of chastity only with reference to women degraded not merely women but men also. He extended this thought and said that in any sphere of activity, civilized society cannot think of one law for men and another for women. He also said that the way most men treated their women was far worse than the way the upper class people treated the lower class, the way in which rich men treated the poor and the way in which a master treated his slave
On education, Periyar stated that some foolish parents believe that if girls get educated, they will correspond with their secret lovers. That it is a very foolish and mischievous notion. No parent need be anxious about it. If a girl writes a letter, it will only be to a male. We can even now caution men not to read any love letter addressed to them by a woman and, even if they read it, not to reply to it. If men do not listen to this advice, they, as well as the girls who write them must be punished. It will be a hopelessly bad thing, if parents keep their girl children uneducated for this reason.[29]
At a speeched delivered by Periyar at the Prize Distribution function in the Municipal School for Girls at Karungal Palayam, Erode, he stated that girl children should be taught active and energetic exercises like running, high jump, long jump,and wrestling so that they may acquire the strength and courage of men. Their time and energy should not be wasted in light pastimes like Kummi (groups going in a circle, clapping their hands rhythmically) and in Kolatam (striking with sticks rhythmically).
In ancient Tamil literature, poets have stressed the value of education for women. In a famous verse, a poet by the name of Naladiar stated that, "What gives beauty to a woman is not the hair style or the patter of her dress or the saffron on her face but only education".[31] In a verse of Eladhi it states, "Beauty does not lie in the style of wailing or in the charm of a blush but only in the combination of numbers and letters (education).[32]
In a 1960 issue if Viduthalai Periyar stated that "There should be a drastic revolution in the desires and ideals of Indian women. They should equip themselves to do all types of work that men are doing. They should have good domestic life without allowing nature's obstacles in their own lives. Therefore, there should be a welcome change in the minds of our women. The administrators also most pay special attention to the advancement of women"
Periyar advocated for women to be given weapons to protect themselves in reply to a question put in the Central Legislature. He stated that we have no hope that the state governments will do anything in this sphere because most of the state ministers hold the orthodox belief that women are slavish creatures.[34] Though here and there we[who?] find women also as ministers, they are old-fashioned traditionalists who will say, "We don't want any kind of freedom. We are perfectly happy with slavery".[33]
In Periyar's time he explained that ""Indian" women had no self-determination in any sphere of life like education property and marriage. They thought that modern civilization meant dressing themselves like British and American women and adorning themselves. Even our educated women do not entertain any thought that they must enter the police and army departments and learn to pilot airplanes like the women of Russia and Turkey. Just as modern education has made men cowards an book-worms, it has made our women decoratie [sic] dolls and weaklings".[33]
In a leading article written by Periyar in Viduthalai in 1946, he claimed that unless there is a drastic, fundamental and revolutionary change in our[who?] administrative machinery, it is impossible to make our women independent beings.[33]
Periyar goes on to explain that in our country also, there are thousands of women with the courage, competence and desire to work in the police department. Just as girls going to school was considered wonderful and cycle-riding by girls was considered funny, a few years ago, women on police duty may appear to be wonderful or strange for a few years. Then, in course of time, this will be considered natural.[33]
We[who?] need methods that will effect an astounding revolution in the world of women. Until we acquire those methods, we will be moving forward like a tortoise and writing and talking about Drowpath and Sita.[35]
Periyar, in a 1932 article of Kudi Arasu, explained that "women should develop physical strength like men. They must take exercise and get training in the use of weapons. They must acquire the ability to protect themselves when any sex-mad person tries to molest them. They should get the necessary training to join the armey [sic] when need arises and fight the enemy. This is the view of all civilized people. Women also wholeheartedly support this view. When the general view in the world is like this, who can accept the statement of some people that there is no use in giving higher education to women?
Property rights and divorce[edit]
With regards to property rights for women, Periyar stated that there was no difference between men and women. He went on to say that like men, women should have the right to own property and enjoy its benefits. With regards to divorce or separations, he advocated that a woman can lie away from her husband if he is an undesirable person and if he has nay virulent disease. When a woman has to live apart from her husband in these circumstances, she is entitled to maintenance allowance and a claim on the husband's property. Even if a widow gets remarried, she must be given the right to claim a share of the first husband's property.[41]
On February 4, 1946, the Central Legislature passed an Act giving the right the Hindu married woman to get from her husband in certain circumstances a separate place to live in and a maintenance allowance. Periyar explained how that it was a useless Act. since it seems that the members of the Hindu Mahasabha and Sanadahnis agitated against the grant of even this right
Dowry[edit]
On the Dowry system practiced widely throughout the Indian sub-continent not only by Hindus but Christians too, Periyar calls it a "serious disease that was spreading fast amongst Tamilians". He went on to state that the disease was also found in its virulent form among the Andhras and the Brahmins of Tamil Nadu. Periyar also argued that if a man with property worth one lakh has three daughters, he has to become a beggar by the time these daughters are married. In the name of dowry, the parents of the young men who marry the three daughters, squeeze the man's property out of him.[43]
In the 1959 issue of Viduthalai, Periyar stated that, "according to a new legislation, women have the right to a share of the parents' property. Therefore every girl will definitely get her legitimate share from the parents' wealth - if the parents are wealth. It is inhuamane [sic] on the part of the parents of a boy to dump on him a girl whom he does not like and to plan to such as much as they can from the property of the girl's father. There is basically no difference between selling education and love for money and selling one's chastity for money. 'Prostitute' is a germ of contempt for a woman; a boy should not be reduced by his avaricous [sic] parents to get the name, 'a prostituted boy' or 'a boy that has been sold'. A father-in-law who has means, however miserly he may be by nature, will not be indifferent when his daughter suffers out of poverty. Therefore, it is very shameful on the part of the bridegroom's parents to demand from the bride's father that at the time of the marriage he should gie jewels worth so many thousands along with so many thousand rupees as dowry and that he should provide the bridegroom with a house and a care. The fact that another party makes such demands at the time of his daughter's marriage does not justify any parent's demands at the time of his son's wedding. All people must realize that both demanding and giving dowry are wrong and they must boldly declare this when occasion arises."[44]
Periyar calls the dowry an evil and exploitative practice depriving tens of thousands of talented and beautiful young women with sound character remaining spinsters without any chance of getting married.
Devadasis[edit]
Among the atrocities the Tamil society committed against women was the practice of keeping some women attached to temples as Devadasis. Dr. Muthulakshmi proposed the resolution at the Madras Legislature that the Devadasi system should be abolished. The Government wanted comments on that from all important people. Periyar in his statement pointed out that the Devadasi system was a disgrace to Hindu religion. The fact that, in the name of a temple or a god, some women are kept as common property is an insult to all the women in the society. He also remarked that the prevalence of this system encouraged immorality among men and thus set the pattern for unprincipled life in many families. This was stoutly opposed in the Assembly by Satyamurthi Iyer, an orthodox Congress member, under the pretext of safeguarding the Hindu traditions. It should be said to the credit of Dr. Muthulakshmi and the leaders like Periyar that the proposal of the Doctor was accepted and a law was enacted against the Devadasi system.[30]
Periyar's example of the degradation of women in the Devadasi system is explained that "if a man's physical passion is aroused when his wife is not with him, he immediately goes to a prostitute. Rough stones are planted where cows and bufaloes [sic] graze to facilitate the animals to rub against the stones when they feel like it.[46] Likewise, Devadasis served in temples and in all villages rough stones planted on the borders and they say that these two (employing devadasis and the planting rough stones) are aamong [sic] the 32 dharmas mentioned in the sastras. When we consider why his kindness to the suffering and also the 32 dharmas are all bogus"
Resolutions passed[edit]
As the Self-Respect conference held in Chengalpattu, Tamil Nadu in 1929, the following were among the many resolutions passed with regards for women's rights:
Women should be given equal right along with men for the family property.
There should be no objection to employing women to any job for which they are qualified.[47]
Schools, particularly schools, should try to employ only women teachers.
At the conference held in Erode in 1930, the same resolutions were passed again reminding the delegates and others that the interest of women was still uppermost in Periyar's mind. M.R. Jayakar who presided oer the Erode conference was greatly impressed by the progressive views of Periyar and other members. He was particularly happy that the movement included not merely non-Brahmin Hindus but Christians and Muslims too. He pointed out that the Self-Respect movement was more progressive than Congress. Furthermore, at the Virudhnagar conference the women members held a separate conference and passed some resolutions demanding that women should have the right to select their life partners without any consideration of religion or community and that weddings should not involve wasteful expenditure and elaborate ceremonies
From Michael Ferner's post at Autosport:
"Perhaps the best place to post an Addendum to "Langhorne! No Man's Land", the excellent 2008 book by Spencer Riggs - excellent, but for the unfortunately sub-standard coverage of the early years, mainly the 1920s. Perhaps Riggs's sources or interest ran low for these events, but unlike the latter years which contain the pretty much usual, inevitable (and mostly inconsequential) small inaccuracies here and there, the first four or five chapters are almost riddled with factual errors and omissions which need to be addressed. Some of this was apparent to me right from the start, but only very recent research has provided a lot of additional insight, even including a number of additional race dates, so here goes:
To start with, Langhorne was not "officially known as the New Philadelphia Speedway" (p5), it was plain "Philadelphia Speedway" instead, to which the adjective "new" was sometimes added. Only a small and perhaps insignificant difference, but in the same way the term "Langhorne speedway" (refering only generally to a speedway at that location) transformed into "Langhorne Speedway" by the last event of 1927, which was also the last time that the term "Philadelphia Speedway" was used.
More important, if slightly more difficult to make accurate observations, is the business of average speeds, of both the "advertized" and "achieved" variety! At the time, and in fact for many decades thereafter, the 1-mile dirt track "world record" was an almost mythical subject; a most prominent feather in the "war bonnet" of drivers, car owners and manufacturers, track owners and promoters alike. In actual, practical matters, however, it wasn't much more than a chimaera, as dirt tracks in general are notoriously difficult to compare, what with their inconsistent surface, to say nothing of the various different shapes and (whisper it quietly) actual track lengths.
Be that as it may, when Langhorne opened in May of 1926, the "official" AAA mile-dirt-track record still stood at 42.28" (85 mph), established by Tommy Milton at Syracuse in 1923, not Ralph de Palma's 41.38" (87 mph, p7) established at Syracuse in September of 1926, three months after the Langhone opener, but even that wasn't the fastest time ever achieved, because the AAA accepted only electrically timed speeds as "official", and so Frank Lockhart's hand-timed lap of 39.2" (91 mph) at Bakersfield in October of 1925 went unrecognized as far as AAA "world records" go (not "due to a faulty timer", p6). And, to be sure, many independent clubs had their own "world records" of sometimes quite fanciful imagination, but let us not tread in the twilight zone here! Important in regards with Langhorne here is the fact that no electrical timing equipment was used at Langhorne before May 3, 1930, and so any achieved (or imagined!) times and speeds were quite inconsequential for the purpose of the "world record", which by that time was finally held by Lockhart at 38.94" (92 mph), achieved at Cleveland in September of 1927.
So, while it is true that the initial minimum speed to qualify for the inaugural Langhorne race was set at 85 mph, equal to the then current world record, and even raised to 90 mph before the trials actually began, that was just the usual ballyhoo that was deemed necessary to attract the attention of the potential race goers, and when the qualification trials were finally over, the fastest recorded time was just 42.4" (84 mph), and the "minimum speed" quickly forgotten. The whole minimum speed saga is, however, an indication of the ambitious nature of the NMRA, whose members had purchased quite a few very potent racing cars over the last few months, and this was a way of communicating this fact to the public - the AAA board tracks often published minimum qualifying speeds of way over 120 mph, and the NMRA was trying to match this "class" of racing, and in fact almost did as we will see.
Which brings us neatly to the story of Pete de Paolo's Duesenberg, the 1925 Indy winner (p7). Yes, it's true that it was purchased by the director of the Eastern Penitentiary, although most period sources have him by the name of Herbert (not Fred) Smith, but it was not the car that won the first Langhorne race!! This has been written so many times in secondary sources that I nearly took it for granted, even if it necessitated a somewhat convoluted story to explain how de Paolo used it again after that initial Langhorne race, but only now have I realized that the period sources mention the "de Paolo Duesenberg" for the first time in August - I had to go back and through all the available documents to be sure, but it's true! And it makes the history of that particular so much more straightforward, with de Paolo's last race in it on July 17. Instead, Freddie Winnai drove a 1920 Duesenberg Straight 8 of 183 CID owned by Fred Garnet, and listed in the programme (p10) as #8, which was the number of the Indy winner in 1927, while it raced as #9 in the few races it did in late '26!
A few words about the drivers: Tommy Dawson was not "a relatively unknown local driver" (p6), at least not more so than Russ Snowberger or Ray Keech - it is easy to fall prey to warped perception with the passage of so much time, and even more so with the knowledge about later achievements of some of those drivers. In fact, Dawson was one of the most consistent frontrunners within the NMRA for years, and had occasionally dipped a toe into AAA water, even with some success. Likewise, Bill Strickler had not been a retired driver/owner in 1926, like the text on p7 suggests; he had been around consistently for several years before and after the Langhorne opener, both as an owner and driver. If anyone really deserved the sobriquet "underdog" in 1926, it was Freddie Winnai, who was all of 21 years old and a racing sophomore, with no wins to speak of (if any) as yet. His career really started on June 12, 1926, together with Langhorne's, and it's quite fitting that he turns out to be the one driver with the most individual main event wins ever in the history of the track! More of that later on.
A few details from the description of the opening races are not entirely correct, too, mainly that Malcolm Fox won the third class B heat (not Lew Shingle, who was second), and that his crash in the B main meant that he couldn't start the 50-mile feature event - as it is, sources are not entirely clear, but there were probably no more than nine or ten starters, not the fifteen mentioned on p8. Another omission is that the second meeting on July 10 followed another rain-out on July 5, showing that the track had a bit of a weather problem in its inaugural season - in the end, none of the three holiday meetings (Memorial Day, Independence Day and Labor Day) happened on schedule! As for the delayed Independence Day meet, Ray Keech did win in a Miller that once belonged to Ira Vail, but Vail was no longer involved with it and most certainly not present, while the car was now owned by Ed Yagle who would go on to enjoy much success over the next three years with Keech and a number of different Millers. And the story about Russ Snowberger "christening" Puke Hollow is very nice and probably true, but it can't have happened during the July meeting because Russ was out during early practice with a massive engine failure. In fact, one report of the opening meet back in June mentioned Snowberger retiring from the main event "visibly ill" and unable to leave his racer without much help of several bystanders...
Now to the "Twilight Races" (p10/11): this was basically a sound idea, probably gleaned from the successful Night Races that Ascot Speedway had been running in California during 1924, and once in 1926 on the very same date of the last Langhorne race! Langhorne, however, did not have any lighting system, but with Daylight Saving Time on a long Summer evening it was feasible to stage a full meeting on a weekday, and the meetings do appear to have been a success even if the press almost ignored them. Published attendance figures are anything but reliable, yet they do show a 7,000 crowd for the last of the Twilight Races against a meagre 500 for the July 10 meet! By the way, all three Twilight Races were held, on consecutive Wednesday evenings from July 21 to August 4. The first main event was advertised for 25 laps, but run over only 10 due to approaching darkness, so the crowd had reason to be "taken aback" (p11), while there was little publicity about the other two meets, won by Jimmy Gleason (10 miles on July 28) and Russ Snowberger (over only 5 miles!), with Riley Cumberland and Steve Penjuke the respective class B winners over like distances. One little incident of interest from the second of those meetings is that Ray Keech reportedly lost count of the laps driven, and stopped at the pits one lap early, thus forfeiting second place money!
For the August 7 meeting, the press finally announced the arrival of a new car, running at the track "for the first time": the 1925 Indy winner, complete with its original 122 CID engine which makes sense, as de Paolo had wrecked the 91 CID unit at his last race with it, and that engine was a dud anyway besides there being no capacity limits in independent dirt track racing. Interestingly, though, the car was entered for Al Aspen, not Winnai, and the reports about race day make no mention of Aspen or the famous car. That in itself is not really unusual, but for the Labor Day races it was announced that Winnai was now taking over the de Paolo car, while Jack Desmond was to drive "the Duesenberg in which Winnai broke the track record at the last meet", or words to that effect - yet the Duesenberg ad pictured on p11 states that the record was made with the former Indy winner! An interesting conundrum, but anyway the ad shows the correct time of 38.8" (92 mph) for the record, not 38.2" as in the text on p12. By the way, there's much confusion about the car Lou Fink fatally crashed in - earlier that season, he usually drove a Frontenac that had reputedly "killed" two drivers before, while on that fateful day reports vary between Duesenberg, Peugeot and Hispano-Suiza!
The October 3 meet is, indeed, a bit of a mystery, but it was definitely an event to itself, not the original date for the 100-miler the next week which was already announced in late September. Part of the October 3 mystery is that it was a Sunday, the first and for a long time only event at Langhorne run on a Sunday. Apart from advertizing the race as a 15-miler and naming half a dozen entries, the only thing known is that Jimmy Gleason won, plus there was a photograph in the "pictures of the world" section of a newspaper during the following week, purporting to show four cars during the running of that race. Which leaves us with the final event of the 1926 season... and I don't mean the 100-miler! For late October, announcement was made for a "Louis Fink Family Benefit" race at Langhorne, which was at least twice rained out and advertized for the last time for November 7, but whether it actually took place I can't say!
Before we move on to 1927, one word to the statistics section on p536 which lists the main event winners under the NMRA heading for 1926, including three of the "B main" winners which is not only incomplete, but also an inaccurate way to describe the format of these races. Generally, there were class A and class B heats over 3 or 5 laps, and then 10-lap "semi-mains" for both classes before the real feature, usually called the "championship race". More accurately and complete, the list should look like this:
6/12: Winnai (50 laps), Winnai (A 10) and Rowland (B 10)
7/10: Keech (50), Gleason (A 10) and Horace Hunter (B 10)
7/21: Winnai (10), Winnai (A 10) and Everette (B 6)
7/28: Gleason (10), Gleason/Keech (A 5 dead heat) and Cumberland (B 10)
8/4: Snowberger (A 5) and Penjuke (B 5)
8/7: Winnai (25), Winnai (A 10) and Desmond (B 10)
9/11: Gleason (25), Gleason (A 10) and Dawson (B 10)
10/3: Gleason (15), etc?
10/9: Snowberger (100)
Edited by Michael Ferner, 14 September 2014 - 09:14."
" Admittedly, so far these these addenda have been mostly of a somewhat arcane nature, but the errors and omissions are getting progressively worse over the next three chapters. There were only three events in 1927, and all three as described in the book contain one major error each: the first one was not sanctioned by the NMRA (p16), but already a AAA event; in fact all the major NMRA players switched to AAA licences that year and did not need to drive on temporary permits (p17)! The second race was not a 50-miler, but ran over only half that distance, while the third race was neither on September 3 nor on Labor Day, which was September 5 that year - in fact, the original date of September 5 was changed to the following Saturday, September 10, to avoid a clash with the National Championship race at Altoona the same day, which had a support race for "semi-professionals" that attracted a few of the Langhorne regulars.
Things get totally out of hand in chapter 4, dealing with the 1928 season: I can find no trace of an NMRA race on May 12 (p20), instead the AAA opened Langhorne two weeks later with another Winnai win, this time over 10 miles. During this meeting, Winnai also lowered the AAA track record to 40.0" (90 mph) from the 41.8" (86 mph) achieved by Frank Farmer in May of 1927 - typically, the AAA ignored track records of independent clubs such as the NMRA. A planned series of five AAA races (exact dates not mentioned) at Langhorne did not, however, materialize, as the track conditions were found to be wanting, and so an independent club took over for the summer months, although it is not exactly clear which club that was! To wit, the last mention of the NMRA as a sanctioning body for any race that I have is from October 29 in 1927 at a meeting in Lehighton/PA, while the name of its "successor", the United Automobile Association (UAA) does not appear in print anywhere that I can see before October 6, 1928 at Pottstown/PA! Both clubs were always keen to see their name mentioned in press blurbs, so it's kind of strange that there is no reference to either club to be found for this period of close to a full year.
There is, however, the possibilty of an involvement by a third local club by the name of Eastern States Motor Racing Association (ESMRA) which was apparently founded in late 1926 as yet another NMRA offshoot. This came about because of a "territorial conflict" within the NMRA, which had held a big end-of-season 100-mile race at Pottstown annually since 1920, but with the opening of Langhorne the focus had shifted away from the small town some thirty miles west of Philadelphia, and the good people of Pottstown broke with the NMRA, scheduling the "7th Eastern States Championship" race for the same date as the Langhorne 100-miler in 1926! Not surprisingly, that backfired badly, as did a match race three weeks later between the Pottstown winner Horace Hunter and Freddie Winnai which the young star from the Langhorne track won easily. How things developed from here is anybody's guess, especially in the light of the mass walkout of NMRA stars to the AAA in 1927, but one of these three clubs was likely sanctioning those Langhorne meetings in the summer of 1928, of which there were at least six.
Before proceeding, one must make reference to the previously discussed matter of the MacKenzie cousins again in order to avoid further confusion. Quite how Riggs imagined that both cousins were known as "Doc" MacKenzie is simply beyond me, as it is one of the prime purposes of a nickname to differentiate between persons with like names. As already stated elsewhere, there is evidence that the 1928 fatality was named "Speedy" by his peers, but most papers simply refered to George MacKenzie for either man, to the point that it appears as if it was one person driving different cars! Nevertheless, since "Speedy" mostly drove an "F & J Special" while "Doc" mainly wheeled a Hudson, it is possible to keep them apart, but not without some doubt. Speedy, who was a couple years younger than Doc, appears to have been the leading figure of the two, probably starting a little earlier and landing the first results, e.g. two thirds in the first three independent main events at Langhorne that year, but by summer the two of them appear to have been pretty evenly matched.
Ben Shaw won the first of these races on June 10 over 25 laps, then Malcolm Fox took the flag the next week in a race stopped after only 16 laps because of excessive dust - this was the meeting with the accidents as described on p20. On July 1, the distance was reduced to 15 laps, and Fox was unavailable for some reason, so his car owner Bill Neapolitan stepped in and won in what was reportedly his very first race! Fox was back for wins over 25 miles on July 15, and then in another event postponed from August 12 to the following Sunday, August 19 which was the one in which Speedy MacKenzie crashed fatally (not August 26, p21). Apparently, that race was shortened also to 15, maybe even 10 laps. A fortnight later, September 2, and Doc MacKenzie won over 10 laps - again, it was the dust which turned out to be a major problem that summer. That was it for the independents, but not for Langhorne as the AAA came back for a series of fall season races!
September 30 was apparently rained out, but on October 7 it was old crowd favourite Freddie Winnai again over 25 miles, with Ray Keech second from Frank Farmer and Rick Decker, all of them Indianapolis bound the following year. More of the same three weeks later, when Chet Gardner came over from Colorado to completely dominate events, including a new track record at 38.4" (93 mph), finally beating Winnai's old mark, and then leading every lap in his heat and the main event which was cut short when Deacon Litz pulled in from third place complaining that he couldn't see in the falling dusk! Still, another event was scheduled for November 4 and postponed to the 11th, with Larry Beals from Massachusetts winning the main event over only ten laps, while a match race between Keech, Winnai and Gardner ended ignominiously: first, the latter pulled out upon hearing of the postponement, selling his car and returning home, and then Keech's engine failed on the penultimate lap of the final 10-lap heat, causing Winnai to crash into him, and flagman Doc Gerner to wait in vain for a car to finish the race - uh-oh!
Thus ended the busiest season with regards to number of race meets in the entire history of Langhorne Speedway, yet the definite book about the track fails to find even one correct date for those meetings, and glosses over the on-track happenings in a most pitiful way - the low point of an otherwise excellent book, sad to say! And unfortunately, it doesn't get much better in chapter 5, concerning the 1929 season: like with Labor Day in 1927, Riggs fails to perform a simple check of the calendar, and astonishes with a sentence like "while many records have the date for this event as May 12, a Tuesday, this race was actually held on Saturday, May 16" (p 23) - the proof reader must have called in sick, too!! The subject of the sentence is the inaugural event of 1929, which was indeed held on May 12 - a Sunday!!! - after both April 28 and May 5 had been rained out. And yet again, it was a AAA race, not NMRA, an organisation which almost certainly did no longer exist at that time.
The errors continue with the mentioning of Chet Gardner and his 38.4" lap which, as we have learned, had been achieved more than half a year earlier. In fact, Gardner wasn't even entered on May 12, and fast time of 43.0" (83 mph) was recorded by the local society scion, Harold B. Larzelere junior, whose eponymous father had once finished second to the great David Bruce-Brown at the Giant's Despair hill climb in 1909. Young "HBL" had driven an Auburn stock car in a support race for the last independent meet at Langhorne in September, found that he liked it, and gone on to compete at the Pottstown 100 only to crash out after giving a good account of himself. Joining AAA over the winter, he was already making a big impression, and would be a main event winner within two months! A number of accidents, however, soon dampened his spririts, and after taking three years to achieve his second win, he simply faded away during the mid thirties. Freddie Winnai, on the other hand, scored his seventh Langhorne main event win that day, a record that would never be surpassed. Only one Anthony Joseph Foyt junior, who wasn't even yet a glint in the eye of Anthony Joseph Foyt senior, would eventually equal this feet by adding a couple of stock car victories to his tally of five Big Car wins, and over a period of four and a half years as compared to Fast Freddie's three years!
After that one AAA race, the UAA took over for the rest of the year, and held at least three meetings - well, one could say three-and-a-half! The first programme on May 26 went ahead as planned, with Malcolm Fox driving Ben Shaw's Fronty to a win in the 25-mile main from such names as Frank Castell, Mike Golasky and Jimmy Kearns - really, class B stuff. Still, the UAA was making a lot of noises about challenging the best the AAA could offer for a match race, which does not seem to have had the desired effect: attendance figures dropped steadily, from 5,000 for the AAA opener, over 3,500 for the first UAA event to 1,500, and finally a mere 1,000 in July. A June 15 event was stopped by rain during or after time trials, and was repeated the following Saturday with Ben Shaw now driving his own car to another 25-mile victory. Golasky was second this time, with Tom Buler third and Harry Reeves fourth - another collection of no-names. Finally, after a pause of four weeks, another 25-miler was scheduled, but for unexplained reasons cut to ten laps, with Neapolitan taking his second win at a very slow 56 mph - presumably, because the track was in very poor shape! The most interesting thing about this win is that he likely drove the same car, namely Ben Shaw's Frontenac, which thus may have been a winner in three consecutive races, with three different drivers aboard!
And I can't let that photo caption on p24 slip by without a word: to anyone familiar with Miller engines it really jumps out at you that the loud bit in this car is not a Dodge, but a 183 CID Miller Straight 8! The car is actually the somewhat strange offset single-seater which Ira Vail had built in 1924 after accepting the fact that he could no longer drive on the board tracks because of a particular sickness which regularly befell him (doctors call it "self preservation instinct"!), and which he had used to good effect in dirt track races in the East until he bought the Lockhart/Miller in the summer of 1926. This Vail/Miller then passed on to Charlie Ganung of Katonah/NY who ran it himself and for a number of different drivers well into the thirties, it seems. The actual owner, however, seems to have been one George Taytor, a Dodge dealer from South Salem/NY, between Katonah and the Connecticutt stateline, and this is presumably where this picture was taken. But yes, this particular car raced at Langhorne, too.
One or two words should be allowed concerning chapter 6, and the 1930 Langhorne opener in particular: Riggs asserts that Bill Cummings fnally brought the world dirt track record to Langhorne in Karl Kizer's Century Tire Fronty-Ford at 38.03" (94 mph, p26) - unfortunately, only the car owner's and sponsor's names are correct! Kizer had purchased a 91 CID Miller Straight 8 for Cummings's AAA debut from Cliff Woodbury's Boyle Valve-sponsored team, and had his own company's name inscribed into the old triangular Boyle logo, even leaving the #9 painted on its tail, to which he simply added a "2" to make it #29, had it then sent to Langhorne for the bright young dirt track prospect from Indianapolis who astonished the crowd and his peers by breaking Fred Frame's electrically timed 39.68" (90 mph) track record of a few minutes before with a 38.97" (92 mph) lap that came within 0.03" of Lockhart's still standing "world record" from Cleveland in 1927, before going on to lead all 100 laps of the main event (not "swapping positions back and forth", p27) to win by more than half a lap - one proper long sentence to close this post! Thanks for listening.
Edited by Michael Ferner, 14 September 2014 - 21:31. "
Langhorne Speedway
From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
Jump to: navigation, search
Langhorne Speedway
"The Big Left Turn"
"The Track That Ate the Heroes"
"Puke Hollow" (Turn #2)
Langhorne-race-sign.jpg
Location
Middletown Township, Bucks County, near Langhorne, Pennsylvania
Capacity
Approximately 60,000
Owner
National Motor Racing Association (1926-1929)
Ralph "Pappy" Hankinson
(1930-1941)
Earl "Lucky" Teter (1941-1942)
John Babcock (1946-1950)
Irv Fried and Al Gerber
(1951-1971)
Operator
Langhorne Speedway
Opened
1926
Closed
1971
Former names
New Philadelphia/Philadelphia Speedway (1926 - c. 1930)
Major events
AAA Championship Car Langhorne 100 (1930-1955)
USAC Championship Car Langhorne 100 (1956-1970)
NASCAR Grand National
(1949-1957)
Langhorne National Open (1951-1971)
Circle
Length
1.6 km (1.0 mi)
Banking
minimal
Langhorne Speedway was an automobile racetrack in Middletown Township, Bucks County, near the borough of Langhorne, Pennsylvania, a northern suburb of Philadelphia.
According to the book Langhorne! No Man's Land by L. Spencer Riggs: "With all other courses up to that time being fairground horse tracks, Langhorne was the first [one-]mile dirt track built specifically for cars" (p. 5). High-profile American racing clubs like the American Motorcyclist Association (AMA), American Automobile Association (AAA), and United States Auto Club (USAC) made Langhorne one of the stops on their national circuits. These events included AMA-sanctioned National Championship Motorcycle races between 1935 and 1956, AAA-sanctioned Championship Car races between 1930 and 1955, and USAC-sanctioned Championship Car races from 1956 to 1970. The USAC races featured (and were won by) notable racers such as A. J. Foyt, Mario Andretti, Al Unser, Bobby Unser, Gordon Johncock, Lloyd Ruby, and Eddie Sachs. Langhorne was also featured prominently in NASCAR's early years and hosted at least one NASCAR-sanctioned race every year from 1949 to 1957.
Track history[edit]
The speedway was built by a group of Philadelphia racing enthusiasts known as the National Motor Racing Association (NMRA) and the first race was held on June 12, 1926 (scheduled for May 31 but postponed by rain). Freddie Winnai of Philadelphia qualified in 42.40 seconds, a new world's record for a one-mile (1.6 km) track, and went on to win the 50-lap main event.
The NMRA operated Langhorne through the 1929 season, staging 100-lap events on Labor Days and occasional shorter races. Difficulties in track preparation, management disputes, and poor attendance drove the speedway to the brink of bankruptcy until noted promoter Ralph "Pappy" Hankinson took over in 1930. "Pappy" brought in AAA Championship 100-lap races and continued to stage shorter Sprint car racing on the circular track. One of the first stock car races in the northeastern U.S. was held at Langhorne in 1940; Roy Hall of Atlanta, Georgia was victor in the 200-lap event.
In 1941, Hankinson sold the track to stuntman Earl "Lucky" Teter after a falling out with the AAA. However, Teter's tenure only lasted until July 5, 1942 when he was killed while attempting his Rocket Car leap stunt in Indiana State Fairgrounds. [1][2] That very same month, the U.S. Government banned all forms of auto racing due to America's involvement in World War II. As a result, the Speedway sat idle and did not host a race of any kind until 1946. Less than a month after the racing ban was enacted, "Pappy" Hankinson, the man so instrumental in bringing notoriety to Langhorne early on, died of natural causes in Florida. With a huge void created in the track's management, ownership of Langhorne Speedway was passed on to John Babcock and his family. Then in 1951, Irv Fried and Al Gerber became promoters.
Catering chiefly to USAC's Championship Car division, Fried and Gerber had the track's layout reconfigured to a "D" shape in 1965 by building a straightaway across the back stretch and paving over the uneven dirt surface with asphalt. However, as suburban growth engulfed the speedway, the offers from developers became too tempting to refuse. Fried and Gerber announced the sale of the property to mall developers in 1967, but the speedway held on through five more seasons. The final race held at Langhorne occurred on October 17, 1971, with Roger Treichler claiming the checkered flag at the National Open for Modified stock cars.
Site after closure of speedway[edit]
The landscape of the once-famous racetrack was dramatically altered after that last race over 40 years ago. Almost immediately after Langhorne's closure, the property was razed in order to make way for a new shopping development. The current space features a Sam's Club, a Restaurant Depot warehouse and a former K-Mart store where the pits and grandstand were once located. A heavily overgrown wooded area has completely enveloped the infield and backstretch, while a small grocery store and asphalt parking lots around the perimeter of the site cover up the rest. As a result, no physical remnants of the track itself remain. [1]
On Saturday, October 14, 2006, almost 35 years to the day of the last race held at Langhorne, the Pennsylvania Historical and Museum Commission dedicated a historical marker at 1939 E. Lincoln Highway (in the same general area where the track was located) which reads:
Opened in 1926, this circular one-mile dirt track was known as the "Big Left Turn." It hosted a NASCAR inaugural race in 1949. Notable drivers Doc Mackenzie, Joie Chitwood, Rex Mays, Lee Petty, Dutch Hoag, A.J. Foyt, and Mario Andretti raced here in stock, midget, sprint, and Indy cars. Langhorne was reshaped as a "D" and paved in 1965. The National Open Championship run here was regarded as the "Indy of the East." Final race was held in 1971. [3][4]
Langhorne was relocated to southern New Jersey and became Bridgeport Speedway in Bridgeport, NJ.[5]
Deaths and serious injuries[edit]
The track became known as one of the more dangerous tracks in motorsports. Larry Mann, Frank Arford, Bobby Marvin, John McVitty, Joe Russo, Mike Nazaruk, and Jimmy Bryan were all killed racing at this track. In the first National Open in 1951, a large wreck blocked the track and burned driver Wally Campbell, that year's NASCAR National Modified Champion.[6] Several other noted drivers were injured in accidents, often described as spectacular, due to high speeds on the mile-long but rough dirt surface.
In 1965, one of the most spectacular comebacks in auto racing history began with the serious burns and injuries to Mel Kenyon. Kenyon would later return to racing to place third at the Indy 500 and win numerous national midget racing championships.
"Puke Hollow"[edit]
Probably the most notorious area of the original dirt race course, which earned the nickname "Puke Hollow", was located at turn #2 (see note below). It received this moniker due to the fact that a driver might be inclined to "puke" as a result of the extreme jostling his car would experience when hitting the deep ruts which formed in this section of the track as a race progressed. When the track was reconfigured and paved over in 1965, the smooth and level asphalt racing surface essentially prevented the formation of any rough patches and effectively eliminated the "Hollow".
(Note: Since the racetrack was a near perfect circle until 1965, there were no clear-cut "turns" as compared to a more traditional track layout; the turns are based on dividing the circular track into 4 quarters, with turn #2 being the second "quarter" from the start line.)
In healthy retina (left), microglia (green) demonstrate a branched structure that covers the retina. Without TGFβ signaling (right), microglia lose their branched structure, and attach to blood vessels (white). Müller glia become abnormal and acquire activation markers (red).
A signaling pathway controlled by transforming growth factor beta (TGFβ) could be involved in the progression of age-related macular degeneration (AMD). Researchers at the National Eye Institute (NEI), part of the National Institutes of Health, have found that interrupting TGFβ signals to immune cells called microglia causes the cells to enter an activated, inflammatory state. These activated microglia damage the retina, the light-sensitive tissue at the back of the eye. This damage is similar to cellular effects observed in AMD, a common cause of vision loss among older Americans.
Read more: www.nih.gov/news-events/news-releases/faulty-molecular-ma...
Credit: Wenxin Ma, M.D., Ph.D., and Wai Wong, M.D., Ph.D., National Eye Institute/NIH
Banteay Kdei (Khmer: ប្រាសាទបន្ទាយក្តី; Prasat Banteay Kdei), meaning "A Citadel of Chambers", also known as "Citadel of Monks' cells", is a Buddhist temple in Angkor, Cambodia. It is located southeast of Ta Prohm and east of Angkor Thom. Built in the mid-12th to early 13th centuries AD during the reign of Jayavarman VII (who was posthumously given the title "Maha paramasangata pada"), it is in the Bayon architectural style, similar in plan to Ta Prohm and Preah Khan, but less complex and smaller. Its structures are contained within two successive enclosure walls, and consist of two concentric galleries from which emerge towers, preceded to the east by a cloister.
This Buddhist monastic complex is currently dilapidated due to faulty construction and poor quality of sandstone used in its buildings, and is now undergoing renovation. Banteay Kdei had been occupied by monks at various intervals over the centuries until the 1960s.
GEOGRAPHY
The Banteay Kdei, one of the many Angkor temples, is located in the Angkor Archaeological Park of 400 square kilometres area. The ancient city of Angkor during the Khmer Empire extended from Tonle Sap to the Kulen hills covering a vast area of 1,000 square kilometres. The temple is approached from the east gopura of Ta Prohm along a 600 metres path. This path leads to the west gate entrance gopura of Banteay Kdei. It is 3 kilometres east of Angkor Thom.
HISTORY OF SRAH SRANG
The name Banteay Kdei originates from an earlier name, Kuti, which is mentioned in the Sdok Kak Thom. This stele describes the arrival of Jayavarman II to the area, "When they arrived at the eastern district, the king bestowed an estate and a village called Kuti upon the family of the royal chaplain." This royal chaplain was the Brahman scholar Sivakaivalya, his chief priest for the Devaraja cult.
The Khmer Empire lasted from 802 to 1431, initially under Hindu religious beliefs up to the end of the 12th century and later under Buddhist religious practices. It was a time when temples of grandeur came to be built and reached a crescendo during the reign of Suryavarman II until 1145/1150, and later in the 12th–13th centuries, under Jayavarman VII. Many Buddhist temples were built, including the Banteay Kdei, from middle of the 12th century to early 13th century. Though Jayavarman VII was credited with building many temples, he was also accused of squandering money on extravagant temple building projects at the expense of society and other duties. He built Buddhist temples in which Bodhisattva Avalokitesvara was the main deity. This temple built, conforming to the style of the Ta Prohm and Preah Khan temples in the vicinity during the same period by Jayavarman VII, but of a smaller size, was built as a Buddhist monastic complex on the site of a 10th-century temple built by Rajendravarman. Some small inscriptions attest to the building of this temple by Jayavarman VII and the royal architect, Kavindrarimathana.
Jayavarman VII had come to power at the age of 55 after defeating Chams who had invaded Angkor and subjected it to devastation. His "prodigious activity" resulted in the restoration of Cambodia from its ruins. He was chiefly the architect of the rebuilt capital at Angkor Thom and was called a "Great Builder". He was responsible for building many temples, which apart from Banteay Kdei, included the central temple of the Bayon, Prah Khan, Ta Prohm and many others, and also many rest houses for pilgrims. The reasons for building this temple at its present site is not known. However, it is established that the temple is a contemporary of the Angkor Wat as many similarities have been identified between the two, and also with Phimai temple in Thailand. It is reported to be the first temple built by Jayavarman VII in 1181 AD, opposite to the Srah Srang reservoir.
In the 13th century, most of the temples built by Jayavarman were vandalised. However, some of the Mahayana Buddhist frontons and lintels are still seen in good condition. It is also the view of some archaeologists that the temple was built by Jayavarman II in honour of his religious teacher.
The temple, which for several centuries after the Khmer reign ended, remained neglected and covered with vegetation. It was exposed after clearing the surrounding overgrowth of vegetation in 1920–1922. This work was carried out under the guidance of Henri Marchal (then Conservator of Angkor) and Ch. Battuer, by adopting a conservation principle which was known as "the principle of anastylosis, which was being employed very effectively by the Dutch authorities in Indonesia". It was partially occupied by Buddhist monks till the 1960s.
For ten years till March 2002, Sophia University Mission or the Sophia Mission of Japan carried out several Archaeological research at the Banteay Kdei temple. During these investigations, a cache of fragments of 274 Buddhist statues made in sandstone, along with a few metal art pieces, were unearthed, in 2001. Plans to build a storage room to house the statues was also planned.
LAYOUT
The sacred temple complex is cloistered and packed in a space of 65×50 m with three enclosures within a large compound wall of size 700×300 m, made of laterite stones. The entry is from the east facing gopura, which is in a cruciform embellished with Lokesvara images. The temple is a treasure house of sculptures in the architectural styles of the Bayon and also of the Angkor Wat. The complex is on a single level.External enclosureThe external enclosure with four concentric walls, has four gopuras similar to the Ta Prohm temple, and all are in some degree of preserved status. At the four corners, the gopuras have a fascia of Lokesvara (Buddhist deity, Avalokitesvara) mounted over Garuda images (it is also mentioned that the smiling faces are of King Jayavarman II, similar to those seen in the Beyan temple). The east facing gopura, in particular, has well-preserved garuda images on its corners. Two hundred meters from the west entrance of this enclosure leads to a moat, which is decorated with statues of lions and naga-balustrades mounted on garudas. The moat itself has in its precincts the third enclosure which measures 320×300 m, also enclosed with laterite walls. The Buddha image at the entrance to the moat, near the second interior gate, is well preserved, considering the fact that most of the other statues have been destroyed or stolen.
THIRD ENCLOSURE
The third enclosure has a gopura which has a cruciform plan. It has pillars which are crossed by vaults. There are three passages in this enclosure, two on either side are independent, with laterite walls. The niches here have small figurines, and large apsara devatas in single poses or in pairs of dancing poses. Large Buddha images, in an internal courtyard of this enclosure, have been defaced by vandals. A paved access from here leads to the main shrine, which comprises two galleried enclosures. At the entrance to these enclosures, from the eastern end, is the "Hall of Dancers", which has four open courtyards and the pillars have fine carvings of apsaras.
SECOND ENCLOSURE
The second enclosure, which is part of the main temple, measures 58×50 m. It has a gopura on its eastern side and also subsidiary gopura on the west. Entrance doors are at the northern and southern ends. The gopura is built like a gallery with one exterior wall and double row of pillars which open into a courtyard and which has mostly shored up walls with small openings at the bottom to allow air circulation. The niches here are decorated with images of apsaras, and a Buddha statue in the central hall has been defaced by vandals. Bayon style architectural features built-in are the "balustered false windows with lowered blinds and devatas with headdresses in the form of small flaming discs set in a triangle." The vaults built in sandstone and laterite have collapsed at several locations of the gallery. The inner enclosures contain library building to its north and south and also a central sanctuary.
INNER ENCLOSURE
The inner enclosure of the main temple is built on a 36×30 m layout plan. This enclosure has four corner towers abutted by small gopuras. Galleries running along an axis link these towers to the main sanctuary. The towers at the north-east and south-east are linked with the second gallery where a Buddha statue in a sitting posture is seen, in the backdrop of an open sky line. The sanctum which is 2.75 m square enclosure has some traces of statues of deities. This entire enclosure, however, is not built in Bayon style and hence conjectured to be of an earlier period. Remnants of wooden ceiling are also seen here. The entrance to the sanctum is flanked by dvarapalas surrounded by apsaras.
SRAH SRANG
Srah Srang or "The royal bathing pool" or "pool of ablutions" to the east of Banteay Kdei, which was dug to dimensions of 700x300 metres during the reign of Rajendraverman in the 10th century, was beautified by Jayavarman VII with well laid out steps of laterite stones with external margin of sandstone, on the banks of the pond facing the Sun. It is set amidst large trees and has turquoise blue waters all the year round. The approaching steps to the water edge are flanked by two stone statues of lions with ornamented Nāga-balustrades. The pond was reserved for use by the king and his wives. A stone base seen at an island in the centre of the pond once housed a wooden temple where the king did meditation. At the lily filled lake, watching sunset reflections in the lake is quite an experience. The water from the lake is now used for rice cultivation by farmers of the area.
ARCHITECTURAL FEATURES
Some specific architectural features which evolved with the Bayon style are clearly discerned in this temple. The roof is supported on free-standing pillars in the eastern and western pavilions in the third enclosure, built in a cruciform plan with the inner row of pillars supporting the roof. The pillars are also tied to the wall by a tie beam using a "mortise–and–tenon join" patterned on wooden structures. Other features noted are of the four central pillars in the western pavilion which have been strengthened with temporary supports of laterite stone block pillars. Carvings of Buddha are seen on all these pillars but mostly defaced. The temporary support system provided to the roof built on free standing pillars is indicative of problems of design seen in the temples built during this period.
RESTAURATION
Laser scans and imaging of the Banteay Kdei and Angkor Wat Western Causeway were performed within a project launched in March 2004 by the University of California and Sophia University of Tokyo, in partnership with the nonprofit CyArk. The obtained information has facilitated restoration and reconstruction of these structures, which is funded by the Sophia University, and much publicly accessible data from the project is hosted on the CyArk Website. The APSARA Authority has achieved significant improvements in conservation and preservation of monuments in Angkor. Some of the towers and corridors are under restoration and as a result some locations have been cordoned off. Strengthening measures are seen in some parts of the interior temple area where structures in danger are tied together with cables.
WIKIPEDIA
Apologies for the blue tint - a faulty setting on the camera was not noticed until too late !
Tō-ji (東寺 Tō-ji) (East Temple) is a Buddhist temple of the Shingon sect in Kyoto, Japan. It once had a partner, Sai-ji (West Temple) and, together, they stood alongside the Rashomon, gate to the Heian capital. It was formally known as Kyō-ō-gokoku-ji (教王護国寺 The Temple for the Defense of the Nation by Means of the King of Doctrines)[1] which indicates that it previously functioned as a temple providing protection for the nation. Tō-ji is located in Minami-ku near the intersection of Ōmiya Street and Kujō Street, southwest of Kyoto Station.
Tō-ji was founded in the early Heian period.[2] The temple dates from 796, two years after the capital moved to Heian-kyō. Together with its partner Sai-ji, and the temple Shingon-in (located in the Heian Palace), it was one of only three Buddhist temples allowed in the capital at the time, and is the only of the three to survive to the present.
Tō-ji is often associated with Kōbō Daishi (Kūkai). Though Tō-ji began to decline in the end of Heian period, it came back into the spotlight with the rise of Daishi Shinko (worshipping of Kōbō Daishi) in Kamakura period. The well-known Buddhist priest was put in charge of Tō-ji in 823 by order of Emperor Saga. The temple's principal image is of Yakushi Nyorai, the Medicine Buddha. Many religious services for Daishi are held in Miei-dō (御影堂) (or Daishi-dō (大師堂), in another name), the residence of Kōbō Daishi.[3]
Five-story pagoda
The Five-story pagoda of Tō-ji stands 54.8 meters (180 feet) high, and is the tallest wooden tower in Japan. It dates from the Edo period, when it was rebuilt by order of the third Tokugawa Shogun, Iemitsu. The pagoda has been, and continues to be, a symbol of Kyoto. Entrance into the pagoda itself is permitted only a few days a year.
Kondo
The Kondo or Golden Hall is the main hall of the temple, and contains a statue of Yakushi from 1603.
Miedo
The Miedo is dedicated to Kobo Daishi, also called Kukai, the temple's founder. It stands on the location of his original residence. The hall is opened on the 21st of each month, when a memorial service is held for Kukai.
Temple grounds
The grounds feature a garden and pond, in which turtles and koi swim. The grounds also house an academically rigorous private school, Rakunan, from which many students are sent to elite universities.
Recognizing the historical and spiritual significance of Tō-ji, UNESCO designated it, along with several other treasures in Kyoto Prefecture, as part of the "Historic Monuments of Ancient Kyoto" World Heritage Site.
The problems encountered in First Road Trials stem from a faulty main crankshaft oil seal, which is currently being replaced.
This project is now essentially finished. During first road trials some minor problems were encountered, involving over heating and some oil seals which may need changed.
Engine Start has now taken place and engine running will be filmed and posted on here shortly.
The first road run should take place in few weeks.
Advanced Re-assembly
CHASSIS No. 34501349G. Type 345: 2A 109" 6Cyl: Car No. 1349. G suffix introduced April 1969.
Date of Build: 18 June 1969
Despatched Henlys Limited, London 23 June 1969
Bulkhead refit following galvanising and painting.
Installation of pedal boxes servo steering box etc.
Completed drive train including overdrive linkage and all selectors.
Fairey Overdrive fitted to back of transfer box.
Advanced chassis and drive train re-assembly
Rebuilt 6 Cyl. IOE Engine and original LT76 overhauled Gearbox now fitted to Rolling Chassis.
The bulkhead of the 6Cyl is different to accommodate the engine and the transmission tunnel is further back into the cab.
The original bulkhead is currently being repaired, prior to galvanising powder coating and final finish.
Original panels are in 90% good condition and following repairs as required will go to paint shop in early 2019 prior to vehicle reassembly.
It is expected that project will complete during 2021.
Rover 6 Cyl. IOE Engine No. 76503445A.
110 HP Weslake unit.
Advanced Engine Reassembly, pre fitting to FOO4H Rolling chassis.
Machine Shop schedule:
Regrind crankshaft (6 big end journal) Rebore cylinder block (6 cyl)
Surface grind block
Weld repair to cylinder head (TBC) Recut 12 valves/ Reface 12 seats Ultrasonic clean and wash all parts
Balance Crank and flywheel
Assemble exhaust valves, Cam and followers into cylinder
block. Set clearances Surface grind cylinder head
New parts fitted:
Piston assembly +20
Main bearings +20 (small crank 2 1/4" dia.)
Big end bearings +10
Thrust washer
Exhaust valve (OE No. Rover 512140)
NOS timing chain and tensioner etc.
...but more potentially hazardous as a faulty tumble dryer.
My colleagues have a rental car. But, oh dear, what a thing of woe it is.
It is a Chevrolet Aveo in basic Mexican spec - no electric windows, no central locking, no power steering, no air bags. The list of 'no' is longer than the list of 'got'.
But it has an automatic transmission, 5 seats, air conditioning, a large boot and its cheap. These factors being more important than all others to local buyers on a budget.
en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Chevrolet_Aveo
From here: gmauthority.com/blog/2015/11/chevy-aveo-nets-zero-stars-i...
"Remember the Chevrolet Aveo? Well, it has been Mexico’s best-selling car for quite a while, and it was recently named the country’s most dangerous vehicle by a Latin American auto safety group. The title comes as a result of the vehicle scoring zero starts out of a possible five in recent crash safety tests conducted in Mexico.
But given that the Aveo starts at 134,800 Mexican Pesos, or roughly $8,000 USD, the results shouldn’t be too surprising. After all, the Aveo doesn’t even have airbags in the Mexican market, and the vehicle on which it is based (or shall we say, the vehicle that the Aveo is a rebadge of) — the Daewoo Kalos T200 — was released in 2002. After 14 years on the market, the equivalent of centuries in the rapidly-changing automotive landscape, the Aveo has received a few changes and enhancements here and there, but nothing that would drastically change or improve its performance in safety tests or real-world accidents.
Speaking of, the safety tests in question were conducted by the Latin New Car Assessment Program (NCAP). The organization operates throughout Latin America with the objective of improving occupant protection and car safety."
What's the cause of the stutter? I'm holding a video camera on the monitor. The wiggliness of the handhold shows that the video has halted, then jumps to the current position, freezes again, and so on. How do I determine the cause?
I chose this image because I like the movement and like the fact that through faulty photography it almost looks like a painting. These egrets are my second favorite sea birds.
Oneness Pentecostalism (doctrine)
From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
Jump to: navigation, search
It has been suggested that Oneness vs Trinity be merged into this article or section. (Discuss)
This list of basic Oneness Pentecostal doctrine is an overview. These doctrines are UPCI specific, and can be interpreted more conservatively or liberally with respect to individual and church specific views. These doctrines are accompanied by references to most, but not all, scriptures officially used by Oneness Pentecostal churches in defense of their doctrines. [1]
Oneness Pentecostal theology is essentially rooted in the following fundamentalist beliefs:
* God exists and is perfect.
* The Holy Bible is the inspired Word of God.
* The absolute inerrancy of the Holy Bible (not necessarily including any or all translations).
* Sola Scriptura (Scripture interprets Scripture), which also leads to the following assertions by Oneness Pentecostalism in framing its theology:
o The Bible is the final authority on all doctrine.
o Doctrine and Theology must take the entire Bible into consideration, using Scripture to interpret other Scripture.
o Any apparent contradictions between Scriptures is a result of faulty interpretation of one or both Scriptures.
o Any doctrine, theology, or person that contradicts the Bible is in error.
Contents
[hide]
* 1 God
o 1.1 Father, Son, and Holy Ghost
o 1.2 The Deity of Jesus Christ
o 1.3 The Name of Jesus (Emmanuel, God with us as Savior)
* 2 Salvation
o 2.1 Salvation Is through Faith
o 2.2 Obeying (Applying) the Gospel
o 2.3 Repentance
o 2.4 Water Baptism
o 2.5 The Baptism of the Holy Ghost
* 3 References
[edit] God
Oneness Doctrine Churches hold to a conservative monotheistic view of God and stress Jesus Christ as the self revelation of God in the New Testament, who was known as Jehovah in the Old Testament. The Christian Monotheist Oneness doctrine rejects all concepts of a duality, trinity, pantheon, or other doctrines they see as representing multiple personalities of God. It rejects all concepts of Jesus Christ as anything different than being both fully God and fully man. This rejection includes views that would place the Son as only part of God, views that the Son is only a high priest and not God, or that the Son was not fully human. It declares that Jesus Christ is the only begotten Son of God. Oneness also rejects the view that any person can "obtain" the status of God either by works or by grace, maintaining that Jesus Christ did not "obtain" His status, but rather that he is God manifested in the flesh (1st Timothy 3:16).
Oneness specifically maintains:
God is One
God is absolutely and indivisibly One. [2]
God is an Invisible Spirit
God is not made of a physical body, but is an invisible spirit that can only be seen in Theophanies (eg. the burning bush) that God creates or manifests or as the incarnate Jesus Christ. [3]
[edit] Father, Son, and Holy Ghost
The Father
The title of God in Parental Relationship [4]
The Son of God
The only begotten Son of God and the One God incarnate in man. The title "Son" refers to both the man and the deity of Jesus Christ with specific emphasis on the man, but never God or the man only. [5]
The Holy Spirit
The title of God in activity as Spirit. [6]
The Father Is the Holy Ghost
Oneness maintains that the titles Father and Holy Ghost refer to the same being. [7]
[edit] The Deity of Jesus Christ
Jesus is God Incarnate
Oneness maintains that Jesus is fully God. [8]
From the Beginning of His Human Life
Oneness maintains that Jesus is fully man, and had birth, death, and resurrection. Oneness denies doctrines that state that the Son was eternally begotten, maintaining that the man was begotten on a specific day.[9]
The Divine Nature of Jesus Is the Father
Oneness maintains that the deity of Jesus is the Father. [10]
The Divine Nature of Jesus Is the Holy Spirit
Oneness maintains that the deity of Jesus is the Holy Ghost. [11]
Jesus is LORD (the LORD in the KJV)
Oneness maintains that LORD and Jesus refer to the same God who is also known as the Jehovah to "some" modern day Christians. [12]. Some believe Jehovah to be a false guess name with "hovah" in Hebrew meaning ruin or destruction, hence Je-hovah meaning God of ruin or destruction [13]
[edit] The Name of Jesus (Emmanuel, God with us as Savior)
Supreme Revelation of God in the New Testament
Oneness maintains that God revealed Himself as Jesus Christ. [14]
The Saving Name
Oneness Pentecostal theology is based primarily on "the saving Name" of Jesus Christ and recognition of Jesus as the revealed, supreme, and One True Name of God. [15]
[edit] Salvation
Oneness Pentecostal doctrine and theology maintains that salvation comes by a specific set of commands and requirements in the New Testament. It maintains that each set of requirements, as summarized by faith in Jesus Christ, repentance, water baptism by immersion in the name of Jesus Christ, and the gift of the Holy Ghost baptism, are all necessary for salvation. Each that is deemed a requirement, or necessary, is noted by their doctrine with Scripture that maintains that each was commanded for salvation and/or explained that the lack of them would result in not having salvation. Individual church interpretation can impact how these are carried out. Most Oneness Pentecostal churches maintain that the use of Jesus, Lord Jesus, Jesus Christ, Jesus Christ of Nazareth all refer to the same name, and reference the variety used in the Book of Acts. This allows room in their doctrine for personal preference of the specific utterance of the name of Jesus Christ, though officially the full name "Jesus Christ" is advocated.
Universal Need for Salvation
Oneness Pentecostals believe that all men are sinners and lost without salvation. [16]
The Atoning Work of Jesus Christ
Oneness Pentecostals maintain that the man Christ Jesus made atonement, or payment, for the sins of all people. [17]
Salvation Is by Grace
Oneness Pentecostal theology holds that salvation is impossible to obtain without God's grace. [18]
[edit] Salvation Is through Faith
Only Through Faith in Jesus Christ
Faith must be in Jesus Christ. This theology holds that there is no salvation in faith in any name, god, being, or work other than Jesus Christ. This contradicts liberal interpretations of scripture that salvation was given automatically by the atonement of Jesus Christ. Oneness Pentecostals maintain that those without faith in Jesus Christ have not received salvation. That salvation is a gift and must be received. [19]
Saving Faith Includes Obedience
Oneness Pentecostals maintain that true faith is followed by obedience and a willingness to do the Will of God.[20]
Examples of Insufficient, Mental Faith
Oneness Pentecostals reject that salvation is obtainable by what they refer to as "mental faith". Mental faith is best described as faith that has no accompanying actions other than the barest definition of believing. Mental faith is often characterized by Oneness Pentecostals as faith without any life changing repentance or obedience. This doctrine is often used to refute groups who practice salvation by the "Sinner's Prayer". Oneness Pentecostals have no issue with the "Sinner's Prayer" itself, but would dispute that it alone is sufficient saving faith. They often argue that upon questioning, a significant portion of the US population might say they believe in Jesus Christ, but that "belief" and "faith" are not necessarily synonymous, pointing out in James 2:19 that even "the devils also believe, and tremble". [21]
Saving Faith Includes the Acts 2:38 Experience
Oneness Pentecostals affirm a position that "true faith" includes acts of faith and obedience to faith. They specifically point out Acts 2:38 which says, "Then Peter said unto them, Repent, and be baptized every one of you in the name of Jesus Christ for the remission of sins, and ye shall receive the gift of the Holy Ghost." They maintain that if a person has true faith, they will act on it.[22]
[edit] Obeying (Applying) the Gospel
New Testament Teaching
To obtain salvation, a person must meet the requirements set forth in the New Testament. [23]
Old Testament Typology (Blood, Water, Fire or Oil)
The requirements set forth in the New Testament are based on the teachings of the Old Testament, and that the New Testament teachings fulfill the teachings of the Old Testament. [24]
[edit] Repentance
Necessity of Repentance
Oneness Pentecostals maintain that salvation is not possible without repentance. [25]
Elements of Repentance
Oneness Pentecostals define repentance generally as confession and forsaking of sin. Confession is the admittance of sin and asking of forgiveness. Forsaking of sin is the conscious decision to abstain from sinning again.[26]
[edit] Water Baptism
Significance and Necessity
The majority of Oneness Pentecostals believe that baptism is absolutely essential to salvation. A small minority believe that baptism is symbolic in nature.(Reference Global Network of Christian Ministries) [27]
For Repentant Believers
Oneness Pentecostals believe that one must have faith and repent before being baptized. This would contradict a view that salvation could come through a baptism by force.[28]
The Baptismal Mode - Immersion in Water
Oneness Pentecostal theology maintains the literal definition of baptism, being full immersion in water. They often point out that other methods have either no biblical basis, or are based inexact Old Testament rituals, and that their mode is the only one described in the New Testament. This view contradicts the use of any other substance other than water for baptism. This view contradicts any reduced amount of water in baptism, such as sprinkling or head-only immersion. [29]
The Baptismal Formula - In the Name of Jesus
Oneness Pentecostal theology in the use of "the name of Jesus" as the baptismal formula is universal among its believers by definition of Oneness Pentecostalism. [30]
The One Name in Matthew 28:19
Many Oneness Pentecostals recognize "the name of the Father, and of the Son, and of the Holy Ghost" in Matthew 28:19 as being that of Lord Jesus Christ. Oneness itself is often explained (in simplistic terms) as the recognition of the three titles as the singular name of Lord Jesus Christ (Father=Lord, Son=Jesus, and Holy Ghost=Christ). Some Oneness reject the triune Lord Jesus Christ representing the Father, Son, and Holy Ghost and baptize in the name of Jesus Christ only. These are called "Jesus Only". They note that in their own 20th century history, the baptismal name recognition and Oneness theology go hand in hand. Similarly, they note a universal use in the Book of Acts, and with the support of other historical texts of the time, maintain that proof of Oneness theology by the early Christian church was widespread and universal among the leading members. Also of note is that by their doctrinal basis that no Scripture contradicts, that Matthew 28:19, and all of the Acts accounts, including Acts 2:38, must be in full agreement with each other. They state that the only two explanations would be that the Apostles all disobeyed the command in Matthew 28:19 or that they correctly interpreted and fulfilled it, when they used the name Lord Jesus Christ. [31]
[edit] The Baptism of the Holy Ghost
Promise and Command
Pentecostals maintain that the baptism of the Holy Ghost is both a free gift and is commanded to be accepted. The Holy Ghost is explained by Pentecostal doctrine as the Spirit of God (also known as the Spirit of Christ) dwelling within a person. It is further explained as the power of God to edify (build up) the person, help them abstain from sin, and to anoint them with power to exercise the gifts of the Spirit for edification of the church in the Will of God. This differs from the incarnation of God in Jesus Christ, in that the incarnation is explained as "the fullness of the Godhead" in the body of Jesus Christ inseparably linking the deity and man, that is Jesus. Believers, according to this doctrine, can only receive a portion of the Spirit and are not permanently bonded with God as Jesus is. This doctrine explained most simply, it is God dwelling within an individual, communing with the individual, and working through that individual. Oneness doctrine maintains the Holy Ghost is the title of God in action, so they also maintain that the Holy Ghost in an individual is God in action in and through that individual. [32]
An Experience for the Church Founded on Pentecost
Pentecostals, both Oneness and Trinitarian, maintain that the Holy Ghost experience marks the formation of the Christian Church. [33]
Significance and Necessity
Pentecostal churches maintain that the Holy Ghost is necessary for salvation, and that he carries with him power for the believer to accomplish the Will of God. [34]
Speaking in Tongues Is the Initial Sign
The majority of Oneness Pentecostals maintain that the initial sign of the Holy Ghost is speaking in tongues. They recognize that reception of the Holy Ghost was evidenced, when documented in the New Testament, by the minimal requirement of speaking in tongues. They also recognize a biblical basis that the gift of tongues is a sign to unbelievers of the power of the Holy Ghost and is actively to be prayed for and practiced, especially in prayer. [35]
[edit] References
1. ^ A shortened version compiled from “An Overview of Basic Doctrines”, an overview compiled the book ‘’A Handbook of Basic Doctrines’’ by David K. Bernard. Also included are excerpts, as marked, from “Essential Doctrines of the Bible.” “Essential Doctrines of the Bible” and “An Overview of Basic Doctrines”, Thompson Chain-Reference Study Bible, Word Aflame Press, 1999, 1-12, 13-25, respectively
2. ^ Deuteronomy 6:4, Isaiah 37:16, 42:8, 43:10-11, 44:6, 8, 24, 45:5-6, 14, 18, 21-22, 46:5, 9, 48:11-12, Zechariah 14:9, Malachi 2:10, Mark 12:29, John 17:3, Romans 3:30, Galatians 3:20, I Timothy 2:5, James 2:19, Revelation 4:2
3. ^ Exodus 33:20, Luke 24:39, John 1:18, 4:24, Colossians 1:15, I Timothy 6:15-16, Hebrews 12:9, I John 4:12
4. ^ Deuteronomy 32:6, Malachi 2:10, Psalm 89:26, Isaiah 63:16, 64:8, Jeremiah 31:9, Romans 8:14-19, Galatians 1:1-4, Ephesians 4:6, Hebrews 12:9
5. ^ Psalm 2:7, Isaiah 7:14, 9:6, Matthew 1:18-23, Mark 13:32, Luke 1:35, John 14:10-11, 28, Acts 13:33, Romans 5:10, Galatians 4:4, Colossians 1:13-15, Hebrews 1:1-9
6. ^ Genesis 1:2, Ephesians 4:4, 6, Leviticus 11:44, John 4:24, Acts 5:3, 4, 9, I Corinthians 12:11, I Peter 1:16, II Peter 1:21
7. ^ Matthew 1:18, 20, Isaiah 40:13, Joel 2:27-28, Luke 1:35, Romans 8:15-16, Compare Matthew 10:20 and Mark 13:11, Compare John 14:17 and 14:23, Compare John 14:26 and II Corinthians 1:3-4, Compare I Corinthians 3:16-17 and 6:19, Compare Ephesians 1:17-20 and Romans 8:11, Compare I Timothy 6:13 and Romans 8:11, Compare II Timothy 3:16 and II Peter 1:21 Compare I Peter 1:2 and Jude 1
8. ^ Isaiah 9:6, 11:1, 10, 40:9, John 1:1, 14, Colossians 2:9-10, Micah 5:2, Matthew 1:23, John 1:1-18, John 20:28, II Corinthians 5:19, Ephesians 5:5, Colossians 1:15, 19, I Timothy 3:16, Titus 2:13, Hebrews 1:1-3, I John 5:20, Jude 4, 25, Revelation 1:7-18, 22:3-4, Compare Exodus 20:1-5 and Luke 24:52, Compare Deuteronomy 33:27 and Revelation 1:8, 18, Compare Psalm 139:7-13 and Matthew 18:20, 28:20, Compare Isaiah 35:3-6 and Matthew 11:2-6, Compare Isaiah 43:25 and Mark 2:5-12, Compare Malachi 3:6 and Hebrews 13:8, Compare I John 1:5 and John 1:4-9, Compare Revelation 19:6 and Colossians 1:16-18
9. ^ Galatians 4:4, Micah 5:2, Matthew 1:23, 2:11, Isaiah 7:14, 9:6, Luke 1:35, 2:38, Hebrews 1:6
10. ^ Isaiah 9:6, 63:16, John 8:19-27, 10:30, 10:38, 12:45, 14:8-11, Revelation 21:6-7, Colossians 2:9, I John 3:1-5, Compare John 2:19-21 and Acts 2:24, Compare John 6:40 and I Corinthians 6:14, Compare John 6:44 and John 12:32, Compare John 14:14 and John 16:23, Compare John 16:7 and John 14:26, Compare Ephesians 5:26 and Jude 1
11. ^ John 14:16-18, 16:7, Acts 16:6-7 (NIV), II Corinthians 3:17, Galatians 4:6, Ephesians 3:16-17, Philippians 1:19, Compare Matthew 28:20 and John 14:16, Compare Luke 21:15 and Mark 13:11, Compare John 2:19-21 and Romans 8:9-11, Compare Ephesians 5:26 and I Peter 1:2, Compare Colossians 1:27 and Acts 2:4, 38
12. ^ Jeremiah 23:5-6, 33:15-16, John 8:58, Acts 9:5, Isaiah 40:10, 53:1-2, Zechariah 11:3, 12, 12:1, 10, 14:3-5, Compare Genesis 17:1 and Revelation 1:8, 18, Compare Exodus 3:14 and John 8:56-59, Compare Psalm 27:1 and Acts 4:10-12, Compare Psalm 136:3 and Revelation 19:16, Compare Isaiah 33:22 and Acts 10:42, Compare Isaiah 40:3 and Matthew 3:3, Compare Isaiah 40:5 and I Corinthians 2:8 and Isaiah 42:8, 48:11, Compare Isaiah 45:21 and Acts 7:52, Compare Isaiah 45:23 and Philippians 2:10
13. ^ Strongs #1943
14. ^ Zecharaiah 14:9, John 14:13-14, Colossians 3:17, Isaiah 52:6, Acts 3:6, 16, 4:7-12 17-18, 30, Philippians 2:9-11, James 5:14
15. ^ Matthew 1:21, Acts 3:16, 4:12, 10:43, 15:14-17, 22:16, Romans 10:13, I John 2:12
16. ^ Romans 3:9-12, 23, 5:12, 19, 6:23, Psalm 53:1-3, 130:3, Ecclesiastes 7:20, Jeremiah 17:9, Galatians 3:22, Ephesians 2:1-3, I John 1:8-10
17. ^ Isaiah 53:5-6, Matthew 20:28, 26:28, Romans 3:24-25, 5:8-11, John 1:29, I Corinthians 15:1-4, II Corinthians 5:14-21, Ephesians 2:13-19, Colossians 1:19-22, 2,:13-15, I Timothy 2:5, 6, Hebrews 2:9, 9:22, 28, 10:4, 10-20, Revelation 5:8-10
18. ^ Ephesians 2:4-10, Titus 2:11-12, 3:4-7, Romans 3:24, 6:1-2, 15, 23, I corinthians 15:10, II Corinthians 12:9, Galatians 5:4, Philippians 2:13, Hebrews 12:15, I Peter 5:5, 10
19. ^ John 3:16, 8:24, 20:31, Acts 13:38-39, 16:31, Hebrews 11:6, Romans 1:16-17, 3:21-31, 10:8-11, Galatians 2:16, Ephesians 2:8
20. ^ Romans 1:5, 6:17, 10:16, 16:26, Hebrews 5:9, 11:6-10, 11:28, John 8:30-32, Acts 6:7, James 1:21-25, I Peter 1:21-23, I John 2:3-6, 5:1-8, Compare Romans 4:3 and Genesis 15:6, 22:16-18, 26:5, Compare Romans 10:6-10 and Deuteronomy 30:10-14 and Luke 6:46
21. ^ John 2:23-25, 12:42-43, James 2:14-19, Acts 8:12-23
22. ^ Mark 1:15, 16:16, Acts 2:38, 41, 8:36-39, 11:15, 17, 19:1-6, Galatians 3:14, Ephesians 1:13
23. ^ John 3:5, Acts 1:4-8, 2:38, 8:15-17, 9:17-18, 10:43-48, 16:30-34, 19:1-6, 22:16, Titus 3:5, Matthew 3:11, Luke 24:46-49, Romans 6:1-7, I Corinthians 6:11, 15:1-4, Hebrews 6:1-2, 10:15-23, I John 5:8-10
24. ^ I Corinthians 10:1-2, Exodus 12:13, 14:19-31, 19:10-11, 29:1-7, Leviticus 14:1-20, Numbers 19:1-10, 31:1-18, I Kings 18:33-39, Hebrews 9:18-20, Compare Exodus 40:6-7 and Hebrews 9:1-9, Compare Matthew 3:11 and Acts 2:3-4, Compare John 14:16-17, 26 and I John 2:20, 27, I Peter 3:20-21 and II Peter 3:5-7
25. ^ Luke 3:3-9, 13:1-5, Acts 2:38, 3:19, 17:30, 26:18, 20, Ezekiel 18:30-32, Matthew 3:1-11, Mark 1:15, Hebrews 6:1, II Peter 3:9
26. ^ Psalm 51:17, Proverbs 28:13, Matthew 5:23-24, Mark 1:4-5, Luke 3:7-9, 19:8, Acts 26:18, 20, II Corinthians 7:10
27. ^ Mark 16:16, John 3:5, Acts 2:38, 10:48, 22:16, Galatians 3:27, Numbers 19:1-5, 9, Romans 6:3-4, I Corinthians 6:11, Colossians 2:11-13, Titus 3:5, I Peter 3:20-21, I John 5:6, 8
28. ^ Luke 3:7-8, Acts 2:38, 41, 8:12, 36-37, 10:47-48, 16:14-15, 18:8, 19:5, Matthew 3:6-8, Mark 1:5, 16:16
29. ^ Matthew 3:16, John 3:23, Romans 6:4, Mark 1:5, 9-10, Acts 8:36-39, Colossians 2:12
30. ^ Acts 2:38, 8:12, 16, 10:48, 15:17, 19:3-5, 22:16, I Corinthians 1:13, Galatians 3:27, Philippians 3:27, Colossians 2:9-10, 3:17, James 2:7
31. ^ Matthew 1:21, 28:18-20, Luke 24:47, Isaiah 52:6, Zechariah 14:9, John 5:43, 14:26, Acts 2:38, 8:16, 10:48, 19:3-5, Colossians 3:17, Revelation 22:3-4
32. ^ Matthew 3:11, Acts 1:4-8, 2:38-39, Joel 2:28-29, Mark 15:17-18, Luke 11:13, 24:49, John 3:5, 7:38-39, 14:16-18, 20:22, 16:7, 13
33. ^ Matthew 16:18, John 7:39, 16:17, Acts 1:4-8, 2:1-4, 19:1-6, Hebrews 8:6-13, 9:15-17, 11:39-40, I Peter 10-12
34. ^ John 3:1-8, Acts 1:4-8, 2:1-4, 2:37-39, 3:19, 8:15-17, 9:17, 10:44-47, 11:15-18, 19:1-6, Romans 8:1-16, 23-27, 14:17, I Corinthians 6:11, 12:3, Ephesians 1:13-14, Titus 3:5, I John 3:24
35. ^ Acts 2:1-4, 33, 8:6-8, 12-20, 10:44-46, 11:15, 19:6, Isaiah 28:11-12, Mark 16:17, John 3:8, Romans 8:16, I Corinthians 14:18, 21-22
The problems encountered in First Road Trials stem from a faulty main crankshaft oil seal, which is currently being replaced.
This project is now essentially finished. During first road trials some minor problems were encountered, involving over heating and some oil seals which may need changed.
Engine Start has now taken place and engine running will be filmed and posted on here shortly.
The first road run should take place in few weeks.
Advanced Re-assembly
CHASSIS No. 34501349G. Type 345: 2A 109" 6Cyl: Car No. 1349. G suffix introduced April 1969.
Date of Build: 18 June 1969
Despatched Henlys Limited, London 23 June 1969
Bulkhead refit following galvanising and painting.
Installation of pedal boxes servo steering box etc.
Completed drive train including overdrive linkage and all selectors.
Fairey Overdrive fitted to back of transfer box.
Advanced chassis and drive train re-assembly
Rebuilt 6 Cyl. IOE Engine and original LT76 overhauled Gearbox now fitted to Rolling Chassis.
The bulkhead of the 6Cyl is different to accommodate the engine and the transmission tunnel is further back into the cab.
The original bulkhead is currently being repaired, prior to galvanising powder coating and final finish.
Original panels are in 90% good condition and following repairs as required will go to paint shop in early 2019 prior to vehicle reassembly.
It is expected that project will complete during 2021.
Rover 6 Cyl. IOE Engine No. 76503445A.
110 HP Weslake unit.
Advanced Engine Reassembly, pre fitting to FOO4H Rolling chassis.
Machine Shop schedule:
Regrind crankshaft (6 big end journal) Rebore cylinder block (6 cyl)
Surface grind block
Weld repair to cylinder head (TBC) Recut 12 valves/ Reface 12 seats Ultrasonic clean and wash all parts
Balance Crank and flywheel
Assemble exhaust valves, Cam and followers into cylinder
block. Set clearances Surface grind cylinder head
New parts fitted:
Piston assembly +20
Main bearings +20 (small crank 2 1/4" dia.)
Big end bearings +10
Thrust washer
Exhaust valve (OE No. Rover 512140)
NOS timing chain and tensioner etc.
*Please read before commenting*
The decision to publish this picture wasn’t taken lightly.
In the early hours of Wednesday 14 June 2017, the 24-storey Grenfell Tower in the North Kensington area of London burnt down. It’s believed a faulty refrigerator in a flat on the fourth floor caught alight. The flames rapidly spread through each flat, eventually engulfing the entire high rise tower block within a matter of hours.
The final death toll for the fire, which is the worst single incident that the London Fire Brigade (LFB) has had to attend since WWII, is not expected to be known until 2018 but is likely to include the names of more than 80 men, women and children.
The supposed cause of fire, from faulty fridge electrics, masks the real debate about how such a tragedy could happen in one of the richest cities in the richest countries in the world. The use of cheap, flammable exterior cladding has been overwhelmingly identified, though still legally unproven, as the primary reason why the fire spread so astonishingly quick across and up the building’s 24 floors.
The campaigning group Justice 4 Grenfell, set up in the immediate wake of the disaster, organised to oppose the predictable incoming tide of media and political whitewash which has attempted to cover up the real reasons why the Grenfell Tower was a disaster waiting to happen. Residents had complained for years to the Royal Borough of Kensington and Chelsea Council (RBKC) about their safety concerns; which included the lack of an internal sprinkler system and adequate fire escapes, and combustible waste being left in hallways. But their concerns were systematically ignored.
Poorly enforced tenancy rights in the UK among poorer and marginalised socioeconomic groups also, perversely, increased the likelihood of tenants with legitimate concerns being targeted for eviction by landlords, who deemed them to be troublemakers. Instead, and sickeningly so in light of what would happen on 14 June 2017, people who were seriously concerned for their own welfare and those of their fellow tower block residents were either ignored or met with outright hostility by RBKC and landlords.
Grenfell Tower, which was built in the early 1970s, astonishingly had only one lift and fire escape. This meant that when the tower was ablaze there was no alternative route for residents to flee to safety. Families became trapped on the tower’s higher floors, out of reach of fire hoses and engulfed in toxic fumes and incendiary heat. Unable to escape, they tragically lost their lives before the heroic firemen and firewomen from the LFB could rescue them from their burning homes.
When we see pictures like the one above, they can often render us cold and passive. Conversely we can also feel repulsed, angry and disbelieving that such a tragedy could happen anywhere, least of all in the richest neighbourhood of one of the richest cities, in one of the richest countries in the world. How could it be that fundamental safety requirements were repeatedly ignored in favour of profiteering? How could cutting corners on safety management be coupled with contempt for the concerns of individuals? The injustice is writ large, while justice is waiting to be served.
At the time of writing, Justice 4 Grenfell campaigners have again raised serious concerns in the national press that the terms of the inquiry into the disaster are too narrow, and purposely so. Their concerns are entirely legitimate; local and central government, which has presided over years of failing housing policy and grinding austerity is attempting to wriggle free from the far reaching socioeconomic and political consequences of their decisions. The culmination of which have arguably been instrumental in tragedies like Grenfell Tower becoming far more likely to happen.
The truth can be avoided, subverted, even denied. But it can never be silenced.
For more information
Justice 4 Grenfell: justice4grenfell.org/
Donate: www.justgiving.com/crowdfunding/categories/emergencies/gr...
Latest reports: www.theguardian.com/uk-news/grenfell-tower-fire
Banteay Kdei (Khmer: ប្រាសាទបន្ទាយក្តី; Prasat Banteay Kdei), meaning "A Citadel of Chambers", also known as "Citadel of Monks' cells", is a Buddhist temple in Angkor, Cambodia. It is located southeast of Ta Prohm and east of Angkor Thom. Built in the mid-12th to early 13th centuries AD during the reign of Jayavarman VII (who was posthumously given the title "Maha paramasangata pada"), it is in the Bayon architectural style, similar in plan to Ta Prohm and Preah Khan, but less complex and smaller. Its structures are contained within two successive enclosure walls, and consist of two concentric galleries from which emerge towers, preceded to the east by a cloister.
This Buddhist monastic complex is currently dilapidated due to faulty construction and poor quality of sandstone used in its buildings, and is now undergoing renovation. Banteay Kdei had been occupied by monks at various intervals over the centuries until the 1960s.
GEOGRAPHY
The Banteay Kdei, one of the many Angkor temples, is located in the Angkor Archaeological Park of 400 square kilometres area. The ancient city of Angkor during the Khmer Empire extended from Tonle Sap to the Kulen hills covering a vast area of 1,000 square kilometres. The temple is approached from the east gopura of Ta Prohm along a 600 metres path. This path leads to the west gate entrance gopura of Banteay Kdei. It is 3 kilometres east of Angkor Thom.
HISTORY
The Khmer Empire lasted from 802 to 1431, initially under Hindu religious beliefs up to the end of the 12th century and later under Buddhist religious practices. It was a time when temples of grandeur came to be built and reached a crescendo during the reign of Suryavarman II until 1191, and later in the 12th–13th centuries, under Jayavarman VII. Many Buddhist temples were built, including the Banteay Kdei, from middle of the 12th century to early 13th century. Though Jayavarman VII was credited with building many temples, he was also accused of squandering money on extravagant temple building projects at the expense of society and other duties. He built Buddhist temples in which Bodhisattva Avalokitesvara was the main deity. This temple built, conforming to the style of the Ta Prohm and Preah Khan temples in the vicinity during the same period by Jayavarman VII, but of a smaller size, was built as a Buddhist monastic complex on the site of a 10th-century temple built by Rajendravarman. Some small inscriptions attest to the building of this temple by Jayavarman VII and the royal architect, Kavindrarimathana.
Jayavarman VII had come to power at the age of 55 after defeating Chams who had invaded Angkor and subjected it to devastation. His "prodigious activity" resulted in the restoration of Cambodia from its ruins. He was chiefly the architect of the rebuilt capital at Angkor Thom and was called a "Great Builder". He was responsible for building many temples, which apart from Banteay Kdei, included the central temple of the Bayon, Prah Khan, Ta Prohm and many others, and also many rest houses for pilgrims. The reasons for building this temple at its present site is not known. However, it is established that the temple is a contemporary of the Angkor Wat as many similarities have been identified between the two, and also with Phimai temple in Thailand. It is reported to be the first temple built by Jayavarman VII in 1181 AD, opposite to the Srah Srang reservoir.
In the 13th century, most of the temples built by Jayavarman were vandalised. However, some of the Mahayana Buddhist frontons and lintels are still seen in good condition. It is also the view of some archaeologists that the temple was built by Jayavarman II in honour of his religious teacher.
The temple, which for several centuries after the Khmer reign ended, remained neglected and covered with vegetation. It was exposed after clearing the surrounding overgrowth of vegetation in 1920–1922. This work was carried out under the guidance of Henri Marchal (then Conservator of Angkor) and Ch. Battuer, by adopting a conservation principle which was known as "the principle of anastylosis, which was being employed very effectively by the Dutch authorities in Indonesia". It was partially occupied by Buddhist monks till the 1960s.
For ten years till March 2002, Sophia University Mission or the Sophia Mission of Japan carried out several Archaeological research at the Banteay Kdei temple. During these investigations, a cache of fragments of 274 Buddhist statues made in sandstone, along with a few metal art pieces, were unearthed, in 2001. Plans to build a storage room to house the statues was also planned.
LAYOUT
The sacred temple complex is cloistered and packed in a space of 65×50 m with three enclosures within a large compound wall of size 700×300 m, made of laterite stones. The entry is from the east facing gopura, which is in a cruciform embellished with Lokesvara images. The temple is a treasure house of sculptures in the architectural styles of the Bayon and also of the Angkor Wat. The complex is on a single level.
EXTERNAL ENCLOSURE
The external enclosure with four concentric walls, has four gopuras similar to the Ta Brahm temple, and all are in some degree of preserved status. At the four corners, the gopuras have a fascia of Lokesvara (Buddhist deity, Avalokitesvara) mounted over Garuda images (it is also mentioned that the smiling faces are of King Jayavarman II, similar to those seen in the Beyan temple). The east facing gopura, in particular, has well-preserved garuda images on its corners. Two hundred meters from the west entrance of this enclosure leads to a moat, which is decorated with statues of lions and naga-balustrades mounted on garudas. The moat itself has in its precincts the third enclosure which measures 320×300 m, also enclosed with laterite walls. The Buddha image at the entrance to the moat, near the second interior gate, is well preserved, considering the fact that most of the other statues have been destroyed or stolen.
THIRD ENCLOSURE
The third enclosure has a gopura which has a cruciform plan. It has pillars which are crossed by vaults. There are three passages in this enclosure, two on either side are independent, with laterite walls. The niches here have small figurines, and large apsara devatas in single poses or in pairs of dancing poses. Large Buddha images, in an internal courtyard of this enclosure, have been defaced by vandals. A paved access from here leads to the main shrine, which comprises two galleried enclosures. At the entrance to these enclosures, from the eastern end, is the "Hall of Dancers", which has four open courtyards and the pillars have fine carvings of apsaras.
SECOND ENCLOSURE
The second enclosure, which is part of the main temple, measures 58×50 m. It has a gopura on its eastern side and also subsidiary gopura on the west. Entrance doors are at the northern and southern ends. The gopura is built like a gallery with one exterior wall and double row of pillars which open into a courtyard and which has mostly shored up walls with small openings at the bottom to allow air circulation. The niches here are decorated with images of apsaras, and a Buddha statue in the central hall has been defaced by vandals. Bayon style architectural features built-in are the "balustered false windows with lowered blinds and devatas with headdresses in the form of small flaming discs set in a triangle." The vaults built in sandstone and laterite have collapsed at several locations of the gallery. The inner enclosures contain library building to its north and south and also a central sanctuary.
INNER ENCLOSURE
The inner enclosure of the main temple is built on a 36×30 m layout plan. This enclosure has four corner towers abutted by small gopuras. Galleries running along an axis link these towers to the main sanctuary. The towers at the north-east and south-east are linked with the second gallery where a Buddha statue in a sitting posture is seen, in the backdrop of an open sky line. The sanctum which is 2.75 m square enclosure has some traces of statues of deities. This entire enclosure, however, is not built in Bayon style and hence conjectured to be of an earlier period. Remnants of wooden ceiling are also seen here. The entrance to the sanctum is flanked by dvarapalas surrounded by apsaras.
SRAH SRANG
Srah Srang or "The royal bathing pool" or "pool of ablutions" to the east of Banteay Kdei, which was dug to dimensions of 700x300 m during the reign of Rajendraverman in the 10th century, was beautified by Jayavarman VII with well laid out steps of laterite stones with external margin of sandstone, on the banks of the pond facing the Sun. It is set amidst large trees and has turquoise blue waters all the year round. The approaching steps to the water edge are flanked by two stone statues of lions with ornamented Nāga-balustrades. The pond was reserved for use by the king and his wives. A stone base seen at an island in the centre of the pond once housed a wooden temple where the king did meditation. At the lily filled lake, watching sunset reflections in the lake is quite an experience. The water from the lake is now used for rice cultivation by farmers of the area.
ARCHITECTURAL FEATURES
Some specific architectural features which evolved with the Bayon style are clearly discerned in this temple. The roof is supported on free-standing pillars in the eastern and western pavilions in the third enclosure, built in a cruciform plan with the inner row of pillars supporting the roof. The pillars are also tied to the wall by a tie beam using a "mortise–and–tenon join" patterned on wooden structures. Other features noted are of the four central pillars in the western pavilion which have been strengthened with temporary supports of laterite stone block pillars. Carvings of Buddha are seen on all these pillars but mostly defaced. The temporary support system provided to the roof built on free standing pillars is indicative of problems of design seen in the temples built during this period.
RESTAURATION
Laser scans and imaging of the Banteay Kdei and Angkor Wat Western Causeway were performed within a project launched in March 2004 by the University of California and Sophia University of Tokyo, in partnership with the nonprofit CyArk. The obtained information has facilitated restoration and reconstruction of these structures, which is funded by the Sophia University, and much publicly accessible data from the project is hosted on the CyArk Website. The APSARA Authority has achieved significant improvements in conservation and preservation of monuments in Angkor. Some of the towers and corridors are under restoration and as a result some locations have been cordoned off. Strengthening measures are seen in some parts of the interior temple area where structures in danger are tied together with cables.
WIKIPEDIA
Defective French PiP breast implant patients protest at private clinic - London, 14.01.2012
Around 60 breast implant patients gathered outside The Harley Medical Group (THMG) premises on Harley Street on 14.01.2012 to protest against the clinic's refusal to replace, free of charge, any of the 13,900 faulty French-manufactured PIP (Poly Implant Prothese) silicone implants bought and surgically implanted into women by THMG which were filled with substandard industrial-grade silicone provided by German chemicals supplier Brenntag to save money, and which allegedly are more prone to rupture and leak than proper surgical-grade implants.
Brenntag rejected accusations of negligence on Friday 13th January after a report it could face legal action over its role as silicone supplier to PIP, and has claimed the bulk silicone-gel it provided was clearly marked as unsuitable for use in implants.
The French government has advised the 30,000 women in France who have the implants to have them removed due to concerns they might rupture. Governments in several other countries, such as Britain and Brazil, have asked women to visit their doctors for checks, but as yet the NHS in Britain is not offering to remove the PiP implants, despite the risk of rupture and health risks caused by leaking silicone.
A French investigating judge visited PIP offices earlier in January as part of a probe into the death of a woman from cancer, which could lead to charges of involuntary homicide against the firm. French authorities ordered the company to withdraw its breast implants from the market in March 2010.
The average cost of a breast-augmentation proceedure from The Harley Medical Group is, like most of the very profitable high-end cosmetic surgery companies in and around Harley Street, somewhere in the region of £4,500 ( 5,450), and if this is accurate then Harley Street Medical has made somewhere in the region of £58.5 million ( 70.8 million) from fitting toxic PiP implants. The company issued a statement this week claiming that if they replaced the sub-standard implants for free they would go out of business, and the responsibility should fall on the NHS or PiP - who manufactured the lower-priced implants - to clean up the mess, but the demonstrators are angrily demanding that the private clinics foot the bill.
Several women at the protest still have leaking PiP implants in their breasts and are suffering a wide range of serious symptoms, but cannot afford to pay the same cosmetic surgeon to remove them, let alone replace them. This kind of luxury surgery is a once-in-a-lifetime purchase fore many women, and they are angered that their lives have been put at risk by cost-cutting, and that the culprits are attempting to walk away from the whole matter, leaving the UK taxpayer to foot the bill.
PIP implants were banned in France in 2010, with the French government advising 30,000 women to have their implants removed, but thus far the British government has offered very limited help to British patients, choosing instead to broadcast a public information video on national TV networks this weekend downplaying the risks, with Secretary of State for Health Andrew Lansley saying in press briefings that he expects private medical companies who have fitted the French implants to "step up to their responsibilities".
All photos © 2012 Pete Riches
Do not reproduce, alter or reblog my images without my written permission.
Hi-Res versions of these files are available for license on application. NUJ rates apply.
Banteay Kdei (Khmer: ប្រាសាទបន្ទាយក្តី; Prasat Banteay Kdei), meaning "A Citadel of Chambers", also known as "Citadel of Monks' cells", is a Buddhist temple in Angkor, Cambodia. It is located southeast of Ta Prohm and east of Angkor Thom. Built in the mid-12th to early 13th centuries AD during the reign of Jayavarman VII (who was posthumously given the title "Maha paramasangata pada"), it is in the Bayon architectural style, similar in plan to Ta Prohm and Preah Khan, but less complex and smaller. Its structures are contained within two successive enclosure walls, and consist of two concentric galleries from which emerge towers, preceded to the east by a cloister.
This Buddhist monastic complex is currently dilapidated due to faulty construction and poor quality of sandstone used in its buildings, and is now undergoing renovation. Banteay Kdei had been occupied by monks at various intervals over the centuries until the 1960s.
GEOGRAPHY
The Banteay Kdei, one of the many Angkor temples, is located in the Angkor Archaeological Park of 400 square kilometres area. The ancient city of Angkor during the Khmer Empire extended from Tonle Sap to the Kulen hills covering a vast area of 1,000 square kilometres. The temple is approached from the east gopura of Ta Prohm along a 600 metres path. This path leads to the west gate entrance gopura of Banteay Kdei. It is 3 kilometres east of Angkor Thom.
HISTORY OF SRAH SRANG
The name Banteay Kdei originates from an earlier name, Kuti, which is mentioned in the Sdok Kak Thom. This stele describes the arrival of Jayavarman II to the area, "When they arrived at the eastern district, the king bestowed an estate and a village called Kuti upon the family of the royal chaplain." This royal chaplain was the Brahman scholar Sivakaivalya, his chief priest for the Devaraja cult.
The Khmer Empire lasted from 802 to 1431, initially under Hindu religious beliefs up to the end of the 12th century and later under Buddhist religious practices. It was a time when temples of grandeur came to be built and reached a crescendo during the reign of Suryavarman II until 1145/1150, and later in the 12th–13th centuries, under Jayavarman VII. Many Buddhist temples were built, including the Banteay Kdei, from middle of the 12th century to early 13th century. Though Jayavarman VII was credited with building many temples, he was also accused of squandering money on extravagant temple building projects at the expense of society and other duties. He built Buddhist temples in which Bodhisattva Avalokitesvara was the main deity. This temple built, conforming to the style of the Ta Prohm and Preah Khan temples in the vicinity during the same period by Jayavarman VII, but of a smaller size, was built as a Buddhist monastic complex on the site of a 10th-century temple built by Rajendravarman. Some small inscriptions attest to the building of this temple by Jayavarman VII and the royal architect, Kavindrarimathana.
Jayavarman VII had come to power at the age of 55 after defeating Chams who had invaded Angkor and subjected it to devastation. His "prodigious activity" resulted in the restoration of Cambodia from its ruins. He was chiefly the architect of the rebuilt capital at Angkor Thom and was called a "Great Builder". He was responsible for building many temples, which apart from Banteay Kdei, included the central temple of the Bayon, Prah Khan, Ta Prohm and many others, and also many rest houses for pilgrims. The reasons for building this temple at its present site is not known. However, it is established that the temple is a contemporary of the Angkor Wat as many similarities have been identified between the two, and also with Phimai temple in Thailand. It is reported to be the first temple built by Jayavarman VII in 1181 AD, opposite to the Srah Srang reservoir.
In the 13th century, most of the temples built by Jayavarman were vandalised. However, some of the Mahayana Buddhist frontons and lintels are still seen in good condition. It is also the view of some archaeologists that the temple was built by Jayavarman II in honour of his religious teacher.
The temple, which for several centuries after the Khmer reign ended, remained neglected and covered with vegetation. It was exposed after clearing the surrounding overgrowth of vegetation in 1920–1922. This work was carried out under the guidance of Henri Marchal (then Conservator of Angkor) and Ch. Battuer, by adopting a conservation principle which was known as "the principle of anastylosis, which was being employed very effectively by the Dutch authorities in Indonesia". It was partially occupied by Buddhist monks till the 1960s.
For ten years till March 2002, Sophia University Mission or the Sophia Mission of Japan carried out several Archaeological research at the Banteay Kdei temple. During these investigations, a cache of fragments of 274 Buddhist statues made in sandstone, along with a few metal art pieces, were unearthed, in 2001. Plans to build a storage room to house the statues was also planned.
LAYOUT
The sacred temple complex is cloistered and packed in a space of 65×50 m with three enclosures within a large compound wall of size 700×300 m, made of laterite stones. The entry is from the east facing gopura, which is in a cruciform embellished with Lokesvara images. The temple is a treasure house of sculptures in the architectural styles of the Bayon and also of the Angkor Wat. The complex is on a single level.External enclosureThe external enclosure with four concentric walls, has four gopuras similar to the Ta Prohm temple, and all are in some degree of preserved status. At the four corners, the gopuras have a fascia of Lokesvara (Buddhist deity, Avalokitesvara) mounted over Garuda images (it is also mentioned that the smiling faces are of King Jayavarman II, similar to those seen in the Beyan temple). The east facing gopura, in particular, has well-preserved garuda images on its corners. Two hundred meters from the west entrance of this enclosure leads to a moat, which is decorated with statues of lions and naga-balustrades mounted on garudas. The moat itself has in its precincts the third enclosure which measures 320×300 m, also enclosed with laterite walls. The Buddha image at the entrance to the moat, near the second interior gate, is well preserved, considering the fact that most of the other statues have been destroyed or stolen.
THIRD ENCLOSURE
The third enclosure has a gopura which has a cruciform plan. It has pillars which are crossed by vaults. There are three passages in this enclosure, two on either side are independent, with laterite walls. The niches here have small figurines, and large apsara devatas in single poses or in pairs of dancing poses. Large Buddha images, in an internal courtyard of this enclosure, have been defaced by vandals. A paved access from here leads to the main shrine, which comprises two galleried enclosures. At the entrance to these enclosures, from the eastern end, is the "Hall of Dancers", which has four open courtyards and the pillars have fine carvings of apsaras.
SECOND ENCLOSURE
The second enclosure, which is part of the main temple, measures 58×50 m. It has a gopura on its eastern side and also subsidiary gopura on the west. Entrance doors are at the northern and southern ends. The gopura is built like a gallery with one exterior wall and double row of pillars which open into a courtyard and which has mostly shored up walls with small openings at the bottom to allow air circulation. The niches here are decorated with images of apsaras, and a Buddha statue in the central hall has been defaced by vandals. Bayon style architectural features built-in are the "balustered false windows with lowered blinds and devatas with headdresses in the form of small flaming discs set in a triangle." The vaults built in sandstone and laterite have collapsed at several locations of the gallery. The inner enclosures contain library building to its north and south and also a central sanctuary.
INNER ENCLOSURE
The inner enclosure of the main temple is built on a 36×30 m layout plan. This enclosure has four corner towers abutted by small gopuras. Galleries running along an axis link these towers to the main sanctuary. The towers at the north-east and south-east are linked with the second gallery where a Buddha statue in a sitting posture is seen, in the backdrop of an open sky line. The sanctum which is 2.75 m square enclosure has some traces of statues of deities. This entire enclosure, however, is not built in Bayon style and hence conjectured to be of an earlier period. Remnants of wooden ceiling are also seen here. The entrance to the sanctum is flanked by dvarapalas surrounded by apsaras.
SRAH SRANG
Srah Srang or "The royal bathing pool" or "pool of ablutions" to the east of Banteay Kdei, which was dug to dimensions of 700x300 metres during the reign of Rajendraverman in the 10th century, was beautified by Jayavarman VII with well laid out steps of laterite stones with external margin of sandstone, on the banks of the pond facing the Sun. It is set amidst large trees and has turquoise blue waters all the year round. The approaching steps to the water edge are flanked by two stone statues of lions with ornamented Nāga-balustrades. The pond was reserved for use by the king and his wives. A stone base seen at an island in the centre of the pond once housed a wooden temple where the king did meditation. At the lily filled lake, watching sunset reflections in the lake is quite an experience. The water from the lake is now used for rice cultivation by farmers of the area.
ARCHITECTURAL FEATURES
Some specific architectural features which evolved with the Bayon style are clearly discerned in this temple. The roof is supported on free-standing pillars in the eastern and western pavilions in the third enclosure, built in a cruciform plan with the inner row of pillars supporting the roof. The pillars are also tied to the wall by a tie beam using a "mortise–and–tenon join" patterned on wooden structures. Other features noted are of the four central pillars in the western pavilion which have been strengthened with temporary supports of laterite stone block pillars. Carvings of Buddha are seen on all these pillars but mostly defaced. The temporary support system provided to the roof built on free standing pillars is indicative of problems of design seen in the temples built during this period.
RESTAURATION
Laser scans and imaging of the Banteay Kdei and Angkor Wat Western Causeway were performed within a project launched in March 2004 by the University of California and Sophia University of Tokyo, in partnership with the nonprofit CyArk. The obtained information has facilitated restoration and reconstruction of these structures, which is funded by the Sophia University, and much publicly accessible data from the project is hosted on the CyArk Website. The APSARA Authority has achieved significant improvements in conservation and preservation of monuments in Angkor. Some of the towers and corridors are under restoration and as a result some locations have been cordoned off. Strengthening measures are seen in some parts of the interior temple area where structures in danger are tied together with cables.
WIKIPEDIA
PEREZOSO DE TRES DEDOS ~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~
Perezoso bayo , Perezoso gris , Perico ligero , Perezoso Grisáceo , Perezoso Tridáctilo , Perezoso de tres garras , Aí-aí ,
Preguiça-comum , bicho-preguiça , preguiça-bentinho - - - - - - - - - -
Brown-throated Sloth , Brown-throated Three-toed Sloth ...................
Bradypus variegatus Schinz, 1825
Superorden: Xenarthra ... Orden: Pilosa ... Familia: Bradypodidae
Esta especie, dividida en siete subespecies, se distribuía originalmente desde Honduras, Costa Rica, Panamá, Colombia, el oeste de Venezuela, Ecuador, Perú, Bolivia, gran parte del Brasil hasta el Paraguay , y el norte de la Argentina.
La subespecie:
Bradypus variegatus boliviensis (Gray, 1871) - PEREZOSO BAYO , Perezoso boliviano,
~Bolivian Three-toed Sloth~ (= Bradypus boliviensis, = Bradypus infuscatus boliviensis) se encuentra en las yungas de Bolivia, en los departamentos de: La Paz, Pando, Beni, Cochabamba, y Santa Cruz, estando posiblemente extinta en los departamentos de Chuquisaca y Tarija.
Esta forma habitó en el noroeste argentino, tanto en la provincia de Jujuy (de donde procede un ejemplar depositado en el Field Museum of Natural History de Chicago con el número 21672), como en el extremo norte de Salta, en el Parque Nacional Baritú, y en la zona de Orán, donde fue citada por Holmberg.
Hoy la misma se puede considerar extinta en su geonemia austral, a causa de haber sido cazada con fines de subsistencia, afectada por la creciente destrucción de su hábitat natural, y en especial, para poder comercializar su cuero, el cual desde siempre tuvo una gran demanda para confeccionar sobrepuestos para el apero de los gauchos adinerados o tradicionalistas.
Sobre el pelo del caballo se ubica el cojinillo, y sobre este se coloca al sobrepuesto, para hacer lucir aún más al costoso apero, amén de mantener más aseado al jinete.
Los creados con el cuero de esta especie eran reconocidos por su curioso "frescor", lo que los tornaba muy útiles para ser empleados en los cálidos y prolongados veranos.
Se precisaban cuatro pericos para construir cada sobrepuesto.
Bradypus variegatus brasiliensis Blainville, 1840
- PEREZOSO GRIS , Perezoso brasileño, ~Brazilian Three-toed Sloth~
(= Bradypus brasiliensis, = Bradypus infuscatus brasiliensis)
habitaba el este del Brasil, el este del Paraguay , y el noreste de la Argentina; en estos dos últimos países se lo considera ya extirpado.
Holmberg citó haber visto pieles de ejemplares capturados en la provincia argentina de Misiones; un ejemplar se habría obtenido en la zona de San Pedro alrededor de 1950.
En el centro de Interpretación del Parque Nacional Iguaçú se expone un ejemplar capturado allí, pero en el pasado.
El registro reciente más austral de la especie es la localidad de Londrina, en el estado de Paraná, Brasil.
El color varía de acuerdo con la distribución geográfica.
El pelo del cuerpo es café con gris, salpicado de manchas blancas en las patas traseras y en la parte baja del dorso.
La cantidad y tamaño de las manchas blancas varia mucho, ya que en algunas poblaciones puede ser casi completamente blancos.
Otras tienen un pelaje rojizo.
Pueden verse de un tono verdoso, a causa de las algas que crecen en su pelo.
En la cabeza el pelo es mas corto y denso.
Tienen una mancha negra alrededor de los ojos como una mascara que se extiende hasta las orejas; las cuales están escondidas bajo del pelo lo que las hace difíciles de ver.
La garganta y el pecho son cafés.
Se distingue de otros perezosos por su cantidad de uñas y la forma y tamaño de su hocico, más parecida a la de un cerdo.
Su tamaño es de 500 mm.
Un mismo individuo puede alimentarse de entre 30 a 50 especies de plantas.
Para evitar intoxicarse, cambia de árbol cada día y medio.
El tiempo que lleva su digestión se mide en días, no como en los otros mamíferos en que se mide en horas.
Este proceso largo es necesario para extraer lo poco de energía disponible de las hojas que consume.
Es activo durante el día, pero generalmente lo es más durante la noche.
La temperatura corporal disminuye cada noche como una forma de conservar energía y se tiene que calentar cada mañana exponiéndose al sol.
Cuando no está tomando sol o comiendo, duerme enrollado en la punta de una rama seca.
Es difícil de ver bajo esas circunstancias.
Duerme 18 horas del día para conservar energía.
Los adultos son solitarios, raramente comen en el mismo árbol.
Pueden pasar los 20 a 30 años de su vida en una área menor de 2 hectáreas.
Es uno de los animales más comunes en la selva Amazónica, donde puede tener densidades de 6 a 7 individuos por hectárea, aumentando en Panamá a 8,5/ha, y en Costa Rica a 9,9/ha.
Pueden hacer una especie de silbido y otros sonidos similares.
Las hembras pueden quedar embarazadas durante todo el año.
El período de gestación es de 5 a 6 meses.
En cada parto pare solamente una cría, aunque se han reportado gemelos, pero son muy raros.
Al nacer pesan entre 200 a 250 gramos, y reposan en el abdomen de su madre.
Gradualmente van pasando al dorso a medida que crecen.
Los jóvenes son destetados en 4 semanas, pero son cargados por sus madres otros 5 meses.
Una vez que la cría conoce los árboles en el territorio de la madre, esta le deja parte o todo de este.
La especie se encuentra desde el nivel del mar hasta por lo menos 2.400 metros de altitud.
Habita en selvas, tanto las siempreverdes primarias, secundarias, como las decíduas, que sufren una temporada seca.
Su tolerancia hacia disturbios les permite sobrevivir en árboles aislados por la deforestación, y hasta en parques de ciudades.
(3 de noviembre de 2009)
Museo de Ciencias Naturales de la ciudad de La Plata,
provincia de Buenos Aires, ARGENTINA.
◘◘◘◘◘◘◘◘◘◘◘◘◘◘◘◘◘◘◘◘◘◘◘◘◘◘◘◘◘◘◘◘◘◘◘◘◘◘◘◘◘◘◘◘◘◘◘◘◘◘◘◘◘◘◘◘◘◘◘◘
fotografía fotografías foto fotos photo photos imaje imajes imágenes imagen imajenes imajen picture pictures , Mamiferos do Brasil , Mamiferos brasileiros , Mammals of Brazil , Brazilian mammals , Animals of Brazil , Fauna do Brasil , Mamíferos de Bolivia , Mamíferos bolivianos , Fauna de Bolivia , Fauna boliviana , Animales de Bolivia , Animales bolivianos , Mammals of Bolivia , Fauna of Bolivia , animals of bolivia , Mamíferos del Paraguay , Mamíferos de Paraguay , Mamíferos paraguayos , Animales del Paraguay , Animales de Paraguay , Animales paraguayos , Fauna del Paraguay , Fauna de Paraguay , Fauna paraguaya , Animals of Paraguay , Paraguay's animals , Paraguayan animals , Mammals of Paraguay , Paraguay's mammals , Paraguayan mammals , Fauna of Paraguay , Mamíferos misioneros , Fauna misionera , Fauna de Argentina , Fauna de la Argentina , Fauna argentina , Mamíferos de Argentina , Mamíferos de la Argentina , Mamíferos argentinos , Animales argentinos , Animales de Argenina , Animales de la Argentina , Mammals of Argentina , Argentina's mammals , Argentine mammals , Argentinian mammals , Argentine mammalians , Argentina´s animals , Argentine animals , Argentinian animals , Animals of Argentina , Aï De Bolivie , Bradype , Paresseux Tridactyle , Paresseux Tridactyle De Bolivie , Paresseux à gorge brune , Bradypus infuscatus , Bradypus boliviensis , Bradypus brasiliensis , Bradypus griseus , preguiças , Leniwiec pstry , leniwiec brunatny , leniwcowate , Braunkehl-Faultier , Dreifinger-Faultiere , Dreifinger-Faultiere , Faultiere , Lezireg gell , реда Pilosa , 갈색목세발가락나무늘보 , 나무늘보아목 , 유모목 , 빈치상목 , 褐喉樹懶 , 樹懶屬 , 樹懶科 , 披毛目 ,
Seems to be a run of faulty 3 phase powered stage equipment of late. This unit is capable of controlling 12 individual channels of 240 volts at 10A or 2400 watts. Total loading 120 amps!
This unit belongs to a local high school and was recently teted and tagged as being safe. In the first photo you can clearly see one of the Active wires is touching the chassis.....the fault description was "unit trips circuit breakers"...Geez I wonder why.
For folks not familiar with Australian electrical systems, our standard outlets are 240 volts. Most residences have 3 phase power, so 3x240 volts or 415 volts phase to phase.
I went over this unit with a fine tooth comb as school aged kids will be using it. Its great that the testing and tagging policies have become mandatory but the caliber of people performing the tests leave a lot to be desired.
Seems to be a run of faulty 3 phase powered stage equipment of late. This unit is capable of controlling 12 individual channels of 240 volts at 10A or 2400 watts. Total loading 120 amps!
This unit belongs to a local high school and was recently teted and tagged as being safe. In the first photo you can clearly see one of the Active wires is touching the chassis.....the fault description was "unit trips circuit breakers"...Geez I wonder why.
For folks not familiar with Australian electrical systems, our standard outlets are 240 volts. Most residences have 3 phase power, so 3x240 volts or 415 volts phase to phase.
I went over this unit with a fine tooth comb as school aged kids will be using it. Its great that the testing and tagging policies have become mandatory but the caliber of people performing the tests leave a lot to be desired.
If you are interested in photography life is getting complicated because the range of decisions to be made is increasing at an amazing rate.
This month has been amazing because so many new cameras have been launched and I am interested in many of them. I suspect that I will get the Fuji X-T3 but I would like to get the Fuji GFX-50R or the GFX-100S but I cannot really justify paying between Euro 6000 and Euro 13,000 to switch to medium format. The 50R body will cost about Euro 4,500 and the 100S will retail at about Euro 10,000 so it is definite that i will not be getting the 50R. The 50R with a suitable lens would cost about Euro 6,000 so the possibility of me getting one is not good.
Sony did not launch a new camera but they announced a 24mm GM lens but when I went to my local dealer for details I was asked if I was planning to trade-in my Zeiss Batis 25mm and then I realised I had nor used the Batis since I got the Sony A7RIII. Many were expecting Sony to announce the A7SIII but all indications are that it will not appear in the shops until sometime in 2019
As the Sony 24mm is expensive it does not make much sense for me to purchase one if I already have a prime 25mm Zeiss lens so I decided to take it out to Glasnevin Cemetery to see how good it is. I liked the results but chromatic aberration proved to be an issue but despite that I suspect that I will give the Sony 24mm GM a miss. At this stage I am considering three lenses for my Sony A7RIII and they are the 12-24mm G, the 16-35 GM and the Sigma 105mm. Note: Capture One corrected for chromatic aberration better than did Lightroom.
Ever since it was introduced I have used Adobe Lightroom and I am currently Using version 8 [yes 8 not 7] but recently someone mentioned to me that Capture One is better than Lightroom. I had a quick look today and the images imported by Capture One do appear to be better ... it will take me a few weeks to investigate this because switching would have a major impact on my workflow.
Note: identical bad weld to the one on my vehicle. A Manufacturer's Fault that Mercedes agrees requires a recall in the USA to put right, but apparently not in the UK? This says alot about the relative importance given by US organisations to customer relations compared to companies in the UK, or is that they don't think comsumers in the UK are willing to sue for damages as much? I think I have a good case given the evidence to support a claim has been extensively documented by Mercedes Benz themselves! :-)
Mercedes Document Relating to Faulty Catalytic Converters
Once you dig deeper it's quite amazing what you find out! The reason Mercedes-Benz took about these voluntary recalls in the United States of America was because the United States of America took out a civil action against them!
It appears this agreement was reached in what you could call an Out of Court Settlement between the United States Department of Justice and Mercedes-Benz in the USA.
Mercedes-Benz USA, LLC and DaimlerChrysler AG Settlement Fact Sheet
Help me pay for my next exhaust system which will be custom made! visit www.mobepoker.co.uk
Seems to be a run of faulty 3 phase powered stage equipment of late. This unit is capable of controlling 12 individual channels of 240 volts at 10A or 2400 watts. Total loading 120 amps!
This unit belongs to a local high school and was recently teted and tagged as being safe. In the first photo you can clearly see one of the Active wires is touching the chassis.....the fault description was "unit trips circuit breakers"...Geez I wonder why.
For folks not familiar with Australian electrical systems, our standard outlets are 240 volts. Most residences have 3 phase power, so 3x240 volts or 415 volts phase to phase.
I went over this unit with a fine tooth comb as school aged kids will be using it. Its great that the testing and tagging policies have become mandatory but the caliber of people performing the tests leave a lot to be desired.
Defective French PiP breast implant patients protest at private clinic - London, 14.01.2012
Around 60 breast implant patients gathered outside The Harley Medical Group (THMG) premises on Harley Street on 14.01.2012 to protest against the clinic's refusal to replace, free of charge, any of the 13,900 faulty French-manufactured PIP (Poly Implant Prothese) silicone implants bought and surgically implanted into women by THMG which were filled with substandard industrial-grade silicone provided by German chemicals supplier Brenntag to save money, and which allegedly are more prone to rupture and leak than proper surgical-grade implants.
Brenntag rejected accusations of negligence on Friday 13th January after a report it could face legal action over its role as silicone supplier to PIP, and has claimed the bulk silicone-gel it provided was clearly marked as unsuitable for use in implants.
The French government has advised the 30,000 women in France who have the implants to have them removed due to concerns they might rupture. Governments in several other countries, such as Britain and Brazil, have asked women to visit their doctors for checks, but as yet the NHS in Britain is not offering to remove the PiP implants, despite the risk of rupture and health risks caused by leaking silicone.
A French investigating judge visited PIP offices earlier in January as part of a probe into the death of a woman from cancer, which could lead to charges of involuntary homicide against the firm. French authorities ordered the company to withdraw its breast implants from the market in March 2010.
The average cost of a breast-augmentation proceedure from The Harley Medical Group is, like most of the very profitable high-end cosmetic surgery companies in and around Harley Street, somewhere in the region of £4,500 ( 5,450), and if this is accurate then Harley Street Medical has made somewhere in the region of £58.5 million ( 70.8 million) from fitting toxic PiP implants. The company issued a statement this week claiming that if they replaced the sub-standard implants for free they would go out of business, and the responsibility should fall on the NHS or PiP - who manufactured the lower-priced implants - to clean up the mess, but the demonstrators are angrily demanding that the private clinics foot the bill.
Several women at the protest still have leaking PiP implants in their breasts and are suffering a wide range of serious symptoms, but cannot afford to pay the same cosmetic surgeon to remove them, let alone replace them. This kind of luxury surgery is a once-in-a-lifetime purchase fore many women, and they are angered that their lives have been put at risk by cost-cutting, and that the culprits are attempting to walk away from the whole matter, leaving the UK taxpayer to foot the bill.
PIP implants were banned in France in 2010, with the French government advising 30,000 women to have their implants removed, but thus far the British government has offered very limited help to British patients, choosing instead to broadcast a public information video on national TV networks this weekend downplaying the risks, with Secretary of State for Health Andrew Lansley saying in press briefings that he expects private medical companies who have fitted the French implants to "step up to their responsibilities".
All photos © 2012 Pete Riches
Do not reproduce, alter or reblog my images without my written permission.
Hi-Res versions of these files are available for license on application. NUJ rates apply.
It seems mine's one of 79,119 Mercedes ML320 vehicles that may of been affected by faulty welds on the catalytic converters. Interestingly customers of Mercedes Benz in the USA were contacted about this and requested to go into the dealerships to have theirs checked and replaced free of charge if needed.
No letter to me from Mercedes UK?
Models affected:
Serial Number Range:
Model 163.154 Chassis End Number from A036519 to A260405
Model 163.172 Chassis End Number from A057639 to A260575
Lets see what my Mercedes Benz dealer here in the UK has to say, since my chassis number indicates that mine is one of the vehicles that should of been recalled!
I'm told by Mercedes customer services in the UK that there as never been a recall on this vehicle relating to this problem either in the UK or the USA? Funny that?
Here is the Enviromental Protection Agency's entry for these vehicles stating the civil penalty relating to this defect in the USA?
Defective French PiP breast implant patients protest at private clinic - London, 14.01.2012
Around 60 breast implant patients gathered outside The Harley Medical Group (THMG) premises on Harley Street on 14.01.2012 to protest against the clinic's refusal to replace, free of charge, any of the 13,900 faulty French-manufactured PIP (Poly Implant Prothese) silicone implants bought and surgically implanted into women by THMG which were filled with substandard industrial-grade silicone provided by German chemicals supplier Brenntag to save money, and which allegedly are more prone to rupture and leak than proper surgical-grade implants.
Brenntag rejected accusations of negligence on Friday 13th January after a report it could face legal action over its role as silicone supplier to PIP, and has claimed the bulk silicone-gel it provided was clearly marked as unsuitable for use in implants.
The French government has advised the 30,000 women in France who have the implants to have them removed due to concerns they might rupture. Governments in several other countries, such as Britain and Brazil, have asked women to visit their doctors for checks, but as yet the NHS in Britain is not offering to remove the PiP implants, despite the risk of rupture and health risks caused by leaking silicone.
A French investigating judge visited PIP offices earlier in January as part of a probe into the death of a woman from cancer, which could lead to charges of involuntary homicide against the firm. French authorities ordered the company to withdraw its breast implants from the market in March 2010.
The average cost of a breast-augmentation proceedure from The Harley Medical Group is, like most of the very profitable high-end cosmetic surgery companies in and around Harley Street, somewhere in the region of £4,500 ( 5,450), and if this is accurate then Harley Street Medical has made somewhere in the region of £58.5 million ( 70.8 million) from fitting toxic PiP implants. The company issued a statement this week claiming that if they replaced the sub-standard implants for free they would go out of business, and the responsibility should fall on the NHS or PiP - who manufactured the lower-priced implants - to clean up the mess, but the demonstrators are angrily demanding that the private clinics foot the bill.
Several women at the protest still have leaking PiP implants in their breasts and are suffering a wide range of serious symptoms, but cannot afford to pay the same cosmetic surgeon to remove them, let alone replace them. This kind of luxury surgery is a once-in-a-lifetime purchase fore many women, and they are angered that their lives have been put at risk by cost-cutting, and that the culprits are attempting to walk away from the whole matter, leaving the UK taxpayer to foot the bill.
PIP implants were banned in France in 2010, with the French government advising 30,000 women to have their implants removed, but thus far the British government has offered very limited help to British patients, choosing instead to broadcast a public information video on national TV networks this weekend downplaying the risks, with Secretary of State for Health Andrew Lansley saying in press briefings that he expects private medical companies who have fitted the French implants to "step up to their responsibilities".
All photos © 2012 Pete Riches
Do not reproduce, alter or reblog my images without my written permission.
Hi-Res versions of these files are available for license on application. NUJ rates apply.