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Those who do not live in Scotland may be unaware that this YES sign indicates an affirmative response to the question "Should Scotland be an independent country?".
In a referendum to be held on 18 September 2014 this issue will be decided by those who are registered to vote in Scotland.
In my view, the underlying belief of those on the YES side is that it is right and proper for a nation to aspire to govern itself, that it may experience difficulties in doing so but in working through those difficulties it will develop the maturity required to hold its head high in the community of nations. The YES side believes that now is the time to "grasp the thistle".
The NO side appears to hold the view either (i) that a 'mature nation' status is not worth working for or (ii) that, while it might be desirable to become a mature nation, the inevitable difficulties could not be overcome.
I listened live to the 2 hours and 40 minutes of this parliamentary debate and thought that Mike Russell's ten minute winding-up speech (transcript below) characterised by its positive approach, exemplified that contrast with the negative approach of his opponents during that debate.
THE PARLIAMENT OF SCOTS (12 AUGUST 2014)
DEBATE ON THE ECONOMIC OPPORTUNITIES OF INDEPENDENCE
WINDING UP SPEECH FROM MIKE RUSSELL
Official report:-
The Deputy Presiding Officer:
Thank you. I call Michael Russell to wind up the debate. Cabinet secretary, you have until 5 o’clock.
16:49
The Cabinet Secretary for Education and Lifelong Learning (Michael Russell):
Let me give the chamber a revelation: I think that on the evidence of this afternoon’s debate there are no votes in this chamber that are up for grabs in the referendum and that it is pretty clear that there are no undecideds on these benches.
However, there might be some undecideds watching at home. I suspect that they might well have turned off by now, particularly after Jenny Marra’s speech, but if they are still watching I suggest to them that, if they are trying to come to a judgment on the basis of this debate—there are people in the gallery who might want to make such a judgment—they should do so on the basis of what has been the positive view and what has been the negative view.
Look at the positive view that all my colleagues in the chamber have expressed and at the endless, destructive negativity that we have heard from Labour, the Liberals and the Tories.
I will start with the clearest view of the currency issue. As ever, the First Minister got it right in the chamber last week. I will repeat his exact words. He said:
“It is our pound, and we are keeping it.”
There are no ifs and no buts. That is the guarantee. That is plan A to Z. For the benefit of those who are still trying to frighten people out of what is theirs—people such as Mr Henry, who asserted that Scots will not be able to buy food or go on holiday after independence, and Mr Fraser, who tellingly referred—
Hugh Henry:
Will the cabinet secretary take an intervention?
Michael Russell:
No, I will not. I am sorry; one contribution from Mr Henry in an afternoon is more than enough.
Mr Fraser referred to the currency belonging to someone else, which was very interesting. I will repeat what the First Minister said so that there can be no doubt. He said:
“It is our pound, and we are keeping it.”—[Official Report, 7 August 2014; c 33159.]
Hugh Henry:
On a point of order, Presiding Officer. Mr Russell has just made a statement in which he attributed words to me that I did not say. Is it in order for members to fabricate words that were not said during the debate and attribute them to other members? [Interruption.]
The Deputy Presiding Officer:
Order, please. What members say in their speeches is entirely up to them. It is not for me to decide what they should and should not say. However, the Official Report undoubtedly shows every word that has been said in the chamber.
Michael Russell:
I am sure that Mr Henry will reflect on that when he looks at what he has said about me and my writings. I am sure that he will think about that carefully. Mr Henry’s words speak for themselves, as does his depressing demeanour.
The debate has been one of great contrasts. I go back to positivity and negativity. My friend Mr Swinney talked about ambition, achievement, resources, potential and raising the eyes of Scotland to what can be achieved. In my area of special interest, he talked about the need for transformative childcare and the world-leading position of Scottish higher education. What was the result? [Interruption.]
The Deputy Presiding Officer:
Order, please.
Michael Russell:
The result was that, 10 minutes in, Mr Rennie gave the knee-jerk plan B its first outing. Mr Brown then leapt back in. Project fear was in there working hard.
The other side of the unionist coin then showed itself. It was quite stunning. Alex Johnstone chuntered on from a sedentary position about the fact that everything that was mentioned was a product of the wonderful union, but he was interrupted by Jenny Marra, who said that everything was the result of the failed SNP. There we have it: that is a contrast. Labour hates the SNP more than anybody else, and the Tories love the union more than anything else. Neither of those is a prescription for a safe future.
Believing that a Labour Government will remove weapons of mass destruction is also not a prescription for a safe future. There is no evidence for that whatsoever. How else are we to get rid of weapons of mass destruction, except by independence? That is the reality.
It was telling that, when Mr Swinney mentioned Trident and what we need to do, the reaction from Labour and the Tories and even from the sole Lib Dem who was there was derision. They want to put bombs before bairns and Trident before teachers. That is their shame.
Let me carry on.
Neil Bibby (West Scotland) (Lab):
Will the cabinet secretary take an intervention?
Michael Russell:
No, I will not take an intervention. I am sorry.
The reality of the debate was shown clearly. It was about that negative view. Nothing could be done. We had to ask what that was about. Maureen Watt got it 100 per cent right. She analysed the debate early on. The great fear that exists in project fear is the could-should-must progression. If any member on the Labour benches could admit that Scotland could be independent—I will come to Elaine Murray in a moment, as she did that momentarily—the whole fantasy will collapse.
The reason why it collapses is that that leads to the argument that Scotland should be independent, which is the argument that my colleagues made this afternoon. It goes a step further to the argument that Scotland must be independent.
The biggest illustration of that was given by Malcolm Chisholm. Yet again, I was saddened by a speech by Malcolm Chisholm. I have admiration and time for Malcolm Chisholm; he is laughing, but I do. I do not think that he and I differ very much in some of the things that we want to see, but here is the difference. [Interruption.]
The Presiding Officer (Tricia Marwick):
Order.
Michael Russell:
Labour members want to laugh at this, because it is beginning to strike home.
The difference is that I and my colleagues have a plan for how to achieve those things. We know how poverty can be eliminated in Scotland. We know—
Iain Gray:
Will the minister give way?
Michael Russell:
No—I want to finish my point.
I know that it is annoying to Iain Gray, but the truth of the matter is that it is possible to have a plan to change Scotland and to do those things. We can set out with those intentions and we can work hard to meet them, or we can—as Labour members would have us do—simply keep our fingers crossed that we get a Labour Government that could possibly pursue the things that they want to see in Scotland rather than the things that Ed Balls and Miliband want to see south of the border. I say to Malcolm Chisholm that that is not a plan: that is keeping your fingers crossed and putting party before principle.
Malcolm Chisholm:
The cabinet secretary may have a plan, but the whole point of all the Labour speeches has been to point out that it is not a plan that can be delivered without an economic foundation. Before he gives us any more claptrap about the negativity of Labour members, will he reflect on the fact that by far the biggest and most disgraceful scare of the referendum campaign is what the yes side is saying about the NHS? [Interruption.]
The Presiding Officer:
Order! Order!
Michael Russell:
How interesting. Mr Chisholm is being wildly applauded by Jackson Carlaw, who—
The Presiding Officer:
Sit down, Mr Russell.
That is quite enough. There is far too much heckling and far too much noise. The minister is speaking, so allow him to do so. This is a Parliament; it is not a public meeting or a hustings. There are people in Scotland who are listening to the debate. Make it worthy of them.
Michael Russell:
Why was Jackson Carlaw—the person who got so agitated about the issue of the NHS last week—applauding so much? Because we have hit the nail on the head. If the financial power lies outside Scotland, the decision on the priorities of Scotland and how to deliver those priorities will always lie outside Scotland, too. For every £100 by which expenditure is reduced south of the border through privatisation of the health service—privatisation that was started by Labour—£10 is lost from the Scottish budget.
Neil Findlay:
Will the cabinet secretary give way?
Michael Russell:
No.
For every £100 that is removed from public expenditure through privatisation of higher education south of the border, we lose £10. That is the reality. That is the nub of the debate. We can choose to make our decisions in Scotland, to take our responsibilities in Scotland and to have opportunities in Scotland, or we can always dance to someone else’s tune.
Malcolm Chisholm wants to see the progress in Scotland that I want to see. I repeat what I said earlier: the SNP has the plan to do that. It puts its confidence—[Interruption.] We can hear the Tories laughing; we can always hear the Tories laughing when the people of Scotland want to progress.
Here is the choice: we can say to the people of Scotland, “Take responsibility, and then you will have the opportunity to change this country for the better”; or we can tell them to listen to those who will not accept the reality and who will always keep their fingers crossed that England votes the same way that they do. Those voices will always disappoint and let down the people of Scotland. That has got to stop.
The lesson this afternoon is entirely clear: there is a jobs plan for an independent Scotland, there is a finance plan for an independent Scotland, there is a currency plan for an independent Scotland and there is a plan to make an independent Scotland the country that it could and should be. The people who stand in the way of that are this unholy alliance between Labour and the Tories.
The Presiding Officer:
You need to finish, cabinet secretary.
Michael Russell:
They are the people who have plenty of ambition for their political parties and none for their country. [Applause.]
The Presiding Officer:
Order.
That concludes the debate on the economic opportunities of independence.
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SUNDAY TIMES - 21st September 2014
Michael Russell
In a sense I have been campaigning for independence across Scotland not just in the last four weeks but for forty years. But I don't think I have ever had such an emotional political experience as last Saturday standing in the Station Square in Oban listening to Dougie Maclean sing his anthem of Scottishness, Caledonia.
It didn't matter that someone had forgotten to bring an extension lead, so there was no power for the microphone. It was irrelevant that an early sea mist, now burning off, had prevented the First Minister from making a helicopter campaign stop and equally irrelevant was the stretch limo with a huge "NO thanks" logo tied round it ( one of the bizzarest sights of the campaign) that kept cruising past. Dougie sang and 250 people - young and old, from all parties but mostly none, sang along with a quiet intensity that brought tears to my eyes and to eyes of many others.
That event started a whole day of remarkable activities - a car cavalcade of more than sixty vehicles that wound its way across Mid Argyll with so many participants that a church hall in Lochgilphead had to be commandeered to feed them, a flash mob of dancers and musicians on a green beside the sea and finally a laser show lighting up a huge YES sign on the island of Kerrera in the bay facing the town.
This was politics, but not as I have known it. YES Scotland started out as an umbrella organisation and ended up as a mass movement . It's creativity and energy was replicated not just across my constituency - in Dunoon, in Campbeltown, in Rothesay, in Lochgoilhead, on Islay and on Mull - but across the whole of Scotland in a diverse, multi layered movement that demanded and will go on demanding not only attention but also real change.
Although Thursday night delivered a bitter blow to many of those who had invested so much of themselves in that movement I do not think it will go away. Indeed it must not go away. It's commitment, enthusiasm and vigour are needed as never before if Scotland is to move forward united.
It is this movement that can really test the will of politicians to deliver the new dispensation that the Westminster parties promised in the final days of the campaign and it is this movement that can press an agenda that is focussed on outcomes which benefit and empower real people not just the political classes.
As Alex Salmond said on Friday in his moving resignation statement, holding Westminster to account for the delivery of its new promises has to be done by the whole of Scotland and that process needs to be lead by citizens themselves. If it changes and benefits all the parts of the present UK so much the better as long as that not an excuse for endless delay.
I have undertaken more than sixty public meetings in Argyll & Bute over the past nine months. One of the biggest took place on Ardrishaig the night before the Dougie MacLean event at which I shared a platform with Professor Allan MacInnes and Lesley Riddoch, both longstanding friends. Lesley spoke about this new politics too and was given a standing ovation by the over capacity crowd jammed into a tiny church hall. That enthusiasm reflected growing demand for a different set of priorities and a changed way of doing things - bottom up not top down.
That is what independence is but it's core values - fairness, equity, hope, opportunity, equality, justice - go well beyond the the 1.6 million who chose that option. Lots of voters on both sides were sending a message about the need for those things that cannot now be ignored.
That is why the "faster, safer and better" change offered in the 3 UK leaders Daily Record "Vow" was in the end persuasive for so many. They disagreed on the means but not on the ends.
So that is also why the SNP as the Scottish Government has to be an active part of the process now being outlined by the UK Government. We must heed the urgings of those we have worked with and take part in a constructive, urgent and focussed process to decide on the range of powers required and accelerate their introduction whilst ensuring that they are devolved further into communities and made capable of adaptation to local need and local direction.
That will not be easy for anyone but it is the essential next step - a step demanded by Thursday's result and which can also act as a unifying mechanism. We can help make a new Team Scotland and learn from it though it will be a Team Scotland weakened when not led by Alex Salmond, to whom the whole country owes an enormous political debt.
I am undoubtedly still a nationalist and I want to see independence. But this referendum campaign, undertaken in an Indian summer of warm sunshine amongst the most beautiful scenery in the world, criss crossing sea lochs, sailing to islands and motoring amongst mountains, has taught me a great deal.
A passionate desire for a better country is shared by many of our fellow citizens, young and old inside and outside conventional politics. A different set of priorities and policies - some already introduced by an SNP Government over the past 7 years - is possible. Alienation from politics and society isn't inevitable because inspiration casts out indifference. Decisions are better when made with people, not for them.
I have had the great pleasure of an invigorating campaign in Dalmally and Dunoon, on Luing and Lismore, through Glendaruel (where I live) and Glen Barr and by the shores of Loch Etive and Loch Riddon. The conclusion of those journeys was not the one I hoped for a month ago when the Sunday Times asked me to contribute at the end of the campaign. But the people have spoken and when that happens politicians have to listen - wherever they are.
Do you know where your heart is ?! Do you think you can find it?! Or did you trade it for somewhere, something,better to have it ? Do you know where your love is? Do you think that you lost it ?! You felt it so strong but nothing's, turned out how you want it.
Plenário do Senado Federal durante sessão deliberativa ordinária semipresencial.
Na ordem do dia o Projeto de Lei 3.525/2019, que determina a oferta de remédios e tratamento com nutricionista pelo Sistema Único de Saúde (SUS) às pessoas com fibromialgia e fadiga crônica.
Em pronunciamento, à bancada, senador Carlos Viana (MDB-MG).
Foto: Jefferson Rudy/Agência Senado
Campos do Jordão é um município brasileiro localizado no interior do estado de São Paulo, mais precisamente na Serra da Mantiqueira. A cidade tem altitude de 1628 metros, sendo portanto, o mais alto município brasileiro, considerando-se a altitude da sede. Sua população estimada, em 2004, era de 47.903 habitantes. Dista 167 Km da cidade de São Paulo (capital), 350Km do Rio de Janeiro (capital) e 500 Km de Belo Horizonte. Sua principal via de acesso rodoviário é a Rodovia Floriano Rodrigues Pinheiro, que tem início em Taubaté, município localizado a 45 km da cidade.
Campos do Jordão é chamada de Suíça Brasileira, principalmente pela sua arquitetura de influência europeia e pelo seu clima frio. Por isso, a cidade recebe maior quantidade de turistas durante a estação do inverno, especialmente no mês de julho.
Campos do Jordão is a municipality in the state of São Paulo in Brazil. The population in 2003 was 47,903 and the area is 290.27 km². The elevation is 1,628 m.
The city's economy is based mainly in tourism; due to its location at high elevation (on the Mantiqueira mountains) and European-looking architecture. Buildings are mostly German, Swiss or Italian inspired. Many of the richest people from the state of São Paulo build there their winter country houses there and July (the winter season vacations) sees an enormous influx of visitors (more than quadrupling the city's population), due in part to the winter festival of classical music. Its attractions throughout the year include German and Swiss food restaurants, bars and a cable car. There are many pousadas (inns) and chalets.
There are numerous outdoor activities for winter residents and tourists. These include hiking, mountain climbing, treetop cable swings (arborismo), horseback riding, ATV riding, and motorbike riding. The mountain ranges provide unique panoramic views and much of the area is still undeveloped. Also, in order to cater to the large number of visitors, several bars, lounges, discos and clubs will open up during the winter months.
The state governor also has his winter residence there, the Boa Vista Castle.
The city, due to its elevation, is relatively cold for Brazilian standards. In summer, maximum temperatures average 24°C/75ºF and minimum temperatures average 13°C/55ºF. In winter, maximum temperatures average 18°C/64ºF and minimum temperatures average 4°C/39ºF. Temperatures drop below zero sometimes in winter (lowest ever recorded: -7.3°C/19ºF), but snow is very rare. The winter is normally the dry season and the colder weather allows for warm fireplaces and winter foods such as fondue, soups and hot chocolate. In spring and summer, one can see Hydrangea macrophylla blossoming all over the town.
Despite of the high income of many visitors, the HDI (0.820 in 2004) of Campos do Jordão is not very high because the owners of the houses in the best neighbourhoods are not regular inhabitants; these houses are used only during the holidays. The city can be reached from São Paulo mainly by road through the Rodovia Floriano Rodrigues Pinheiro. There is also a picturesque railroad from Pindamonhangaba, used mostly by tourists. At the end of the main road going through Campos do Jordao, there is a state park called Horto Florestal.
Does this look like a flamethrower from Clone Wars...after about 10 people respond...I will decide weather or not to use it in a MOC...
State of the Vatican City, is a landlocked sovereign city-state whose territory consists of a walled enclave within the city of Rome, the capital city of Italy. It has an area of approximately 44 hectares (110 acres) (0.44 km2), and a population of just over 800.[5][12]
Vatican City is a city-state that came into existence in 1929. It is distinct from the Holy See, which dates back to early Christianity and is the main episcopal see of 1.147 billion Latin and Eastern Catholic adherents around the globe. Ordinances of Vatican City are published in Italian; official documents of the Holy See are issued mainly in Latin. The two entities even have distinct passports: the Holy See, not being a country, only issues diplomatic and service passports; the state of Vatican City issues normal passports. In both cases the passports issued are very few.
The Lateran Treaty in 1929, which brought the city-state into existence, spoke of it as a new creation (Preamble and Article III), not as a vestige of the much larger Papal States (756-1870) that had previously encompassed central Italy. Most of this territory was absorbed into the Kingdom of Italy in 1860, and the final portion, namely the city of Rome with a small area close to it, ten years later, in 1870.
Vatican City is an ecclesiastical or sacerdotal-monarchical state, ruled by the bishop of Rome—the Pope. The highest state functionaries are all Catholic clergymen of various nationalities. It is the sovereign territory of the Holy See (Sancta Sedes) and the location of the Pope's residence, referred to as the Apostolic Palace.
The Popes have resided in the area that in 1929 became Vatican City since the return from Avignon in 1377. Previously, they resided in the Lateran Palace on the Caelian Hill on the opposite side of Rome, which site Constantine gave to Pope Miltiades in 313. The signing of the agreements that established the new state took place in the latter building, giving rise to the name of Lateran Pacts, by which they are known.
The name "Vatican" is ancient and predates Christianity, coming from the Latin Mons Vaticanus, meaning Vatican Mount. The territory of Vatican City is part of the Mons Vaticanus, and of the adjacent former Vatican Fields where St. Peter's Basilica, the Apostolic Palace, the Sistine Chapel, and museums were built, along with various other buildings. The area was part of the Roman rione of Borgo until 1929. Being separated from the city, on the west bank of the Tiber river, the area was an outcrop of the city that was protected by being included within the walls of Leo IV (847–55), and later expanded by the current fortification walls, built under Paul III (1534–49), Pius IV (1559–65) and Urban VIII (1623–44). When the Lateran Treaty of 1929 that gave the state its present form was being prepared, the boundaries of the proposed territory were influenced by the fact that much of it was all but enclosed by this loop. For some tracts of the frontier, there was no wall, but the line of certain buildings supplied part of the boundary, and for a small part of the frontier a modern wall was constructed. The territory includes St. Peter's Square, distinguished from the territory of Italy only by a white line along the limit of the square, where it touches Piazza Pio XII. St. Peter's Square is reached through the Via della Conciliazione which runs from the Tiber River to St. Peter's. This grand approach was constructed by Benito Mussolini after the conclusion of the Lateran Treaty.
According to the Lateran Treaty, certain properties of the Holy See that are located in Italian territory, most notably Castel Gandolfo and the major basilicas, enjoy extraterritorial status similar to that of foreign embassies. These properties, scattered all over Rome and Italy, house essential offices and institutions necessary to the character and mission of the Holy See.
Castel Gandolfo and the named basilicas are patrolled internally by police agents of Vatican City State and not by Italian police. St. Peter's Square is ordinarily policed jointly by both.
In this originally uninhabited area (the ager vaticanus) on the opposite side of the Tiber from the city of Rome, Agrippina the Elder (14 BC – 18 October AD 33) drained the hill and environs and built her gardens in the early 1st century AD. Emperor Caligula (37-41) started construction of a circus (AD 40) that was later completed by Nero, the Circus Gaii et Neronis, usually called, simply, the Circus of Nero. The Vatican obelisk was originally taken by Caligula from Heliopolis, Egypt to decorate the spina of his circus and is thus its last visible remnant. This area became the site of martyrdom of many Christians after the Great Fire of Rome in AD 64. Ancient tradition holds that it was in this circus that Saint Peter was crucified upside down. Opposite the circus was a cemetery separated by the Via Cornelia. Funeral monuments and mausoleums and small tombs as well as altars to pagan gods of all kinds of polytheistic religions were constructed lasting until before the construction of the Constantinian Basilica of St. Peter's in the first half of the 4th century. Remains of this ancient necropolis were brought to light sporadically during renovations by various popes throughout the centuries increasing in frequency during the Renaissance until it was systematically excavated by orders of Pope Pius XII from 1939 to 1941.
In 326, the first church, the Constantinian basilica, was built over the site that early Roman Catholic apologists (from the first century on) as well as noted Italian archaeologists argue was the tomb of Saint Peter, buried in a common cemetery on the spot. From then on the area started to become more populated, but mostly only by dwelling houses connected with the activity of St. Peter's. A palace was constructed near the site of the basilica as early as the 5th century during the pontificate of Pope Symmachus (reigned 498–514)
Popes in their secular role gradually came to govern neighbouring regions and, through the Papal States, ruled a large portion of the Italian peninsula for more than a thousand years until the mid 19th century, when all of the territory of the Papal States was seized by the newly created Kingdom of Italy. For much of this time the Vatican was not the habitual residence of the Popes, but rather the Lateran Palace, and in recent centuries, the Quirinal Palace, while the residence from 1309–77 was at Avignon in France.
In 1870, the Pope's holdings were left in an uncertain situation when Rome itself was annexed by the Piedmont-led forces which had united the rest of Italy, after a nominal resistance by the papal forces. Between 1861 and 1929 the status of the Pope was referred to as the "Roman Question". They were undisturbed in their palace, and given certain recognitions by the Law of Guarantees, including the right to send and receive ambassadors. But they did not recognize the Italian king's right to rule in Rome, and they refused to leave the Vatican compound until the dispute was resolved in 1929. Other states continued to maintain international recognition of the Holy See as a sovereign entity. In practice Italy made no attempt to interfere with the Holy See within the Vatican walls. However, they confiscated church property in many other places, including, perhaps most notably, the Quirinal Palace, formerly the pope's official residence. Pope Pius IX (1846–78), the last ruler of the Papal States, claimed that after Rome was annexed he was a "Prisoner in the Vatican". This situation was resolved on 11 February 1929 between the Holy See and the Kingdom of Italy.
The treaty was signed by Benito Mussolini on behalf of King Victor Emmanuel III and by Cardinal Secretary of State Pietro Gasparri for Pope Pius XI. The Lateran Treaty and the Concordat established the independent State of the Vatican City and granted Roman Catholicism special status in Italy. In 1984, a new concordat between the Holy See and Italy modified certain provisions of the earlier treaty, including the position of Roman Catholicism as the Italian state religion.
We're busy doing nothing, working the whole day through,
trying to find lots of things not to do.
We're busy going nowhere, isn't it such a crime?
we'd like to be unhappy, but...
we never do have the time.
Mano pá
Infantaria do Rap
"...Apesar dos desacertos, Deus é do gueto..Deus é do Gueto!"
(Realidade Cruel)
Essa foto já entrou aqui. Resolvi colocar de novo porque faz parte desse projeto sobre o rap.
2016-04-19 - Solenidade em homenagem ao Dia do Exército Brasileiro. Coronel Arruda e Coronel Danilo Antão Fernandes presente representando o Dep. Cel: Camilo. Foto: L.C.Leite.
The nifty fifty timed just right! Shot freestyle down at my feet. Hoping I was pointing it in the right direction.
Panair do Brasil. Douglas DC-8-33, registro PP-PEA (cn 45253/5). Em algum lugar do passado.
Registro fotográfico garimpado na rede, informações adicionais serão bem vindas.
Breve histórico da aeronave:
Construído no ano de 1961, foi equipado com quatro motores Pratt & Whitney JT4A-9.
Adquirido pela PAN AM (Pan American Airways) em 02 de junho de 1961, foi matriculado N800PA, batizado “Clipper Flying Cloud”.
Foi transferido para a Panair do Brasil em 29 de setembro de 1962, matriculado PP-PEA, batizado “Bandeirante Garcia D’Ávila”.
Com o “pouso forçado” da Panair em fevereiro de 1965, foi transferido para a VARIG, mantendo a mesma matricula.
W/O em 05 de março de 1967, quando voava pela VARIG, na localidade de Monróvia, Libéria.
Wie die Wochen zuvor gab es auch am 14. März 2022 eine Demonstration der sogenannten „APO Dortmund“. Sie geben vor, gegen die Maßnahmen im Bezug auf Corona zu protestieren. Ebenso wie Querdenken. In Dortmund sind diese Gruppen identisch. Die Anmelderin Janine Beicht, ehemals im Vorstand der Partei „Die Basis“ KV Dortmund, ist Admin beider Gruppen auf Telegram.
In der Spitze brachte sie bis zu 1400 Menschen auf die Straße. Davon ist wenig geblieben. Heute waren es geschätzt 300, vielleicht 350 Teilnehmer*innen. Auch deutlich, im Zuge der kommenden Landtagswahl in NRW wird das Spektakel immer mehr eine Parteiveranstaltung. Bildbestimmend sind mittlerweile die „weißen Westen“ der Partei „Die Basis“. Die Partei selbst ist im weitesten Sinne aus dem Spektrum von „Querdenken“ hervorgegangen.
Nach mehreren Demos über den Wall, zuletzt durch das Kreuzviertel. Ging es heute in Kaiserstraßen-Viertel. Von Außenwirkung keine Rede. Mit zunehmender Dämmerung und Dunkelheit ist selbst daneben stehend nicht direkt klar, was sie eigentlich wollen. Es bleibt am Ende eine Trillerpfeifengetriebende Meute von weißen alten Menschen, die, wenn sie auf Gegenprotest treffen, zu Höchstform aufläuft und sich immerhin zu einem „Nazis raus“ aufraffen können. Wohlgemerkt in Richtung des antifaschistischen Gegenprotestes.
Der Gegenprotest selbst fiel heute sehr klein aus. Das ist schade. Dennoch gut, dass ihnen nicht ohne Protest die Straße überlassen wird.
Nächste Woche werden sie bestimmt wieder Dortmunder Anwohner*innen mit ihren Trillerpfeifen nerven.
Grabenbäckerquelle - abandoned hotel with a historical radon water therapy center and bath house in Bad Gastein in Salzburg.
A Praia do Leblon localiza-se na cidade de Rio de Janeiro, no estado brasileiro do Rio de Janeiro.
Praia com 1,3 km de comprimento, é continuação da Praia de Ipanema, começando no Jardim de Alá e indo até os penhascos da Av. Niemeyer. Ali existe o Mirante do Leblon, de onde se pode apreciar toda a avenida costeira (av. Delfim Moreira), as praias do Leblon e de Ipanema e a Pedra do Arpoador.
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The Leblon Beach is located in the city of Rio de Janeiro, in the Brazilian state of Rio de Janeiro.
Beach with 1.3 km long, is the continuation of Ipanema Beach, beginning in the Garden of Allah and going to the cliffs of Avenida Niemeyer. There exists the Mirante do Leblon, where one can appreciate the coastal avenue (av. Delfim Moreira), the beaches of Ipanema and Leblon and Arpoador rock.
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La playa de Leblon se encuentra en la ciudad de Río de Janeiro, en el estado brasileño de Río de Janeiro.
Playa con 1,3 km de longitud, es la continuación de la playa de Ipanema, a partir del jardín de Alá e ir a los acantilados de la Avenida Niemeyer. Existe el Mirante do Leblon, donde se puede apreciar la avenida costera (av. Delfim Moreira), las playas de Ipanema y Leblon y roca de Arpoador.
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Zoey blowing out the candles on her birthday cake earlier this month.
Faz limite com os bairros da Glória, Catete, Botafogo, Laranjeiras, Cosme Velho, Humaitá, Centro, Catumbi, Rio Comprido e Alto da Boa Vista. Ele está localizado no Centro em uma colina com raízes no bairro da Lapa. Também o pequeno bairro de Silvestre, mais acima na montanha, forma parte de Santa Tereza.
Também há, no bairro, um polo gastronômico, principalmente ao redor do Largo dos Guimarães, área nobre do bairro. Santa Tereza vem se firmando como uma das principais atrações turísticas do Rio de Janeiro, sendo chamado de "Montmartre carioca", devido ao grande número de artistas que possuem ateliê e que residem no local. Por causa desse alvoroço cultural, empresários estrangeiros estão investindo em Santa Tereza, adquirindo e reformando propriedades no bairro, como é o caso do Hotel Santa Teresa e do Castelo São Fernando. A valorização que vem ocorrendo no mercado imobiliário do bairro é fruto de um "frenesi" que toma conta dos cariocas, resultado da revitalização da região central da cidade. Atualmente, pertence à Subprefeitura da Tijuca e adjacências.
O bairro de Santa Teresa surgiu a partir do convento de mesmo nome, no século XVIII. Ele foi inicialmente habitado pela classe alta da época, numa das primeiras expansões da cidade para fora do núcleo inicial de povoamento, no centro da cidade. Surgiram, então, vários casarões e mansões inspirados na arquitetura espanhola da época, muitos dos quais estão em pé até hoje. O bairro de Santa Tereza é um bairro que recebeu muitos imigrantes espanhóis.
Em 1872, surgiu o bonde que se tornou o símbolo do bairro e que, atualmente, é a única linha em funcionamento na cidade, subindo a Rua Almirante Alexandrino. Inicialmente, o bonde era verde, mas passou a ser pintado de amarelo após reclamações de moradores que diziam que o bonde "sumia" em meio à vegetação do bairro. O bonde vai do bairro ao centro da cidade através do Aqueduto da Carioca, um antigo aqueduto hoje desativado, desde 1896, quando fez sua primeira viagem.
O bairro, carinhosamente chamado pelos cariocas de "Santa", é composto de várias ladeiras tortuosas, que ligam-no aos bairros vizinhos da Glória, Laranjeiras, Cosme Velho, Lapa, Bairro de Fátima, Catumbi e Rio Comprido. No alto há uma impressionante vista além dos acessos para o Parque Nacional da Tijuca e o Corcovado. O acesso é feito pelo bonde e por linhas de ônibus, isto além dos jipes turísticos que são comumente vistos nas íngremes ruas do bairro.
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Santa Teresa is the name of a neighbourhood in the city of Rio de Janeiro, Brazil. It is located on top of the Santa Teresa hill, by the centre of Rio, and is famous for its winding, narrow streets which are a favourite spot for artists and tourists.
The neighbourhood originated around the Santa Teresa Convent, built in the 1750s on the Desterro hill. At the end of the 19th and early 20th century it was an upper class borough, as testified by its magnificent mansions, many of which are still standing.
In 1896, the Carioca Aqueduct, a colonial structure that used to bring water to the centre of Rio, was converted into a viaduct for the Santa Teresa Tramway (bondinho). The historic tram line is still in operation today - the only one in Rio - and is a popular attraction among tourists. The ride starts in the city centre, near the Largo da Carioca square, crosses the old aqueduct and goes through the picturesque streets of the neighbourhood. Wonderful views of the city downhill can be appreciated.
Santa Teresa ceased being an upper class neighbourhood long ago, but it has been revived as an artistic hotspot. It is home to several artists and art studios and galleries. The offer of restaurants and bars is also varied.
One of Santa Teresa's most illustrious inhabitants was Raimundo Otoni Castro Maya, an art collector who lived in his Chácara do Céu mansion in the neighbourhood. The mansion was turned into a museum (Museu da Chácara do Céu) and its exhibits include works by Picasso, Matisse, Monet, Jean Metzinger, Eliseu Visconti and Candido Portinari.
Another museum is the Museu do Bonde, which tells the history of the Santa Teresa tram since its origins, when it was pulled uphill by donkeys.
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Santa Teresa es un barrio del municipio de Río de Janeiro, Brasil, que se caracteriza por el gran número de artistas que viven allí, en contraposición con la cantidad de personas instaladas en las favelas (asentamientos informales) que circundan la zona.
El barrio tiene como ícono distintivo el bondinho (el último tren eléctrico que circula en todo Brasil) que cruza los Arcos de Lapa, antiguo acueducto carioca que hoy sirve como ruta del tren que sube por el morro (cerro) para internarse en Santa Teresa.
Santa Teresa, conocido como el Montmartre carioca, se distingue por su perfil colonial, casi sin que la modernidad haya influido en su estética, con gran cantidad de edificaciones históricas, algunas de ellas construidas en el siglo XVIII.
Limita con los barrios de Glória, Catete, Botafogo, Laranjeiras, Cosme Velho, Silvestre, Humaitá, Centro, Catumbi y Rio Comprido, y corresponde a la Región Administrativa de la subprefectura Tijuca y adjacencias.
El Largo dos Guimarães.
Su vida social y atracción turística se concentra en el Largo dos Guimarães, con numerosos restaurantes, que van desde el Bar do Mineiro (una económica feijoada bien servida) y Espirito Santa (comida amazónica en uno de los restaurantes más caros de la zona que funciona en una antigua casa reciclada), hasta Sobrenatural (especializado en frutos de mar) y Thiago (cuya especialidad es el chop de cerveza negra).
El barrio Santa Teresa surgió en torno al convento homónimo, en el siglo XVIII. La zona fue inicialmente poblada por la clase alta, en la que fuera una de las primeras expansiones fuera del núcleo central de la ciudad. Con el tiempo perdió su estatus de "barrio de ricos" para ganar fama como atracción turística y referente cultural de vanguardia.
My chum Bob has just bought a prime lens and although it seemed okay in the shop, it failed to focus later. Over a beer I put it on my camera it worked perfectly, and I took this unposed shot with it. Bob looked troubled and we then returned and exchanged the lens for one twice the cost. I like the shot now, but should have recorded his broad smile later.
I didn't venture far today to find my fence. I didn't have high expectations, but sometimes there is beauty where we least expect it....
In processing, I used Paint the Moon's "Blueberry Honey" twice, "Razor Sharp for Print", and also a texture from Jessica Drossin's Illuminations II, "Depression Glass" (warm version)