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This is an image created using a focus rail to take 59 images, camera set to manual focus and then focus stacked in Affinity photo
Masked and removed background and replaced with a black background.
This Del Prado Renault Midliner chemical incident unit has been in the fleet for some years and is a good model but the more I looked at it the more I disliked the wheels. They have now been replaced with a set from an Oxford Diecast lorry, which look much better, and having discovered it was screwed and not riveted together as I thought it has also been converted to right-hand drive.
“I NEVER saw any difference
Between playing cards for money
And selling real estate,
Practicing law, banking, or anything else.
For everything is chance.
Nevertheless
Seest thou a man diligent in business?
He shall stand before Kings!”
Passi di: Edgar Lee Masters. “Spoon River Anthology”. iBooks.
The same location of Clifton, and that's about it. The 48 runs up to every 8 minutes via The Meadows, and the 64 runs up to every hour via QMC.
This is an image of two photographs I framed for a charity auction - The image on the left was more striking, so I took the trouble to use a nicer frame, add a mat border… and used museum glass (non-glare) in front of the art.
The Rhino on the other hand. is a bit more laid back, it was taken at a zoo and is more of just a happy rhino thing, where it was placed into a frame with no mat but also - normal glass in front…
Once you know to look for it you can quickly see the huge difference in reflection that museum glass makes. You can see the railing of stairs behind me easily in the rhino image and not at all in the tiger.
So if you are placing art where there may be any glare at all, strongly consider sprinting for museum glass so people can really appreciate your image.
Living together in harmony does not require us to look the same, think the same or act the same - in fact we can benefit greatly from rubbing up against people who are different. But without love nothing works.
There are quite a few on this photo compared to the last time I snapped a 24 in central Bristol. The route has been upgraded to B9TL operation (as First 37757 WX09KBK illustrates) and the branding has gone from a temporary vinyl to a full lime green optical assault.
In the background, there's something missing off a plinth too....
www.flickr.com/photos/77751183@N07/49465303546/in/photoli...
Look at Properly, The Bus Body.
Answer it
Crop it
and
Post the Details Difference
Roseney Motorworks
Crediting is iLLegal
There are some differences between my Charmix Musa (left) and the doll which I got today. The face looks completly different and the wings too. And the wings from my charmix doll are more stable.
I didn't know that Mattel made two versions from the Charmix dolls.
You like to patrol the Fabulous Las Vegas Strip and do Flickr Camera Safari — And you have been at it for 30 years! 🌞😎😅
Your very lovely lady likes to luxuriate languorously in the bright desert sun and work on her golden suntan — And except for the last three years of the Coronavirus Global Pandemic, she has been at it for 30 years too! 🌞😎🌹
But regardless of your superficial differences, you and your very lovely lady need to come together hand-in-hand to stroll the lush and glorious greens here at the Bellagio Conservatory & Botanical Gardens! You two need to be here because — Life Is Sweet Here!
I had a shoe incident just after lunch - the pair I wore was an old one (indeed the first pair of shoes I ever bought) and basically the soles started to come adrift. Fortunately I was already shopping for a new pair anyway; it just became a matter of actually buying one instead of just thinking about it.
And in this picture you can see my choice. Quite comfy for heels.
Seen parked together on the forecourt of First Potteries Newcastle-under-Lyme depot, and showing the subtle differences between the two bodies, are two Alexander RL bodied double deckers, on the left is low-height Volvo Olympian P185TGD (34285) whilst on the right is full-height Volvo Citybus K125URP (38125). Both shortly after after headed out to work PM school duties, 02/07/2013.
GO MP40PH-3C 654 pulls into Union Station on #161, passing waiting commuters busy on their eyePads and SmrtFones.
Revue 35 Compact de Luxe, a scarce sister of the Revue 35 Compact Electronic, which is itself also a scarce camera.
As far I found out, the difference is in the viewfinder: Both feature a needle of the exposure meter, but the Electronic only indicates over- or underexposure, the de Luxe displays shutter speeds (1000-250-30), similar to a Minox 35.
The Revue 35s are nearly identical to the Vivitar 35 EM. The Vivitar also displays the shutter speeds and its opening for the lens barrel is round, not square.
The producer of this camera is still a mystery, it reminds me of the Revue 400SE/Vivitar 35ES pair.
The logo on this camera, the atomic model, looks like the early Yashica logo, but it is not the same.
The camera itself is really cute. With the lever at the bottom you can retract the lens and the shutter button, the lens is protected by a sliding cover then. It has aperture priority AE, the focus has to be set manually. There is a small button above the viewer, which obviously has the same function like the half pressed shutter button: the meter is switched on and the needle in the viewer indicates the expected shutter speed, furthermore a red light becomes visible on top, I assume it is a battery check (two 1.5 V SR44 are required).
The film speed dial around the rewind crank is devided in half-steps (!) from 25 to 400+1/2, perhaps 560 ASA.
Most parts of the housing are made of thin plastic. There are small cracks around some screws and the window of the viewer is broken too.
Update after one roll of film: Yes, really a fine camera. Sometimes I had mixed up the feet and the meter scale, but that didn't matter ...
I went to Formby beach today where the National Trust charge £50 to park a coach.Also at Formby beach today was Orion MX14TSZ a Dennis Javelin / Plaxton Profile C53F . It actually dates from 2003 and is an ex MOD vehicle , but is wearing its first plate as it carried an MOD plate during its time in the services. Photo taken 03/06/15
Schweiz / Wallis - Nordend (4.608 m) und Dufourspitze (4.634)
seen from Hotel Du Trift
gesehen Berggasthaus Trift
Nordend (meaning north end in German) is a northern peak of the Monte Rosa Massif. Nordend is the fourth highest peak of the massif, after the Dufourspitze (4,634 m), the Dunantspitze (4,632 m) and the Grenzgipfel (4,618 m).
(Wikipedia)
The Dufourspitze is the highest peak of Monte Rosa, an ice-covered mountain massif in the Alps. Dufourspitze is the highest mountain of both Switzerland and the Pennine Alps and is also the second-highest mountain of the Alps and Western Europe, after Mont Blanc. It is located between Switzerland (Canton of Valais) and Italy (Piedmont and Aosta Valley). The peak itself is located wholly in Switzerland.
Following a long series of attempts beginning in the early nineteenth century, Monte Rosa's summit, then still called Höchste Spitze (English: Highest Peak), was first reached on 1 August, the Swiss National celebration day, in 1855 from Zermatt by a party of eight climbers led by three guides: Matthäus and Johannes Zumtaugwald, Ulrich Lauener, Christopher and James Smyth, Charles Hudson, John Birkbeck and Edward Stephenson.
Naming
The peak is distinguished by the name Dufourspitze (in German, lit. Dufour Peak; French: Pointe Dufour, Italian: Punta Dufour). This replaced the former name Höchste Spitze (English: Highest Peak) that was indicated on the Swiss maps before the Federal Council, on January 28, 1863, decided to rename the mountain in honor of Guillaume-Henri Dufour. Dufour was a Swiss engineer, topographer, co-founder of the Red Cross and army general who led the Sonderbund campaign. This decision followed the completion of the Dufour Map, a series of military topographical maps created under the command of Dufour.
The point just 80 m (260 ft) east of the Dufourspitze and only 2 metres lower, the Dunantspitze, was renamed in 2014 in honor of Henry Dunant, the main founder of the Red Cross.
Elevation
The Dufourspitze of Monte Rosa is the most elevated point of Valais and Switzerland, although it is not the most prominent of the country, that distinction belonging to the Finsteraarhorn, nor the most isolated, that distinction belonging to Piz Bernina. The Swiss national map gives an elevation of 4,634.0 metres (15,203.4 ft) for the summit, which is 4,441 metres above Lake Maggiore, Switzerland's lowest point. The height difference between the summit and the plains of northern Italy, from where Monte Rosa is well visible, reaches over 4,500 metres (15,000 ft). Monte Rosa has a topographic prominence of 2,165 m (7,103 ft), the Great St Bernard Pass being the lowest col between it and the culminating point of the Alps. A 2000 survey, involving universities and the offices of cartography of Italy and Switzerland and part of the TOWER project (Top of the World Elevations Remeasurement), was made in order to record a more precise elevation for Monte Rosa. The result was 4,635.25 metres (15,207.5 ft) from the Italian side and 4,634.97 metres (15,206.6 ft) from the Swiss side, with a margin of error of 0.1 m. Monte Rosa succeeded the Finsteraarhorn as the highest summit of Switzerland in 1815, when Valais joined the Swiss Confederation.
Though the Mediterranean can hardly be visible from the summit of Monte Rosa because of intervening mountains, the view to the south extends to the Apennines, the mountains of Corsica and the Maritime Alps. On the north side the view extends to the Jura and further to the Vosges, the Swiss Plateau being mostly hidden by the high range of the Bernese Alps.
History
Monte Rosa could be seen from many places on the south side of the Alps and it had been mentioned in many travel diaries. At the end of the 15th century some outlines of the mountain may possibly have been painted by Leonardo da Vinci into the background of the Madonna of the Rocks or other pictures. Da Vinci explored the Italian side of the mountain and made some observations, though there is but scanty evidence that he had climbed even a minor summit in the neighbourhood. He was intrigued by the permanent snow lying on the mountain and the darkness of the sky above him, he wrote:
"The base of this mountain gives birth to the 4 rivers which flow in four different directions through the whole of Europe. And no mountain has its base at so great a height as this, which lifts itself above almost all the clouds; and snow seldom falls there, but only hail in the summer, when the clouds are highest. And this hail lies [unmelted] there, so that if it were not for the absorption of the rising and falling clouds, which does not happen more than twice in an age, an enormous mass of ice would be piled up there by the layers of hail, and in the middle of July I found it very considerable; and I saw the sky above me quite dark, and the sun as it fell on the mountain was far brighter here than in the plains below, because a smaller extent of atmosphere lay between the summit of the mountain and the sun."
At the end of the eighteenth century, the people of the Italian valleys believed that a lost valley existed, hidden away between the glaciers of the great chain. The discovery of the valley was due to Joseph Beck of Gressoney-Saint-Jean. He put together a party, including his brother Valentin, and the Gressoney mountain guides Sebastian Linty, Joseph Zumstein, Nicolas (Niklaus) Vincent, François Castel and Étienne Lisco. They set out on a Sunday of August 1778. They started from their sleeping places at midnight, and roped carefully. They had furnished themselves with climbing irons and alpenstocks. At the head of the glacier, they encountered a slope of rock devoid of snow, which they climbed.[10]
"It was twelve o'clock. Hardly had we got to the summit of the rock than we saw a grand-an amazing-spectacle. We sat down to contemplate at our leisure the lost valley, which seemed to us to be entirely covered with glaciers. We examined it carefully, but could not satisfy ourselves that it was the unknown valley, seeing that none of us had ever been in the Vallais."
The valley, in fact, was none other than the upper valley of Zermatt, and the pass, which these early explorers had reached, was the Lysjoch, where, to this day, the rock on which they rested bears the name that they gave it, the "Entdeckungsfels" (German: Rock of Discovery). Beck's party thus reached a height of 4,178 metres (13,707 ft), probably a record in the Alps at that times.
Count Morozzo of Turin was inspired by the view of Monte Rosa and in 1787 he tried to reach its summit from the east face. However he did not go very high, and the mountain looked much too inaccessible to encourage him to proceed further. He reached the place of the actual Marinelli hut, 1,500 m below the summit. The route on the east face was opened only in 1872. In 1789, following the recommendation of the Count, Horace-Bénédict de Saussure went to Macugnaga to explore the mountain. He climbed Pizzo Bianco, a 3215 m summit facing the mountain from the east and measured the altitude of Monte Rosa. He found a height of 2430 toises.
A first serious attempt was made in 1801 by a doctor of Alagna, Pietro Giordani. He reached alone a great height when climbing a 4,046 metres high point on the south-east ridge of the Vincent Pyramid, later named Giordanispétz or Punta Giordani in his honour. He arrived too late to proceed to the Vincent Pyramid summit and night drove him away. He had to sleep in a cleft of ice at about 14,000 feet. He wrote an account of his exploit: After an eloquent description of the view, he expresses his annoyance at the lack of scientific instruments, and the lateness of the hour which prevented him from ascending "Monte Rosa" itself.
The 4215 m Vincent Pyramid summit was eventually successfully climbed on 15 August 1819 by Johann Niklaus and Joseph Vincent from Gressoney, after whom the peak has been named. The brothers Vincent tried to reach the highest summit again the next year, together with Joseph Zumstein, and guides and porters. On August 1, 1820, they reached a 4,563 metres high secondary summit, later named Zumsteinspitze. The climb was dangerous, as the party had to traverse under threatening walls of ice; they also had great difficulties on descent, because the afternoon sun had melted the snow on the slopes. They used mules to carry their equipment as far as the snow-line. During the expedition they thought they had climbed the true highest peak, but when they reached the summit they found out it was only a subpeak of Monte Rosa. Zumstein was anxious to return later and reach the highest summit, but his desire did not materialize.
First ascents
The first approaches to the summit were made from the northern slopes over the Gorner glacier via the Silbersattel (4,510 m). This pass was first reached on August 12, 1847, by Matthias and Johann zum Taugwald (guides from Zermatt whose name is also written "Zumtaugwald"), Johann Brantschen and Joseph Moser guiding the French professors Victor Puisieux and Edouard Ordinaire.[ Precisely a year later (12 August 1848), Johann Madutz from Matt, Glarus, and Matthias Zumtaugwald guided the Swiss theologian de:Melchior Ulrich to the pass for an ascent of the highest summit. Ulrich had to give up, but the guides proceeded to climb to what they thought to be the Eastern summit of the Dufourspitze (Ostspitze, since 2014 Dunantspitze, 4632 m) and established a new altitude record in Switzerland. The descent over the same route was so tricky that Madutz at places had to lower down Zum Taugwald by rope. Three years later, on 22 August 1851, Johann Zumtaugwald returned, with Peter Taugwalder and Peter Inderbinen and the Swiss botanist brothers Adolf and Hermann Schlagintweit to repeat this ascent. They did not dare to traverse to the western summit, which the Schlagintweits estimated to be 7 meters higher. In 1891, W.A.B. Coolidge analyzed these ascents and concluded that both parties had reached the 4,618 m Grenzgipfel instead, which is a mere 50 meters to the east of Ostspitze. He transferred the honor of first climbing the Ostgipfel to Ulrich Lauener from Lauterbrunnen and the brothers Christopher, Edmund and James G. Smyth from Great Yarmouth, who reached the Ostspitze on September 1, 1854, from the Silbersattel. Some sources have the Zumtaugwald brothers also among this party. Zumtaugwald brothers returned twice more to the East summit, Johann and Matthias 10 days later (11 Sep 1854) with Edward Shirley Kennedy and Benedict Leir, and Matthias and Stephan later again with Edward Levi Ames. On these five occasions they never tried the difficult traverse to the western summit, also because the summits were both mapped as 4,638 m high at the time. Partially with the technical difficulty (UIAA III) of the route from Silbersattel in mind, many consider the Madutz and Zumtaugwald ascent in 1849 the true first ascent of Monta Rosa.
The first ascent of the western summit finally took place on August 1, 1855, by the above guides Matthias and Johann zum Taugwald and Ulrich Lauener and two of the Smyth brothers (James Greenville and Christopher). They were joined by the English gentlemen John Birkbeck, Charles Hudson and Edward Stephenson. Deeming the approach from the east summit unfeasible, the guides devised a route over the junction of the Monte Rosa and Grenz glaciers and over the west ridge directly to the west summit. Not two weeks later, on 13 August 1855, Johann and his brother Peter zum Taugwald guided eight more people, including Johann Jakob Weilenmann, to the summit over the same route.[ The west ridge route immediately became very popular and is still the normal route to the Dufourspitze.
The Irish physicist John Tyndall was guided to the summit in a group led by Ulrich Lauener in August 1858, but returned the next day (or week?) to make the first solo ascent of Dufourspitze on 17 August 1858, which he described in his account, Glaciers of the Alps.
"After breakfast I poured what remained of my tea into a small glass bottle, an ordinary demi-bouteille in fact; the waiter then provided me with a ham sandwich, and, with my scrip thus frugally furnished, I thought the heights of Monte Rosa might be won..."
After encountering a party of climbers guided by Lauener, Tyndall reached alone the summit:
"A world of clouds and mountains lay beneath me. Switzerland, with its pomp of summits, was clear and grand; Italy was also grand, but more than half obscured. Dark cumulus and dark crag vied in savagery, while at other places white snows and white clouds held equal rivalry. The scooped valleys of Monte Rosa itself were magnificent, all gleaming in the bright sunlight — tossed and torn at intervals, and sending from their rents and walls the magical blue of the ice."
Among mountain guides, the eastern wall had the reputation of being unconquerable. Ferdinand Imseng was convinced that the long snow couloir in the middle of the face could be ascended. He succeeded in convincing other climbers and, on 22 July 1872, Richard Pendlebury, William and Charles Taylor, Ferdinand Imseng, Gabriel Spechtenhauser and Giovanni Oberto began the ascent from Macugnaga. They were aware of the objective dangers of the wall but they decided to go as high as possible, without compromising their lives. After a bivouac on the actual Marinelli hut emplacement, they headed towards the Grenzsattel. Suddenly, when they arrived near the Grenzsattel, an avalanche started and rivers of snow began to flow everywhere around the climbers. They were able to reach the safe rocks of the Grenzgipfel just in time to save their lives. They finally reached the summit and descended to Riffelalp on the other side, concluding an 18-hour journey.
This ascent made Ferdinand Imseng a famous mountain guide. He lost his life in 1881 on the east wall during the third ascent with Damiano Marinelli and guide Battista Pedranzini. On 8 August, they were caught by an avalanche and brought 1,200 metres down. The accident was reported by a porter who survived. The couloir was then named Canalone Marinelli.
Other ascents
In 1889 Achille Ratti, who became later Pope Pius XI, made the first traverse from Macugnaga to Zermatt by the Zumsteinjoch. After climbing the Dufourspitze, he spent the night on the summit with his companions.
Visiting Zermatt in 1894, the young Winston Churchill insisted on an ascent of Monte Rosa rather than of the Matterhorn, not only because of its superior height but also because the guides' fee was substantially less.
More recently, on August 1 (which happens to be the Swiss National Day), 2005, the Swiss Minister of Treasure Joseph Deiss climbed the Dufourspitze. The expedition marked the 150th anniversary of the first ascent.
Huts and climbing routes
The Monte Rosa Hut (2,883 m) is the only mountain hut in the massif owned by the Swiss Alpine Club. It is situated on the Plattje, a rocky island between the Gorner and Grenz glaciers. It is accessible from Rotenboden, a station on the Gornergratbahn line. The hut was inaugurated in 1894 and rebuilt in 1940. In 2009, a new high technology mountain hut was inaugurated. The five-story crystal-shaped building is designed to obtain 90 per cent of its power needs from the sun and will be used as a research station.
The other huts are owned by the Italian Alpine Club, among them the Regina Margherita Hut located at 4,559 metres on the Signalkuppe. Inaugurated in 1893 and replaced in 1979, it is still the highest construction in Europe, and includes a laboratory and observatory.
Other huts owned by the Italian Alpine Club are the Marinelli Hut (3,036 m), used for the ascent of the east face, and the Bivacco Città di Gallarate (3,960 m), located near the summit of the Jägerhorn.
Normal route
The normal route to the summit begins at the Monte Rosa Hut. The normal route is mainly a glacier itinerary on the west slopes of Monte Rosa (Monte Rosa Glacier), with the final rocky west ridge to the summit. Although the itinerary itself is not difficult, it requires physical endurance and good acclimatization.
Marinelli couloir
The route starts from the Marinelli Hut and follows the steep Marinelli couloir on the east face. It is a long and dangerous route and has to be ascended very early in the morning on cold days in order to decrease the risk of avalanches.
Timeline
First ascent in 1855 (normal route).
First ascent on the eastern wall, via the Marinelli Couloir in 1872 (July 22) by Taylor, Pendlebury and Ferdinand Imseng (guide)
First ascent via the southern spur (Cresta Rey) by Eustace Hulton with guides Joseph Moser and Peter Rubi on 20 August 1874.
First ascent via the southeast ridge (today route from Margherita hut) by F. P. Barlow, G. W. Prothero with guides Antonio Carrel and Peter Taugwalder on 31 August 1874.
First winter ascent via the southern spur (Cresta Rey) by Vittorio Sella with guides Daniel Maquignaz and Joseph Maquignaz on 26 January 1884.
First winter ascent via the southeast ridge by Mario Piacenza, A. Curta, A. Lazier, O. Lazier on 18 January 1907.
First solo ascent of the east face by Angelo Taveggia in 1924.
First winter ascent of the east face in 1965 (February 5–6) by mountain guides Luciano Bettineschi, Felice Jacchini, Michele Pala and Lino Pironi.
In June 1969, the extreme skier Sylvain Saudan descended the entire Marinelli Couloir on the east face.
First solo winter ascent via the east face on February 4, 1991, by Walter Bernardi. Injured, he was rescued by helicopter on the descent near the Grenzsattel.
(Wikipedia)
Das Nordend ist ein 4608 m ü. M. hoher Nebengipfel der Dufourspitze im Massiv des Monte Rosa und liegt auf der Grenze zwischen Italien und der Schweiz. Es wurde erstmals am 26. August 1861 bestiegen. Das Nordend wird meistens von Zermatt her bzw. von der Station Rotenboden der Gornergratbahn aus über die Monte-Rosa-Hütte angegangen. Der Normalweg führt vom Silbersattel (4519 m ü. M.) über den Südgrat zum Gipfel.
(Wikipedia)
Die Dufourspitze (italienisch Punta Dufour, französisch Pointe Dufour, rätoromanisch Piz da Dufour) ist mit 4634 m ü. M. der höchste Gipfel in den Walliser Alpen und der Schweiz sowie des gesamten deutschen Sprachraums. Nach dem Mont Blanc mit 4805,59 m ü. M. ist der Monte Rosa mit der Dufourspitze als höchstem Gipfel der zweithöchste Berg der Alpen und Westeuropas.
Lage
Der Berggipfel gehört zum Monte-Rosa-Massiv auf der Grenze zu Italien. Die Bergspitze liegt rund 160 m von der Staatsgrenze entfernt auf Schweizer Gebiet. Das gesamte Bergmassiv wird üblicherweise als italienisch-schweizerischer Grenzberg angesehen, sodass die Rolle des höchsten Berges, der ganz auf Schweizer Gebiet liegt, dem Dom (ebenfalls in den Walliser Alpen) zukommt.
Geschichte
Namensgebung
Die Dufourspitze erhielt ihren heutigen Namen im Jahre 1863 auf Beschluss des Schweizerischen Bundesrates. Die Umbenennung erfolgte zu Ehren des Schweizer Generals und Kartografen Guillaume Henri Dufour (1787–1875). Er war Herausgeber des ersten exakten Landkartenwerkes der Schweiz, der nach ihm benannten Dufourkarte.
Auf der Dufourkarte wurde sie 1862 als Höchste Spitze bezeichnet.
In der Schweiz hiess dieser Gipfel ursprünglich Gornerhorn (= starker oder grosser Berg). In der Literatur wird vertreten, dass teilweise auch die Auffassung bestanden habe, dass der Name Gornerhorn das gesamte Bergmassiv bezeichnet habe. Gegen diese These wurde aber eingewandt, dass «ein ganzer ausgedehnter Gebirgsstock kaum als einfaches Horn bezeichnet worden» wäre. Der Name Gornerhorn stammt von den Walsern. Auch der Name Schwärzehorn war vormals geläufig.
In Italien wurde der Gipfel La più alta cima (= Hohe Spitze oder Hochspitz) und auch Rosa Bianca genannt.
Besteigung
Die Erstbesteigung fand am 1. August 1855 durch eine von Charles Hudson geleitete Seilschaft statt. Weitere Teilnehmer der Seilschaft waren John Birkbeck, Edward J. W. Stephenson und die Brüder Christopher und James G. Smyth. Die Bergführer Johannes und Matthäus Zumtaugwald aus Zermatt und Ulrich Lauener aus Lauterbrunnen bahnten den Engländern den Weg. Charles Hudson stürzte zehn Jahre später bei der Erstbesteigung des Matterhorns während des Abstiegs zu Tode. Die zweite Besteigung fand ebenfalls noch im Jahr 1855 statt.
Routen
Die klassische Route über die Ostflanke wurde erstmals 1872 von den Engländern Richard und William Pendlebury und Charles Taylor, dem Schweizer Ferdinand Imseng, dem Österreicher Gabriel Spechtenhauser und dem Italiener Giovanni Oberto begangen.
Ausgangspunkt für eine Besteigung der Dufourspitze von der Schweizer Seite über den Normalweg ist die Monte-Rosa-Hütte (2883 m ü. M.).
(Wikipedia)
When in water (right), shell is more translucent, lighter and brighter in colour, and less reflective, than when in air (left).
1: internal view of row of palatal protrusions at earlier position of palatal lip.
2: external view through translucent shell of same row of protrusions as in ‘1’.
Shell height 6.1 mm. Salting on tidal River Dee, Flintshire, Wales. December 2018.
Full DESCRIPTION BELOW
Sets of OTHER SPECIES: www.flickr.com/photos/56388191@N08/collections/
GLOSSARY BELOW
Preface
Specimens illustrated in this account which were supplied to Amgueddfa Cymru (the Natural History Museum, Wales) were sequenced by Ben Rowson who found no difference in the DNA of M. myosotis and M. denticulata and concluded that they were a single species; Myosotella myosotis (Draparnaud, 1801). This has been accepted by WoRMS; see www.marinespecies.org/aphia.php?p=taxdetails&id=139672 ]
A possibility, raised by Martins (2013), is that the true M. myosotis (Draparnaud, 1801) occurs in the Mediterranean and that both British shell forms are ecotypes of M. denticulata (Montagu, 1803). This account, written before molecular sequencing united them, describes the form previously regarded as M. denticulata.
Because of its special habitat intermediate between terrestrial and marine, this species, and its Leucophytia relative in the family Ellobiidae, are omitted from some identification guides, while variously appearing in others devoted solely to either terrestrial, marine or even freshwater mollusca.
Myosotella myosotis form denticulata (Montagu, 1803)
Synonyms: Voluta denticulata Montagu, 1803; Voluta ringens W. Turton, 1819; Ovatella denticulata (Montagu, 1803); Alexia ringicula Locard, 1893; Conovulus denticulatus in Forbes & Hanley (1853); Melampus myosotis (part of) in Jeffreys (1869);
Vernacular Probably applied at times to both M. denticulata and M. myosotis: Mouse-eared Alexia, Mouse ear(ed) snail (English); Clust llygoden (Welsh); Evesnegl (Danish); Muizenoortje (Dutch); Ovatelle naine des vases (French); Stranddvärgsnäcka (Swedish); Mäuseöhrchen (German);
Applied to just this form: Many-toothed mouse-ear (English); Gewoon muizenoortje (Dutch);
Description
When in water, shell is more translucent, lighter and brighter in colour, and less reflective, than when in air 1Md flic.kr/p/2ejw2rW . The following shell description is of specimens in air.
Shell
Juvenile shell usually less than 6 mm high. Adult shells often less than 6mm , usual maximum 7.5 mm, exceptionally 10 mm 2Md flic.kr/p/24NUBLV . Fusiform shell, width c.45% to 55% of height 3Md flic.kr/p/2fkP2h7 . Small spire with sharp apex; body whorl c. 73% of shell height, usually a little less on small specimens. Apex slightly twisted 3Md flic.kr/p/2fkP2h7 due to change from sinistral protoconch to dextral teleoconch. Shell-wall thin, opaque or slightly translucent, with a silky sheen when clean 4Md flic.kr/p/2fkP21f . Up to 8 moderately convex whorls separated by distinct shallow sutures. On juveniles, the periostracum is drawn into a row of bristles below the sutures 5Md flic.kr/p/2fkP1V5 , but they are worn off over time. Earliest juveniles with three or fewer whorls lack periostracum and bristles; their shells are white-translucent with punctate spiral lines which may persist for a time as the shell grows ; occasionally visible through periostracum on later whorls 6Md flic.kr/p/2fkP1HS . Very fine, closely spaced, costal lines sometimes visible on adults, especially on spire whorls 6Md flic.kr/p/2fkP1HS , often most clearly developed on subsutural ramp 4Md flic.kr/p/2fkP21f . Adults have growth lines; most easily seen when periostracum is worn 3Md flic.kr/p/2fkP2h7 , less so when periostracum is intact 7Md flic.kr/p/2fkP1Gj . Usually no umbilicus except for an umbilicus-like slit in the apex caused by the change from the sinistral larval shell (protoconch) to a dextral shell 8Md flic.kr/p/2fqtbmD . Within the shell, when it reaches 2½ whorls, the columella and septa between the spire whorls are resorbed by the mantle, leaving an open space except for the columella and septum of the body whorl. Aperture 50% to 60% of shell height 3Md flic.kr/p/2fkP2h7 , juveniles usually nearer the higher limit; shaped like a narrow ear with a rounded base and a sharp adapical angle 2Md flic.kr/p/24NUBLV . Thin palatal (outer) lip on specimens over 3mm high has two to seven (or more) protrusions (folds/teeth/denticles) 2Md flic.kr/p/24NUBLV which may be set into a pale calcareous ridge within the aperture near the palatal rim. Further sets of protrusions are often present further back in the aperture, marking previous positions of palatal lip 2Md flic.kr/p/24NUBLV . The palatal lip is sometimes weakly reflected on large adults 9Md flic.kr/p/2fkP1kN . The columellar-parietal lip (inner lip of aperture) has three or four protrusions . The parietal lip consists of a wide glazed area on the body whorl, but is often difficult to discern 2Md flic.kr/p/24NUBLV & 10Md flic.kr/p/2fkNZXU . Juveniles less than 3mm high may not have developed protrusions sufficiently to be distinguished from M. myosotis. For a clear view of the features within the aperture, including far-back rows of teeth, the animal may need a prod with a small brush to make it withdraw, and the shell requires tilting at different angles 11Md flic.kr/p/2fkNZsA . There is no operculum . Exterior colour varies from yellowish brown to brown 2Md flic.kr/p/24NUBLV . The protoconch and juvenile shell up to about 1.4mm height are white, and are retained as a white apex on the adult 3Md flic.kr/p/2fkP2h7 & 14Md flic.kr/p/2fkNZ4E . On dead stranded shells the periostracum often peels off and the colour bleaches to whitish 10Md flic.kr/p/2fkNZXU .
Body
Specimens from non-salting conditions have white or very pale grey flesh; colour on an individual varies with degree of extension and whether in air or water 12Md flic.kr/p/2fkNZeE . The colour of the occasional ones from under stones on saltings is similar to that of M. myosotis with darker grey arranged in transverse bands across the dorsum, and colour intensity usually increases with size/age 13Md flic.kr/p/RE4vht . The tentacles on all forms are usually grey or greyish. Sides of foot are paler than the dorsum of grey specimens 12Md flic.kr/p/2fkNZeE & 13Md flic.kr/p/RE4vht . The mantle sometimes projects a short way beyond the aperture rim of the palatal lip, but is not reflected onto it 13Md flic.kr/p/RE4vht . The parietal lip on the body whorl is a glaze formed by the mantle extending onto it 2Md flic.kr/p/24NUBLV & 10Md flic.kr/p/2fkNZXU . The mantle cavity, the roof of which contains a network of haemolymph vessels 14Md flic.kr/p/2fkNZ4E , functions as a lung for respiration. It is sealed off from the exterior by a thick, white or brownish-white, mantle-collar which fits closely round the body as it extends or retracts 6Md flic.kr/p/2fkP1HS & 24Md flic.kr/p/2e2z6Ja . The collar has a pneumostome which, when in air, can be opened and closed 15Md flic.kr/p/2fqt9Jk for respiration and humidity control but, when immersed, does not effectively retain air or exclude water 16Md flic.kr/p/RE4uWD & 17Md flic.kr/p/2fqt9ta . The rectum and part of the intestine, visible through translucent shells in water 17Md flic.kr/p/2fqt9ta , runs along the rear edge of the roof of the mantle cavity to the anus 18Md flic.kr/p/2e2z6XM which opens to the exterior in a folded part of the mantle-collar in the adapical angle of the aperture close to the pneumostome . The head has two cephalic tentacles; nearly linear with a bluntly pointed tip (subulate) when dry, and conical and paler when swollen with water 13Md flic.kr/p/RE4vht . When not fully extended, they are contracted, becoming annulated in the basal half 19Md flic.kr/p/2fkNYE3 , not retracted by inversion into the body. The tentacles widely diverge from their bases near the midline of the head 20Md flic.kr/p/2e2z6TZ . The distal half of the tentacles, sometimes slightly bulbous, is opaque grey, sometimes with a brownish tint 21Md flic.kr/p/2fkNYzU , and contains sensory chemoreceptor cells (Wondrak, 1984). There is an internal black eye within the posteromesial base of each tentacle 19Md flic.kr/p/2fkNYE3 . The head in front of the tentacles forms a broad, slightly bilobed “muzzle” (Forbes & Hanley,1853) 22Md flic.kr/p/2e2z6LV which can be variably configured, but not cylindrically to form a snout like that of many marine gastropods. Near the anterior edge of the muzzle are two button-like, pads (“fungiform bodies” of Wondrak, 1984) which contain sensory cells 21Md flic.kr/p/2fkNYzU , but they are inconspicuous on animals with white flesh. Ventrally, the mouth is protected by white outer-lip lobes. When feeding, the ventrally translucent-white muzzle is spread out flat on the substrate and the outer lips moved aside to expose the mouth edged anteriorly by the rim of the red-brown jaw 23Md flic.kr/p/24NUzJ8 , and to allow the extension of the anterior of the radula covered in thousands of white teeth. When translucent, the muzzle may reveal dorsally the oral tube leading from the mouth to the buccal mass, and the oesophagus passing from it towards the stomach 20Md flic.kr/p/2e2z6TZ . On weakly pigmented, translucent specimens the dumbbell-shaped, dorsal part of the nerve ring with two cerebral ganglia may be visible 20Md flic.kr/p/2e2z6TZ . The ring encircles the oesophagus. It and its ganglia that innervate organs on the head are the nearest approximation in gastropods to a centralised brain, but other ganglia distributed on nerve cords around the body innervate other organs. The anterior edge of the translucent white sole is broad and gently curved or almost straight, sometimes with a slightly indented middle, and tapers to a rounded posterior 22Md flic.kr/p/2e2z6LV . M. denticulata is a protandrous hermaphrodite. The common genital aperture is hidden beneath the mantle on the right of the animal. The female opening is covered by a thin lip of integument which continues forwards as a narrow fold enclosing the vas deferens 18Md flic.kr/p/2e2z6XM to the male aperture on the right of the head from which penis with vas deferens can be everted for mating by hydrostatic pressure of haemolymph.
When immersed in water, the body absorbs water, swells, and it and the shell become paler and more translucent, sometimes, revealing internal organs 24Md flic.kr/p/2e2z6Ja , 17Md flic.kr/p/2fqt9ta ,18Md flic.kr/p/2e2z6XM & 20Md flic.kr/p/2e2z6TZ . A dissection was not made for this species/ecotype. Most published anatomy accounts are of M. Myosotis sensu lato which includes this species. Dissections can be seen of M. myosotis in its account at flic.kr/s/aHsmv1sTC7 images 32 to 37.
Key identification features
Features 1 to 4, below, accord with Forbes & Hanley (1853) and Gittenberger (2004). The former aggregated M. myosotis sensu stricto with M. denticulata but “scrupulously kept apart their description.” Many currently used identification guides aggregate them and their features under M. myosotis sensu lato. Consequently, distribution maps on GBIF and NBN include many M. denticulata occurrences under “M. myosotis”, and the M. denticulata maps have under-representation of its occurrence.
To observe aperture sculpture the animal must be well withdrawn, and the shell tilted at different angles. Sometimes the outer (palatal) lip sculpture of an earlier growth stage is visible deep into the aperture and should be used if the sculpture on new growth has not yet developed. It is advisable to examine several specimens of different sizes from a site; sometimes both are present..
Myosotella denticulata(Montagu, 1803).
1. Live shell brown (beachworn shells may be dull whitish). Usual adult height 3.5 mm to 7.5 mm, exceptionally 10 mm 2Md flic.kr/p/24NUBLV .
2. Inner (columellar/parietal) lip has 3 or 4 apertural protrusions 2Md flic.kr/p/24NUBLV .
3.Outer (palatal) lip has 2 to 7 (or more) apertural protrusions 2Md flic.kr/p/24NUBLV sometimes set into a pale ridge which occasionally submerges them. [If no protrusions, check further back in aperture for protrusions on earlier lip position; may be visible from exterior through translucent shell, with or without connecting streaks.]
4. In its typical non-salting habitat, the flesh colour of normally extended dorsal body is white or very pale whitish grey, with darker grey tentacles 12Md flic.kr/p/2fkNZeE . But when it occurs in muddier conditions, it may be as dark as M. myosotis 13Md flic.kr/p/RE4vht .
5. Habitat: typically under slightly embedded stones at Extreme High Water Spring level and above (supralittoral) on sheltered coast without salting vegetation at fully marine salinity. Occasionally under stones on landward edge of Saltmarsh-grass sward by tidal rivers with low salinity 25Md flic.kr/p/2fkNYuy .
Similar species/ecotype
Myosotella myosotis
(Full account flic.kr/s/aHsmv1sTC7 )
1. Live shell brown 28Md flic.kr/p/2fqt7di (beachworn shells may be dull whitish 29Md flic.kr/p/RE4sZH ). Usual adult height 6.5mm to 8mm, exceptionally 10mm .
2. Inner (columellar/parietal) lip has only 2 or 3 apertural protrusions 30Md flic.kr/p/2ejvWdQ .
3. Outer (palatal) lip has a single apertural denticle or none 30Md flic.kr/p/2ejvWdQ . Some have a pale apertural ridge running close to the lip.
4. Flesh colour of normally extended dorsal body is grey 31Md flic.kr/p/2e2z4yD . Shade and intensity varies with age, extension and whether in air or water, but not pure white when adult.
5. Habitat: among vegetation, often under driftwood, on low salinity estuarine saltings and Saltmarsh-grass sward by tidal rivers a little above and below EHWS. Locally abundant. (May occur with M. denticulata under stones on/near saltings 25Md flic.kr/p/2fkNYuy .)
Leucophytia bidentata (Montagu, 1808).
(Full account flic.kr/s/aHsmwhDvaL )
1. Live shell slightly-translucent ivory-white; yellow viscera may show through spire 32Md flic.kr/p/24NUy3H . Usual adult height to 5 mm, occasionally to 7 mm. Sutures shallower and whorls less rounded than on M. myosotis 33Md flic.kr/p/2e2z4hB .
2. Inner (columellar/parietal) lip has 2 protrusions within the aperture; not more 33Md flic.kr/p/2e2z4hB .
3. Outer (palatal) lip has no protrusions or rib (sometimes in a photo, a strong growth line might be mistaken for a rib 33Md flic.kr/p/2e2z4hB .
4. Flesh colour of normally extended dorsal body is almost pure white 32Md flic.kr/p/24NUy3H , but when contracted into body-whorl colour saturation gives it a cream appearance.
5. Lives in deep, silty, rock crevices between High Water Neap level and Low Water Spring level. Also under stones embedded into soil-like substrate at Extreme High Water Spring level and a little above on sheltered coast where it is often with M. denticulata.
Habits and ecology
M. denticulata lives typically under slightly embedded stones at Extreme High Water Spring level and slightly above (supralittoral) on sheltered coast without salting vegetation at fully marine salinity; often in company with Leucophytia bidentata and some terrestrial invertebrates. Occasionally, it also occurs under stones on the landward edge of Saltmarsh-grass sward by tidal rivers with low salinity 25Md flic.kr/p/2fkNYuy , often with more numerous M. myosotis, Assiminea grayana and some terrestrial invertebrates. It does not live in permanently submerged in pools, but can survive and be active for short periods of immersion. As there is no operculum to reduce dessication, the species is an obligatory hygrophile. Its spindle shaped shell is well adapted for moving through small gaps under stones. When moving, the foot and shell are cushioned on a layer of watery mucus which is sometimes mistaken for the foot 26Md flic.kr/p/2fqt7pv & 27Md flic.kr/p/RE4tge which usually underlies little more than the aperture . M. denticulata senses its surroundings with its tentacles and the two button-like pads (“fungiform bodies” of Wondrak, 1984) 21Md flic.kr/p/2fkNYzU near the anterior edge of the muzzle. In its usually dark habitat, its eyes probably function as little more than light detectors to trigger negative phototaxic motion when exposed to light.
It is a euryhaline species capable of surviving immersion in water from 0 p.p.t to full marine salinity or more, but individuals require time to adapt to changes in salinity and may become inactive/moribund when abruptly immersed in water they are unaccustomed to.
Respiration is of atmospheric air in the mantle cavity which is sealed by a collar of thickened mantle 6Md flic.kr/p/2fkP1HS that firmly embraces the body but allows it to extend-from/retract-into the shell 24Md flic.kr/p/2e2z6Ja . A pneumostome (respiratory pore) in the collar 15Md flic.kr/p/2fqt9Jk can be opened for inhalation/exhalation of air or closed to seal the cavity against dehydration. The roof of the mantle cavity contains a network of haemolymph vessels 14Md flic.kr/p/2fkNZ4E and is very thin, enabling oxygen from inhaled air to diffuse into the vessels and for carbon dioxide to leave with the exhaled air. When immersed, air escapes 17Md flic.kr/p/2fqt9ta from the mantle cavity and water enters as the pneumostome is not tightly closed 16Md flic.kr/p/RE4uWD .
When feeding, the muzzle is spread out on the substrate and the radula is extended 23Md flic.kr/p/24NUzJ8 to gather, with the red jaw as a backstop, decaying vegetation, diatoms (Wiese & Richling, 2008) and sediment rich in organic material which are bound into food boli with mucus from the supra pedal gland brought to the mouth along a median groove. Unlike marine prosobranch gastropods, which defecate into a mantle cavity that is cleared by water currents, M. denticulata has a rectum that opens to the exterior through an anus in the mantle collar 18Md flic.kr/p/2e2z6XM , near to, but separate from, the pneumostome so that faeces are expelled without fouling the respiratory mantle-cavity. The soft faeces are wet and loosely bound with mucus when fresh 27Md flic.kr/p/RE4tge . There is no operculum 11Md flic.kr/p/2fkNZsA to provide protection against intrusion by predators, but the numerous protrusions narrow the aperture to impede attack. The aperture protrusions of M. denticulata may have developed in response to the different (more threatening?) predators present in its habitat, which is more terrestrial than that of M. myosotis.
Reproduction: (Details assumed from published accounts of M. myosotis sensu lato.) M. denticulata is a protandrous hermaphrodite which changes its sexual function in the wild when 1½ to 2 years old, so younger, 1 to 1½ years, fully mature males mate with older, over 1½ years, females (Schultes, 2014) using the stout, conical penis everted from the side near the posterior of the right tentacle. Female deposits 15 to 80 egg capsules in a small, yellow or white, frog-spawn-like mass (Morton, 1954 and Gittenberger, 2004). Each ovoid capsule contains a single ovum. The cases are attached to each other in a loosely convoluted chain by a filament (chalaziform process) at each end. The closely packed cases with intervening clear fluid are contained in a tough binding membrane which is attached to stones. There is a larval veliger stage, with sinistral shell, which is passed entirely within the ovum (Morton, 1954).
Distribution and status
Europe from England to Mediterranean and Azores. GBIF map, www.gbif.org/species/4359191
Locally common in suitable habitat with rocks in Britain but records from vegetated saltings are likely to be the species/ecotype M. myosotis sensu stricto. NBN map
species.nbnatlas.org/species/NHMSYS0001702111
Irish distribution, National biodiversity data centre, in Mollusc Ireland: www.habitas.org.uk/molluscireland/species.asp?ID=121
Acknowledgements
I gratefully thank Ben Rowson of the National Museum Wales for his help with the account, but any errors or omissions are mine.
Links and references
Anderson, R. MolluscIreland, accessed January 2019. www.habitas.org.uk/molluscireland/species.asp?ID=121
Forbes, E. & Hanley S. 1849-53. A history of the British mollusca and their shells. vol. 4 (1853), 190 – 197 & plate CXXV. London, van Voorst. (AsConovulus denticulatus var. myosotis.)
Free pdf at archive.org/details/historyofbritish04forbe/page/190
plate at archive.org/details/historyofbritish04forbe/page/n565
Fretter, V. & Peake, J. 1975. Pulmonates functional anatomy and physiology. Vol.1. London. Academic Press.
Gittenberger, E. et al. 2004. De Nederlandse zoetwatermollusken. Leiden, Netherlands, Nationaal Natuurhistorisch Museum Naturalis.
Heller J. 2015. Marine Ancestors of most Land Snails: Pulmonates. In: Sea Snails. Springer, Cham. link.springer.com/chapter/10.1007%2F978-3-319-15452-7_10
Jeffreys, J.G. 1862-69. British conchology. vol. 5 (1869). London, van Voorst. (As Melampus myosotis (including var. ringens = Myosotella denticulata); Free pdf at archive.org/stream/britishconcholog05jeffr#page/106/mode/2up . Use slide at base of page to select pp.106-109.)
Martins, A.M. de F. 1996. Anatomy and systematics of the western Atlantic Ellobidae (Gastropoda: Pulmonata). Malacologia 37(2): 163 – 332.
www.biodiversitylibrary.org/page/13113594#page/179/mode/1up
Martins, A.M. de F. & Mendes, A.R.M. 2013. Do cosmopolitans speciate? Anatomical diversity of Myosotella in Azores. Centro de Investigação em Biodiversidade e Recursos Genéticos. Ponta Delgada, Açores, Portugal. Poster for World Congress of Malacology 2013 in pdf: www.researchgate.net/publication/264339925_Do_cosmopolita... .
Montagu, G. 1808. Supplement to: 1803 Testacea Britannica, or, Natural history of British shells, marine, land, and fresh-water, including the most minute : systematically arranged and embellished with figures. London, J. White.
Description of Leucophtia bidentata as Voluta bidentata pp. 100-101.
www.biodiversitylibrary.org/page/24430722#page/806/mode/1up
Plate 30, fig.2:
www.biodiversitylibrary.org/page/24430722#page/917/mode/1up
Morton, J. E. 1955. The functional morphology of the British Ellobiidae (Gastropoda Pulmonata) with special reference to the digestive and reproductive systems. Phil. Trans. R. Soc. Ser. B .
239, No. 661: 89-160 www.jstor.org/stable/92507
Schultes, F.W. 2014. Species summary for Ovatella myosotis (Draparnoud, 1801). AnimalBase. SUB Göttingen. www.animalbase.uni-goettingen.de/zooweb/servlet/AnimalBas... Accessed January 2019.
Watson, H. I943. Notes on a list of the British non-marine Mollusca. J. Conch. 22: 13 - 22.
Wiese, V. & Richling, I. 2008. Das Mäuseöhrchen Myosotella myosotis (Draparnaud 1801). Arbeitskreis Mollusken NRW.
www.mollusken-nrw.de/weichtier_des_jahres/weichtier2008.htm
Wondrak, G. 1984. Ultrastructure of the sensory epithelia of oral tube, fungiform sensory bodies, and terminal knobs of tentacles of Ovatella
myosotis. Draparnaud (Archaeopulmonata, Gastropoda) J. Morphol. 181: 333-347 .
onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/pdf/10.1002/jmor.1051810307
Current taxonomy:
www.marinespecies.org/aphia.php?p=taxdetails&id=139673
Glossary
adapical angle = angle at which outer lip meets body-whorl.
boli = (sing. bolus) small rounded masses, especially of triturated food material.
cerebral = to do with integration of sensory and neural functions to initiate and coordinate body activity.
chalaziform = resembling the two spiral bands (chalazae) in a bird's egg that attach the yolk to opposite ends of the lining membrane.
columella = solid or hollow axial “little column” around which gastropod shell spirals; hidden inside shell, except on final whorl next to lower part of inner lip of aperture where hollow ones may end in an umbilicus or siphonal canal.
columellar = (adj.) of or near central axis of coiled gastropod.
columellar lip = lower (abapical) part of inner lip of aperture.
costa (pl. costae) = rib running across a whorl of a gastropod shell at approximately right-angles to direction of coiling and any spiral striae.
costal (adj.) = of, or arranged like, costae.
dextral = (of gastropod shell) in apertural view with spire uppermost, the aperture is on the right. Most gastropod species adults have dextral shells.
distal = away from centre of body or from point of attachment.
diverticula = (for digestion) blind ended tubules in the digestive gland that receive nutrients for digestion.
EHWS = extreme high water spring tide.
euryhaline = able to tolerate a wide variation in salinty.
fusiform = slender, spindle-shaped, tapering almost equally towards both ends.
ganglia = (sing. ganglion) knots on a nerve cord containing sensory cell bodies that conduct impulses to (innervate) organs of the body.
haemolymph = circulating fluid in molluscs that carries nutrients, waste and hormones. Analagous to vertebrate blood, but most molluscs have copper-based haemocyanin in it instead of red haemoglobin to carry oxygen. It may be tinged blue when oxygenated; colourless when depleted of oxygen.
halophyte = plant tolerant of saline soil and periodic tidal immersion, usually on saltmarshes, estuarine shores and sides of tidal rivers.
hygrophile = living in moist, humid, but not submerged, conditions.
(obligatory hygrophile = only able to live in such conditions.)
mantle = sheet of tissue that secretes the shell, covers the viscera and forms a cavity in gastropods. In terrestrial gastropods ('pulmonates') the cavity roof contains a network of haemolymph ('blood') vessels enabling the cavity to act like a lung.
mesial = on or facing towards the midline of the body.
operculum = plate of horny conchiolin, rarely calcareous, used to close shell aperture of prosobranch gastropods.
palatal lip = outer lip of gastropod aperture.
parietal lip ( or parietal wall) = upper part of inner side of gastropod aperture, often lacking clear lip structure with just a glaze on side of whorl adapically of columellar lip.
periostracum = thin horny layer of proteinaceous material often coating shells.
posteromesial = at the rear facing towards the midline of the body.
prosobranch = member of Prosobranchia, one of three subclasses into which the class Gastropoda (slugs and snails) was divided during the 20th Century (other two were Pulmonata and Opisthobranchia). This classification is no longer used by scientists, but prosobranch is a useful informal term to signify (mainly marine) snails breathing with a ctenidium (comblike gill inside mantle cavity), an operculum, and a shell which can accommodate the whole body.
protandrous hermaphrodite = each individual starts mature life as a functioning male, later changing to female function.
protoconch = apical whorls produced during embryonic and larval stages of gastropod; often different in form from other whorls (teleoconch).
protrusions = teeth, denticles, folds, lamellae or cogs (terms used by various authors).
punctate = with pinprick-like depressions.
resorb = absorb what was previously secreted; break it down into component materials and disperse into the circulation.
resorption = the process of absorbing what was previously secreted by breaking it down into component materials and dispersal into the circulation.
salting = area of salt tolerant vascular plants rooted in sediment between mean high water mark (MHW) and extreme high water of spring tides (EHWS). [Preferred synonym for “saltmarsh” as much of salting not marshy.]
septa = plural of septum; internal partition separating two chambers/ shell-whorls of a gastropod.
septum = internal partition separating two chambers/ shell-whorls of a gastropod.
sinistral = (of gastropod shell) in apertural view with spire uppermost, the aperture is on the left. Most gastropod species adults have dextral shells.
subsutural = close below the suture when shell positioned with apex uppermost.
subulate = slender and tapering to a point like onion leaf or awl.
suture = groove or line where whorls of gastropod shell adjoin.
teleoconch = entire gastropod shell other than the apical, embryonic & larval stage protoconch.
triturate = reduce to small particles.
vascular plants = plants that have vascular tissues to transport water and nutrients through the plant. Include all seed-bearing plants, ferns and horsetails. Usually terrestrial or in freshwater or brackish water; a few, such as Zostera, live in fully marine salinity water.
To understand in advance more about the significance of this memorial site and the adjacent museum as well as what they symbolise, a brief overview of the island of Cyprus’ history is required.
When the Ottoman empire took control in 1461 of what we today know as Greece, the Greeks preserved their culture through the Orthodox church.
When the Ottomans arrived in Cyprus in 1571, they freed the Orthodox church from centuries of Latin control. Over the years, the Greek influence and the control that the Orthodox church had was gradually strengthened, to such an extent that there was eventually little difference between religious activities and political activities.
In 1832, after a long and bitter war, Greece was granted independence from the Ottomans.
Although there had been conflict in Cyprus, the island was not part of the agreement – however when the British arrived in 1878, there were hopes that they would grant Cyprus Enosis, in other words, union with Greece.
However, that was not to be the case and from the 1930’s a gradual escalation of civil unrest was seen, largely instigated by the church. In 1955, EOKA was formed as a terrorist organisation with the sole aim of getting the British out and absorbing the island into Greece.
Unfortunately, little thought was made of what the Turkish Cypriots living peacefully on the island would think of this. EOKA violence escalated against not only the British, but against anybody that did not support Enosis. Attacks against Turkish villages became more common, and in 1958, Turkish Cypriots formed the TMT in an attempt to counter EOKA.
In 1959, the London and Zurich agreements laid the foundations for the independence of Cyprus, however Greek Cypriots saw this as a steppingstone to Enosis, and in 1963, a secret plan was drawn up which discarded the 1960 constitution.
As part of this plan, Turkish Cypriots were gradually displaced from their villages and placed in enclaves. In December of 1963, systematic violence against Turkish Cypriots erupted, and this was to continue for several years, and gradually separated the island into Greek and Turkish community areas.
In 1974, a Greek sponsored coup overthrew Archbishop Makarios with the intention of forcing Enosis onto the island.
To prevent this, under the order of late Prime Minister Bülent Ecevit, Turkey invoked its rights to intervene under the Treaty of Guarantee, and on 20 July 1974 launched what is known as the 1st Peace Operation.
“We are actually going to the island for peace, not for war, and not just for the Turkish Cypriots but for the Greek Cypriots as well,” Mr Ecevit told reporters at the time.
This operation came five days after a Greek junta-engineered coup saw EOKA terrorist Nicos Sampson installed as the island’s leader. Scores of Greek Cypriots were killed by fellow Greek Cypriots during the violence.
Sampson would later say in an interview with a Greek newspaper, printed in 1981, that had Turkey not intervened “I would not only have proclaimed Enosis, I would have annihilated the Turks in Cyprus”.
A ceasefire was agreed at 4pm on 22 July 1974, leaving the Turkish Army in control of a stretch of land including the main road between Kyrenia and Nicosia.
However attacks on the Turkish Cypriot population continued and the precarious situation of its own troops prompted Turkey to launch the second phase of its operation in August of the same year, eventually extending the safe haven for Turkish Cypriots to today’s boundaries.
These Peace Operations confirmed an already divided island into Greek Cyprus and Turkish Cyprus, and it declared its independence on 15 November 1983 as the Turkish Republic of North Cyprus.
The momentous Karaoglanoglu Memorial was built in memory of soldiers who gave their lives during the Peace Operations of 1974, and takes it name after the regiment Commander Colonel Halil İbrahim Karaoğlanoğlu, one of the first officers to die in the first hours of the Operation.
The story of the conflict is represented here in words and pictures as a factual presentation, and the displays are in English as well as Turkish. English speaking National servicemen from the Turkish Army are also on hand to guide visitors through the various parts of the memorial.
The two striking columns that greet visitors at the entrance symbolise the door to Turkey. Further in, a small military graveyard holding the remains of some of the casualties, including that of Colonel Karaoglanoglu, the most senior officer to be killed in the operation, and whose name was also given to the nearby village in his memory.
The group of statues symbolise the Republic of Turkey and Turkish Republic of North Cyprus, built on four columns, representing the four-day duration of the first Peace Operation.
The Peace & Freedom Museum next to the memorial consists of an indoor and outdoor area. The open air consists of a display of vehicles and arms left by the fleeing Greek soldiers, while indoors there is a display of photographs of the military action, artillery as well as possessions and uniforms of some of the Operation martyrs.
A short distance from the museum is the momentous Peace & Freedom Icon at the actual point of the landings of the Turkish Peace Operation.
An easily accessible main road stop on your NCY visit and 15-minute drive from Kyrenia Town Centre, it is recommended to spend an hour to take in all the remarkable facts and take plentiful photos – a sombre yet very interesting experience for most and children tend to enjoy viewing the old tanks and vehicles at the outdoor museum.
Karavas (Greek: Καραβάς; Turkish: Alsancak) is a town in the north of the Cyprus island. It is under the de facto control of Northern Cyprus. As of 2011, the town has a population of 6,597.
The name Karavas comes from the Greek karávi (καράβι), meaning "ship". The name Alsancak comes from the two turkish words Al, meaning "Red" and 'Sancak meaning "flag".
Prior to the Turkish invasion in 1974, Karavas had a Greek population of approximately 2200. Karavas was captured by the Turkish Army before the second Turkish invasion of Cyprus after July 20, 1974. The city was attacked on August 6, during the so-called armistice. All Greek Cypriot inhabitants were forced out of Karavas by Turkish military forces and have become refugees, living in Cyprus and abroad. Following the population exchange assisted by the United Nations where the Turkish Cypriots forced from their villages in the South were transported to the safety of the North, today the village is home mostly to those Turkish Cypriots displaced from their original village Mandria in the Paphos region left in the south of the island.
The Turkish Cypriot municipality Alsancak was founded in 1974.
"Pente Mili" is one of the most beautiful beaches in Karavas.
The Cyprus Treasure, an impressive collection of silver vessels, dishes, spoons and jewelry, was found here in 1902 and 1917. It can be found in the British Museum in London, Metropolitan Museum of Art in New York City and the Cyprus Museum in Nicosia.
Notable people
Karavas is the birthplace of the Cypriot-American organic chemist K. C. Nicolaou.
Karavas is twinned with:
Turkey Bornova, İzmir, Turkey (since 2011)
Turkey Gazipaşa, Antalya, Turkey (since 2015)
Northern Cyprus, officially the Turkish Republic of Northern Cyprus (TRNC), is a de facto state that comprises the northeastern portion of the island of Cyprus. It is recognised only by Turkey, and its territory is considered by all other states to be part of the Republic of Cyprus.
Northern Cyprus extends from the tip of the Karpass Peninsula in the northeast to Morphou Bay, Cape Kormakitis and its westernmost point, the Kokkina exclave in the west. Its southernmost point is the village of Louroujina. A buffer zone under the control of the United Nations stretches between Northern Cyprus and the rest of the island and divides Nicosia, the island's largest city and capital of both sides.
A coup d'état in 1974, performed as part of an attempt to annex the island to Greece, prompted the Turkish invasion of Cyprus. This resulted in the eviction of much of the north's Greek Cypriot population, the flight of Turkish Cypriots from the south, and the partitioning of the island, leading to a unilateral declaration of independence by the north in 1983. Due to its lack of recognition, Northern Cyprus is heavily dependent on Turkey for economic, political and military support.
Attempts to reach a solution to the Cyprus dispute have been unsuccessful. The Turkish Army maintains a large force in Northern Cyprus with the support and approval of the TRNC government, while the Republic of Cyprus, the European Union as a whole, and the international community regard it as an occupation force. This military presence has been denounced in several United Nations Security Council resolutions.
Northern Cyprus is a semi-presidential, democratic republic with a cultural heritage incorporating various influences and an economy that is dominated by the services sector. The economy has seen growth through the 2000s and 2010s, with the GNP per capita more than tripling in the 2000s, but is held back by an international embargo due to the official closure of the ports in Northern Cyprus by the Republic of Cyprus. The official language is Turkish, with a distinct local dialect being spoken. The vast majority of the population consists of Sunni Muslims, while religious attitudes are mostly moderate and secular. Northern Cyprus is an observer state of ECO and OIC under the name "Turkish Cypriot State", PACE under the name "Turkish Cypriot Community", and Organization of Turkic States with its own name.
Several distinct periods of Cypriot intercommunal violence involving the two main ethnic communities, Greek Cypriots and Turkish Cypriots, marked mid-20th century Cyprus. These included the Cyprus Emergency of 1955–59 during British rule, the post-independence Cyprus crisis of 1963–64, and the Cyprus crisis of 1967. Hostilities culminated in the 1974 de facto division of the island along the Green Line following the Turkish invasion of Cyprus. The region has been relatively peaceful since then, but the Cyprus dispute has continued, with various attempts to solve it diplomatically having been generally unsuccessful.
Cyprus, an island lying in the eastern Mediterranean, hosted a population of Greeks and Turks (four-fifths and one-fifth, respectively), who lived under British rule in the late nineteenth-century and the first half of the twentieth-century. Christian Orthodox Church of Cyprus played a prominent political role among the Greek Cypriot community, a privilege that it acquired during the Ottoman Empire with the employment of the millet system, which gave the archbishop an unofficial ethnarch status.
The repeated rejections by the British of Greek Cypriot demands for enosis, union with Greece, led to armed resistance, organised by the National Organization of Cypriot Struggle, or EOKA. EOKA, led by the Greek-Cypriot commander George Grivas, systematically targeted British colonial authorities. One of the effects of EOKA's campaign was to alter the Turkish position from demanding full reincorporation into Turkey to a demand for taksim (partition). EOKA's mission and activities caused a "Cretan syndrome" (see Turkish Resistance Organisation) within the Turkish Cypriot community, as its members feared that they would be forced to leave the island in such a case as had been the case with Cretan Turks. As such, they preferred the continuation of British colonial rule and then taksim, the division of the island. Due to the Turkish Cypriots' support for the British, EOKA's leader, Georgios Grivas, declared them to be enemies. The fact that the Turks were a minority was, according to Nihat Erim, to be addressed by the transfer of thousands of Turks from mainland Turkey so that Greek Cypriots would cease to be the majority. When Erim visited Cyprus as the Turkish representative, he was advised by Field Marshal Sir John Harding, the then Governor of Cyprus, that Turkey should send educated Turks to settle in Cyprus.
Turkey actively promoted the idea that on the island of Cyprus two distinctive communities existed, and sidestepped its former claim that "the people of Cyprus were all Turkish subjects". In doing so, Turkey's aim to have self-determination of two to-be equal communities in effect led to de jure partition of the island.[citation needed] This could be justified to the international community against the will of the majority Greek population of the island. Dr. Fazil Küçük in 1954 had already proposed Cyprus be divided in two at the 35° parallel.
Lindley Dan, from Notre Dame University, spotted the roots of intercommunal violence to different visions among the two communities of Cyprus (enosis for Greek Cypriots, taksim for Turkish Cypriots). Also, Lindlay wrote that "the merging of church, schools/education, and politics in divisive and nationalistic ways" had played a crucial role in creation of havoc in Cyprus' history. Attalides Michael also pointed to the opposing nationalisms as the cause of the Cyprus problem.
By the mid-1950's, the "Cyprus is Turkish" party, movement, and slogan gained force in both Cyprus and Turkey. In a 1954 editorial, Turkish Cypriot leader Dr. Fazil Kuchuk expressed the sentiment that the Turkish youth had grown up with the idea that "as soon as Great Britain leaves the island, it will be taken over by the Turks", and that "Turkey cannot tolerate otherwise". This perspective contributed to the willingness of Turkish Cypriots to align themselves with the British, who started recruiting Turkish Cypriots into the police force that patrolled Cyprus to fight EOKA, a Greek Cypriot nationalist organisation that sought to rid the island of British rule.
EOKA targeted colonial authorities, including police, but Georgios Grivas, the leader of EOKA, did not initially wish to open up a new front by fighting Turkish Cypriots and reassured them that EOKA would not harm their people. In 1956, some Turkish Cypriot policemen were killed by EOKA members and this provoked some intercommunal violence in the spring and summer, but these attacks on policemen were not motivated by the fact that they were Turkish Cypriots.
However, in January 1957, Grivas changed his policy as his forces in the mountains became increasingly pressured by the British Crown forces. In order to divert the attention of the Crown forces, EOKA members started to target Turkish Cypriot policemen intentionally in the towns, so that Turkish Cypriots would riot against the Greek Cypriots and the security forces would have to be diverted to the towns to restore order. The killing of a Turkish Cypriot policeman on 19 January, when a power station was bombed, and the injury of three others, provoked three days of intercommunal violence in Nicosia. The two communities targeted each other in reprisals, at least one Greek Cypriot was killed and the British Army was deployed in the streets. Greek Cypriot stores were burned and their neighbourhoods attacked. Following the events, the Greek Cypriot leadership spread the propaganda that the riots had merely been an act of Turkish Cypriot aggression. Such events created chaos and drove the communities apart both in Cyprus and in Turkey.
On 22 October 1957 Sir Hugh Mackintosh Foot replaced Sir John Harding as the British Governor of Cyprus. Foot suggested five to seven years of self-government before any final decision. His plan rejected both enosis and taksim. The Turkish Cypriot response to this plan was a series of anti-British demonstrations in Nicosia on 27 and 28 January 1958 rejecting the proposed plan because the plan did not include partition. The British then withdrew the plan.
In 1957, Black Gang, a Turkish Cypriot pro-taksim paramilitary organisation, was formed to patrol a Turkish Cypriot enclave, the Tahtakale district of Nicosia, against activities of EOKA. The organisation later attempted to grow into a national scale, but failed to gain public support.
By 1958, signs of dissatisfaction with the British increased on both sides, with a group of Turkish Cypriots forming Volkan (later renamed to the Turkish Resistance Organisation) paramilitary group to promote partition and the annexation of Cyprus to Turkey as dictated by the Menderes plan. Volkan initially consisted of roughly 100 members, with the stated aim of raising awareness in Turkey of the Cyprus issue and courting military training and support for Turkish Cypriot fighters from the Turkish government.
In June 1958, the British Prime Minister, Harold Macmillan, was expected to propose a plan to resolve the Cyprus issue. In light of the new development, the Turks rioted in Nicosia to promote the idea that Greek and Turkish Cypriots could not live together and therefore any plan that did not include partition would not be viable. This violence was soon followed by bombing, Greek Cypriot deaths and looting of Greek Cypriot-owned shops and houses. Greek and Turkish Cypriots started to flee mixed population villages where they were a minority in search of safety. This was effectively the beginning of the segregation of the two communities. On 7 June 1958, a bomb exploded at the entrance of the Turkish Embassy in Cyprus. Following the bombing, Turkish Cypriots looted Greek Cypriot properties. On 26 June 1984, the Turkish Cypriot leader, Rauf Denktaş, admitted on British channel ITV that the bomb was placed by the Turks themselves in order to create tension. On 9 January 1995, Rauf Denktaş repeated his claim to the famous Turkish newspaper Milliyet in Turkey.
The crisis reached a climax on 12 June 1958, when eight Greeks, out of an armed group of thirty five arrested by soldiers of the Royal Horse Guards on suspicion of preparing an attack on the Turkish quarter of Skylloura, were killed in a suspected attack by Turkish Cypriot locals, near the village of Geunyeli, having been ordered to walk back to their village of Kondemenos.
After the EOKA campaign had begun, the British government successfully began to turn the Cyprus issue from a British colonial problem into a Greek-Turkish issue. British diplomacy exerted backstage influence on the Adnan Menderes government, with the aim of making Turkey active in Cyprus. For the British, the attempt had a twofold objective. The EOKA campaign would be silenced as quickly as possible, and Turkish Cypriots would not side with Greek Cypriots against the British colonial claims over the island, which would thus remain under the British. The Turkish Cypriot leadership visited Menderes to discuss the Cyprus issue. When asked how the Turkish Cypriots should respond to the Greek Cypriot claim of enosis, Menderes replied: "You should go to the British foreign minister and request the status quo be prolonged, Cyprus to remain as a British colony". When the Turkish Cypriots visited the British Foreign Secretary and requested for Cyprus to remain a colony, he replied: "You should not be asking for colonialism at this day and age, you should be asking for Cyprus be returned to Turkey, its former owner".
As Turkish Cypriots began to look to Turkey for protection, Greek Cypriots soon understood that enosis was extremely unlikely. The Greek Cypriot leader, Archbishop Makarios III, now set independence for the island as his objective.
Britain resolved to solve the dispute by creating an independent Cyprus. In 1959, all involved parties signed the Zurich Agreements: Britain, Turkey, Greece, and the Greek and Turkish Cypriot leaders, Makarios and Dr. Fazil Kucuk, respectively. The new constitution drew heavily on the ethnic composition of the island. The President would be a Greek Cypriot, and the Vice-President a Turkish Cypriot with an equal veto. The contribution to the public service would be set at a ratio of 70:30, and the Supreme Court would consist of an equal number of judges from both communities as well as an independent judge who was not Greek, Turkish or British. The Zurich Agreements were supplemented by a number of treaties. The Treaty of Guarantee stated that secession or union with any state was forbidden, and that Greece, Turkey and Britain would be given guarantor status to intervene if that was violated. The Treaty of Alliance allowed for two small Greek and Turkish military contingents to be stationed on the island, and the Treaty of Establishment gave Britain sovereignty over two bases in Akrotiri and Dhekelia.
On 15 August 1960, the Colony of Cyprus became fully independent as the Republic of Cyprus. The new republic remained within the Commonwealth of Nations.
The new constitution brought dissatisfaction to Greek Cypriots, who felt it to be highly unjust for them for historical, demographic and contributional reasons. Although 80% of the island's population were Greek Cypriots and these indigenous people had lived on the island for thousands of years and paid 94% of taxes, the new constitution was giving the 17% of the population that was Turkish Cypriots, who paid 6% of taxes, around 30% of government jobs and 40% of national security jobs.
Within three years tensions between the two communities in administrative affairs began to show. In particular disputes over separate municipalities and taxation created a deadlock in government. A constitutional court ruled in 1963 Makarios had failed to uphold article 173 of the constitution which called for the establishment of separate municipalities for Turkish Cypriots. Makarios subsequently declared his intention to ignore the judgement, resulting in the West German judge resigning from his position. Makarios proposed thirteen amendments to the constitution, which would have had the effect of resolving most of the issues in the Greek Cypriot favour. Under the proposals, the President and Vice-President would lose their veto, the separate municipalities as sought after by the Turkish Cypriots would be abandoned, the need for separate majorities by both communities in passing legislation would be discarded and the civil service contribution would be set at actual population ratios (82:18) instead of the slightly higher figure for Turkish Cypriots.
The intention behind the amendments has long been called into question. The Akritas plan, written in the height of the constitutional dispute by the Greek Cypriot interior minister Polycarpos Georkadjis, called for the removal of undesirable elements of the constitution so as to allow power-sharing to work. The plan envisaged a swift retaliatory attack on Turkish Cypriot strongholds should Turkish Cypriots resort to violence to resist the measures, stating "In the event of a planned or staged Turkish attack, it is imperative to overcome it by force in the shortest possible time, because if we succeed in gaining command of the situation (in one or two days), no outside, intervention would be either justified or possible." Whether Makarios's proposals were part of the Akritas plan is unclear, however it remains that sentiment towards enosis had not completely disappeared with independence. Makarios described independence as "a step on the road to enosis".[31] Preparations for conflict were not entirely absent from Turkish Cypriots either, with right wing elements still believing taksim (partition) the best safeguard against enosis.
Greek Cypriots however believe the amendments were a necessity stemming from a perceived attempt by Turkish Cypriots to frustrate the working of government. Turkish Cypriots saw it as a means to reduce their status within the state from one of co-founder to that of minority, seeing it as a first step towards enosis. The security situation deteriorated rapidly.
Main articles: Bloody Christmas (1963) and Battle of Tillyria
An armed conflict was triggered after December 21, 1963, a period remembered by Turkish Cypriots as Bloody Christmas, when a Greek Cypriot policemen that had been called to help deal with a taxi driver refusing officers already on the scene access to check the identification documents of his customers, took out his gun upon arrival and shot and killed the taxi driver and his partner. Eric Solsten summarised the events as follows: "a Greek Cypriot police patrol, ostensibly checking identification documents, stopped a Turkish Cypriot couple on the edge of the Turkish quarter. A hostile crowd gathered, shots were fired, and two Turkish Cypriots were killed."
In the morning after the shooting, crowds gathered in protest in Northern Nicosia, likely encouraged by the TMT, without incident. On the evening of the 22nd, gunfire broke out, communication lines to the Turkish neighbourhoods were cut, and the Greek Cypriot police occupied the nearby airport. On the 23rd, a ceasefire was negotiated, but did not hold. Fighting, including automatic weapons fire, between Greek and Turkish Cypriots and militias increased in Nicosia and Larnaca. A force of Greek Cypriot irregulars led by Nikos Sampson entered the Nicosia suburb of Omorphita and engaged in heavy firing on armed, as well as by some accounts unarmed, Turkish Cypriots. The Omorphita clash has been described by Turkish Cypriots as a massacre, while this view has generally not been acknowledged by Greek Cypriots.
Further ceasefires were arranged between the two sides, but also failed. By Christmas Eve, the 24th, Britain, Greece, and Turkey had joined talks, with all sides calling for a truce. On Christmas day, Turkish fighter jets overflew Nicosia in a show of support. Finally it was agreed to allow a force of 2,700 British soldiers to help enforce a ceasefire. In the next days, a "buffer zone" was created in Nicosia, and a British officer marked a line on a map with green ink, separating the two sides of the city, which was the beginning of the "Green Line". Fighting continued across the island for the next several weeks.
In total 364 Turkish Cypriots and 174 Greek Cypriots were killed during the violence. 25,000 Turkish Cypriots from 103-109 villages fled and were displaced into enclaves and thousands of Turkish Cypriot houses were ransacked or completely destroyed.
Contemporary newspapers also reported on the forceful exodus of the Turkish Cypriots from their homes. According to The Times in 1964, threats, shootings and attempts of arson were committed against the Turkish Cypriots to force them out of their homes. The Daily Express wrote that "25,000 Turks have already been forced to leave their homes". The Guardian reported a massacre of Turks at Limassol on 16 February 1964.
Turkey had by now readied its fleet and its fighter jets appeared over Nicosia. Turkey was dissuaded from direct involvement by the creation of a United Nations Peacekeeping Force in Cyprus (UNFICYP) in 1964. Despite the negotiated ceasefire in Nicosia, attacks on the Turkish Cypriot persisted, particularly in Limassol. Concerned about the possibility of a Turkish invasion, Makarios undertook the creation of a Greek Cypriot conscript-based army called the "National Guard". A general from Greece took charge of the army, whilst a further 20,000 well-equipped officers and men were smuggled from Greece into Cyprus. Turkey threatened to intervene once more, but was prevented by a strongly worded letter from the American President Lyndon B. Johnson, anxious to avoid a conflict between NATO allies Greece and Turkey at the height of the Cold War.
Turkish Cypriots had by now established an important bridgehead at Kokkina, provided with arms, volunteers and materials from Turkey and abroad. Seeing this incursion of foreign weapons and troops as a major threat, the Cypriot government invited George Grivas to return from Greece as commander of the Greek troops on the island and launch a major attack on the bridgehead. Turkey retaliated by dispatching its fighter jets to bomb Greek positions, causing Makarios to threaten an attack on every Turkish Cypriot village on the island if the bombings did not cease. The conflict had now drawn in Greece and Turkey, with both countries amassing troops on their Thracian borders. Efforts at mediation by Dean Acheson, a former U.S. Secretary of State, and UN-appointed mediator Galo Plaza had failed, all the while the division of the two communities becoming more apparent. Greek Cypriot forces were estimated at some 30,000, including the National Guard and the large contingent from Greece. Defending the Turkish Cypriot enclaves was a force of approximately 5,000 irregulars, led by a Turkish colonel, but lacking the equipment and organisation of the Greek forces.
The Secretary-General of the United Nations in 1964, U Thant, reported the damage during the conflicts:
UNFICYP carried out a detailed survey of all damage to properties throughout the island during the disturbances; it shows that in 109 villages, most of them Turkish-Cypriot or mixed villages, 527 houses have been destroyed while 2,000 others have suffered damage from looting.
The situation worsened in 1967, when a military junta overthrew the democratically elected government of Greece, and began applying pressure on Makarios to achieve enosis. Makarios, not wishing to become part of a military dictatorship or trigger a Turkish invasion, began to distance himself from the goal of enosis. This caused tensions with the junta in Greece as well as George Grivas in Cyprus. Grivas's control over the National Guard and Greek contingent was seen as a threat to Makarios's position, who now feared a possible coup.[citation needed] The National Guard and Cyprus Police began patrolling the Turkish Cypriot enclaves of Ayios Theodoros and Kophinou, and on November 15 engaged in heavy fighting with the Turkish Cypriots.
By the time of his withdrawal 26 Turkish Cypriots had been killed. Turkey replied with an ultimatum demanding that Grivas be removed from the island, that the troops smuggled from Greece in excess of the limits of the Treaty of Alliance be removed, and that the economic blockades on the Turkish Cypriot enclaves be lifted. Grivas was recalled by the Athens Junta and the 12,000 Greek troops were withdrawn. Makarios now attempted to consolidate his position by reducing the number of National Guard troops, and by creating a paramilitary force loyal to Cypriot independence. In 1968, acknowledging that enosis was now all but impossible, Makarios stated, "A solution by necessity must be sought within the limits of what is feasible which does not always coincide with the limits of what is desirable."
After 1967 tensions between the Greek and Turkish Cypriots subsided. Instead, the main source of tension on the island came from factions within the Greek Cypriot community. Although Makarios had effectively abandoned enosis in favour of an 'attainable solution', many others continued to believe that the only legitimate political aspiration for Greek Cypriots was union with Greece.
On his arrival, Grivas began by establishing a nationalist paramilitary group known as the National Organization of Cypriot Fighters (Ethniki Organosis Kyprion Agoniston B or EOKA-B), drawing comparisons with the EOKA struggle for enosis under the British colonial administration of the 1950s.
The military junta in Athens saw Makarios as an obstacle. Makarios's failure to disband the National Guard, whose officer class was dominated by mainland Greeks, had meant the junta had practical control over the Cypriot military establishment, leaving Makarios isolated and a vulnerable target.
During the first Turkish invasion, Turkish troops invaded Cyprus territory on 20 July 1974, invoking its rights under the Treaty of Guarantee. This expansion of Turkish-occupied zone violated International Law as well as the Charter of the United Nations. Turkish troops managed to capture 3% of the island which was accompanied by the burning of the Turkish Cypriot quarter, as well as the raping and killing of women and children. A temporary cease-fire followed which was mitigated by the UN Security Council. Subsequently, the Greek military Junta collapsed on July 23, 1974, and peace talks commenced in which a democratic government was installed. The Resolution 353 was broken after Turkey attacked a second time and managed to get a hold of 37% of Cyprus territory. The Island of Cyprus was appointed a Buffer Zone by the United Nations, which divided the island into two zones through the 'Green Line' and put an end to the Turkish invasion. Although Turkey announced that the occupied areas of Cyprus to be called the Federated Turkish State in 1975, it is not legitimised on a worldwide political scale. The United Nations called for the international recognition of independence for the Republic of Cyprus in the Security Council Resolution 367.
In the years after the Turkish invasion of northern Cyprus one can observe a history of failed talks between the two parties. The 1983 declaration of the independent Turkish Republic of Cyprus resulted in a rise of inter-communal tensions and made it increasingly hard to find mutual understanding. With Cyprus' interest of a possible EU membership and a new UN Secretary-General Kofi Annan in 1997 new hopes arose for a fresh start. International involvement from sides of the US and UK, wanting a solution to the Cyprus dispute prior to the EU accession led to political pressures for new talks. The believe that an accession without a solution would threaten Greek-Turkish relations and acknowledge the partition of the island would direct the coming negotiations.
Over the course of two years a concrete plan, the Annan plan was formulated. In 2004 the fifth version agreed upon from both sides and with the endorsement of Turkey, US, UK and EU then was presented to the public and was given a referendum in both Cypriot communities to assure the legitimisation of the resolution. The Turkish Cypriots voted with 65% for the plan, however the Greek Cypriots voted with a 76% majority against. The Annan plan contained multiple important topics. Firstly it established a confederation of two separate states called the United Cyprus Republic. Both communities would have autonomous states combined under one unified government. The members of parliament would be chosen according to the percentage in population numbers to ensure a just involvement from both communities. The paper proposed a demilitarisation of the island over the next years. Furthermore it agreed upon a number of 45000 Turkish settlers that could remain on the island. These settlers became a very important issue concerning peace talks. Originally the Turkish government encouraged Turks to settle in Cyprus providing transfer and property, to establish a counterpart to the Greek Cypriot population due to their 1 to 5 minority. With the economic situation many Turkish-Cypriot decided to leave the island, however their departure is made up by incoming Turkish settlers leaving the population ratio between Turkish Cypriots and Greek Cypriots stable. However all these points where criticised and as seen in the vote rejected mainly by the Greek Cypriots. These name the dissolution of the „Republic of Cyprus", economic consequences of a reunion and the remaining Turkish settlers as reason. Many claim that the plan was indeed drawing more from Turkish-Cypriot demands then Greek-Cypriot interests. Taking in consideration that the US wanted to keep Turkey as a strategic partner in future Middle Eastern conflicts.
A week after the failed referendum the Republic of Cyprus joined the EU. In multiple instances the EU tried to promote trade with Northern Cyprus but without internationally recognised ports this spiked a grand debate. Both side endure their intention of negotiations, however without the prospect of any new compromises or agreements the UN is unwilling to start the process again. Since 2004 negotiations took place in numbers but without any results, both sides are strongly holding on to their position without an agreeable solution in sight that would suit both parties.
A little bit of variety seen here at Whitechapel near Queen Square Bus Station. On the left is an offcomer from the south, Stagecoach 15593, GX10HBB, an ADL Enviro 400 bodied Scania N230 UD. Now based at Gillmoss, this is amongst a contingent transferred north from Stagecoach South being new to Stagecoach Southdown in 03/2010, while on the right is something a little more local, Arriva Merseyside 2904, CX58EWT, a Wrightbus Pulsar bodied VDL Bus SB200, new in 11/2008. This photo was taken on 09/09/2018. © Peter Steel 2018
Differences
"Differences challenge assumptions."
--Anne Wilson Schaef
Architectural differences. Shot at Acension Columbia St. Mary's hospital on the East Side of Milwaukee, Wisconsin.
Day 134 of 365
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Important: this is a modified version of the original batik!
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What do we see here?
First of all: this art looks like ordinary painting done with a brush. It is not. It is a totaly different and complicate process. If you don´t know already how to make batik, please read the article below to understand the difference to our thinking about painting. The batik-artist doesn´t draw with colours, he draws with wax and the colouring is done by dipping the whole batik into the desired colour. Then removing the wax in boiling water and starting new for the next colour. And this so many times as the different colours in the finished batik. This takes month o finish. And you have to think opposit: you don´t draw the painting - you draw what will not be the painting!
That´s why this thousands of years old technic is declared as a
UNESCO Heritage Of Human Art.
You can see in his Batik Paintings elements of islamic art
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BATIK
Batik is a technique of wax-resist dyeing applied to the whole cloth. This technique originated from the island of Java, Indonesia. Batik is made either by drawing dots and lines of the resist with a spouted tool called a canting, or by printing the resist with a copper stamp called a cap. The applied wax resists dyes and therefore allows the artisan to colour selectively by soaking the cloth in one colour, removing the wax with boiling water, and repeating if multiple colours are desired.
Batik is an ancient art form of Indonesia made with wax resistant dye on fabrics. Indonesian coastal batik (batik pesisir) made in the island of Java has a history of acculturation, a mixture of native and foreign cultures. It is a newer model compared to inland batik, and it uses more colors, though the patterns are a lot less intricate. This is because inland batik used to be made by select experts living in palace areas, while coastal batik can be made by anyone.
Batik is very important to Indonesians and many people would wear it to formal or casual events. Batik is commonly used by Indonesians in various rituals, ceremonies, traditions, celebrations, and even in daily uses.
On October 2, 2009, UNESCO officially recognized the batik (written batik (batik tulis) and stamped batik (batik cap)) as a Masterpiece of Oral and Intangible Heritage of Humanity from Indonesia, and encouraged the Indonesian people and the Indonesian government to safeguard, transmit, promote, and develop the craftsmanship of batik. Since then, Indonesia celebrates "the National Batik Day" (in Indonesian: Hari Batik Nasional) annually on October 2. Nowadays, Indonesians would wear batik in honor of this ancient tradition.
In the same year, UNESCO also recognized "Education and training in Indonesian Batik intangible cultural heritage for elementary, junior, senior, vocational school and polytechnic students, in collaboration with the Batik Museum in Pekalongan" as Masterpiece of Oral and Intangible Heritage of Humanity in Register of Good Safeguarding Practices List.
Batik is considered a cultural icon in modern Indonesia, where "National Batik Day" (in Indonesian: Hari Batik Nasional) is celebrated annually on October 2. Many Indonesians continue to wear batik on a daily basis for casual and formal occasions.
ETYMOLOY
The word batik is Javanese in origin. It comes from the Javanese ambatik that consist of amba means "wide" or "large", and tik or nitik means "dot" or "make a dot". The word bathikan also means "drawing" or "writing" in Javanese. When the word is absorbed to Malay (including both Indonesian and Malaysian standards), the "th-" sound is reduced to a "t-" sound more pronouncable to non-Javanese speakers.
The word batik is first recorded in English in the Encyclopædia Britannica of 1880, in which it is spelled as battik. It is attested in the Indonesian Archipelago during the Dutch colonial period in various forms such as mbatik, mbatek, batik and batek. Batik known as euyeuk in Sundanese, cloth can be processed into a form of batik by a pangeyeuk (batik maker).
HISTORY
Batik is an ancient fabric wax-resist dyeing tradition of Java, Indonesia. The art of batik is most highly developed and some of the best batiks in the world still made there. In Java, all the materials for the process are readily available – cotton and beeswax and plants from which different vegetable dyes are made. Indonesian batik predates written records: G. P. Rouffaer argues that the technique might have been introduced during the 6th or 7th century from India or Sri Lanka. On the other hand, the Dutch archaeologist J.L.A. Brandes and the Indonesian archaeologist F.A. Sutjipto believe Indonesian batik is a native tradition, since several regions in Indonesia such as Toraja, Flores, and Halmahera which were not directly influenced by Hinduism, have attested batik making tradition as well.
The existence of the oldest Batik activities came from Ponorogo which was still called Wengker before the 7th century, the Kingdom in Central Java learned batik from Ponorogo. Because of this, Ponorogo batik is somewhat similar to batik circulating in Central Java, except that the batik produced by Ponorogo is generally dark black or commonly called batik irengan because it is close to magical elements. so that it was developed by the kingdoms in Central Java and Yogyakarta.
Based on the contents of the Sundanese Manuscript, Sundanese people have known about Batik since the 12th century. Based on ancient Sundanese manuscript Sanghyang Siksa Kandang Karesian written 1518 AD, it is recorded that Sundanese having batik which is identical and representative of Sundanese culture in general. Several motif are even noted in the text, based on those data sources the process of Batik Sundanese creation begins step by step.
Rouffaer reported that the gringsing pattern was already known by the 12th century in Kediri, East Java. He concluded that this delicate pattern could be created only by using the canting, an etching tool that holds a small reservoir of hot wax invented in Java around that time. The carving details of clothes worn by East Javanese Prajnaparamita statues from around the 13th century show intricate floral patterns within rounded margins, similar to today's traditional Javanese jlamprang or ceplok batik motif. The motif is thought to represent the lotus, a sacred flower in Hindu-Buddhist beliefs. This evidence suggests that intricate batik fabric patterns applied with the canting existed in 13th-century Java or even earlier. By the last quarter of the 13th century, the batik cloth from Java has been exported to Karimata islands, Siam, even as far as Mosul.
In Europe, the technique was described for the first time in the "History of Java", published in London in 1817 by Stamford Raffles, who had been a British governor of Bengkulu, Sumatra. In 1873 the Dutch merchant Van Rijckevorsel gave the pieces he collected during a trip to Indonesia to the ethnographic museum in Rotterdam. Today the Tropenmuseum houses the biggest collection of Indonesian batik in the Netherlands. The Dutch and Chinese colonists were active in developing batik, particularly coastal batik, in the late colonial era. They introduced new patterns as well as the use of the cap (copper block stamps) to mass-produce batiks. Displayed at the Exposition Universelle at Paris in 1900, the Indonesian batik impressed the public and artists.
In the 1920s, Javanese batik makers migrating to Malay Peninsula (present-day Malaysia, South Thailand, and southern tip of Myanmar) introduced the use of wax and copper blocks to its east coast.
In Subsaharan Africa, Javanese batik was introduced in the 19th century by Dutch and English traders. The local people there adapted the Javanese batik, making larger motifs with thicker lines and more colours. In the 1970s, batik was introduced to Australia, where aboriginal artists at Erna Bella have developed it as their own craft.
In Africa, it was originally practised by the Yoruba tribe in Nigeria, Soninke and Wolof in Senegal.[20] This African version, however, uses cassava starch or rice paste, or mud as a resist instead of beeswax.
TECHNIQUES
Initially, batik making techniques only used "written batik" (batik tulis) techniques. This batik tulis is known as the original batik from generation to generation from the Indonesian nation's ancestors because the process and workmanship are still very traditional and manual. Then the technique developed with the discovery of the stamped batik (batik cap) technique which made batik work faster. The batik tulis and batik cap techniques are recognized by UNESCO as a Masterpiece of Oral and Intangible Heritage of Humanity from Indonesia because it still uses waxes in the making process.
WRITTEN BATIK (BATIK TULIS)
Written batik or batik tulis (Javanese script: ꦧꦠꦶꦏ꧀ꦠꦸꦭꦶꦱ꧀; Pegon: باتيق توليس) is made by writing wax liquid on the surface of the cloth with a tool called canting. Canting made of copper with a handle made of bamboo or wood. The making of hand-written batik takes approximately 1–3 months depending on the complexity and detail of batik. Because the working techniques are still traditional and manual, making hand-written batik takes longer and is more complicated than other batik techniques. In addition, the fundamental difference between written batik compared to other batik is that there are differences in each pattern, for example, a number of points or curved lines that are not the same because they are made manually by hand. This characteristic of hand-written batik makes hand-written batik more valuable and unique compared to other batiks.Written batik technique is the most complicated, smooth, and longest process to work with, so a piece of original batik tulis cloth is usually sold at a higher price. However, this is the advantage of batik with the written process, which is more exclusive because it is purely handmade. In Indonesia, premium hand-written batik clothes are usually only worn by certain people at special events, in the form of long-sleeved shirts or modern batik dresses. The batik motif in Indonesia has developed depending on its history and place of origin.
STAMPED BATIK (BATIK CAP)
Stamped batik or batik cap (Javanese script: ꦧꦠꦶꦏ꧀ꦕꦥ꧀; Pegon: باتيق چڤ) is batik whose manufacturing process uses a stamp tool. This stamp tool is made of copper plates which form a batik motif on one of its surfaces. Stamp tool or canting cap is made by people who are experts in that field. Making batik with cap works the same way as using a stamp, but using waxes, not ink. This experience process is not easy to do. To make one piece of batik cloth, the process of deepening is carried out several times depending on the number of colors desired. Cap is used to replacing the canting function so that it can shorten the manufacturing time. Batik cap is produced from the process of dyeing a tool made of copper which has been shaped in such a way on the cloth. The batik cap motif is considered to have less artistic value because all the motifs are exactly the same. The price of printed batik is cheaper than written batik because it can be made en masse. The distinctive feature of batik cap can be seen from the repeating pattern and/or ornament motif. Historically, this batik cap process was discovered and popularized by the brethren as a solution to the limited capacity of batik production if it was only processed with hand-written techniques (batik tulis). The process of making this type of batik takes approximately 2–3 days. The advantages of batik cap are easier, faster batik processing, and the most striking of which is the more neat and repetitive motifs. While the drawbacks of batik cap include the mainstream design because it usually goes into mass production, in terms of art it looks stiffer and the motifs are not too detailed, and what is certain is the possibility of having the same batik as other people is greater.
PAINTED BATIK (BATIK TULIS)
Painted batik, batik painting, or batik lukis (Javanese script: ꦧꦠꦶꦏ꧀ꦭꦸꦏꦶꦱ꧀; Pegon: باتيق لوكيس) is a technique of making batik by painting (with or without a pattern) on a white cloth using a medium or a combined medium like canting, brush, banana stalk, broomsticks, cotton, toothpicks, patchwork, or other media depending on the expression of a painter. Batik painting is the result of the development of batik art. The essence of batik painting is the process of making batik that does not use traditional motifs that are commonly found. The resulting motifs are the creation of the maker, usually producing contemporary (free) motifs or patterns with brighter, more striking colors, and more diverse color variations. The coloring in painted batik tends to be free and plays with many colors that are not often found in written batik (batik tulis). There are also gradation effects and other painting effects. The drawings are made as if painted batik is an ordinary painting poured on cloth using wax as the medium.
In principle, painted batik is almost the same way with written batik in the making process. Because of the development of classic written batik, painted batik still contains the same elements as written batik in the aspects of materials, processing, coloring, and highlighting (removing the wax). But there are also many differences due to the influence of modern painting, such as in terms of appearance, especially in motifs and colors. The most important thing in making painted batik is the combination of the batik work and coloring depending on the taste of the batik maker. Painted batik is popular because it has a very affordable price and a very creative manufacturing process. Painted batik can be used as decoration or ready-to-wear clothing (fashion). Painted batik which has human objects, landscapes, still objects, and other objects, are in high demand for display paintings.
MAKING PROCESS
The making of Indonesian batik is a labor-intensive process. The following are the stages in the process of making the original batik tulis cloth from the first steps to the last process: nyungging, njaplak, nglowong, ngiseni, nyolet, mopok, nembok, ngelir, nembok, the first nglorod, ngrentesi, nyumri, nyoja, and the second nglorod.
Firstly, a cloth is washed, soaked, and beaten with a large mallet. Patterns are drawn with pencil and later redrawn using hot wax, usually made from a mixture of paraffin or beeswax, sometimes mixed with plant resins, which functions as a dye-resist. The wax can be applied with a variety of tools. A pen-like instrument called a canting (Javanese pronunciation: [tʃantiŋ], sometimes spelled with old Dutch orthography tjanting) is the most common. A canting is made from a small copper reservoir with a spout on a wooden handle. The reservoir holds the resist which flows through the spout, creating dots and lines as it moves. For larger patterns, a stiff brush may be used.[38] Alternatively, a copper block stamp called a cap (Javanese pronunciation: [tʃap]; old spelling tjap) is used to cover large areas more efficiently.
After the cloth is dry, the resist is removed by boiling or scraping the cloth. The areas treated with resist keep their original colour; when the resist is removed the contrast between the dyed and undyed areas forms the pattern. This process is repeated as many times as the number of colours desired.
The most traditional type of batik, called written batik (batik tulis), is drawn using only the canting. The cloth needs to be drawn on both sides and dipped in a dye bath three to four times. The whole process may take up to a year; it yields considerably finer patterns than stamped batik (batik cap).
CULTURE
Batik is an ancient cultural element that is widespread in Indonesia. Making batik, in the sense of written batik, is not only a physical activity but has a deep dimension that contains prayer, hope, and lessons. Batik motifs in ancient Javanese society have a symbolic meaning and can be used as a means of communication for ancient Javanese people. The ancient Javanese community realized that through batik motifs the social stratification of society could be identified. Basically, the use of batik should not be arbitrary for both men and women because every element in Javanese clothing, especially batik, is always full of symbols and meanings.
Many Indonesian batik patterns are symbolic. Infants are carried in batik slings decorated with symbols designed to bring the child luck, and certain batik designs are reserved for brides and bridegrooms, as well as their families. Batik garments play a central role in certain Javanese rituals, such as the ceremonial casting of royal batik into a volcano. In the Javanese naloni mitoni ceremony, the mother-to-be is wrapped in seven layers of batik, wishing her good things. Batik is also prominent in the tedak siten ceremony when a child touches the earth for the first time. Specific pattern requirement are often reserved for traditional and ceremonial contexts.
TRADITIONAL COSTUME IN THE JAVANESE ROYAL PALACE
Batik is the traditional costume of the royal and aristocratic families in Java for many centuries until now. The use of batik is still sustainable and is a mandatory traditional dress in the rules of the Javanese palaces to this day. Initially, the tradition of making batik was considered a tradition that could only be practiced in the palace and was designated as the clothes of the king, family, and their followers, thus becoming a symbol of Javanese feudalism. Because many of the king's followers lived outside the palace, this batik art was brought by them outside the palace and carried out in their respective places. The batik motifs of each social class are differentiated according to social strata and nobility in the palace. The motifs of the Parang Rusak, semen gedhe, kawung, and udan riris are the batik motifs used by the aristocrats and courtiers in garebeg ceremonies, pasowanan, and welcoming honor guests. During the colonial era, Javanese courts issued decrees that dictated certain patterns to be worn according to a person's rank and class within the society. Sultan Hamengkubuwono VII, who ruled the Yogyakarta Sultanate from 1921 to 1939, reserved several patterns such as the Parang Rusak and Semen Agung for members of the Yogyakartan royalties and restricted commoners from wearing them.
TRADITIONAL DANCE COSTUMES
Batik is used for traditional dance performances in Java. Costume is one of the main things in presenting traditional Javanese dance. Kemben is a piece of cloth worn from the chest to the waist. Tapih is used to fasten the jarit of the dancers, it is decorated with a distinctive batik motif, and fastened with a stagen belt. Sampur is used by wrapping them around the dancer's body. This cloth is also known as Kancrik Prade which is usually dominated by yellow or red. Jarit is a subordinate, uses a long batik cloth. Some examples of Javanese dances include Bedhaya, Srimpi, Golek, Beksan, wayang wong, gambyong, and so on.
BIRTH CEREMONIES
In Javanese tradition, when a mother-to-be reaches her seventh month of pregnancy, a seven-month event or a mitoni ceremony will be held. One of the things that must be done in the ceremony is that the prospective mother must try on the seven kebayas and seven batik cloths. The batik used has rules and is not just any batik. Each batik cloth has a high philosophical value which is also a strand and hope for the Almighty so that the baby who is born has a good personality.
Prospective mothers must alternate wearing 6 batik cloths and 1 striated batik cloth. This batik substitution has a rule, that the last batik to be worn is the one with a simple motif. The motif rulers include:
Wahyu tumurun motif – This motif contains the hope that the baby will have a good position.
Cakar motif – This motif is expected to make the child diligent in seeking sustenance.
Udan liris motif – It is hoped that the child will have a tough character.
Kesatrian motif – It is hoped the child has a chivalrous nature.
Sidomukti motif – It is hoped that the child's life will be good and honorable.
Babon angrem motif – Motif depicting a hatchling hen, symbolizes the mother's love for her child.
Lurik lasem motif – The simplest motif. It has a philosophy that human life should be simple. There is also another philosophy, there are two lines in lurik lasem batik, namely the vertical line indicating the relationship between humans and God and the horizontal line indicating the relationship between humans and fellow humans.
WEDDING CEREMONIES
Every motif in classical Javanese batik always has its own meaning and philosophy, including for wedding ceremonies. Because each motif attached to Javanese batik has a different story and philosophy. In Javanese wedding ceremony, certain batik designs are reserved for brides and bridegrooms, as well as their families. Such as the truntum motif (flower motif in the shape of the sun) is used for midodareni ceremony (the procession of the night before the wedding ceremony, symbolizing the last night before the child separates from parents). This motif is also used during the panggih ceremony (the procession when the bride and groom meet after being secluded) by the parents of the bride and groom. The truntum motif means a symbol of love that never ends, when used by the parents of the bride and groom, it symbolizes the love of the parents for the child that never ends.
Some of the batik motifs that can be used for weddings are the grompol motif (hopefully the bride and groom will get a blessing and a bright future), Sidho asih motif (hopefully that the bride and groom will love each other), Sidho luhur motif (hopefully that the bride will have a noble and praiseworthy character), and ceker ayam motif (hopefully the bride and groom have the spirit of being married and given prosperity).
DEATH CEREMONIES (LURUB LAYON)
In Javanese society batik cloth is also used for death ceremonies, namely as a cover for the body or what is known as the lurub layon ceremony. The batik motif that symbolizes grief is the slobok motif. This batik motif symbolizes the hope that spirits will find it easy and smooth on their way to God. The word slobog is taken from the Javanese word lobok, which means loose. This motif is a geometric triangular shape that is usually black and white. The basic color of this batik is often black or brown with a natural dye which is often called soga.
In Madurese society, one of the batik motifs used for the cloth covering the corpse from generation to generation is the biren rice tompah motif. This biren leaf motif is filled with spilled rice using natural dyes. The washing also uses natural ingredients, squeezed papaya leaves.
FORMAL AND INFORMAL DAILY DRESS
Contemporary practice often allows people to pick any batik patterns according to one's taste and preference from casual to formal situations, and Batik makers often modify, combine, or invent new iterations of well-known patterns. Besides that, now batik has become a daily dress whether it is at work, school, or formal and non-formal events in Indonesia. Many young designers have started their fashion design work by taking batik as their inspiration for making clothes designs. The creativity of these young designers has given birth to various designs of batik clothes that are very elegant and meet the demands of a modern lifestyle.
In October 2009, UNESCO designated Indonesian batik as a Masterpiece of Oral and Intangible Heritage of Humanity. As part of the acknowledgment, UNESCO insisted that Indonesia preserve its heritage. The day, 2 October 2009 has been stated by Indonesian government as National Batik Day, as also at the time the map of Indonesian batik diversity by Hokky Situngkir was opened for public for the first time by the Indonesian Ministry of Research and Technology.
Study of the geometry of Indonesian batik has shown the applicability of fractal geometry in traditional designs.
PATTERNS AND MOTIVS
The popularity of batik in Indonesia has varied. Historically, it was essential for ceremonial costumes and it was worn as part of a kebaya dress, commonly worn every day. The use of batik was already recorded in the 12th century, and the textile has become a strong source of identity for Indonesians crossing religious, racial, and cultural boundaries. It is also believed the motif made the batik famous.
KAWUNG
The kawung motif originated in the city of Yogyakarta and comes in a variety of styles. The motif has a geometrically organized pattern of spheres that resembles the kawung fruit (palm fruit). This pattern is thought to also be a representation of a lotus flower with four blooming crown petals, representing purity. The geometrically organized kawung pattern is seen as a representation of authority in Javanese society. Power is symbolized by the dot in the center of the geometrically aligned ovals. This reflects the position of rulers being the center of authority, which may now be understood as a depiction of the relationship between the people and the government. Other kawung symbolisms are connected to wisdom, such as representing the ancient Javanese philosophy of life of sedulur papat lima pancer. As a result, it is intended signify human existence, in the hopes that a person would not forget their roots. The color scheme of the kawung batik pattern, which includes a combination of dark and bright hues represents human traits. As the kawung pattern is frequently regarded as a palm tree's fruit that is thought to be extremely beneficial for people, it is believed that whomever uses this motif would have a positive influence on the environment. Furthermore, the kawung batik motif is seen as a sign of power and justice. Since the Kawung motif is frequently associated with a symbolism of authority and has many philosophical meanings, it was formerly used only by the Javanese royal family. Over time, numerous influences such as colonization have influenced its exclusivity, enabling the kawung motif to be utilized by the general public.
PARANG
The word Parang comes from the word coral or rock. The motif depicts a diagonal line descending from high to low and has a slope of 45 degrees. The basic pattern is the letter S. The meaning of the parang motif can be interpreted in two ways. Some speculate this theme is derived from the pattern of the sword worn by knights and kings when fighting. Others say Panembahan Senapati designed the pattern while watching the South Sea waves crash against the beach's rocks, with the ocean waves symbolizing the center of natural energy, or the king. The parang motif's oblique construction is also a sign of strength, greatness, authority, and speed of movement. The parang motif, like the kawung design, is a batik larang as it is exclusively worn by the monarch and his relatives. The size of the parang motif also represents the wearer's position in the royal family's hierarchy.[68] The parang pattern has many variations, each of which has its own meaning and is allocated to a certain member of the royal family based on their rank. Barong, rusak, gendreh, and klithik are some variations of the parang motif. In general, the motif is meant to represent a person's strong will and determination. It also represents a strong relationship and bond, both in terms of efforts to improve oneself, efforts to fight for prosperity, as well as forms of family ties. Since members of the royal family are the only ones who may wear the parang motif, the parang batik is often passed down among generations.
MEGA MENDUNG
The mega mendung pattern has become a symbol of the city of its origin, Cirebon, due to its widespread popularity. The entrance of the Chinese traders is credited with the birth of the mega mendung motif. The motif is formed like a cloud, representing nirvana and the transcendental notion of divinity in Chinese culture. In another variant, the inspiration for this motif came from someone having seen a cloud reflected in a puddle of water while the weather was overcast. Mega mendung motifs must have a seven color gradations. The motif's name means "the sky will rain", and the motif's seven color gradations are supposed to represent the seven layers of the sky. The term mendung, which means "cloudy", is used in the pattern's name to represent patience. This means humans should not be quick to anger and should exercise patience even when confronted with emotional events. The cloud's structure should also be consistent, as the direction must be horizontal rather than vertical. The clouds must also be flat, as the cloud's purpose is to shield those beneath it from the scorching sun. As a result, the mega mendung design communicates that leaders must protect their people.
TUJUH RUPA
This pattern originates in Pekalongan and is the product of a fusion of Indonesian and Chinese cultures. Ceramic ornaments from China are frequently used in the Tujuh Rupa motif. However, the embellishments on these motifs sometimes include brilliantly colored ornaments of natural elements such as animals and plants. The Tujuh Rupa motifs signifies ancestral ties and to represent gentleness and compassion. The motifs portrayed frequently represent aspects of coastal people's life, such as their ability to adapt to other cultures.
TRUNTUM
The Truntum pattern was developed by Kanjeng Ratu Kencana (Queen Sunan Paku Buwana III) in the years 1749-1799 as a symbol of true, unconditional, and eternal love. It embodies a hope that as love becomes stronger, it will become more fruitful. Truntum comes from the word nuntun (guide). According to legend, Kanjeng Ratu Kencana's spouse disregarded her because he was preoccupied with his new concubine. She was inspired to design a batik with a truntum motif shaped like a star after looking up at the clear, star-studded sky. The king subsequently discovered the Queen creating the lovely pattern, and his feelings for her grew stronger with each passing day. Furthermore, the truntum pattern represents loyalty and devotion. The parents of the bride and groom usually use this motif on the wedding day. The hope is that the bride and groom would experience such steadfast love.
SOGAN
As the coloring technique of this Soga motif employs natural dyes extracted from the trunk of the soga tree, the batik motif is therefore known as Sogan. Traditional Sogan batik is a kind of batik unique to the Javanese Keraton, specifically Keraton Yogyakarta and Keraton Solo. The traditional Keraton patterns are generally followed by this Sogan motifs.The colors of Sogan Yogya and Solo are what differentiates the two Sogan motif variations from each other. Yogya sogan motifs are predominantly dark brown, black, and white, whereas Solo sogan motifs are often orange-brown and brown. The Sogan motif uses five primary colors to represent the human nature: black, red, yellow, white, and green are the five colors. The color black is used to represent worldliness, while red represents anger, yellow represents desire, and white represents righteousness. Brown, on the other hand, is a hue associated with solemnity and the distinctiveness of the Javanese culture, which places a strong emphasis on the inner self as a means of expression and impression. Furthermore, the color brown can be viewed as a symbol of modesty and humility, signifying a closeness to nature, which in turn implies a connection to the people.
LASEM
Lasem batik is a form of coastal batik that developed through a cross-cultural exchange between native Javanese batik that were influenced by the Keraton motif and the incorporation of foreign cultural aspects, particularly Chinese culture. Therefore, the Lasem Batik has a distinct look and is rich in Chinese and Javanese cultural subtleties. The Lasem motif is distinguished by its distinctive red hue, known as getih pitik or 'chicken blood'.[83] This is not to imply it is coloured with chicken blood, but in the past, the dye powder, which was generally imported from Europe, was combined with Lasem water to turn it crimson. Even if it is close to the traditional Lasem hue, the red colour is now a little different. The Lasem motif comes in many variations, but the most common is that of China's famed Hong bird. The origin of the motif started when Admiral Cheng Ho's crew member Bi Nang Un is reported to have moved to Central Java with his wife Na Li Ni, where she learnt to create batik motifs. Na Li Ni is credited as being the first to use dragon designs, hong birds, Chinese money, and the color red in batik. As a result, the Lasem patterns and colors have symbolic connotations linked to Chinese and Javanese philosophy, resulting in the motif carrying a meaning of unity and a representation of Chinese and Javanese acculturation.
SIDOMUKTI
The Sidomukti batik motif is a Surakarta, Central Java-based motif. The Sidomulyo motif has been developed into this motif, whereby Paku Buwono IV altered the backdrop of the white Sidomulyo batik motif to the ukel motif, which was eventually dubbed the Sidomukti batik motif. This batik design is a kind of Keraton batik produced using natural soga dyes. On Sidomukti batik cloth, the color of soga or brown is the traditional batik colour. The term Sidomukti comes from the word Sido, which means "to become" or "accepted", and "mukti", which means "noble", "happy", "powerful", "respected", and "prosperous". As a result, the Sidomukti motif represents the desire to achieve inner and external happiness, or for married couples, the hope of a bright and happy future for the bride and groom. The Sidomukti motifs are made up of various ornaments with different meanings and philosophies. A butterfly is the main ornament of this motif. Enlightenment, liberty, and perfection are all associated with this ornamentation. Furthermore, the butterfly represents beauty, great aspirations, and a brighter future. The Singgasana ornament, also known as the throne ornament, is the second ornament. This ornament is meant to important positions, implying that the person who wears it will ascend in rank and status. It is also envisioned that the individual would be recognized and appreciated by a large number of people. The Meru ornament, often known as mountain ornaments, is the third ornament. Meru is defined as a lofty mountain top where the gods live in Javanese Hindu tradition. Because the Meru ornament represents grandeur, magnificence, and firmness, it represents a want for the wearer to be successful. The flower ornament is the last ornament, and it is intended to represent beauty. This ornament represents the hope for something wonderful in life that is sturdy and substantial to hang on to, despite the numerous challenges that may arise.
SIDOMULYO
The Sidomulyo batik motif dates back to the Kartasura Mataram period, when Sultan Pakubuwono IV changed the pattern's base with isen-isen ukel. The Sidomulyo pattern is a type of Keraton batik, and originates from Surakarta, Central Java.[90] Sido means "to become" or "accepted" in Javanese, whereas mulyo means "noble”. During the wedding ceremony, a bride and groom generally wear a batik fabric with the Sidomulyo motif in the hope that the family would thrive in the future. Because the Sidomulyo and Sidolmukti batik motifs are essentially the same with the only difference being the minor color variations, the ornamentations and meanings of the two motifs are the same.
SEKAR JAGAD
The Sekar Jagad motif has been popular since the 18th century. The name Sekar Jagad is derived from the words kaart, meaning map in Dutch, and Jagad, meaning means world in Javanese, as the pattern resembles a map when viewed from above. As a result, Batik Sekar Jagad is intended to depict the beauty and diversity of the world's various ethnic groups. There are also others who claim that the Sekar Jagad motif is derived from the Javanese words sekar (flower) and jagad (world), as the motif could also symbolize the beauty of the flowers that are spread all over the world. The existence of curving lines matching the shape of islands that are adjacent to each other is one of the features of the Sekar Jagad motif, making it look like a map. This motif is distinct in that it is irregularly patterned, as opposed to other batik motifs that have a repeating pattern. The Sekar Jagad motif itself is also characterized by the presence of isen-isen in the island shaped lines of the motif that contains various motifs such as kawung, truntum, slopes, flora and fauna and others.
TERMINOLOGY
Batik is traditionally sold in 2.25-metre lengths used for kain panjang or sarong. It is worn by wrapping it around the hip, or made into a hat known as blangkon. The cloth can be filled continuously with a single pattern or divided into several sections.
Certain patterns are only used in certain sections of the cloth. For example, a row of isosceles triangles, forming the pasung motif, as well as diagonal floral motifs called dhlorong, are commonly used for the head. However, pasung and dhlorong are occasionally found in the body. Other motifs such as buketan (flower bouquet) and birds are commonly used in either the head or the body.
The head is a rectangular section of the cloth which is worn at the front. The head section can be at the middle of the cloth, or placed at one or both ends. The papan inside of the head can be used to determine whether the cloth is kain panjang or sarong.
The body is the main part of the cloth, and is filled with a wide variety of patterns. The body can be divided into two alternating patterns and colours called pagi-sore ('dawn-dusk'). Brighter patterns are shown during the day, while darker pattern are shown in the evening. The alternating colours give the impression of two batik sets.
Margins are often plain, but floral and lace-like patterns, as well as wavy lines described as a dragon, are common in the area beside seret.
TYPES
As each region has its own traditional pattern, batiks are commonly distinguished by the region they originated in, such as batik Solo, batik Yogyakarta, batik Pekalongan, and batik Madura. Batiks from Java can be distinguished by their general pattern and colours into batik pedalaman (inland batik) or batik pesisiran (coastal batik).[9] Batiks which do not fall neatly into one of these two categories are only referred to by their region. A mapping of batik designs from all places in Indonesia depicts the similarities and reflects cultural assimilation within batik designs.
JAVANESE BATIK
INLAND BATIK (BATIK PEDALAMAN)
Inland batik, batik pedalaman or batik kraton (Javanese court batik) is the oldest form of batik tradition known in Java. Inland batik has earthy colour[96] such as black, indigo, brown, and sogan (brown-yellow colour made from the tree Peltophorum pterocarpum), sometimes against a white background, with symbolic patterns that are mostly free from outside influence. Certain patterns are worn and preserved by the royal courts, while others are worn on specific occasions. At a Javanese wedding for example, the bride wears specific patterns at each stage of the ceremony. Noted inland batiks are produced in Solo and Jogjakarta, cities traditionally regarded as the centre of Javanese culture. Batik Solo typically has sogan background and is preserved by the Susuhunan and Mangkunegaran Court. Batik Jogja typically has white background and is preserved by the Yogyakarta Sultanate and Pakualaman Court.
COASTAL BATIK (BATIK PESISIRAN)
Coastal batik or batik pesisiran is produced in several areas of northern Java and Madura. In contrast to inland batik, coastal batiks have vibrant colours and patterns inspired by a wide range of cultures as a consequence of maritime trading.[96] Recurring motifs include European flower bouquets, Chinese phoenix, and Persian peacocks. Noted coastal batiks are produced in Pekalongan, Cirebon, Lasem, Tuban, and Madura. Pekalongan has the most active batik industry.
A notable sub-type of coastal batik called Jawa Hokoka is not attributed to a particular region. During the Japanese occupation of Indonesia in early 1940, the batik industry greatly declined due to material shortages. The workshops funded by the Japanese however were able to produce extremely fine batiks called Jawa Hokokai. Common motifs of Hokokai includes Japanese cherry blossoms, butterflies, and chrysanthemums.
Another coastal batik called tiga negeri (batik of three lands) is attributed to three regions: Lasem, Pekalongan, and Solo, where the batik would be dipped in red, blue, and sogan dyes respectively. As of 1980, batik tiga negeri was only produced in one city.
BLACKSTYLE BATIK (BATIK IRENGAN)
"Black-style Batik" or "Irengan batik" is batik with an average black background, this is because Ponorogo has always had activities that are close to magical practices, so most irengan batik from Ponorogo is used as a black magic ritual, Dutch people know batik irengan this with gothic batik.
SUNDANESE BATIK
There are several types of batik that come from Sundanese land.
PARAHYANGAN BATIK
Sundanese or Parahyangan Batik is the term for batik from the Parahyangan region of West Java and Banten. Although Parahyangan batiks can use a wide range of colours, a preference for indigo is seen in some of its variants. Natural indigo dye made from Indigofera is among the oldest known dyes in Java, and its local name tarum has lent its name to the Citarum river and the Tarumanagara kingdom, which suggests that ancient West Java was once a major producer of natural indigo. Noted Parahyangan batik is produced in Ciamis, Garut, and Tasikmalaya. Other traditions include Batik Kuningan influenced by batik Cirebon, batik Banten that developed quite independently, and an older tradition of batik Baduy.
BANTENESE BATIK
Bantenese batik employs bright pastel colours and represents a revival of a lost art from the Sultanate of Banten, rediscovered through archaeological work during 2002–2004. Twelve motifs from locations such as Surosowan and several other places have been identified. It is said that tribal people used to wear it.
BADUY BATIK
Baduy batik only employs indigo colour in shades ranged from bluish black to deep blue. It is traditionally worn as iket, a type of Sundanese headress similar to Balinese udeng, by Outer Baduy people of Lebak Regency, Banten.
MALAY BATIK
Trade relations between the Melayu Kingdom in Jambi and Javanese coastal cities have thrived since the 13th century. Therefore, coastal batik from northern Java probably influenced Jambi. In 1875, Haji Mahibat from Central Java revived the declining batik industry in Jambi. The village of Mudung Laut in Pelayangan district is known for producing batik Jambi. Batik Jambi, as well as Javanese batik, influenced the Malaysian batik.
The batik from Bengkulu, a city on west coast of Sumatra, is called batik besurek, which literary means "batik with letters" as they draw inspiration from Arabic calligraphy.
MINANGKABAU BATIK
The Minangkabau people also produce batik called batiak tanah liek (clay batik), which use clay as dye for the fabric. The fabric is immersed in clay for more than one day and later designed with motifs of animal and flora.
BALINESE BATIK
Batik making in the island of Bali is relatively new, but a fast-growing industry. Many patterns are inspired by local designs, which are favoured by the local Balinese and domestic tourists. Objects from nature such as frangipani and hibiscus flowers, birds or fishes, and daily activities such as Balinese dancer and ngaben processions or religious and mythological creatures such as barong, kala and winged lion are common. Modern batik artists express themselves freely in a wide range of subjects.
Contemporary batik is not limited to traditional or ritual wearing in Bali. Some designers promote Balinese batik as an elegant fabric that can be used to make casual or formal cloth. Using high class batik, like hand made batik tulis, can show social status.
POPULARITY
The batik industry of Java flourished from the late 1800s to the early 1900s, but declined during the Japanese occupation of Indonesia. With increasing preference of western clothing, the batik industry further declined following the Indonesian independence. Batik has somewhat revived at the turn of the 21st century, through the efforts of Indonesian fashion designers to innovate batik by incorporating new colors, fabrics, and patterns. Batik has become a fashion item for many Indonesians, and may be seen on shirts, dresses, or scarves for casual wear; it is a preferred replacement for jacket-and-tie at certain receptions. Traditional batik sarongs are still used in many occasions.
After the UNESCO recognition for Indonesian batik on 2 October 2009, the Indonesian administration asked Indonesians to wear batik on Fridays, and wearing batik every Friday has been encouraged in government offices and private companies ever since. 2 October is also celebrated as National Batik Day in Indonesia. Batik had helped improve the small business local economy, batik sales in Indonesia had reached Rp 3.9 trillion (US$436.8 million) in 2010, an increase from Rp 2.5 trillion in 2006. The value of batik exports, meanwhile, increased from $14.3 million in 2006 to $22.3 million in 2010.
Batik is popular in the neighboring countries of Singapore and Malaysia. It is produced in Malaysia with similar, but not identical, methods to those used in Indonesia. Batik is featured in the national airline uniforms of the three countries, represented by batik prints worn by flight attendants of Singapore Airlines, Garuda Indonesia and Malaysian Airlines. The female uniform of Garuda Indonesia flight attendants is a modern interpretation of the Kartini style kebaya with parang gondosuli motifs.
BATIK MUSEUMS
Indonesia as the origin and paradise of batik has several museums that store various types of batik cloth that are hundreds of years old and a collection of equipment for batik that is still well preserved and maintained. Here are some museums in Indonesia that hold various types of batik collections:
MUSEUM BATIK KERATON YOGYAKARTA
Museum Batik Keraton Yogyakarta is located inside the Palace of Yogyakarta Sultanate, Yogyakarta. The museum which was inaugurated by Sultan Hamengku Buwono X on 31 October 2005 has thousands of batik collections. Some of batik collections here include kawung, semen, gringsing, nitik, cuwiri, parang, barong, grompol, and other motifs.
These batik collections come from different eras, from the era of Sultan Hamengkubuwono VIII to Sultan Hamengkubuwono X. The batik collections come from gifts from sultans, batik entrepreneurs, and batik collectors. Not only batik, visitors can also see equipment for making batik, raw materials for dyes, irons, sculptures, paintings, and batik masks. Unlike other museums in the Yogyakarta Palace complex, the Batik Museum management does not allow visitors to bring in cameras. This is in order to protect the batik from being photographed by irresponsible people, to then imitate the motive. This museum is part of a tour package offered by the Yogyakarta Palace. Open every day from 08.00–13.30 WIB, on Fridays at 08.00–13.00 WIB, and closes at the palace ceremony day.
MUSEUM BATIK YOGYAKARTA
Museum Batik Yogyakarta is located at Jalan Dr. Sutomo 13A, Bausasran, Yogyakarta. This museum is managed by the married couple Hadi and Dewi Nugroho. On 12 May 1977, this museum was inaugurated by the Yogyakarta Special Region Regional Office of P&K. This museum occupies an area of 400 m2 and is also used as the owner's residence. In 2000, this museum received an award from MURI for the work 'The Biggest Embroidery', batik measuring 90 x 400 cm2. Then in 2001, this museum received another award from MURI as the initiator of the establishment of the first Embroidery Museum in Indonesia. This museum holds more than 1,200 batik collections consisting of 500 pieces of written batik, 560 stamped batik, 124 canting (batik tools), and 35 pans and coloring materials, including wax. Its excellent collection consists of various batik fabrics from the 18th to early 19th centuries in the form of long cloths and sarongs. Other collections include batik by Van Zuylen and Oey Soe Tjoen, as well as batik made in the 1700s. Yogyakarta Batik Museum also provides batik training for visitors who want to learn to make batik, which results can be taken home. The museum is open every Monday to Saturday at 09.00–15.00.
MUSEUM BATIK PEKALONGAN
Museum Batik Pekalongan is located at Jalan Jetayu No.1, Pekalongan, Central Java. This museum has 1.149 batik collections, including batik cloth, hundreds of years old of batik wayang beber, and traditional weaving tools. Museum Batik Pekalongan maintains a large collection of old to modern batik, both those from coastal areas, inland areas, other areas of Java, and batik from various regions in Nusantara such as from Sumatra, Kalimantan, Papua, and batik technique type fabrics from abroad.
Not only displaying batik collections, but Museum Batik Pekalongan is also a batik training center and a batik learning center. Students and general visitors can learn to make batik or do research on batik culture. The museum opens every day from 08.00 to 15.00.
Museum Batik Danar Hadi is located on Jalan Slamet Riyadi, Solo City (Surakarta), Central Java. The museum, which was founded in 1967, offers the best quality batik collections from various regions such as the original Javanese Batik Keraton, Javanese Hokokai batik (batik influenced by Japanese culture), coastal batik (Kudus, Lasem, and Pekalongan), Sumatran batik, and various types of batik. This museum has a collection of batik cloth reaching 1000 pieces and has been recognized by MURI (Indonesian Record Museum) as the museum with the largest collection of batik. Visitors can see the process of making batik and can even take part in batik making workshop in person. Museum Batik Danar Hadi is open every day from 09:00 WIB in the morning to 16:30 WIB in the afternoon.
MUSEUM BATIK INDONESIA
Museum Batik Indonesia which is located in Taman Mini Indonesia Indah (TMII), Cipayung, Jakarta is divided into six areas, namely the area of introduction, treasures, batik techniques, forms, and types of decoration, development of the batik world and the gallery of fame. Visitors can also enjoy the hundreds of batik motifs available in this place. The museum opens every day at 07.00 AM–10.00 PM.
MUSEUM TEKSTIL JAKARTA
Museum Tekstil Jakarta is located on Jalan KS Tubun No. 4, Petamburan, West Jakarta. On June 28, 1976, this building was inaugurated as a textile museum by Mrs. Tien Soeharto (First Lady at that time) witnessed by Mr. Ali Sadikin as the Governor of DKI Jakarta. The initial collections collected at the Textile Museum were obtained from donations from Wastraprema (about 500 collections), then further increased through purchases by the Museum and History Service, as well as donations from the community, both individually and in groups. Until now, the Textile Museum's collection was recorded at 1.914 collections.
The batik gallery is designed to showcase a number of ancient batik and batik developments (contemporary) from time to time. The batik gallery itself is the embryo of the National Batik Museum which is managed by the Indonesian Batik Foundation and the Jakarta Textile Museum. The museum opens on Tuesday–Sunday at 09.00–15.00.
Batik outside Indonesia
MALAYSIA
The origin of batik production in Malaysia it is known trade relations between the Melayu Kingdom in Jambi and Javanese coastal cities have thrived since the 13th century, the northern coastal batik producing areas of Java (Cirebon, Lasem, Tuban, and Madura) has influenced Jambi batik. This Jambi (Sumatran) batik, as well as Javanese batik, has influenced the batik craft in the Malay peninsula.
Dr. Fiona Kerlogue of the Horniman museum argued that the Malaysian printed wax textiles, made for about a century, are a different tradition from traditional Indonesian batik. The method of producing Malaysian batik is different, as the patterns are larger and simpler with only occasional use of the canting for intricate patterns. It relies heavily on brush painting to apply colours to fabrics. The colours also tend to be lighter and more vibrant than deep coloured Javanese batik. The most popular motifs are leaves and flowers. Malaysian batik often displays plants and flowers to avoid the interpretation of human and animal images as idolatry, in accordance with local Islamic doctrine.
INDIA
Indians are known to use resist method of printing designs on cotton fabrics, which can be traced back 2,000 years.[when?][citation needed] Initially, wax and even rice starch were used for printing on fabrics. Until recently batik was made only for dresses and tailored garments, but modern batik is applied in numerous items, such as murals, wall hangings, paintings, household linen, and scarves, with livelier and brighter patterns. Contemporary batik making in India is also done by the Deaf women of Delhi, these women are fluent in Indian Sign Language and also work in other vocational programs.
SRI LANKA
Over the past century, batik making in Sri Lanka has become firmly established. The batik industry in Sri Lanka is a small scale industry which can employ individual design talent and mainly deals with foreign customers for profit. It is now the most visible of the island's crafts with galleries and factories, large and small, having sprung up in many tourist areas. Rows of small stalls selling batiks can be found all along Hikkaduwa's Galle Road strip. Mahawewa, on the other hand, is famous for its batik factories.
CHINA
Batik is done by the ethnic people in the South-West of China. The Miao, Bouyei and Gejia people use a dye resist method for their traditional costumes. The traditional costumes are made up of decorative fabrics, which they achieve by pattern weaving and wax resist. Almost all the Miao decorate hemp and cotton by applying hot wax then dipping the cloth in an indigo dye. The cloth is then used for skirts, panels on jackets, aprons and baby carriers. Like the Javanese, their traditional patterns also contain symbolism, the patterns include the dragon, phoenix, and flowers.
AFRICA
Although modern history would suggest that the batik was introduced to Africa by the Dutch (especially in South Africa), the batik making process has been practiced in Africa long before the arrival of the colonial powers.[citation needed] One of the earlier sightings are to be found in Egypt, where batik-like material used in the embalming of mummies. The most developed resist-dyeing skills are to be found in Nigeria where the Yoruba make adire cloths. Two methods of resist are used: adire eleso which involves tied and stitched designs and adire eleko that uses starch paste. The paste is most often made from cassava starch, rice, and other ingredients boiled together to produce a smooth thick paste. The Yoruba of West Africa use cassava paste as a resist while the Soninke and Wolof people in Senegal uses rice paste. The Bamana people of Mali use mud as a resist. Batik was worn as a symbol of status, ethnic origin, marriage, cultural events, etc.
The African wax prints (Dutch wax prints) was introduced during the colonial era, through Dutch's textile industry's effort to imitate the batik making process. The imitation was not successful in Europe, but experienced a strong reception in Africa instead. Nowadays batik is produced in many parts of Africa and it is worn by many Africans as one of the symbols of culture.
Nelson Mandela was a noted wearer of batik during his lifetime. Mandela regularly wore patterned loose-fitting shirt to many business and political meetings during 1994–1999 and after his tenure as President of South Africa, subsequently dubbed as a Madiba shirt based on Mandela's Xhosa clan name. There are many who claim the Madiba shirt's invention. But in fact, according to Yusuf Surtee, a clothing-store owner who supplied Mandela with outfits for decades, said the Madiba design is based on Mandela's request for a shirt similar to Indonesian president Suharto's batik attire.
WIKIPEDIA
Details inside the shops along Sunset Boulevard.
Disney's Hollywood Studios | Sunset Boulevard
Thanks for looking. I appreciate feedback!
These very happy children, were just on the street, and slowly gathered together around me, out of curiosity..They loved me taking their pics.
We're all different in some way, and sometimes we can feel that stops us joining other people in what they're doing.
Maybe it shouldn't...?
- Taken at 11:04 AM on September 30, 2007 - cameraphone upload by ShoZu
+++ DISCLAIMER +++
Nothing you see here is real, even though the conversion or the presented background story might be based on historical facts. BEWARE!
Some background:
The Grumman Mohawk began as a joint Army-Marine program through the then-Navy Bureau of Aeronautics (BuAer), for an observation/attack plane that would outperform the light and vulnerable Cessna L-19 Bird Dog. In June 1956, the Army issued Type Specification TS145, which called for the development and procurement of a two-seat, twin turboprop aircraft designed to operate from small, unimproved fields under all weather conditions. It would be faster, with greater firepower, and heavier armor than the Bird Dog, which had proved very vulnerable during the Korean War.
The Mohawk's mission would include observation, artillery spotting, air control, emergency resupply, naval target spotting, liaison, and radiological monitoring. The Navy specified that the aircraft had to be capable of operating from small "jeep" escort class carriers (CVEs). The DoD selected Grumman Aircraft Corporation's G-134 design as the winner of the competition in 1957. Marine requirements contributed an unusual feature to the design: since the Marines were authorized to operate fixed-wing aircraft in the close air support (CAS) role, the mockup featured underwing pylons for rockets, bombs, and other stores, and this caused a lot of discord. The Air Force did not like the armament capability of the Mohawk and tried to get it removed. On the other side, the Marines did not want the sophisticated sensors the Army wanted, so when their Navy sponsors opted to buy a fleet oil tanker, they eventually dropped from the program altogether. The Army continued with armed Mohawks (and the resulting competence controversy with the Air Force) and also developed cargo pods that could be dropped from underwing hard points to resupply troops in emergencies.
In mid-1961, the first Mohawks to serve with U.S. forces overseas were delivered to the 7th Army at Sandhofen Airfield near Mannheim, Germany. Before its formal acceptance, the camera-carrying AO-1AF was flown on a tour of 29 European airfields to display it to the U.S. Army field commanders and potential European customers. In addition to their Vietnam and European service, SLAR-equipped Mohawks began operational missions in 1963 patrolling the Korean Demilitarized Zone.
Germany and France showed early interest in the Mohawk, and two OV-1s were field-tested by both nations over the course of several months. No direct orders resulted, though, but the German Bundesheer (Army) was impressed by the type’s performance and its capability as an observation and reconnaissance platform. Grumman even signed a license production agreement with the French manufacturer Breguet Aviation in exchange for American rights to the Atlantic maritime patrol aircraft, but no production orders followed.
This could have been the end of the OV-1 in Europe, but in 1977 the German government, primarily the interior ministry and its intelligence agency, the Bundesnachrichtendienst (BND), showed interest in a light and agile SIGINT/ELINT platform that could fly surveillance missions along the inner-German border to the GDR and also to Czechoslovakia. Beyond visual reconnaissance with cameras and IR sensors, the aircraft was to be specifically able to identify and locate secret radio stations that were frequently operated by Eastern Block agents (esp. by the GDR) all across Western Germany, but primarily close to the inner-German border due to the clandestine stations’ low power. The Bundeswehr already operated a small ELINT/ECM fleet, consisting of converted HFB 320 ‘Hansa’ business jets, but these were not suited for stealthy and inconspicuous low flight level missions that were envisioned, and they also lacked the ability to fly slowly enough to locate potential “radio nests”.
The pan and the objective were clear, but the ELINT project caused a long and severe political debate concerning the operator of such an aerial platform. Initially, the Bundesheer, who had already tested the OV-1, claimed responsibility, but the interior ministry in the form of the German customs department as well as the German police’s Federal Border Guard, the Bundesgrenzschutz and the Luftwaffe (the proper operator for fixed-wing aircraft within the German armed forces), wrestled for this competence. Internally, the debate and the project ran under the handle “Schimmelreiter” (literally “The Rider on the White Horse”), after a northern German legendary figure, which eventually became the ELINT system’s semi-official name after it had been revealed to the public. After much tossing, in 1979 the decision was made to procure five refurbished U.S. Army OV-1As, tailored to the German needs and – after long internal debates – operate them by the Luftwaffe.
The former American aircraft were hybrids: they still had the OV-1A’s original short wings, but already the OV-1D’s stronger engines and its internal pallet system for interchangeable electronics. The machines received the designation OV-1G (for Germany) and were delivered in early 1980 via ship without any sensors or cameras. These were of Western German origin, developed and fitted locally, tailored to the special border surveillance needs.
The installation and testing of the “Schimmelreiter” ELINT suite lasted until 1982. It was based on a Raytheon TI Systems emitter locator system, but it was locally adapted by AEG-Telefunken to the airframe and the Bundeswehr’s special tasks and needs. The system’s hardware was stowed in the fuselage, its sensor arrays were mounted into a pair of underwing nacelles, which occupied the OV-1’s standard hardpoints, allowing a full 360° coverage. In order to cool the electronics suite and regulate the climate in the internal equipment bays, the OV-1G received a powerful heat exchanger, mounted under a wedge-shaped fairing on the spine in front of the tail – the most obvious difference of this type from its American brethren. The exact specifications of the “Schimmelreiter” ELINT suite remained classified, but special emphasis was placed upon COMINT (Communications Intelligence), a sub-category of signals intelligence that engages in dealing with messages or voice information derived from the interception of foreign communications. Even though the “Schimmelreiter” suite was the OV-1Gs’ primary reconnaissance tool, the whole system could be quickly de-installed for other sensor packs and reconnaissance tasks (even though this never happened), or augmented by single modules, what made upgrades and mission specialization easy. Beyond the ELINT suite, the OV-1G could be outfitted with cameras and other sensors on exchangeable pallets in the fuselage, too. This typically included a panoramic camera in a wedge-shaped ventral fairing, which would visually document the emitter sensors’ recordings.
A special feature of the German OV-1s was the integration of a brand new, NATO-compatible “Link-16” data link system via a MIDS-LVT (Multifunctional Information Distribution System). Even though this later became a standard for military systems, the OV-1G broke the ground for this innovative technology. The MIDS was an advanced command, control, communications, computing and intelligence (C4I) system incorporating high-capacity, jam-resistant, digital communication links for exchange of near real-time tactical information, including both data and voice, among air, ground, and sea elements. Outwardly, the MIDS was only recognizable through a shallow antenna blister behind the cockpit.
Even though the OV-1Gs initially retained their former American uniform olive drab livery upon delivery and outfitting in German service, they soon received a new wraparound camouflage for their dedicated low-level role in green and black (Luftwaffe Norm 83 standard), which was better suited for the European theatre of operations. In Luftwaffe service, the OV-1Gs received the tactical codes 18+01-05 and the small fleet was allocated to the Aufklärungsgeschwader (AG) 51 “Immelmann”, where the machines formed, beyond two squadrons with RF-4E Phantom IIs, an independent 3rd squadron. This small unit was from the start based as a detachment at Lechfeld, located in Bavaria/Southern Germany, instead of AG 51’s home airbase Bremgarten in South-Western Germany, because Lechfeld was closer to the type’s typical theatre of operations along Western Germany’s Eastern borders. Another factor in favor of this different airbase was the fact that Lechfeld was, beyond Tornado IDS fighter bombers, also the home of the Luftwaffe’s seven HFB 320M ECM aircraft, operated by the JaBoG32’s 3rd squadron, so that the local maintenance crews were familiar with complex electronics and aircraft systems, and the base’s security level was appropriate, too.
With the end of the Cold War in 1990, the OV-1Gs role and field of operation gradually shifted further eastwards. With the inner-German Iron Curtain gone, the machines were now frequently operated along the Polish and Czech Republic border, as well as in international airspace over the Baltic Sea, monitoring the radar activities along the coastlines and esp. the activities of Russian Navy ships that operated from Kaliningrad and Saint Petersburg. For these missions, the machines were frequently deployed to the “new” air bases Laage and Holzdorf in Eastern Germany.
In American service, the OV-1s were retired from Europe in 1992 and from operational U.S. Army service in 1996. In Germany, the OV-1 was kept in service for a considerably longer time – with little problems, since the OV-1 airframes had relatively few flying hours on their clocks. The Luftwaffe’s service level for the aircraft was high and spare parts remained easy to obtain from the USA, and there were still OV-1 parts in USAF storage in Western German bases.
The German HFB 320M fleet was retired between 1993 and 1994 and, in part, replaced by the Tornado ECR. At the same time AG 51 was dissolved and the OV-1Gs were nominally re-allocated to JaboG 32/3. With this unit the OV-1Gs remained operational until 2010, undergoing constant updates and equipment changes. For instance, the machines received in 1995 a powerful FLIR sensor in a small turret in the aircraft’s nose, which improved the aircraft’s all-weather reconnaissance capabilities and was intended to spot hidden radio posts even under all-weather/night conditions, once their signal was recognized and located. The aircrafts’ radio emitter locator system was updated several times, too, and, as a passive defensive measure against heat-guided air-to-air missiles/MANPADS, an IR jammer was added, extending the fuselage beyond the tail. These machines received the suffix “Phase II”, even though all five aircraft were updated the same way.
Reports that the OV-1Gs were furthermore retrofitted with the avionics to mount and launch AIM-9 Sidewinder AAMs under the wing tips for self-defense remained unconfirmed, even more so because no aircraft was ever seen carrying arms – neither the AIM-9 nor anything else. Plans to make the OV-1Gs capable of carrying the Luftwaffe’s AGM-65 Maverick never went beyond the drawing board, either. However, BOZ chaff/flare dispenser pods and Cerberus ECM pods were occasionally seen on the ventral pylons from 1998 onwards.
No OV-1G was lost during the type’s career in Luftwaffe service, and after the end of the airframes’ service life, all five German OV-1Gs were scrapped in 2011. There was, due to worsening budget restraints, no direct successor, even though the maritime surveillance duties were taken over by Dornier Do 228/NGs operated by the German Marineflieger (naval air arm).
General characteristics:
Crew: Two: pilot, observer/systems operator
Length: 44 ft 4 in (13.53 m) overall with FLIR sensor and IR jammer
Wingspan: 42 ft 0 in (12.8 m)
Height: 12 ft 8 in (3.86 m)
Wing area: 330 sq. ft (30.65 m²)
Empty weight: 12,054 lb (5,467 kg)
Loaded weight: 15,544 lb (7,051 kg)
Max. takeoff weight: 18,109 lb (8,214 kg)
Powerplant:
2× Lycoming T53-L-701 turboprops, 1,400 shp (1,044 kW) each
Performance:
Never exceed speed: 450 mph (390 knots, 724 km/h)
Maximum speed: 305 mph (265 knots, 491 km/h) at 10,000 ft (3,050 m)
Cruise speed: 207 mph (180 knots, 334 km/h) (econ cruise)
Stall speed: 84 mph (73 knots, 135 km/h)
Range: 944 mi (820 nmi, 1,520 km) (SLAR mission)
Service ceiling: 25,000 ft (7,620 m)
Rate of climb: 3,450 ft/min (17.5 m/s)
Armament:
A total of eight external hardpoints (two ventral, three under each outer wing)
for external loads; the wing hardpoints were typically occupied with ELINT sensor pods, while the
ventral hardpoints frequently carried 300 l drop tanks to extend loiter time and range;
Typically, no offensive armament was carried, even though bombs or gun/missile pods were possible.
The kit and its assembly:
This build became a submission to the “Reconnaissance” Group Build at whatifmodellers.com in July 2021, and it spins further real-world events. Germany actually tested two OV-1s in the Sixties (by the German Army/Bundesheer, not by the air force), but the type was not procured or operated. The test aircraft carried a glossy, olive drab livery (US standard, I think) with German national markings.
However, having a vintage Hasegawa OV-1A in the stash, I wondered what an operational German OV-1 might have looked like, especially if it had been operated into the Eighties and beyond, in the contemporary Norm 83 paint scheme? This led to this purely fictional OV-1G.
The kit was mostly built OOB, and the building experience was rather so-so – after all, it’s a pretty old mold/boxing (in my case the Hasegawa/Hales kit is from 1978, the mold is from 1968!). Just a few things were modified/added in order to tweak the standard, short-winged OV-1A into something more modern and sophisticated.
When searching for a solution to mount some ELINT sensor arrays, I did not want to copy the OV-1B’s characteristic offset, ventral SLAR fairing. I rather settled for the late RV-1D’s solution with sensor pods under the outer wings. Unfortunately, the OV-1A kit came with the type’s original short wings, so that the pods had to occupy the inner underwing pair of hardpoints. The pods were scratched from square styrene profiles and putty, so that they received a unique look. The Mohawk’s pair of ventral hardpoints were mounted, but – after considering some drop tanks or an ECM pod there - left empty, so that the field of view for the ventral panoramic camera would not be obscured.
Other small additions are some radar warning sensor bumps on the nose, some extra antennae, a shallow bulge for the MIDS antenna on the spine, the FLIR turret on the nose (with parts from an Italeri AH-1 and a Kangnam Yak-38!), and I added a tail stinger for a retrofitted (scratched) IR decoy device, inspired by the American AN/ALG-147. This once was a Matchbox SNEB unguided missile pod.
Painting and markings:
For the intended era, the German Norm 83 paint scheme, which is still in use today on several Luftwaffe types like the Transall, PAH-2 or CH-53, appeared like a natural choice. It’s a tri-color wraparound scheme, consisting of RAL 6003 (Olivgrün), FS 34097 (Forest Green) and RAL 7021 (Teerschwarz). The paints I used are Humbrol 86 (which is supposed to be a WWI version of RAL 6003, it lacks IMHO yellow but has good contrast to the other tones), Humbrol 116 and Revell 9. The pattern itself was adapted from the German Luftwaffe’s Dornier Do 28D “Skyservants” with Norm 83 camouflage, because of the type’s similar outlines.
A black ink washing was applied for light weathering, plus some post-shading of panels with lighter shades of the basic camouflage tones for a more plastic look. The cockpit interior was painted in light grey (Humbrol 167), while the landing gear and the interior of the air brakes became white. The scratched SLAR pods became light grey, with flat di-electric panels in medium grey (created with decal material).
The cockpit interior was painted in a rather light grey (Humbrol 167), the pilots received typical olive drab Luftwaffe overalls, one with a white “bone dome” and the other with a more modern light grey helmet.
The decals were improvised. National markings and tactical codes came from TL Modellbau sheets, the AG 51 emblems were taken from a Hasegawa RF-4E sheet. The black walkways were taken from the Mohak’s OOB sheet, the black de-icer leading edges on wings and tail were created with generic black decal material. Finally, the model was sealed with a coat of matt acrylic varnish (Italeri).
An interesting result, and the hybrid paint scheme with the additional desert camouflage really makes the aircraft an unusual sight, adding to its credibility.
While driving through Wells, Nevada, in search of a restroom, I stopped to admire this lovely motel scene. What caught my eye was the sensitive landscaping in the courtyard. If I had not been planning to spend the night in Wendover, I might have tried to get a room here. Click on the image to see a larger version.
Sadly, I cannot name this business because all traces of its identity had been removed, perhaps as part of a re-branding process. The window of the office had an odd look---it reminded me of plywood.
The presence of the entry roof appealed to me; I cannot count the number of instances in which I have arrived at a desert-area motel in the pouring rain, getting soaked to the bone while walking from my car to the motel office.
The restroom matter was resolved in a satisfactory manner.
I think I lied about something, but a non-disclosure agreement forbids me from revealing more.
I think I lied again.