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19-0141-032print 8x10 b&w[Naval Support Activity Hospital Danang, Vietnam]. HM3 Zach Clyde Taran receiving Purple Heart from CAPT Custis, SMO at NSA Station Hospital on 14 July 1969. Station: NSA Tan-My. HM3 Taran was on Med-cap, 12 miles north of Phu Bai, when going down path around curve from village, was hit by 2 rounds in left calf. He returned a couple rounds when he was a small kid firing at him. He was carried out by the rest of his squad. [Vietnam War; child soldiers].
The 'support coaches' for GWR 7029 ''Clun Castle'' and LMS 5593 ''Kolhapur'' at Crickewood 'Steam open day' in summer 1969. Those two locos were at either end of short rake of carriages on a 'shuttle' service, running up and down the yards.. The loco beyond the LMS coach is an 8F, in LMS livery, and on the right, is a BR steam crane..
This was the nearest thing to mainline steam travel that was available at that time, as steam - apart from 4472 - was 'banned' from BR mainline tracks, and 4472 was in the USA, on its ill-fated promotional trip...
Also in the scene, a vintage ice-cream van - probably a Bedford - and NHS spectacles..
Restored from an under-exposed unfocussed grainy original..
From 18-29 march a big exercise, Cerberus Guard was held by Dutch Air Mobile forces in conjunction with the Royal Netherlands Air Force. Objective was to exercise in urban areas as recent wartime experiences in Iraq and Afghanistan had necessitated this kind of exercise. On the 20th march there was a mock attack on the defunkt Twenthe Airbase. From there the units mingled with the population in the direct vicinity of the base.
The photos were taken during a cold, snowy, overcast day with cold gusts of wind and subzero temperatures. The FZ200 coped well with the environment.
A “Palmetto Dust-off,” S.C. Army National Guard (SCARNG), UH-60L MEDEVAC helicopter arrives at Myrtle Beach International Airport (KMYR), General Aviation terminal, to provide enhanced Search and Rescue (SAR) capabilities to SCANG Task Force Aviation, during the final phase of the emergency-response effort for Hurricane Florence and the ongoing flooding, Myrtle Beach, S.C., Sep. 28, 2018. “Palmetto Dust-off” is an element of 2-238th General Support Aviation Battalion (GSAB), and operates in South Carolina under 2nd Battalion, 59th Aviation Troop Command, currently repositioned at KMYR as SCARNG TF Aviation. The task force will continue providing MEDEVA and SAR support to the local authorities and the S.C. Emergency Management Division throughout the weekend and/or as needed beyond the projected-end of mission (EOM) date. (U.S. Army National Guard Photo by Staff Sgt. Roberto Di Giovine)
Syrian women refugees receiving psycho-social support counselling at an International Rescue Committee clinic in Jordan.
Picture: Russell Watkins/DFID
The Support Falcon is the sister ship of 'The Millennium Falcon'. The ship's intended use is to move cargo in hazardous areas and provide support during conflict.
‘The support I received from ASF has made a huge difference in my life. I can now study, work and make my own decisions. I am truly grateful for the help I have received.’
Sonia, aged 24, from Magura, south-western Bangladesh, was attacked with acid in 2000 after she refused to respond to the proposal of an arranged marriage.
Since being admitted to the Acid Survivors Foundation (ASF), she has finished her schooling with education support from the Foundation.
She now works for ASF and is currently pursuing an under-graduate degree in the Arts.
The ASF is supported by the Acid Survivors Trust International, a UK charity whose patron is HRH Princess Anne. The Trust has established foundations in six other countries, based on the Bangladesh model.
Thanks to UKaid and support from other partners, ASF has treated some 2,500 victims since 1999, a quarter of whom are children. The incidence of attacks has declined significantly, from about 500 in 2002 to 150 in 2009.
Picture: Narayan Nath/FCO/DFID
Terms of use
This image is posted under a Creative Commons - Attribution Licence, in accordance with the Open Government Licence. You are free to embed, download or otherwise re-use it, as long as you credit the source as 'Narayan Nath/FCO/Department for International Development'.
Gerani (Greek: Γεράνι, literally 'Geranium', Turkish: Turnalar) is a village in the Famagusta District of Cyprus, located 8 km (5.0 mi) northeast of Trikomo. It is under the de facto control of Northern Cyprus.
Northern Cyprus, officially the Turkish Republic of Northern Cyprus (TRNC), is a de facto state that comprises the northeastern portion of the island of Cyprus. It is recognised only by Turkey, and its territory is considered by all other states to be part of the Republic of Cyprus.
Northern Cyprus extends from the tip of the Karpass Peninsula in the northeast to Morphou Bay, Cape Kormakitis and its westernmost point, the Kokkina exclave in the west. Its southernmost point is the village of Louroujina. A buffer zone under the control of the United Nations stretches between Northern Cyprus and the rest of the island and divides Nicosia, the island's largest city and capital of both sides.
A coup d'état in 1974, performed as part of an attempt to annex the island to Greece, prompted the Turkish invasion of Cyprus. This resulted in the eviction of much of the north's Greek Cypriot population, the flight of Turkish Cypriots from the south, and the partitioning of the island, leading to a unilateral declaration of independence by the north in 1983. Due to its lack of recognition, Northern Cyprus is heavily dependent on Turkey for economic, political and military support.
Attempts to reach a solution to the Cyprus dispute have been unsuccessful. The Turkish Army maintains a large force in Northern Cyprus with the support and approval of the TRNC government, while the Republic of Cyprus, the European Union as a whole, and the international community regard it as an occupation force. This military presence has been denounced in several United Nations Security Council resolutions.
Northern Cyprus is a semi-presidential, democratic republic with a cultural heritage incorporating various influences and an economy that is dominated by the services sector. The economy has seen growth through the 2000s and 2010s, with the GNP per capita more than tripling in the 2000s, but is held back by an international embargo due to the official closure of the ports in Northern Cyprus by the Republic of Cyprus. The official language is Turkish, with a distinct local dialect being spoken. The vast majority of the population consists of Sunni Muslims, while religious attitudes are mostly moderate and secular. Northern Cyprus is an observer state of ECO and OIC under the name "Turkish Cypriot State", PACE under the name "Turkish Cypriot Community", and Organization of Turkic States with its own name.
Several distinct periods of Cypriot intercommunal violence involving the two main ethnic communities, Greek Cypriots and Turkish Cypriots, marked mid-20th century Cyprus. These included the Cyprus Emergency of 1955–59 during British rule, the post-independence Cyprus crisis of 1963–64, and the Cyprus crisis of 1967. Hostilities culminated in the 1974 de facto division of the island along the Green Line following the Turkish invasion of Cyprus. The region has been relatively peaceful since then, but the Cyprus dispute has continued, with various attempts to solve it diplomatically having been generally unsuccessful.
Cyprus, an island lying in the eastern Mediterranean, hosted a population of Greeks and Turks (four-fifths and one-fifth, respectively), who lived under British rule in the late nineteenth-century and the first half of the twentieth-century. Christian Orthodox Church of Cyprus played a prominent political role among the Greek Cypriot community, a privilege that it acquired during the Ottoman Empire with the employment of the millet system, which gave the archbishop an unofficial ethnarch status.
The repeated rejections by the British of Greek Cypriot demands for enosis, union with Greece, led to armed resistance, organised by the National Organization of Cypriot Struggle, or EOKA. EOKA, led by the Greek-Cypriot commander George Grivas, systematically targeted British colonial authorities. One of the effects of EOKA's campaign was to alter the Turkish position from demanding full reincorporation into Turkey to a demand for taksim (partition). EOKA's mission and activities caused a "Cretan syndrome" (see Turkish Resistance Organisation) within the Turkish Cypriot community, as its members feared that they would be forced to leave the island in such a case as had been the case with Cretan Turks. As such, they preferred the continuation of British colonial rule and then taksim, the division of the island. Due to the Turkish Cypriots' support for the British, EOKA's leader, Georgios Grivas, declared them to be enemies. The fact that the Turks were a minority was, according to Nihat Erim, to be addressed by the transfer of thousands of Turks from mainland Turkey so that Greek Cypriots would cease to be the majority. When Erim visited Cyprus as the Turkish representative, he was advised by Field Marshal Sir John Harding, the then Governor of Cyprus, that Turkey should send educated Turks to settle in Cyprus.
Turkey actively promoted the idea that on the island of Cyprus two distinctive communities existed, and sidestepped its former claim that "the people of Cyprus were all Turkish subjects". In doing so, Turkey's aim to have self-determination of two to-be equal communities in effect led to de jure partition of the island.[citation needed] This could be justified to the international community against the will of the majority Greek population of the island. Dr. Fazil Küçük in 1954 had already proposed Cyprus be divided in two at the 35° parallel.
Lindley Dan, from Notre Dame University, spotted the roots of intercommunal violence to different visions among the two communities of Cyprus (enosis for Greek Cypriots, taksim for Turkish Cypriots). Also, Lindlay wrote that "the merging of church, schools/education, and politics in divisive and nationalistic ways" had played a crucial role in creation of havoc in Cyprus' history. Attalides Michael also pointed to the opposing nationalisms as the cause of the Cyprus problem.
By the mid-1950's, the "Cyprus is Turkish" party, movement, and slogan gained force in both Cyprus and Turkey. In a 1954 editorial, Turkish Cypriot leader Dr. Fazil Kuchuk expressed the sentiment that the Turkish youth had grown up with the idea that "as soon as Great Britain leaves the island, it will be taken over by the Turks", and that "Turkey cannot tolerate otherwise". This perspective contributed to the willingness of Turkish Cypriots to align themselves with the British, who started recruiting Turkish Cypriots into the police force that patrolled Cyprus to fight EOKA, a Greek Cypriot nationalist organisation that sought to rid the island of British rule.
EOKA targeted colonial authorities, including police, but Georgios Grivas, the leader of EOKA, did not initially wish to open up a new front by fighting Turkish Cypriots and reassured them that EOKA would not harm their people. In 1956, some Turkish Cypriot policemen were killed by EOKA members and this provoked some intercommunal violence in the spring and summer, but these attacks on policemen were not motivated by the fact that they were Turkish Cypriots.
However, in January 1957, Grivas changed his policy as his forces in the mountains became increasingly pressured by the British Crown forces. In order to divert the attention of the Crown forces, EOKA members started to target Turkish Cypriot policemen intentionally in the towns, so that Turkish Cypriots would riot against the Greek Cypriots and the security forces would have to be diverted to the towns to restore order. The killing of a Turkish Cypriot policeman on 19 January, when a power station was bombed, and the injury of three others, provoked three days of intercommunal violence in Nicosia. The two communities targeted each other in reprisals, at least one Greek Cypriot was killed and the British Army was deployed in the streets. Greek Cypriot stores were burned and their neighbourhoods attacked. Following the events, the Greek Cypriot leadership spread the propaganda that the riots had merely been an act of Turkish Cypriot aggression. Such events created chaos and drove the communities apart both in Cyprus and in Turkey.
On 22 October 1957 Sir Hugh Mackintosh Foot replaced Sir John Harding as the British Governor of Cyprus. Foot suggested five to seven years of self-government before any final decision. His plan rejected both enosis and taksim. The Turkish Cypriot response to this plan was a series of anti-British demonstrations in Nicosia on 27 and 28 January 1958 rejecting the proposed plan because the plan did not include partition. The British then withdrew the plan.
In 1957, Black Gang, a Turkish Cypriot pro-taksim paramilitary organisation, was formed to patrol a Turkish Cypriot enclave, the Tahtakale district of Nicosia, against activities of EOKA. The organisation later attempted to grow into a national scale, but failed to gain public support.
By 1958, signs of dissatisfaction with the British increased on both sides, with a group of Turkish Cypriots forming Volkan (later renamed to the Turkish Resistance Organisation) paramilitary group to promote partition and the annexation of Cyprus to Turkey as dictated by the Menderes plan. Volkan initially consisted of roughly 100 members, with the stated aim of raising awareness in Turkey of the Cyprus issue and courting military training and support for Turkish Cypriot fighters from the Turkish government.
In June 1958, the British Prime Minister, Harold Macmillan, was expected to propose a plan to resolve the Cyprus issue. In light of the new development, the Turks rioted in Nicosia to promote the idea that Greek and Turkish Cypriots could not live together and therefore any plan that did not include partition would not be viable. This violence was soon followed by bombing, Greek Cypriot deaths and looting of Greek Cypriot-owned shops and houses. Greek and Turkish Cypriots started to flee mixed population villages where they were a minority in search of safety. This was effectively the beginning of the segregation of the two communities. On 7 June 1958, a bomb exploded at the entrance of the Turkish Embassy in Cyprus. Following the bombing, Turkish Cypriots looted Greek Cypriot properties. On 26 June 1984, the Turkish Cypriot leader, Rauf Denktaş, admitted on British channel ITV that the bomb was placed by the Turks themselves in order to create tension. On 9 January 1995, Rauf Denktaş repeated his claim to the famous Turkish newspaper Milliyet in Turkey.
The crisis reached a climax on 12 June 1958, when eight Greeks, out of an armed group of thirty five arrested by soldiers of the Royal Horse Guards on suspicion of preparing an attack on the Turkish quarter of Skylloura, were killed in a suspected attack by Turkish Cypriot locals, near the village of Geunyeli, having been ordered to walk back to their village of Kondemenos.
After the EOKA campaign had begun, the British government successfully began to turn the Cyprus issue from a British colonial problem into a Greek-Turkish issue. British diplomacy exerted backstage influence on the Adnan Menderes government, with the aim of making Turkey active in Cyprus. For the British, the attempt had a twofold objective. The EOKA campaign would be silenced as quickly as possible, and Turkish Cypriots would not side with Greek Cypriots against the British colonial claims over the island, which would thus remain under the British. The Turkish Cypriot leadership visited Menderes to discuss the Cyprus issue. When asked how the Turkish Cypriots should respond to the Greek Cypriot claim of enosis, Menderes replied: "You should go to the British foreign minister and request the status quo be prolonged, Cyprus to remain as a British colony". When the Turkish Cypriots visited the British Foreign Secretary and requested for Cyprus to remain a colony, he replied: "You should not be asking for colonialism at this day and age, you should be asking for Cyprus be returned to Turkey, its former owner".
As Turkish Cypriots began to look to Turkey for protection, Greek Cypriots soon understood that enosis was extremely unlikely. The Greek Cypriot leader, Archbishop Makarios III, now set independence for the island as his objective.
Britain resolved to solve the dispute by creating an independent Cyprus. In 1959, all involved parties signed the Zurich Agreements: Britain, Turkey, Greece, and the Greek and Turkish Cypriot leaders, Makarios and Dr. Fazil Kucuk, respectively. The new constitution drew heavily on the ethnic composition of the island. The President would be a Greek Cypriot, and the Vice-President a Turkish Cypriot with an equal veto. The contribution to the public service would be set at a ratio of 70:30, and the Supreme Court would consist of an equal number of judges from both communities as well as an independent judge who was not Greek, Turkish or British. The Zurich Agreements were supplemented by a number of treaties. The Treaty of Guarantee stated that secession or union with any state was forbidden, and that Greece, Turkey and Britain would be given guarantor status to intervene if that was violated. The Treaty of Alliance allowed for two small Greek and Turkish military contingents to be stationed on the island, and the Treaty of Establishment gave Britain sovereignty over two bases in Akrotiri and Dhekelia.
On 15 August 1960, the Colony of Cyprus became fully independent as the Republic of Cyprus. The new republic remained within the Commonwealth of Nations.
The new constitution brought dissatisfaction to Greek Cypriots, who felt it to be highly unjust for them for historical, demographic and contributional reasons. Although 80% of the island's population were Greek Cypriots and these indigenous people had lived on the island for thousands of years and paid 94% of taxes, the new constitution was giving the 17% of the population that was Turkish Cypriots, who paid 6% of taxes, around 30% of government jobs and 40% of national security jobs.
Within three years tensions between the two communities in administrative affairs began to show. In particular disputes over separate municipalities and taxation created a deadlock in government. A constitutional court ruled in 1963 Makarios had failed to uphold article 173 of the constitution which called for the establishment of separate municipalities for Turkish Cypriots. Makarios subsequently declared his intention to ignore the judgement, resulting in the West German judge resigning from his position. Makarios proposed thirteen amendments to the constitution, which would have had the effect of resolving most of the issues in the Greek Cypriot favour. Under the proposals, the President and Vice-President would lose their veto, the separate municipalities as sought after by the Turkish Cypriots would be abandoned, the need for separate majorities by both communities in passing legislation would be discarded and the civil service contribution would be set at actual population ratios (82:18) instead of the slightly higher figure for Turkish Cypriots.
The intention behind the amendments has long been called into question. The Akritas plan, written in the height of the constitutional dispute by the Greek Cypriot interior minister Polycarpos Georkadjis, called for the removal of undesirable elements of the constitution so as to allow power-sharing to work. The plan envisaged a swift retaliatory attack on Turkish Cypriot strongholds should Turkish Cypriots resort to violence to resist the measures, stating "In the event of a planned or staged Turkish attack, it is imperative to overcome it by force in the shortest possible time, because if we succeed in gaining command of the situation (in one or two days), no outside, intervention would be either justified or possible." Whether Makarios's proposals were part of the Akritas plan is unclear, however it remains that sentiment towards enosis had not completely disappeared with independence. Makarios described independence as "a step on the road to enosis".[31] Preparations for conflict were not entirely absent from Turkish Cypriots either, with right wing elements still believing taksim (partition) the best safeguard against enosis.
Greek Cypriots however believe the amendments were a necessity stemming from a perceived attempt by Turkish Cypriots to frustrate the working of government. Turkish Cypriots saw it as a means to reduce their status within the state from one of co-founder to that of minority, seeing it as a first step towards enosis. The security situation deteriorated rapidly.
Main articles: Bloody Christmas (1963) and Battle of Tillyria
An armed conflict was triggered after December 21, 1963, a period remembered by Turkish Cypriots as Bloody Christmas, when a Greek Cypriot policemen that had been called to help deal with a taxi driver refusing officers already on the scene access to check the identification documents of his customers, took out his gun upon arrival and shot and killed the taxi driver and his partner. Eric Solsten summarised the events as follows: "a Greek Cypriot police patrol, ostensibly checking identification documents, stopped a Turkish Cypriot couple on the edge of the Turkish quarter. A hostile crowd gathered, shots were fired, and two Turkish Cypriots were killed."
In the morning after the shooting, crowds gathered in protest in Northern Nicosia, likely encouraged by the TMT, without incident. On the evening of the 22nd, gunfire broke out, communication lines to the Turkish neighbourhoods were cut, and the Greek Cypriot police occupied the nearby airport. On the 23rd, a ceasefire was negotiated, but did not hold. Fighting, including automatic weapons fire, between Greek and Turkish Cypriots and militias increased in Nicosia and Larnaca. A force of Greek Cypriot irregulars led by Nikos Sampson entered the Nicosia suburb of Omorphita and engaged in heavy firing on armed, as well as by some accounts unarmed, Turkish Cypriots. The Omorphita clash has been described by Turkish Cypriots as a massacre, while this view has generally not been acknowledged by Greek Cypriots.
Further ceasefires were arranged between the two sides, but also failed. By Christmas Eve, the 24th, Britain, Greece, and Turkey had joined talks, with all sides calling for a truce. On Christmas day, Turkish fighter jets overflew Nicosia in a show of support. Finally it was agreed to allow a force of 2,700 British soldiers to help enforce a ceasefire. In the next days, a "buffer zone" was created in Nicosia, and a British officer marked a line on a map with green ink, separating the two sides of the city, which was the beginning of the "Green Line". Fighting continued across the island for the next several weeks.
In total 364 Turkish Cypriots and 174 Greek Cypriots were killed during the violence. 25,000 Turkish Cypriots from 103-109 villages fled and were displaced into enclaves and thousands of Turkish Cypriot houses were ransacked or completely destroyed.
Contemporary newspapers also reported on the forceful exodus of the Turkish Cypriots from their homes. According to The Times in 1964, threats, shootings and attempts of arson were committed against the Turkish Cypriots to force them out of their homes. The Daily Express wrote that "25,000 Turks have already been forced to leave their homes". The Guardian reported a massacre of Turks at Limassol on 16 February 1964.
Turkey had by now readied its fleet and its fighter jets appeared over Nicosia. Turkey was dissuaded from direct involvement by the creation of a United Nations Peacekeeping Force in Cyprus (UNFICYP) in 1964. Despite the negotiated ceasefire in Nicosia, attacks on the Turkish Cypriot persisted, particularly in Limassol. Concerned about the possibility of a Turkish invasion, Makarios undertook the creation of a Greek Cypriot conscript-based army called the "National Guard". A general from Greece took charge of the army, whilst a further 20,000 well-equipped officers and men were smuggled from Greece into Cyprus. Turkey threatened to intervene once more, but was prevented by a strongly worded letter from the American President Lyndon B. Johnson, anxious to avoid a conflict between NATO allies Greece and Turkey at the height of the Cold War.
Turkish Cypriots had by now established an important bridgehead at Kokkina, provided with arms, volunteers and materials from Turkey and abroad. Seeing this incursion of foreign weapons and troops as a major threat, the Cypriot government invited George Grivas to return from Greece as commander of the Greek troops on the island and launch a major attack on the bridgehead. Turkey retaliated by dispatching its fighter jets to bomb Greek positions, causing Makarios to threaten an attack on every Turkish Cypriot village on the island if the bombings did not cease. The conflict had now drawn in Greece and Turkey, with both countries amassing troops on their Thracian borders. Efforts at mediation by Dean Acheson, a former U.S. Secretary of State, and UN-appointed mediator Galo Plaza had failed, all the while the division of the two communities becoming more apparent. Greek Cypriot forces were estimated at some 30,000, including the National Guard and the large contingent from Greece. Defending the Turkish Cypriot enclaves was a force of approximately 5,000 irregulars, led by a Turkish colonel, but lacking the equipment and organisation of the Greek forces.
The Secretary-General of the United Nations in 1964, U Thant, reported the damage during the conflicts:
UNFICYP carried out a detailed survey of all damage to properties throughout the island during the disturbances; it shows that in 109 villages, most of them Turkish-Cypriot or mixed villages, 527 houses have been destroyed while 2,000 others have suffered damage from looting.
The situation worsened in 1967, when a military junta overthrew the democratically elected government of Greece, and began applying pressure on Makarios to achieve enosis. Makarios, not wishing to become part of a military dictatorship or trigger a Turkish invasion, began to distance himself from the goal of enosis. This caused tensions with the junta in Greece as well as George Grivas in Cyprus. Grivas's control over the National Guard and Greek contingent was seen as a threat to Makarios's position, who now feared a possible coup.[citation needed] The National Guard and Cyprus Police began patrolling the Turkish Cypriot enclaves of Ayios Theodoros and Kophinou, and on November 15 engaged in heavy fighting with the Turkish Cypriots.
By the time of his withdrawal 26 Turkish Cypriots had been killed. Turkey replied with an ultimatum demanding that Grivas be removed from the island, that the troops smuggled from Greece in excess of the limits of the Treaty of Alliance be removed, and that the economic blockades on the Turkish Cypriot enclaves be lifted. Grivas was recalled by the Athens Junta and the 12,000 Greek troops were withdrawn. Makarios now attempted to consolidate his position by reducing the number of National Guard troops, and by creating a paramilitary force loyal to Cypriot independence. In 1968, acknowledging that enosis was now all but impossible, Makarios stated, "A solution by necessity must be sought within the limits of what is feasible which does not always coincide with the limits of what is desirable."
After 1967 tensions between the Greek and Turkish Cypriots subsided. Instead, the main source of tension on the island came from factions within the Greek Cypriot community. Although Makarios had effectively abandoned enosis in favour of an 'attainable solution', many others continued to believe that the only legitimate political aspiration for Greek Cypriots was union with Greece.
On his arrival, Grivas began by establishing a nationalist paramilitary group known as the National Organization of Cypriot Fighters (Ethniki Organosis Kyprion Agoniston B or EOKA-B), drawing comparisons with the EOKA struggle for enosis under the British colonial administration of the 1950s.
The military junta in Athens saw Makarios as an obstacle. Makarios's failure to disband the National Guard, whose officer class was dominated by mainland Greeks, had meant the junta had practical control over the Cypriot military establishment, leaving Makarios isolated and a vulnerable target.
During the first Turkish invasion, Turkish troops invaded Cyprus territory on 20 July 1974, invoking its rights under the Treaty of Guarantee. This expansion of Turkish-occupied zone violated International Law as well as the Charter of the United Nations. Turkish troops managed to capture 3% of the island which was accompanied by the burning of the Turkish Cypriot quarter, as well as the raping and killing of women and children. A temporary cease-fire followed which was mitigated by the UN Security Council. Subsequently, the Greek military Junta collapsed on July 23, 1974, and peace talks commenced in which a democratic government was installed. The Resolution 353 was broken after Turkey attacked a second time and managed to get a hold of 37% of Cyprus territory. The Island of Cyprus was appointed a Buffer Zone by the United Nations, which divided the island into two zones through the 'Green Line' and put an end to the Turkish invasion. Although Turkey announced that the occupied areas of Cyprus to be called the Federated Turkish State in 1975, it is not legitimised on a worldwide political scale. The United Nations called for the international recognition of independence for the Republic of Cyprus in the Security Council Resolution 367.
In the years after the Turkish invasion of northern Cyprus one can observe a history of failed talks between the two parties. The 1983 declaration of the independent Turkish Republic of Cyprus resulted in a rise of inter-communal tensions and made it increasingly hard to find mutual understanding. With Cyprus' interest of a possible EU membership and a new UN Secretary-General Kofi Annan in 1997 new hopes arose for a fresh start. International involvement from sides of the US and UK, wanting a solution to the Cyprus dispute prior to the EU accession led to political pressures for new talks. The believe that an accession without a solution would threaten Greek-Turkish relations and acknowledge the partition of the island would direct the coming negotiations.
Over the course of two years a concrete plan, the Annan plan was formulated. In 2004 the fifth version agreed upon from both sides and with the endorsement of Turkey, US, UK and EU then was presented to the public and was given a referendum in both Cypriot communities to assure the legitimisation of the resolution. The Turkish Cypriots voted with 65% for the plan, however the Greek Cypriots voted with a 76% majority against. The Annan plan contained multiple important topics. Firstly it established a confederation of two separate states called the United Cyprus Republic. Both communities would have autonomous states combined under one unified government. The members of parliament would be chosen according to the percentage in population numbers to ensure a just involvement from both communities. The paper proposed a demilitarisation of the island over the next years. Furthermore it agreed upon a number of 45000 Turkish settlers that could remain on the island. These settlers became a very important issue concerning peace talks. Originally the Turkish government encouraged Turks to settle in Cyprus providing transfer and property, to establish a counterpart to the Greek Cypriot population due to their 1 to 5 minority. With the economic situation many Turkish-Cypriot decided to leave the island, however their departure is made up by incoming Turkish settlers leaving the population ratio between Turkish Cypriots and Greek Cypriots stable. However all these points where criticised and as seen in the vote rejected mainly by the Greek Cypriots. These name the dissolution of the „Republic of Cyprus", economic consequences of a reunion and the remaining Turkish settlers as reason. Many claim that the plan was indeed drawing more from Turkish-Cypriot demands then Greek-Cypriot interests. Taking in consideration that the US wanted to keep Turkey as a strategic partner in future Middle Eastern conflicts.
A week after the failed referendum the Republic of Cyprus joined the EU. In multiple instances the EU tried to promote trade with Northern Cyprus but without internationally recognised ports this spiked a grand debate. Both side endure their intention of negotiations, however without the prospect of any new compromises or agreements the UN is unwilling to start the process again. Since 2004 negotiations took place in numbers but without any results, both sides are strongly holding on to their position without an agreeable solution in sight that would suit both parties.
The Proudest Bus.
Dublin Bus Supported Dublin Pride Festival 2018. 3 buses featured specially designed Wraps. AX488, AX646 & AX647.
AX647 Based at Donnybrook Garage Modelled here on Route 18
Husky is a new protected support vehicle, providing commanders with a highly mobile and flexible load carrying vehicle.
This has been designed for a range of Afghanistan missions, including transporting food, water and ammunition, and acting as a command vehicle at headquarters.
Some vehicles will be fitted out as protected ambulances.
Equipped with a machine gun, Husky will join its sister vehicles Wolfhound and Coyote as part of the £350m Tactical Support Vehicle programme.
This image is available for non-commercial, high resolution download at www.defenceimages.mod.uk subject to terms and conditions. Search for image number 45151141.jpg
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Photographer: Andrew Linnett
Image 45151141.jpg from www.defenceimages.mod.uk
Leegwaterpark Purmerend Support act Smooth at the GIG of the Coverband U2ONE
a free live concert
NIKON D7000+70-200mm f/2,8 VRII
DSC_4298_C6__Bew_CopyRight
Today I had an assignment at the Support 2006 fair for the BOSK.
Support is an annual fair in The Netherlands for disabled people where organizations are represented that provide all they need from wheelchairs to braille books and from sports and vacations to all other thinkable services.
It was especially a lot of fun to photograph kids like these 2 girls.
North Carolina National Guard joins with multiple local and state agencies for the 2015 Bull City Stand Down in Durham, North Carolina, Sept. 18, 2015. The Armory and Durham County Memorial Stadium welcomed homeless and undeserved veterans for donations of clothing, food, basic medical and legal assistance, information on veteran, education, job counseling, and housing benefits, local health and human services points of contact, a haircut and a hot shower. “The Guard believes in what we do and have always been supportive, they see we help veterans,” said Shawn Ross, Chair of the Bull City stand Down. More than 200 veterans packed the Armory drill hall as volunteers handed out information, guided veterans on how to apply for benefits and gave many a hug and handshake for service not forgotten. “We stay until the last person is helped,” said Ross. (U.S. Army National Guard photo by Staff Sgt. Brendan Stephens / Released)
Women Cooperative (project supported by the ILO): in the quarries of Mtongani (Dar Es Salaam), a mushroom and hen house project directed under cooperative form was proposed as an alternative to the stone breakage that used to be the principal activity of
Country : Tanzania, United Republic Of
Date : 2003-10
Copyright : Marcel Crozet / ILO
Girl tattooed model with indian headdress wearing a "support tattoos and piercings at work" tattoo t-shirts for women.
Fire Support Vehicle/Anti-Tank (FSV/AT)
Armament: 1x 105mm L/62 Cannon, 1x Co-Ax 7.62mm MG, and 1x crew served 7.62mm MG
Armor: All around protection from up to high velocity 20mm projectiles, V-Shaped Belly Armor, Blow out panels, run flat tires, and if needed ERA add on armor.
Weight: 29.5t (loaded)
Top speed: ~120kph (~75mph)
Dimensions:
Height-> 8.5ft
Length-> ~26ft
Width-> 10ft
Support the gallery on Patreon today and pass it back.
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For more about Bonfire 2015, visit www.studentbonfire.com/event/burn-night-2015/.
Supporting the need for improvements to the education system in Honduras
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Follow us on twitter BLCHonduras
This stream is dedicated to the resilient people of Honduras, especially the children, who endure a daily life of poverty and hardship, which in turn only presents them with an uncertain future and limited hope of opportunity to advance in life.
As a Honduran citizen, I can't help but feel hopeless to see so much need around me. To see children working from an early age, without ever having the chance to go to school, due to parental poverty ,and never receive an education that they and every child in the world truly deserves, really breaks my heart. Home is often of a makeshift construction, resulting in what can only be described as little more than a shack. A meal, often the cheapest foods available and lacking in the nutrients to sustain a healthy life, is all that awaits them at the end of the day.
The knowledge that 65% of Honduran people live like this, in extreme poverty weighs heavily within me.
As a Honduran photographer, I feel I must do something. Through the links provided below, I feel I can give these anonymous faces a voice, especially the children who are our future. Thank you so much for your visit and for reading a little about poverty in Honduras.
Honduras is also a land full of diverse culture and beauty....
I really feel that there is hope for Honduras
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Esta galería está dedicada a todas las personas Hondureñas especialmente a los niños quienes atraviesan una vida de pobreza y escasez, lo que significa un futuro incierto, y esperanza limitadas de oportunidades para salir adelante en la vida. Como ciudadana Hondureña siento impotencia al ver tanta necesidad a mi alrededor. El ver estos niños trabajar desde temprana edad, sin ninguna oportunidad de asistir a la escuela ya que sus padres son extremadamente pobres sin recibir la educación que todo niño en el mundo merece, eso rompe mi corazón. Sus hogares a veces son pequeñas chozas. Sus alimentos muchas veces lo más barato y disponible aunque carezcan de nutrientes para tener una vida saludable, eso es lo que les espera al final del día. Siento mucha pena al saber que el 65% de la población Hondureña vive en extrema pobreza. Como fotógrafa Hondureña siento que debo hacer algo. Además de darles los enlaces abajo, siento que debo darles una voz esos niños anónimos, a estos niños que son nuestro futuro, nuestra esperanza. Muchas gracias por su visita y por tomarse el tiempo de leer un poco de la pobreza en Honduras.
Honduras es también un país lleno de diversidad cultural y belleza.
Realmente siento que hay Esperanza para Honduras.
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Meneleus supporting the body of Patroclus, also known as Pasquino Group, due to its apparent representation of an episode in the Iliad.
The Loggia dei Lanzi, also called the Loggia della Signoria, is a building on a corner of the Piazza della Signoria in Florence, Italy, adjoining the Uffizi Gallery. It consists of wide arches open to the street. The arches rest on clustered pilasters with Corinthian capitals.
The vivacious construction of the Loggia is in stark contrast with the severe architecture of the Palazzo Vecchio.
It is effectively an open-air sculpture gallery of antique and Renaissance art.
Featured Loggia art
1) On the façade of the Loggia , below the parapet, are trefoils with allegorical figures of the four cardinal virtues (Fortitude, Temperance, Justice and Prudence) by Agnolo Gaddi. Their blue enamelled background is the work of Leonardo, a monk, while the golden stars were painted by Lorenzo de' Bicci. The vault, composed of semicircles, was done by the Florentine Antonio de' Pucci.
On the steps of the Loggia are the Medici lions; two Marzoccos, marble statues of lions, heraldic symbols of Florence; that on the right is from Roman times and the one on the left was sculpted by Flaminio Vacca in 1598.
2) Statues Left-Right: far left is the bronze statue of Perseus and Medusa by Benvenuto Cellini.
The Rape of Polyxena by Pio Fedi
Menelaus supporting the body of Patroclus
Hercules beating the Centaur Nesso by Giambologna
Rape of the Sabine women by Giambologna
3) Along the back of the Loggia are five marble female statues (three are identified as Matidia, Marciana and Agrippina Minor), Sabines and a statue of a barbarian prisoner Thusnelda from Roman times from the era of Trajan to Hadrian.
They were discovered in Rome in 1541. The statues had been in the Medici villa at Rome since 1584 and were brought here by Pietro Leopoldo in 1789. They all have significant, modern restorations.
4) The Medici Lions - Left lion, by Flamino Vacca; Right lion, Roman age sculpture
James is a member of A&E support staff based in Homerton.
Here he is in the ambulance station preparing for a busy shift.
For More info contact:
Communications Department
London Ambulance Service NHS Trust
220 Waterloo Road
London SE1 8SD
Phone: 020 7783 2286
Stug Support Tank: triumph-des-willens.nd.e-wro.pl/panzerwaffe/reaktywacja/[reaktywacja]stug.jpg
Tiger I: www.battletanks.com/images/Tiger_I-2.jpg
Please post your opinion.
et bien sûr , la musique obligatoire :)
www.youtube.com/watch?v=wDZFf0pm0SE
Pour le groupe Un jour, une page, une photo...
Les autres photos sur ce thème sont ici : www.flickr.com/groups/2072908@N24/
I think graffiti is about run the city, spend nights in yard, have to deal with tough situations and dangerous sometimes..risk of arrest or break a knee running in safe..
spend hours an'hours at the station, to get that damn shot of the day after.. Graffiti is one thing you just cannot explain to those who do not live dis shit..This is real graffiti,this is how we do! and i don't see another crew to support in dis italy chapter, except than us, u know!
so i'm glad to receive your support from all over the world,,'cause your support goes to real graffiti!
Sorry 4 my arrogance!Peace
A group from Sussex University based in Brighton, England collecting charitable donations at Churchill Square Shopping Centre in support of the victims of the 2011 Tōhoku earthquake and tsunami 東北地方太平洋沖地震, in Japan. They have set up a Support for Japan University of Sussex facebook page.
If you are based in the UK also visit:
Red Cross [British Red Cross Japan Tsunami Appeal website]
or just Donate...
Oxfam [Great Britain / UK - Japan Earthquake and Tsunami website]
or just Donate...
Very many grieving Japanese people - in a population comprising a high proportion of the elderly - need water, food, shelter, warmth, somewhere nice to live.
Part of a set / Slideshow. セットの一部 / スライドショー
も参照してください / See also:
Help Japan / Tsunami [Brighton University / Oki Nami ジヤパニ一ズ・ダィニソグ]
Help the Tsunami Victims [Oxfam, Brighton]
Origami Peace Cranes and Fundraising [Brighton University Help Japan]
In September 2009 Santa Clara County held a County wide High Rise drill over several days in a multi story office complex which is vacant. It was a great opportunity for all the departments to get experience working together (and of course to see apparatus from many departments at the same time).
Santa Clara County Fire Department Breathing Support 2 is a special rig built by KME that provides air and light on an emergency scene. It is one of three units like this purchased by the County and spread throught Santa Clara County, the other two being Palo Alto Fire's Breathing Support 2 based at Palo Alto Fire Station 2, and Santa Clara Rescue 2, based at Santa Clara Station 2. Coincidentally all three of these units have ended up at Stations designated as "Station 2" - the stations were picked because of their geographical spread, not because of their name.
Surprisingly, hoisting that baby up on to the cake board and riser went well. I only had a mild heart attack when I realized one of my wheel wells had collapsed a bit. Now on to make the tires.
visit our blog... Diabetes Awareness & Support and support our cause...
There is a blue diabetes candle to light.
And, a link to International Diabetes Federation's site.
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ANNOUNCING... DIABETES AWARENESS & SUPPORT
a new group on flickr...
☆ If you would like to visit, please join us and follow the rules.
☆☆ If you would like to post an image to the pool,
please add a ribbon to show your support.
☆☆☆ Do you need a Diabetes Awareness ribbon for your
image? Please follow this link.
Please join us and support our cause...
hugs, Chris
Passenger boarding bridge (PBB) and ground support equipment (GSE) at the Davao City International Airport (Francisco Bangoy International Airport). The upgrade of the Davao City International Airport (Francisco Bangoy International Airport) enhances the access of Davao to nearby markets and foster its role in the Brunei, Indonesia, Malaysia, Philippines East Asian Growth Area (BIMP-EAGA).
Read more on: