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Johannesburg airport

CAPE MAY – Each year, the Center for Community Arts (CCA) presents an exhibit that highlights and illuminates African American life and history in Cape May and the surrounding region.

 

From its opening in 1928, the Franklin Street School (shown here) was a symbol of segregation and separation. It stood as a reminder of a racial divide, even after school integration in 1948. For two decades, CCA has worked to preserve, stabilize and restore the school. Now a collaborative effort by CCA and the City of Cape May aims to renew the school as a community center.

 

“Franklin Street School: From Segregation to Unification” is presented by CCA in association with the Mid-Atlantic Center for the Arts & Humanities (MAC). The exhibit opens Jan. 13 and is open to the public through April 15, at the Carroll Gallery of the Carriage House, on the grounds of the Emlen Physick Estate, 1048 Washington St., Cape May. Admission is free.

 

The exhibit will include photographs, artifacts and recorded oral and video histories to chronical the history of the school, the initial efforts to preserve and rehabilitate the building, and plans for the building’s expansion and completion.

 

The public is invited to an exhibit opening celebration Monday, Jan. 15 (Martin Luther King, Jr. Day) at 4 p.m. at the Carroll Gallery in the Carriage House on the grounds of the Emlen Physick Estate, 1048 Washington St., Cape May.

 

The exhibit is open to the public as follows: Saturdays, Jan. 13- Feb. 10, noon-3 p.m.; Saturday, Feb. 17, 11 a.m.-4 p.m.; Sunday, Feb. 18, 11 a.m.-3 p.m.; Monday, Feb. 19, 1 p.m.-3 p.m.; Saturdays, Feb. 24-March 17, 11 a.m.-3 p.m.; Sunday, March 18, 1 p.m.-3 p.m. The exhibit is open daily, March 19-April 15; hours vary.

 

CCA is a multicultural educational non-profit organization whose arts and humanities programs foster creativity, community building, and appreciation for the rich diversity of our world. The Center’s Community History Program is dedicated to preserving, interpreting and celebrating Cape May’s African-American heritage through exhibits, tours, and its John and Janet Nash African American History Archive. The Center is currently rehabilitating the Franklin Street School, a Cape May African-American Historic Site, to house a community cultural center, runs youth arts programs and operates WCFA-LP 11.5 FM, a community radio station. For further information, call 609-884-7525 or access CCA’s web site at www.CenterforCommunityArts.org.

 

MAC is a multifaceted not-for-profit organization committed to promoting the preservation, interpretation, and cultural enrichment of the Cape May region for its residents and visitors. MAC membership is open to all. For information about the exhibit schedule, or MAC’s year-round schedule of tours, festivals, and special events, call 609-884-5404 or 800-275-4278, or visit MAC’s Web site at www.capemaymac.org.

6x9" flyer

 

"Boy-Cott Stag Beer

Stop Before You Buy

Are You A Stag Beer Drinker?

If You Are, You Are Drinking Segregation

Don't Drink Segregation - Fight It!!

 

The NAACP is Fighting it. Why don't we all Join in the fight. 80 Per Cent of us Drink Stag Beer. But how many Negro Salesmen do they have? None.

 

A. S. Barboro Dist. of Stag Beer has about twenty Beer Trucks Rolling Everyday.

 

We should have about Ten Negro Salesmen on some of those Trucks.

 

We the Negro People of this city that Drink Stag, We must Stop to Get Some Action.

 

LOOK AROUND AT THE TABLE NEXT TO YOU. WHAT DO YOU SEE? STAG BEER. THAT S IN STAG IS FOR SEGREGATION.

 

We Must Start With Someone To Show Them That We Mean Business.

-------

RAMDOWN THE WALLS - N.A.P.A."

 

- N.A.P.A. might be the National Alliance for Positive Action, but I don't know.

- some unusual choices of which words to capitalize

Reflections in Black and White exhibit - Cape Fear Museum - January 30, 2017 - New Hanover County, NC

 

Reflections in Black and White, features a selection of informal black and white photographs taken by black and white Wilmingtonians after World War II before the Civil Rights movement helped end legalized segregation. Visitors will have a chance to compare black and white experiences and reflect on what peopleâs lives were like in the region during the latter part of the Jim Crow era.

Examine mid-century cameras and photographic equipment and experience the âthrillâ of opening a replica camera store photo envelope, a rare experience in todayâs digital world. Flip through some recreated pages from Claude Howellâs scrapbooks, and take your own photograph in a 1950s setting.

Reflections in Black and White features selections from four large photographic collections:

â¢African American photographer Herbert Howard was a postal worker, a member of the NAACP, and a semi-professional photographer. Cape Fear Museum has a collection of more than 1,000 images he took documenting Wilmingtonâs black community.

â¢Artist Claude Howell left an extensive collection of scrapbooks to the Museum. The albums include hundreds of pages with photographs of Howellâs friends, local scenery, and people.

â¢Student nurse Elizabeth Ashworth attended the James Walker Memorial Hospital School of Nursing right after World War II. Her photographs provide a glimpse of a group of young white womenâs lives in the late 1940s.

â¢In 2012, the Museum acquired a collection of photos that were taken in the late 1950s and early 1960s, and left at the Camera Shop, a downtown business that was a fixture from the late 1910s through the early 1980s.

Historian Jan Davidson explained why the concept behind the exhibit: âThe different historical images speak to each other in some fascinating ways. Most of us can see our own lives reflected in the images, We all eat, hang out with friends, and many of us have taken silly pictures of ourselves or our loved ones. These images show our common humanity, and allow us to relate to people in the past as we might relate to a friend.â

Cape Fear Museum hopes the exhibit will spark reflection and conversation about the history of race relations. Davidson states, âWhen you look at these images as a group, they give us a chance to reflect on how legally-sanctioned racial segregation helped shape peopleâs daily lives. We want todayâs visitors to have a chance to imagine what it felt like to live in a world where Jim Crow laws and attitudes deeply affected the textures of daily life.â

See more at: www.capefearmuseum.com/

 

Photo by Brett Cottrell, New Hanover County

“Segregation of the Internet into fast lanes and slow lanes will distort the market, discourage innovation and harm Internet users,” said Michael Beckerman, President and CEO of The Internet Association. “The FCC must act to create strong, enforceable net neutrality rules and apply them equally to both wireless and wireline providers.

L&C unveiled and dedicated a historical marker honoring education champion Scott Bibb, who fought against segregated schools in Alton from 1897-1908, on June 19, 2017 in front of the Scott Bibb Center in Alton. Photo by Laura Inlow, L&C Media Services

Better large.

 

Each dot represents 200 people. Data is by census tract, the lines of which are omitted for clarity.

 

Designed to be a companion to this 2000 map from the Chicago Encyclopedia.

 

My Census 2000 version.

  

We didn't have much time to explore and there isn't a lot of information, but this small neighborhood was on the grounds of the original Tule Lake Segregation Center (internment camp). The local museum says many of the original barracks were reused after the war and I assume all these houses were originally barracks at the camp.

In 1896, the United States Supreme Court ruled in the Plessy v. Ferguson decision that separate accommodation in public transportation (railroad travel) was legal. The "separate but equal" doctrine derived from the Plessy v. Ferguson decision prevailed for over a half century. That doctrine was challenged as unconstitutional in 1951 when 13 parents of 20 children volunteered to attempt to enroll their children in white schools in Topeka, Kansas. At that time black elementary students in Topeka were assigned to four schools. When the students were denied enrollment, the parents filed court complaints. A District Court ruled against the parents, essentially ruling that segregation in public schools was legal.

 

The National Association for the Advancement of Colored People challenged the lower court ruling in the U. S. Supreme Court in Brown v. Board of Education of Topeka. On May 17, 1954, the U. S. Supreme Court unanimously ruled that the policy of segregation in public schools violated the equal protection clause of the Constitution (14th Amendment, Section 1) and therefore was unconstitutional.

 

Thurgood Marshall was one of the attorneys who led the fight against segregation in public education at the Supreme Court. He later became a Supreme Court justice. Brown v. Board of Education was a watershed decision that was the precursor to the civil rights movement of the second half of the 20th century.

 

The Monroe Elementary School was built in 1926 and was in service until 1975. The Italian Renaissance Revival style building, designed by Thomas W. Williamson is listed on the National Register of Historic Places.

.

These drinking fountains were in an official State of Louisiana building.

 

Segregated facilities were common throughout the city of New Orleans in 1963, but we naively expected the Louisiana State Government to be more honorable regarding civil rights.

 

The federal government was morally ambiguous. With the misguided belief that racial harmony and brotherhood were "un-American", a renegade U.S. bureau spent hundreds of millions of dollars in opposition to the civil rights policies of four successive Presidents. They have never apologized.

 

Euphemisms and metaphors have blossomed to deny our national shame and shift the emphasis to quasi-equal economic opportunity, but the basic problem of prejudice still lingers in the 21st Century.

  

NO 039 - New Scan uploaded December 5, 2017

017

 

I HAVE A DREAM quoted in its entirety from MLK Online:

 

I am happy to join with you today in what will go down in history as the greatest demonstration for freedom in the history of our nation. [Applause]

 

Five score years ago, a great American, in whose symbolic shadow we stand signed the Emancipation Proclamation. This momentous decree came as a great beacon light of hope to millions of Negro slaves who had been seared in the flames of withering injustice. It came as a joyous daybreak to end the long night of captivity.

 

But one hundred years later, we must face the tragic fact that the Negro is still not free. One hundred years later, the life of the Negro is still sadly crippled by the manacles of segregation and the chains of discrimination. One hundred years later, the Negro lives on a lonely island of poverty in the midst of a vast ocean of material prosperity. One hundred years later, the Negro is still languishing in the corners of American society and finds himself an exile in his own land. So we have come here today to dramatize an appalling condition.

 

In a sense we have come to our nation's capital to cash a check. When the architects of our republic wrote the magnificent words of the Constitution and the declaration of Independence, they were signing a promissory note to which every American was to fall heir. This note was a promise that all men would be guaranteed the inalienable rights of life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness.

 

It is obvious today that America has defaulted on this promissory note insofar as her citizens of color are concerned. Instead of honoring this sacred obligation, America has given the Negro people a bad check which has come back marked "insufficient funds." But we refuse to believe that the bank of justice is bankrupt. We refuse to believe that there are insufficient funds in the great vaults of opportunity of this nation. So we have come to cash this check -- a check that will give us upon demand the riches of freedom and the security of justice. We have also come to this hallowed spot to remind America of the fierce urgency of now. This is no time to engage in the luxury of cooling off or to take the tranquilizing drug of gradualism. Now is the time to rise from the dark and desolate valley of segregation to the sunlit path of racial justice. Now is the time to open the doors of opportunity to all of God's children. Now is the time to lift our nation from the quicksands of racial injustice to the solid rock of brotherhood.

 

It would be fatal for the nation to overlook the urgency of the moment and to underestimate the determination of the Negro. This sweltering summer of the Negro's legitimate discontent will not pass until there is an invigorating autumn of freedom and equality. Nineteen sixty-three is not an end, but a beginning. Those who hope that the Negro needed to blow off steam and will now be content will have a rude awakening if the nation returns to business as usual. There will be neither rest nor tranquility in America until the Negro is granted his citizenship rights. The whirlwinds of revolt will continue to shake the foundations of our nation until the bright day of justice emerges.

 

But there is something that I must say to my people who stand on the warm threshold which leads into the palace of justice. In the process of gaining our rightful place we must not be guilty of wrongful deeds. Let us not seek to satisfy our thirst for freedom by drinking from the cup of bitterness and hatred.

 

We must forever conduct our struggle on the high plane of dignity and discipline. We must not allow our creative protest to degenerate into physical violence. Again and again we must rise to the majestic heights of meeting physical force with soul force. The marvelous new militancy which has engulfed the Negro community must not lead us to distrust of all white people, for many of our white brothers, as evidenced by their presence here today, have come to realize that their destiny is tied up with our destiny and their freedom is inextricably bound to our freedom. We cannot walk alone.

 

And as we walk, we must make the pledge that we shall march ahead. We cannot turn back. There are those who are asking the devotees of civil rights, "When will you be satisfied?" We can never be satisfied as long as our bodies, heavy with the fatigue of travel, cannot gain lodging in the motels of the highways and the hotels of the cities. We cannot be satisfied as long as the Negro's basic mobility is from a smaller ghetto to a larger one. We can never be satisfied as long as a Negro in Mississippi cannot vote and a Negro in New York believes he has nothing for which to vote. No, no, we are not satisfied, and we will not be satisfied until justice rolls down like waters and righteousness like a mighty stream.

 

I am not unmindful that some of you have come here out of great trials and tribulations. Some of you have come fresh from narrow cells. Some of you have come from areas where your quest for freedom left you battered by the storms of persecution and staggered by the winds of police brutality. You have been the veterans of creative suffering. Continue to work with the faith that unearned suffering is redemptive.

 

Go back to Mississippi, go back to Alabama, go back to Georgia, go back to Louisiana, go back to the slums and ghettos of our northern cities, knowing that somehow this situation can and will be changed. Let us not wallow in the valley of despair.

 

I say to you today, my friends, that in spite of the difficulties and frustrations of the moment, I still have a dream. It is a dream deeply rooted in the American dream.

 

I have a dream that one day this nation will rise up and live out the true meaning of its creed: "We hold these truths to be self-evident: that all men are created equal."

 

I have a dream that one day on the red hills of Georgia the sons of former slaves and the sons of former slave owners will be able to sit down together at a table of brotherhood.

 

I have a dream that one day even the state of Mississippi, a desert state, sweltering with the heat of injustice and oppression, will be transformed into an oasis of freedom and justice.

 

I have a dream that my four children will one day live in a nation where they will not be judged by the color of their skin but by the content of their character.

 

I have a dream today.

 

I have a dream that one day the state of Alabama, whose governor's lips are presently dripping with the words of interposition and nullification, will be transformed into a situation where little black boys and black girls will be able to join hands with little white boys and white girls and walk together as sisters and brothers.

 

I have a dream today.

 

I have a dream that one day every valley shall be exalted, every hill and mountain shall be made low, the rough places will be made plain, and the crooked places will be made straight, and the glory of the Lord shall be revealed, and all flesh shall see it together.

 

This is our hope. This is the faith with which I return to the South. With this faith we will be able to hew out of the mountain of despair a stone of hope. With this faith we will be able to transform the jangling discords of our nation into a beautiful symphony of brotherhood. With this faith we will be able to work together, to pray together, to struggle together, to go to jail together, to stand up for freedom together, knowing that we will be free one day.

 

This will be the day when all of God's children will be able to sing with a new meaning, "My country, 'tis of thee, sweet land of liberty, of thee I sing. Land where my fathers died, land of the pilgrim's pride, from every mountainside, let freedom ring."

 

And if America is to be a great nation this must become true. So let freedom ring from the prodigious hilltops of New Hampshire. Let freedom ring from the mighty mountains of New York. Let freedom ring from the heightening Alleghenies of Pennsylvania!

 

Let freedom ring from the snowcapped Rockies of Colorado!

 

Let freedom ring from the curvaceous peaks of California!

 

But not only that; let freedom ring from Stone Mountain of Georgia!

 

Let freedom ring from Lookout Mountain of Tennessee!

 

Let freedom ring from every hill and every molehill of Mississippi. From every mountainside, let freedom ring.

 

When we let freedom ring, when we let it ring from every village and every hamlet, from every state and every city, we will be able to speed up that day when all of God's children, black men and white men, Jews and Gentiles, Protestants and Catholics, will be able to join hands and sing in the words of the old Negro spiritual, "Free at last! free at last! thank God Almighty, we are free at last!"

Humble Negro Cemetery, otherwise known as the Pipe Yard Cemetery, is north of the FM 1960 bypass, just east of the railroad tracks, behind the Home Depot and an Humble ISD administration building.

 

Jim Crow Laws, segregation, were brutally enforced at the time that burials were being made there. Not only could African-Americans not be buried in the Humble Cemetery, but after 1933, when Humble was incorporated, new laws were passed, forcing African-Americans to move, some to nearby Bordersville, just outside the city limits. There are reports that the graves of the few African-Americans who had been buried in the Humble Cemetery were moved, some to the Humble Negro Cemetery.

 

Grace Church now attempts to maintain the cemetery.

 

On the day that I was there, an empty flagpole stood.

 

The concrete ruins of an old kerosene refinery are on the north boundary of the cemetery, and dense woods are on all sides.

 

Time, and the elements, take a toll on cemeteries, especially those essentially abandoned for many years.

 

We know where our parents are buried, may visit their graves, but how many of us regularly visit our grandparents' graves? Commercial, perpetual care, cemeteries, and those associated with churches and municipalities have systems in place for maintenance, but there are many cemeteries, such as those that were no longer in use after desegregation, that are nearly forgotten, descendants moving away, passing away...

 

At Evergreen and Olivewood, both essentially abandoned, but for the efforts of volunteers, there are occasional signs of vandalism. I've never seen vandalism, desecration, though, on the scale that I found at Humble Negro Cemetery. Over the years, most of the stones have been broken, many to fragments. Many graves are unmarked, but for sunken places on the ground. Graves of veterans have been used for target practice. Some of the graves had concrete slabs over them. In every case, the slab has been shattered, and the earth beneath disturbed, though now, somewhat, replaced. Graves have clearly been violated.

 

The range of weathering of the damage indicates that it has taken place over decades.

 

It might not be hard to make an argument that the graves in such cemeteries should be the responsibilty of descendants, survivors, but I strongly feel that the graves of those who have helped to defend this country deserve better, from the nation, from the community ,than those veterans' graves at Elmview, Olivewood, and here.

 

A part of me feels that there is, perhaps, something to be said for letting such sites return completely to nature, but our history lies here, with those who helped build this country, this community.

 

www.usgwarchives.net/tx/cemph/harris/humble-n.htm

 

archiver.rootsweb.ancestry.com/th/read/TX-CEMETERY-PRESER...

 

www.chron.com/disp/story.mpl//5787895.html

 

Borderville Learning Service Project directly available at YouTube -

www.youtube.com/watch?v=ddBP-VF6KGc

 

"Claiming King" Genealogy blog is located here -

claimingkin.livejournal.com/2577.html

  

Hébron centre : boutiques fermées de force et occupation du toit des maisons du souk par l'armée israélienne. C'est exigé par les 400 colons qui ont choisi d'habiter en plein centre ville, dont ils ont fait expulser les Palestiniens. Ceux qui restent sont harcelés et traités par les colons comme des singes en cage.

English:

"Hebron is divided into two sectors: H1 and H2. The H1 sector, home to around 120,000 Palestinians, came under the control of the Palestinian Authority. H2, inhabited by around 35,000 Palestinians, remains under Israeli military control to protect five hundred Jewish residents.

For more information about Hebron, www.breakingthesilence.org.il/publications_e.asp

This site has been put together by ex IDF soldiers giving testimony of their experience serving in the Territories, specialy in the city of Hebron." Quote taken from Joseph Dana

Photo AFPS14 / 2009

Located in New Albany, IN, outside the Floyd County Courthouse. Lest we forget, segregation of the races was not only allowed in the United States, it was required. We are still working through the vestiges of this shameful legacy.

Medgar Wiley Evers (July 2, 1925 – June 12, 1963) was an African American civil rights activist from Mississippi involved in efforts to overturn segregation at the University of Mississippi. He became active in the civil rights movement after returning from overseas service in World War II and completing secondary education; he became a field secretary for the NAACP.

 

Evers was assassinated by Byron De La Beckwith, a member of the White Citizens' Council.

 

As a veteran, Evers was buried with full military honors at Arlington National Cemetery. His murder and the resulting trials inspired civil rights protests, as well as numerous works of art, music, and film.

 

Medgar Evers was born July 2, 1925 in Decatur, Mississippi, the son of Jesse and her husband, James Evers; they owned a small farm and he also worked at a sawmill. Evers was the third of five children, after Charles and Elizabeth. The family also included Eva Lee and Gene, Jesse’s children from a prior marriage. After the lynchings of family friends, Evers became determined to get an education. He walked 12 miles to and from school to earn his high school diploma.

 

In 1943 Evers and his older brother Charlie were inducted into the army after the US entered World War II. Evers fought in the European Theatre of WWII, including in France. He was honorably discharged in 1945 as a Sergeant. In 1946, he, along with his brother and four friends, returned to his hometown. I 1948 he enrolled at Alcorn College (now Alcorn State University), a historically black college, majoring in business administration. In college, he was on the debate team, played football and ran track, sang in the school choir, and served as president of his junior class. He was listed in Who’s Who in American Colleges based on his accomplishments.

He married classmate Myrlie Beasley on December 24, 1951, and received his BA degree the following year.

 

The couple moved to Mound Bayou, Mississippi, where T. R. M. Howard had hired Evers as a salesman for his Magnolia Mutual Life Insurance Company. Howard was also the president of the Regional Council of Negro Leadership (RCNL), a civil rights and self-help organization. Participation in the RCNL gave Evers crucial training in activism. He helped to organize the RCNL's boycott of service stations that denied blacks use of their restrooms. The boycotters distributed bumper stickers with the slogan "Don't Buy Gas Where You Can't Use the Restroom." Along with his brother, Charles Evers, Medgar also attended the RCNL's annual conferences in Mound Bayou between 1952 and 1954, which drew crowds of ten thousand or more.

 

Evers applied to the then-segregated University of Mississippi Law School in February 1954. When his application was rejected, Evers filed a lawsuit against the university, and became the focus of an NAACP campaign to desegregate the school. The case was strengthened by the United States Supreme Court ruling in Brown v. Board of Education (1954) 347 U.S. 483 that segregation was unconstitutional. That same year, due to his involvement, the NAACP's National Office suggested Evers become Mississippi’s first field secretary for the NAACP.

 

On November 24, 1954, Evers was appointed Mississippi’s first field secretary. Evers was involved in a boycott campaign against white merchants. He was instrumental in eventually desegregating the University of Mississippi by mentoring James Meredith through his attempt to enroll, succeeding in 1962. Segregationist protesters collected at the campus, where they rioted after Meredith was admitted. Two people died, and hundreds were wounded, and the federal government sent in the National Guard and regular troops to restore order.

 

Evers’ civil rights leadership and investigative work made him a target of white supremacists. In the weeks leading up to his death, the hostility directed towards him grew. His public investigations into the murder of Emmett Till and his vocal support of Clyde Kennard had made him a prominent black leader. On May 28, 1963, a Molotov cocktail was thrown into the carport of his home. On June 7 1963, Evers was nearly run down by a car after he emerged from the Jackson NAACP office.

 

n the early morning of June 12, 1963, just hours after President John F. Kennedy's speech on national television in support of civil rights, Evers pulled into his driveway after returning from a meeting with NAACP lawyers. Emerging from his car and carrying NAACP T-shirts that read "Jim Crow Must Go," Evers was struck in the back with a bullet fired from an Enfield 1917 rifle; it ricocheted into his home. He staggered 9 meters (30 feet) before collapsing. He died at a local hospital 50 minutes later.

 

On June 21, 1963, Byron De La Beckwith, a fertilizer salesman and member of the White Citizens' Council (and later of the Ku Klux Klan), was arrested for Evers' murder.

 

Juries composed solely of white men twice that year deadlocked on De La Beckwith's guilt.

 

In 1994, 30 years after the two previous trials had failed to reach a verdict, De La Beckwith was brought to trial based on new evidence. Bobby DeLaughter took on the job as the prosecutor. De La Beckwith was convicted of murder on February 5, 1994, after having lived as a free man for much of the three decades following the killing (though he was imprisoned on an unrelated charge from 1977 to 1980). De La Beckwith appealed unsuccessfully, and died at age 80 in prison in January 2001.

   

(History.com) August 28, 1963 - On the steps of the Lincoln Memorial in Washington, D.C., the African American civil rights movement reaches its high-water mark when Martin Luther King, Jr., speaks to about 250,000 people attending the March on Washington for Jobs and Freedom. The demonstrators--black and white, poor and rich--came together in the nation's capital to demand voting rights and equal opportunity for African Americans and to appeal for an end to racial segregation and discrimination.

 

The peaceful rally was the largest assembly for a redress of grievances that the capital had ever seen, and King was the last speaker. With the statue of Abraham Lincoln--the Great Emancipator--towering behind him, King used the rhetorical talents he had developed as a Baptist preacher to show how, as he put it, the "Negro is still not free." He told of the struggle ahead, stressing the importance of continued action and nonviolent protest. Coming to the end of his prepared text (which, like other speakers that day, he had limited to seven minutes), he was overwhelmed by the moment and launched into an improvised sermon.

 

He told the hushed crowd, "Go back to Mississippi, go back to Alabama, go back to South Carolina, go back to Georgia, go back to Louisiana, go back to the slums and ghettoes of our northern cities, knowing that somehow this situation can and will be changed. Let us not wallow in the valley of despair." Continuing, he began the refrain that made the speech one of the best known in U.S. history, second only to Lincoln's 1863 "Gettysburg Address":

 

"I have a dream," he boomed over the crowd stretching from the Lincoln Memorial to the Washington Monument, "that one day this nation will rise up and live out the true meaning of its creed: 'We hold these truths to be self-evident: that all men are created equal.' I have a dream that one day on the red hills of Georgia the sons of former slaves and the sons of former slaveowners will be able to sit down together at the table of brotherhood. I have a dream that one day even the state of Mississippi, a state sweltering with the heat of injustice, sweltering with the heat of oppression, will be transformed into an oasis of freedom and justice. I have a dream that my four little children will one day live in a nation where they will not be judged by the color of their skin but by the content of their character. I have a dream today."

 

King had used the "I have a dream" theme before, in a handful of stump speeches, but never with the force and effectiveness of that hot August day in Washington. He equated the civil rights movement with the highest and noblest ideals of the American tradition, allowing many to see for the first time the importance and urgency of racial equality. He ended his stirring, 16-minute speech with his vision of the fruit of racial harmony:

 

"When we allow freedom ring, when we let it ring from every village and every hamlet, from every state and every city, we will be able to speed up that day when all of God's children, black men and white men, Jews and Gentiles, Protestants and Catholics, will be able to join hands and sing in the words of the old Negro spiritual, 'Free at last! Free at last! Thank God Almighty, we are free at last!'"

 

In the year after the March on Washington, the civil rights movement achieved two of its greatest successes: the ratification of the 24th Amendment to the Constitution, which abolished the poll tax and thus a barrier to poor African American voters in the South; and the passage of the Civil Rights Act of 1964, which prohibited racial discrimination in employment and education and outlawed racial segregation in public facilities. In October 1964, Martin Luther King, Jr., was awarded the Nobel Peace Prize. On April 4, 1968, he was shot to death while standing on a motel balcony in Memphis, Tennessee--he was 39 years old. The gunman was escaped convict James Earl Ray.

an e-mail from my grandma...

 

A female CNN journalist heard about a very old Jewish man who had been going to the Western Wall to pray, twice a day, every day, for a long, long time.

 

So she went to check it out. She went to the Western Wall and there he was, walking slowly up to the holy site.

 

She watched him pray and after about 45 minutes, when he turned to leave, using a cane and moving very slowly, she approached him for an interview.

 

"Pardon me, sir, I'm Rebecca Smith from CNN. What's your name?"

 

"Morris Fishbien," he replied.

 

"Sir, how long have you been coming to the Western Wall and praying?"

 

"For about 60 years."

 

"60 years! That's amazing! What do you pray for?"

 

"I pray for peace between the Christians, Jews and the Muslims. I pray for all t he wars and all the hatred to stop. I pray for all our children to grow up safely as responsible adults, and to love their fellow man."

 

"How do you feel after doing this for 60 years?"

 

"Like I'm talking to a fuckin' wall."

Det börjar dyka upp allt fler innhägnade bostadsområden som håller allmänheten borta. Även i lilla Karlstad. Det är en segregation vi sällan talar om.

The new tramway and road segregation nearly completed around the Metropole Hotel.

signage may mean that this was part of the Somerville "Safe-START" work.

Slummerville

Slum dwellings in the area of Shreveport known as the Bottoms, between 3rd and 4th Streets, 7 January 1954. Coll. 393, Jacket 11716.

Well we think it's Needle Ice, awaiting confirmation. It's another first for us which also means another tick off the lifetime bucket list. Found on the South Downs in West Sussex near a small stream which had overflowed and flooded the area, then it froze overnight, possibly over two nights or more given they all seem to look of being two tiered. This phenomena is known as Ice Segregation, when we found Frost Flowers back in 2017 in Decatur Alabama we made contact with Dr. Carter and he sent us this article which he had published a few years prior, it's probably the best explanation we've found for all the forms of Ice Segregation.

 

link to Dr. Carter's article

www.jrcarter.net/ice/segregation/?fbclid=IwAR2Xy8AShWF9Pc...

 

on the South Downs, South Downs National Park, West Sussex England

aka Solitary Confinement. Prisoners were locked in their cells 23 hours a day.

Segregation of wastes means separating the biodegradable materials from the non-biodegradable ones and placing them in their proper containers. These trash bins are located in each classrooms of the school. This photo speaks of the improper segregation of wastes. The red bin should contain paper wastes, while the green bin should contain the plastic ones.

continuous naked protest. Remanded in Brixton prison.

 

Fri 29th Dec 2000 - Vincent is angry, an adjudication is going to take place against him, so he's covered himself in shit - This nun says to me, through the observer hatch, "why don't you put some clothes on + get yourself a job?" Vincent's awaiting adjudication this afternoon after postponing it this morning by smearing his body with shit -

 

also Prison Diary New Year's Day 2001 - www.facebook.com/photo.php?fbid=10152181147974740&l=5... -

 

The Unclothed Human Appearance In Public Space At The Start Of The 21st Century - www.flickr.com/photos/russell-higgs/sets/72157625723827797/

March 17, 1950

 

Old and New Fire Stations side by side. The all Black segregated companies ran out of both houses for a brief time until the older station was torn down with the lot used for parking the firefighters personal vehicles.

This wall was built in the 1940s to separate a new subdivision for white people from a black neighborhood. Part of it runs along the edge of a park and has been decorated with art work that suggests its history. No one has defaced these depictions. For more on the wall and segregation in Detroit, see my web page at www.theseekerbooks.com/detroit/Segregation.html

Concrete ruins on north side of the cemetery.

 

Humble Negro Cemetery, otherwise known as the Pipe Yard Cemetery, is north of the FM 1960 bypass, just east of the railroad tracks, behind the Home Depot and an Humble ISD administration building.

 

Jim Crow Laws, segregation, were brutally enforced at the time that burials were being made there. Not only could African-Americans not be buried in the Humble Cemetery, but after 1933, when Humble was incorporated, new laws were passed, forcing African-Americans to move, some to nearby Bordersville, just outside the city limits. There are reports that the graves of the few African-Americans who had been buried in the Humble Cemetery were moved, some to the Humble Negro Cemetery.

 

Grace Church now attempts to maintain the cemetery.

 

On the day that I was there, an empty flagpole stood.

 

The concrete ruins of an old kerosene refinery are on the north boundary of the cemetery, and dense woods are on all sides.

 

Time, and the elements, take a toll on cemeteries, especially those essentially abandoned for many years.

 

We know where our parents are buried, may visit their graves, but how many of us regularly visit our grandparents' graves? Commercial, perpetual care, cemeteries, and those associated with churches and municipalities have systems in place for maintenance, but there are many cemeteries, such as those that were no longer in use after desegregation, that are nearly forgotten, descendants moving away, passing away...

 

At Evergreen and Olivewood, both essentially abandoned, but for the efforts of volunteers, there are occasional signs of vandalism. I've never seen vandalism, desecration, though, on the scale that I found at Humble Negro Cemetery. Over the years, most of the stones have been broken, many to fragments. Many graves are unmarked, but for sunken places on the ground. Graves of veterans have been used for target practice. Some of the graves had concrete slabs over them. In every case, the slab has been shattered, and the earth beneath disturbed, though now, somewhat, replaced. Graves have clearly been violated.

 

The range of weathering of the damage indicates that it has taken place over decades.

 

It might not be hard to make an argument that the graves in such cemeteries should be the responsibilty of descendants, survivors, but I strongly feel that the graves of those who have helped to defend this country deserve better, from the nation, from the community ,than those veterans' graves at Elmview, Olivewood, and here.

 

A part of me feels that there is, perhaps, something to be said for letting such sites return completely to nature, but our history lies here, with those who helped build this country, this community.

 

www.usgwarchives.net/tx/cemph/harris/humble-n.htm

 

archiver.rootsweb.ancestry.com/th/read/TX-CEMETERY-PRESER...

 

www.chron.com/disp/story.mpl//5787895.html

 

Borderville Learning Service Project directly available at YouTube -

www.youtube.com/watch?v=ddBP-VF6KGc

 

"Claiming King" Genealogy blog is located here -

claimingkin.livejournal.com/2577.html

  

Gwendolyn Theresa Greene (Britt) mug shot from his arrest at Glen Echo Amusement Park in Maryland for sitting on the park’s carousel June 30, 1960

 

The park was the focus of a months-long picketing and political campaign to desegregate the “whites only” facility. The facility formally desegregated shortly before re-opening for the season in the Spring of 1961.

 

Greene, along with four others, had their cases go to the U.S. Supreme Court in an attempt to invalidate claims that private businesses had the right to enforce segregation.

 

The Court ruled in 1964 that the convictions at Glen Echo were invalid on the narrow grounds that the arresting officer (a sheriff deputy working at the park) was an agent of the state and such enforcement was prohibited by the 14th Amendment of the Constitution.

 

Later that year, the 1964 Civil Rights Act was signed by President Johnson prohibiting discrimination at facilities open to the public.

 

For the story behind the scenes on the effort to desegregate Glen Echo, see washingtonspark.wordpress.com/2015/06/26/contradictions-i...

 

For more information and related images, see Glen Echo Picket: 1960 flic.kr/s/aHsjDFaXGM

 

Photo is a file card from the Alabama Department of Public Safety created around 1965 and designed to alert law enforcement agencies to individuals involved in civil rights campaigns.

An 1864 photograph of Sojourner Truth from her book "I sell the shadow to support the substance, Sojourner Truth.”

 

Sojourner Truth, an abolitionist, women’s rights activist, emancipated slave and itinerant evangelist, became arguably the most well known 19th Century African American woman. Born around 1791, Isabella (her birth name) was the daughter of James and Betsey, slaves of Colonel Ardinburgh Hurley, Ulster County, and New York.

 

From a young age, she was bought and sold several times by slave-owners in New York. She married an enslaved man named Thomas, and together they had five children.

 

On July 4, 1827, the New York State Legislature emancipated Isabella, yet her owners at the time, the Dumonts, would not comply because they claimed she still owed them work. One morning before dawn, with a baby in her arms, she walked away from the Dumonts and took refuge with an abolitionist family who lived five miles away.

 

During this time, she experienced a religious conversion and became active in the nearby Methodist church. Eventually, she moved with her son, Peter, to New York City, where she worked as a live-in domestic. She became involved in a religious cult known as the Kingdom, whose leader, Matthias, beat her and assigned her the heaviest workload.

 

The turning point in Isabella’s life came on June 1, 1843, when at the age of 52 she adopted a new name, Sojourner Truth, and headed east for the purpose of “exhorting the people to embrace Jesus, and refrain from sin.”

 

For several years, she preached at camp meetings and lived in a utopian community, the Northampton Association for Education and Industry, which devoted itself to transcending class, race, and gender distinctions.

 

Even though the community lasted less than five years, many reform-minded influential people visited Northampton, including abolitionist leaders Frederick Douglass and William Lloyd Garrison. Through these connections, she began to speak at public events on behalf of abolition and women’s rights. In 1851, she gave her famous “Ain’t I A Woman” speech at a Women’s Rights Convention in Akron, Ohio.

 

In 1857, Truth bought a house with the help of friends in Harmonia, a small Spiritualist community near Battle Creek, Michigan. She supported herself through speaking engagements and selling photographs of herself as well as her book, Narrative of Sojourner Truth, written by an amanuensis, since she was illiterate.

 

When the Civil War began, Truth threw her energy into soliciting food and clothing for the volunteer regiments of black Union soldiers. Then the plight of freed slaves caught her attention, many of whom were living in refugee camps in the nation’s capital.

 

During her time in Washington, D.C., she waged a one-woman campaign to desegregate the city’s horse-drawn streetcars. A law was passed in 1864 prohibiting Jim Crow cars in the city, but the signs still remained up in many cars and drivers often enforced segregation.

 

Truth would sit in the “white” section and refuse to move. As white supremacist drivers came to know her they would refuse to pick her up. Truth would notify the company and complain to the newspapers when it occurred.

 

Truth’s efforts prevented Jim Crow from becoming custom and the city’s trolley’s were never Jim Crow, even during the early part of the 20th Century when white supremacists were re-establishing segregation in the city.

 

Her direct action technique of claiming her rights would later evolve into the sit-ins that became a widespread tactic in 1960.

 

She championed the idea of a colony for freed slaves in the American West where they would have a chance to become self-supporting and self-reliant. She garnered numerous signatures for her petition urging the Federal government to provide land for this endeavor. Although she presented the petition to President Ulysses S. Grant, her dream never materialized.

 

Nevertheless, when a large migration of freed southern slaves made their way west in the fall of 1879, despite her advanced age, Truth traveled to Kansas to help them get settled. Sojourner Truth died in Battle Creek, Michigan on November 26, 1883. She was 92.

 

--Partially excerpted from the Black Past Remembers and Reclaimed.

 

For a detailed post on a direct action campaign to end Jim Crow at the U.S. Capitol, see washingtonspark.wordpress.com/2018/02/26/origins-of-the-c...

 

For more information and related images, see flic.kr/s/aHsmcArGZz

 

The photographer is unknown. The image is from "I sell the shadow to support the substance, Sojourner Truth" 1864.

South African razor wire along the Cape Town-Pretoria railroad.

 

This wire ran along the railway to keep the black and coloured of the tracks.

 

(Nikon F-501, Nikkor 70-300 4-6.3G, Kodak VR 200)

The deep South had strict segregation. In Leland, Mississippi the colored theater was the Rex. It featured in June 1937 two feature films that had been trimmed down from serials: "The Adventures of Tarzan" (1935), starring shot putt silver medal winner in the 1928 Olympics, Herman Brix. And "The Three Musqueteers," with John Wayne, profiled earlier, had also been cut down.

 

Brix (1906-2007) had been the first choice to play Tarzan in MGM's 1932 "Tarzan the Ape Man," but suffered a shoulder injury. The part went to Johnny Weismuller, who became a star.

 

Brix's 12 chapter independent serial was cut to a seven reel feature.

 

Brix later changed his name to Bruce Bennett and signed with Warner Brothers. He appeared in the 1944 film noir classic "Mildred Pierce" and in John Huston's " The Treasure of the Sierra Madre," which won the best picture Academy Award of 1948.

 

Bennett wears the pin strip suit in this trailer for "Pierce."

 

www.youtube.com/watch?v=K4h4HZWSPUc

 

Bennett lived to be 101, saying that age is only a state of mind.

 

The great Farm Security Administration photographer Dorothea Lange took this picture of the Rex.

 

@2009 David Lee Guss Film homage, "The New Adventures of Tarzan," 1935, 1935/1937-2010

            

715 southbound past the Metropole, showing the new tramway and road segregation nearly completed.

The city of Gary plans to raze the long-abandoned St. John's Hospital, which was built in 1929 during an era of segregation to serve the city's black community at a time when they were not welcome at "white hospitals." The decrepit hospital building at 22nd Avenue and Massachusetts Street in Midtown had been vacant since it closed in 1950, and was repeatedly named one of Indiana's most endangered buildings by Indiana Landmarks in recent years.

 

www.washingtonpost.com/history/2019/10/18/son-former-slav...

 

www.nwitimes.com/business/local/historic-st-john-hospital...

 

www.insideindianabusiness.com/story/41079270/historic-hos...

 

sites.google.com/site/stjohnshospitaldpg/

 

blackchristiannews.com/2019/09/gary-indiana-to-demolish-h...

This the header to my current Blog post; it shows the physical copies of the Willie Lynch letter. This is the man 'lynching' was named after and this post was written to show how his methods are MORE effective today than they were during america under segregation laws.

Little Rock Central High School (LRCHS) is an accredited comprehensive public high school in Little Rock, Arkansas, United States. Central High School was the site of forced school desegregation after the US Supreme Court ruled in 1954 that segregation of public schools was unconstitutional. This was during the period of heightened activism in the Civil Rights Movement. Central is located at the intersection of Daisy L. Gatson Bates Drive (named for the civil rights leader and formerly known as 14th Street) and Park Street.

 

In 1927 at a cost of $1.5 million (USD), the city completed construction on the nation's largest and most expensive high school facility, which remains in use today. In 1953 with the construction of Hall High School, the school was renamed as Little Rock Central High School. It has since been listed on the U.S. National Register of Historic Places and named as a U.S. National Historic Landmark and National Historic Site.

 

On November 6, 1998, Congress established Little Rock Central High School National Historic Site. The National Historic Site is administered in partnership with the National Park Service, Little Rock Public Schools, the City of Little Rock, and others.

 

The Visitor Center for the site is located diagonally across the street from the school and across from the memorial dedicated by Michael Warrick, and opened in fall 2006. It contains a captioned interpretive film on the Little Rock integration crisis, as well as multimedia exhibits on both that and the larger context of desegregation during the 20th century and the Civil Rights Movement.

 

Opposite the Visitor Center to the west is the Central High Commemorative Garden, which features nine trees and benches that honor the students. Arches that represent the school's facade contain embedded photographs of the school in years since the crisis, and showcase students of various backgrounds in activities together.

 

Opposite the Visitor Center to the south is a historic Mobil gas station, which has been preserved in its appearance at the time of the crisis. At the time, it served as the area for the press and radio and television reporters. It later served as a temporary Visitor Center before the new one was built.

 

Information from: en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Little_Rock_Central_High_School

In the fall of 1947, Martin Luther King delivered his first sermon at the pulpit of Ebenezer Baptist Church in Atlanta. Ebenezer’s congregation voted to license King as a minister soon afterward, and he was ordained in February 1948. King went on to serve as Ebenezer’s associate minister during his breaks from Crozer Theological Seminary and from his doctoral studies at Boston University School of Theology through early 1954. He returned as co-pastor with his father, Martin Luther King, Sr., serving from 1960 until his assassination in 1968.

 

The church was founded in 1886 by its first minister, John Andrew Parker. In 1894 Alfred Daniel Williams, King, Jr.’s maternal grandfather, became Ebenezer’s second pastor. Under Williams the church grew from 13 members to nearly 750 members by 1913. Williams moved the church twice before purchasing a lot on the corner of Auburn Avenue and Jackson Street and, announced plans to raise $25,000 for a new building that would include an auditorium and gallery seating for 1,250 people. In March 1914 the Ebenezer congregation celebrated the groundbreaking for its new building. After the death of Williams in 1931, King, Sr., who had married Williams’ daughter Alberta in 1926, became pastor.

 

With King, Sr. as pastor and his wife, Alberta Williams King, serving as musical director, the King family spent much of their time at Ebenezer. King, Jr. later described how his earliest relationships were formed at church: ‘‘My best friends were in Sunday School, and it was the Sunday School that helped me to build the capacity for getting along with people’’ (Papers 1:359). While in seminary, King often preached at Ebenezer. He delivered some of his most enduring sermons for the first time at Ebenezer, including ‘‘The Dimensions of a Complete Life,’’ ‘‘What Is Man?’’ and ‘‘Loving Your Enemies.’’

 

After King accepted the pastorate at Dexter Avenue Baptist Church in Montgomery, members of Ebenezer’s congregation attended his October 1954 installation service, prompting King to express his gratitude: ‘‘Your prayers and words of encouragement have meant a great deal to me in my ministry; and you can never know what your presence in such large numbers meant to me at the beginning of my pastorate. I want you to know Ebenezer, that I feel greatly indebted to you; and that whatever success I might achieve in my life’s work you will have helped to make it possible’’ (Papers 2:314).

 

In November 1959, King accepted Ebenezer’s call to join his father as co-pastor, a move that brought him closer to the headquarters of the Southern Christian Leadership Conference. His first sermon as copastor at Ebenezer was ‘‘The Three Dimensions of a Complete Life.’’ After King’s assassination in 1968, his brother, A. D. Williams King, was installed as Ebenezer’s co-pastor. King, Sr. continued as pastor until 1975, and Coretta Scott King continued to attend services at Ebenezer until her death.

 

Years ago in the deep south there was a law in writing that African Americans had to sit in the back seats of buses to segregate themselves from whites on December 1 1955 Rosa Parks found it demeaning to give her seat to a white person because of her colour,she was charged for breaking the law now this led to a boycott of the bus service in Alabama she initiated the Civil Right Movement in the United States and on November 16 1956 the supreme court ruled that the law segregating African Americans from whites on buses was unconstitutional and the ruling was quashed.

A voice against segregation, Albion Tourgee!

 

b: 2 May 1838 d: 21 May 1905

 

Albion Winegar Tourgée (May 2, 1838 – May 21, 1905) was an American soldier, Radical Republican, lawyer, judge, novelist, and diplomat. A pioneer civil rights activist, he founded the National Citizens' Rights Association and litigated for the plaintiff Homer Plessy in the famous segregation case Plessy v. Ferguson (1896). Historian Mark Elliott credits Tourgee with introducing the metaphor of "color-blind" justice into legal discourse.

“ Justice is pictured as blind and her daughter the Law, ought at least to be color-blind. ”

 

Early life

 

Tourgée was born in rural Williamsfield, Ohio, the son of farmer Valentine Tourgée and Louisa Emma Winegar. His mother died when he was five. He attended common schools in Ashtabula County and in Lee, Massachusetts, where he spent two years living with an uncle. Tourgée entered the University of Rochester in 1859, but left it in 1861 without attaining a degree to teach school. Upon the outbreak of the Civil War, in April of the same year he enlisted in the 27th New York Infantry. As was common practice with students who enlisted before completing their studies, the University awarded Tourgée an A.B. degree in June, 1862.

 

Military service

 

Tourgée was wounded in the spine at the First Battle of Bull Run, from which he suffered temporary paralysis and a permanent back problem that plagued him for the rest of his life. Upon recovering sufficiently to resume his military career, he was commissioned as a first lieutenant in the 105th Ohio Volunteer Infantry. At the Battle of Perryville, he was again wounded. On January 21, 1863, Tourgée was captured near Murfreesboro, Tennessee and was held as a prisoner-of-war in Libby Prison in Richmond, Virginia, before his exchange on May 8, 1863. He resumed his duties and fought at the battles of Chickamauga and Chattanooga. Tourgée resigned his commission on December 6, 1863 and returned to Ohio. He married Emma Doiska Kilbourne, with whom he had one child.

 

Reconstruction Period

 

After the war, Tourgée established himself as a lawyer, farmer, and editor in Greensboro, North Carolina, where he and his wife moved so he could live in a warmer climate better suited to his war injuries. An active participant as a Reconstruction Carpetbagger in his new home, Tourgée had a number of inspiring and harrowing experiences that gave him ample material and impetus for the writing he would later undertake. In 1868 he represented Guilford County at the state constitutional convention, which was dominated by Republicans. There he successfully advocated for equal political and civil rights for all citizens; ending property qualifications for jury duty and office holding; popular election of all state officers, including judges; free public education; abolition of whipping posts for those convicted of crimes; judicial reform; and uniform taxation. Nevertheless, he discovered that putting these reforms on paper did not translate into an ease of putting them into practice.

 

As a Republican-installed superior court judge from 1868 to 1874, Tourgée confronted the increasingly violent Ku Klux Klan, which was very powerful in his district and repeatedly threatened his life. Among his other activities, he served as a delegate to the 1875 constitutional convention and ran a losing campaign for Congress in 1878.

 

Literary Life

 

Financial success came in 1879 with the publication of A Fool's Errand, by One of the Fools, (Fords, Howard & Hulbert, Nov 1879) a novel based on his experiences of Reconstruction, which sold 200,000 copies. Its sequel, Bricks Without Straw, also was a bestseller.

 

In 1881, Tourgée moved to Mayville, New York, near the Chautauqua Institution, and made his living as writer and editor of the literary weekly Our Continent until it failed in 1884. He wrote many more novels and essays in the next two decades, many about the Lake Erie region to which he had located, including, among others, Button's Inn.

 

Plessy Case

 

What would become the Plessy case began when a group of prominent black leaders in New Orleans organized a "Citizens' Committee" in September 1891 to challenge Louisiana's 1890 law intended "to promote the comfort of passengers" by requiring all state railway companies "to provide equal but separate accommodations for the white and colored races, by providing separate coaches or compartments" on their passenger trains. To assist them in their challenge, this group retained the legal services of "Judge Tourgée," as he was popularly known.

 

Perhaps the nation's most outspoken white Radical on the "race question" in the late 1880s and 1890s, Tourgée had called for resistance to the Louisiana law in his widely read newspaper column, "A Bystander's Notes," which, though written for the Chicago Republican (later known as the Chicago Daily Inter Ocean and after 1872 known as the Chicago Record-Herald), was syndicated in many newspapers across the country. Largely as a consequence of this column, "Judge Tourgée" had become well known in the black press for his bold denunciations of lynching, segregation, disfranchisement, white supremacy, and scientific racism, and he was the New Orleans Citizens' Committee's first choice to lead their legal challenge to the new Louisiana segregation law.

 

Tourgée, who was lead attorney for Homer Plessy, first deployed the term “color blindness” in his briefs in the Plessy case and had used it on several prior occasions on behalf of the struggle for civil rights. Indeed, Tourgee's first use of the legal metaphor of "color blindness" came decades before while serving as a Superior Court judge in North Carolina. In his dissent in Plessy, Justice John Marshall Harlan borrowed the metaphor of "color blindness" from Tourgée’s legal brief.

 

Later life

 

In 1897, following Tourgée's involvement in the Plessy case, President William McKinley appointed him U.S. consul to France, and he lived and served there in Bordeaux until his death, in early 1905, when he became gravely ill for several months, but then appeared to rebound. The recovery was only momentary, however, and he succumbed to acute uremia resulting from one of his Civil War wounds.

 

Tourgée's ashes were interred in Mayville, New York, at the Mayville Cemetery and are commemorated by a 12-foot granite obelisk inscribed thus: I pray thee then Write me as one that loves his fellow-man.

 

Bevölkerungsentwicklung von Jakarta

 

10,6 Millionen oder 30 Millionen Einwohner?

Mit der Datenerhebung ist das so eine Sache. Die Kurve unten zeigt die Bevölkerungsentwicklung des administrativen Stadtgebietes von Jakarta. Die Stadt ist aber schon seit langem weit über ihre Grenzen hinausgewachsen. Allerdings geben Statistiken oft nur die offizielle Zahl der Bewohner an und werden der Realität somit nicht gerecht.

 

Im Vergleich zu den 1980er Jahren ist die Wachs-

tumsrate heutzutage deutlich geringer. Wachstum findet mittlerweile vor allem in den Vorstädten und im periurbanen Umland statt.

 

Gründe für den rasanten Bevölkerungsanstieg ist das Wirtschafts-wachstum in und um Jakarta. Ähnlich wie in Bangkok oder Manila konzentrieren sich hier ausländische Direktinvestitionen.

 

Zudem spielt der Rückgang der in der Landwirtschaft Beschäftigten durch die Grüne Revolution eine Rolle, ebenso wie die Überbevölkerung Javas. Dort hatten 1980 34 % der ländlichen Haushalte nur maximal 0,25 ha landwirtschaftliche Nutzfläche zur Verfügung.

 

Viele Menschen strömen deswegen in die Städte, vor allem nach Jakarta. Oft sind es aber auch Leute mit guter Bildung, die vom Land kommen und ihre Chance in der Stadt sehen.

 

Transmigrasi

Transmigrasi ist ein 1969 von der Nationalregierung gestartetes Um- und Neuansiedelungsprojekt, welches das Ziel hatte, den Bevölkerungsdruck auf der Hauptinsel Java zu verringern. Landlose bekamen damit die Chance, auf weniger dicht besiedelte Außeninseln zu ziehen. Dabei erhielten sie Land, eine Unterkunft und Saatgut.

 

Insgesamt wurden im Zuge dieses Großvorhabens fast sieben Millionen Menschen umgesiedelt. Das Programm war aber auch sehr umstritten, da es oft auf Kosten der alteingesessenen, nicht-javanischen Bevölkerung erfolgte und damit häufig Konflikte zur Folge hatte.

 

Quellen: Text: Michael Waibel & Martin Kaiser; Foto oben links: Benjamin Jacobs; Foto oben Mitte: Adrian Mulja: „Kota Wisata“ Gated Community in Cibudur;

Foto oben rechts: Adrian Mulja: Junk Food Generation; Foto unten: Benjamin Jacobs: Wellblechsiedlung am Ciliwung (Menteng); Abbildung: Martin Kaiser.

 

The Maryland National Guard arrives in Cambridge, Md. July 25, 1967 for the third time in four years following a night where fighting broke out between black and white residents and two square blocks of an African American neighborhood burned while firefighters stood by.

 

The previous evening, Student Non-Violent Coordinating Committee chair H. “Rap” Brown gave a fiery speech on black pride, a critique of U.S. white society and willingness of black people to fight for a better life.

 

Following the speech, Brown was shot at and slightly wounded by a shotgun pellet. Gunfire between black and white residents broke out and someone set fire to the Pine Street School in the African American section of town.

 

The fire engulfed two square blocks of the black neighborhood while white firefighters refused to quell the blaze.

 

Maryland Gov. Spiro Agnew sent in the Guard, came to town calling for authorities to arrest Brown and “throw away the key.” He called African American residents of the town “thugs” and subsequently cut off federal aid to the town.

 

Agnew went on to make a political career of attacking “radical liberals” and calling for “law and order” before he was forced to resign as U.S. vice president while facing corruption charges.

 

Brown’s speech, the subsequent fire and occupation by the Guard marked the end of a four year mass movement in the town seeking an end to segregation, better jobs, schools, housing and health care.

 

For more images of the Cambridge civil rights protests 1962-67, see flic.kr/s/aHsk3Pe6xA

 

For a background story on the Cambridge civil rights struggle, see washingtonspark.wordpress.com/2015/05/31/raging-civil-rig...

 

For an account of the 1937 Phillips Packing Co. Strike in Cambridge, see washingtonspark.wordpress.com/2014/09/18/1937-phillips-pa...

 

Photo by Paul Schmick. Image courtesy of the D.C Public Library Washington Star Collection © Washington Post.

Shown here (photo by Susan Krysiak courtesy of MAC): The Center for Community Arts (CCA) held an opening reception on Martin Luther King, Jr. Day, Monday, Jan. 15, for the exhibit, “Franklin Street School: From Segregation to Unification,” at the Carroll Gallery in the Carriage House, Emlen Physick Estate, 1048 Washington St., Cape May, N.J. From its opening in 1928, the Franklin Street School was a symbol of racial segregation and separation. It stood as a reminder of a racial divide, even after school integration in 1948. For two decades, CCA has worked to preserve, stabilize and restore the Franklin Street School. Now a collaborative effort by CCA and the City of Cape May aims to renew the school as a community center. The exhibit includes photographs, artifacts and recorded oral and video histories that chronical the history of the school, the initial efforts to preserve and rehabilitate the building, and plans for the building’s expansion and completion. Members of the CCA History Committee, shown here, from left, organized the exhibit and were on hand at the reception: Barbara Dreyfuss, Wanda Evelyn, Hope Gaines, Yvonne Wright-Gary, who is also holding a photograph of member Roberta Mae Conti (1948-2017), Isabella (Izzy) Gordon (and children), and Emily Dempsey. The exhibit is open to the public as follows: Saturday, Feb. 17, 11 a.m.-4 p.m.; Sunday, Feb. 18, 11 a.m.-3 p.m.; Monday, Feb. 19, 1 p.m.-3 p.m.; Saturdays, Feb. 24-March 17, 11 a.m.-3 p.m.; Sunday, March 18, 1 p.m.-3 p.m. The exhibit is open daily, March 19-April 15; hours vary. This exhibit is sponsored by CCA in association with the Mid-Atlantic Center for the Arts & Humanities (MAC). For information on the exhibit, call 609-884-7525 or visit www.CenterforCommunityArts.org. For gallery hours call 609-884-5404 or visit www.capemaymac.org.

 

CCA is a multicultural educational non-profit organization whose arts and humanities programs foster creativity, community building, and appreciation for the rich diversity of our world. The Center’s Community History Program is dedicated to preserving, interpreting and celebrating Cape May’s African-American heritage through exhibits, tours, and its John and Janet Nash African-American History Archive. The Center is currently rehabilitating the Franklin Street School, a Cape May African-American Historic Site, to house a community cultural center, runs youth arts programs and operates WCFA-LP 11.5 FM, a community radio station. For further information, call 609-884-7525 or access CCA’s web site at www.CenterforCommunityArts.org.

 

MAC is a multifaceted not-for-profit organization committed to promoting the preservation, interpretation, and cultural enrichment of the Cape May region for its residents and visitors. MAC membership is open to all. For information about the exhibit schedule, or MAC’s year-round schedule of tours, festivals, and special events, call 609-884-5404 or 800-275-4278, or visit MAC’s Web site at www.capemaymac.org.

   

###

  

The Carver-Piedmont Technical Education Center was established as George Washington Carver Regional High School. It was established in 1948 as a segregated school for black high school students in Culpeper County, Madison County, Orange County, and Rappahannock County. In 1968, the building was renamed the Piedmont Technical Education Center as public schools became integrated by the landmark Supreme Court decision Brown v. Board of Education..

June 1, 1951

 

Photo shoot of the segregated all African-American truck company with their new apparatus.

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