View allAll Photos Tagged Segregation
Wasting the City! A box for a box
There it goes! The Frappant Building in Hamburg Altona is teared down to build a new City Ikea. Wide range and long protest didn't help. People are not only scared that the new massive Ikea-Store in the residential area of Hamburg-Altona will bring way more traffic into the area, but also that Ikea is part of the gentrification that starts with higher rents and ends with residential segregation. At the end of the day..a box will be replaced by an even bigger box.
Segregation now, tomorrow and forever
En colaboración con Mr. Ken Cole, gracias amigo.
www.flickr.com/photos/22520745@N07/
Colección Ken Cole
Overcoming occupational segregation: Young women and men receive technical training.
Country : Philippines
Date : 1990
Copyright : Maillard J. / ILO
Concrete ruins on north side of the cemetery.
Humble Negro Cemetery, otherwise known as the Pipe Yard Cemetery, is north of the FM 1960 bypass, just east of the railroad tracks, behind the Home Depot and an Humble ISD administration building.
Jim Crow Laws, segregation, were brutally enforced at the time that burials were being made there. Not only could African-Americans not be buried in the Humble Cemetery, but after 1933, when Humble was incorporated, new laws were passed, forcing African-Americans to move, some to nearby Bordersville, just outside the city limits. There are reports that the graves of the few African-Americans who had been buried in the Humble Cemetery were moved, some to the Humble Negro Cemetery.
Grace Church now attempts to maintain the cemetery.
On the day that I was there, an empty flagpole stood.
The concrete ruins of an old kerosene refinery are on the north boundary of the cemetery, and dense woods are on all sides.
Time, and the elements, take a toll on cemeteries, especially those essentially abandoned for many years.
We know where our parents are buried, may visit their graves, but how many of us regularly visit our grandparents' graves? Commercial, perpetual care, cemeteries, and those associated with churches and municipalities have systems in place for maintenance, but there are many cemeteries, such as those that were no longer in use after desegregation, that are nearly forgotten, descendants moving away, passing away...
At Evergreen and Olivewood, both essentially abandoned, but for the efforts of volunteers, there are occasional signs of vandalism. I've never seen vandalism, desecration, though, on the scale that I found at Humble Negro Cemetery. Over the years, most of the stones have been broken, many to fragments. Many graves are unmarked, but for sunken places on the ground. Graves of veterans have been used for target practice. Some of the graves had concrete slabs over them. In every case, the slab has been shattered, and the earth beneath disturbed, though now, somewhat, replaced. Graves have clearly been violated.
The range of weathering of the damage indicates that it has taken place over decades.
It might not be hard to make an argument that the graves in such cemeteries should be the responsibilty of descendants, survivors, but I strongly feel that the graves of those who have helped to defend this country deserve better, from the nation, from the community ,than those veterans' graves at Elmview, Olivewood, and here.
A part of me feels that there is, perhaps, something to be said for letting such sites return completely to nature, but our history lies here, with those who helped build this country, this community.
www.usgwarchives.net/tx/cemph/harris/humble-n.htm
archiver.rootsweb.ancestry.com/th/read/TX-CEMETERY-PRESER...
www.chron.com/disp/story.mpl//5787895.html
Borderville Learning Service Project directly available at YouTube -
www.youtube.com/watch?v=ddBP-VF6KGc
"Claiming King" Genealogy blog is located here -
claimingkin.livejournal.com/2577.html
Humble Negro Cemetery, otherwise known as the Pipe Yard Cemetery, is north of the FM 1960 bypass, just east of the railroad tracks, behind the Home Depot and an Humble ISD administration building.
Jim Crow Laws, segregation, were brutally enforced at the time that burials were being made there. Not only could African-Americans not be buried in the Humble Cemetery, but after 1933, when Humble was incorporated, new laws were passed, forcing African-Americans to move, some to nearby Bordersville, just outside the city limits. There are reports that the graves of the few African-Americans who had been buried in the Humble Cemetery were moved, some to the Humble Negro Cemetery.
Grace Church now attempts to maintain the cemetery.
On the day that I was there, an empty flagpole stood.
The concrete ruins of an old kerosene refinery are on the north boundary of the cemetery, and dense woods are on all sides.
Time, and the elements, take a toll on cemeteries, especially those essentially abandoned for many years.
We know where our parents are buried, may visit their graves, but how many of us regularly visit our grandparents' graves? Commercial, perpetual care, cemeteries, and those associated with churches and municipalities have systems in place for maintenance, but there are many cemeteries, such as those that were no longer in use after desegregation, that are nearly forgotten, descendants moving away, passing away...
At Evergreen and Olivewood, both essentially abandoned, but for the efforts of volunteers, there are occasional signs of vandalism. I've never seen vandalism, desecration, though, on the scale that I found at Humble Negro Cemetery. Over the years, most of the stones have been broken, many to fragments. Many graves are unmarked, but for sunken places on the ground. Graves of veterans have been used for target practice. Some of the graves had concrete slabs over them. In every case, the slab has been shattered, and the earth beneath disturbed, though now, somewhat, replaced. Graves have clearly been violated.
The range of weathering of the damage indicates that it has taken place over decades.
It might not be hard to make an argument that the graves in such cemeteries should be the responsibilty of descendants, survivors, but I strongly feel that the graves of those who have helped to defend this country deserve better, from the nation, from the community ,than those veterans' graves at Elmview, Olivewood, and here.
A part of me feels that there is, perhaps, something to be said for letting such sites return completely to nature, but our history lies here, with those who helped build this country, this community.
www.usgwarchives.net/tx/cemph/harris/humble-n.htm
archiver.rootsweb.ancestry.com/th/read/TX-CEMETERY-PRESER...
www.chron.com/disp/story.mpl//5787895.html
Borderville Learning Service Project directly available at YouTube -
www.youtube.com/watch?v=ddBP-VF6KGc
"Claiming King" Genealogy blog is located here -
claimingkin.livejournal.com/2577.html
Exposition : The color line
Du mardi 04 octobre 2016 au dimanche 15 janvier 2017
Quel rôle a joué l’art dans la quête d’égalité et d’affirmation de l’identité noire dans l’Amérique de la Ségrégation ? L'exposition rend hommage aux artistes et penseurs africains-américains qui ont contribué, durant près d’un siècle et demi de luttes, à estomper cette "ligne de couleur" discriminatoire.
—————
« Le problème du 20e siècle est le problème de la ligne de partage des couleurs ».
Si la fin de la Guerre de Sécession en 1865 a bien sonné l’abolition de l'esclavage, la ligne de démarcation raciale va encore marquer durablement la société américaine, comme le pressent le militant W.E.B. Du Bois en 1903 dans The Soul of Black Folks. L’exposition The Color Line revient sur cette période sombre des États-Unis à travers l’histoire culturelle de ses artistes noirs, premières cibles de ces discriminations.
Des thématiques racistes du vaudeville américain et des spectacles de Minstrels du 19e siècle à l’effervescence culturelle et littéraire de la Harlem Renaissance du début du 20e siècle, des pionniers de l’activisme noir (Frederick Douglass, Booker T. Washington) au réquisitoire de la chanteuse Billie Holiday (Strange Fruit), ce sont près de 150 ans de production artistique – peinture, sculpture, photographie, cinéma, musique, littérature… – qui témoignent de la richesse créative de la contestation noire.
I am happy to join with you today in what will go down in history as the greatest demonstration for freedom in the history of our nation.
Five score years ago, a great American, in whose symbolic shadow we stand today, signed the Emancipation Proclamation. This momentous decree came as a great beacon light of hope to millions of Negro slaves who had been seared in the flames of withering injustice. It came as a joyous daybreak to end the long night of their captivity.
But one hundred years later, the Negro still is not free. One hundred years later, the life of the Negro is still sadly crippled by the manacles of segregation and the chains of discrimination. One hundred years later, the Negro lives on a lonely island of poverty in the midst of a vast ocean of material prosperity. One hundred years later, the Negro is still languishing in the corners of American society and finds himself an exile in his own land. So we have come here today to dramatize a shameful condition.
In a sense we have come to our nation's capital to cash a check. When the architects of our republic wrote the magnificent words of the Constitution and the Declaration of Independence, they were signing a promissory note to which every American was to fall heir. This note was a promise that all men, yes, black men as well as white men, would be guaranteed the unalienable rights of life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness.
It is obvious today that America has defaulted on this promissory note insofar as her citizens of color are concerned. Instead of honoring this sacred obligation, America has given the Negro people a bad check, a check which has come back marked "insufficient funds." But we refuse to believe that the bank of justice is bankrupt. We refuse to believe that there are insufficient funds in the great vaults of opportunity of this nation. So we have come to cash this check -- a check that will give us upon demand the riches of freedom and the security of justice. We have also come to this hallowed spot to remind America of the fierce urgency of now. This is no time to engage in the luxury of cooling off or to take the tranquilizing drug of gradualism. Now is the time to make real the promises of democracy. Now is the time to rise from the dark and desolate valley of segregation to the sunlit path of racial justice. Now is the time to lift our nation from the quick sands of racial injustice to the solid rock of brotherhood. Now is the time to make justice a reality for all of God's children.
It would be fatal for the nation to overlook the urgency of the moment. This sweltering summer of the Negro's legitimate discontent will not pass until there is an invigorating autumn of freedom and equality. Nineteen sixty-three is not an end, but a beginning. Those who hope that the Negro needed to blow off steam and will now be content will have a rude awakening if the nation returns to business as usual. There will be neither rest nor tranquility in America until the Negro is granted his citizenship rights. The whirlwinds of revolt will continue to shake the foundations of our nation until the bright day of justice emerges.
But there is something that I must say to my people who stand on the warm threshold which leads into the palace of justice. In the process of gaining our rightful place we must not be guilty of wrongful deeds. Let us not seek to satisfy our thirst for freedom by drinking from the cup of bitterness and hatred.
We must forever conduct our struggle on the high plane of dignity and discipline. We must not allow our creative protest to degenerate into physical violence. Again and again we must rise to the majestic heights of meeting physical force with soul force. The marvelous new militancy which has engulfed the Negro community must not lead us to a distrust of all white people, for many of our white brothers, as evidenced by their presence here today, have come to realize that their destiny is tied up with our destiny. They have come to realize that their freedom is inextricably bound to our freedom. We cannot walk alone.
As we walk, we must make the pledge that we shall always march ahead. We cannot turn back. There are those who are asking the devotees of civil rights, "When will you be satisfied?" We can never be satisfied as long as the Negro is the victim of the unspeakable horrors of police brutality. We can never be satisfied, as long as our bodies, heavy with the fatigue of travel, cannot gain lodging in the motels of the highways and the hotels of the cities. We cannot be satisfied as long as the Negro's basic mobility is from a smaller ghetto to a larger one. We can never be satisfied as long as our children are stripped of their selfhood and robbed of their dignity by signs stating "For Whites Only". We cannot be satisfied as long as a Negro in Mississippi cannot vote and a Negro in New York believes he has nothing for which to vote. No, no, we are not satisfied, and we will not be satisfied until justice rolls down like waters and righteousness like a mighty stream.
I am not unmindful that some of you have come here out of great trials and tribulations. Some of you have come fresh from narrow jail cells. Some of you have come from areas where your quest for freedom left you battered by the storms of persecution and staggered by the winds of police brutality. You have been the veterans of creative suffering. Continue to work with the faith that unearned suffering is redemptive.
Go back to Mississippi, go back to Alabama, go back to South Carolina, go back to Georgia, go back to Louisiana, go back to the slums and ghettos of our northern cities, knowing that somehow this situation can and will be changed. Let us not wallow in the valley of despair.
I say to you today, my friends, so even though we face the difficulties of today and tomorrow, I still have a dream. It is a dream deeply rooted in the American dream.
I have a dream that one day this nation will rise up and live out the true meaning of its creed: "We hold these truths to be self-evident: that all men are created equal."
I have a dream that one day on the red hills of Georgia the sons of former slaves and the sons of former slave owners will be able to sit down together at the table of brotherhood.
I have a dream that one day even the state of Mississippi, a state sweltering with the heat of injustice, sweltering with the heat of oppression, will be transformed into an oasis of freedom and justice.
I have a dream that my four little children will one day live in a nation where they will not be judged by the color of their skin but by the content of their character.
I have a dream today.
I have a dream that one day, down in Alabama, with its vicious racists, with its governor having his lips dripping with the words of interposition and nullification; one day right there in Alabama, little black boys and black girls will be able to join hands with little white boys and white girls as sisters and brothers.
I have a dream today.
I have a dream that one day every valley shall be exalted, every hill and mountain shall be made low, the rough places will be made plain, and the crooked places will be made straight, and the glory of the Lord shall be revealed, and all flesh shall see it together.
This is our hope. This is the faith that I go back to the South with. With this faith we will be able to hew out of the mountain of despair a stone of hope. With this faith we will be able to transform the jangling discords of our nation into a beautiful symphony of brotherhood. With this faith we will be able to work together, to pray together, to struggle together, to go to jail together, to stand up for freedom together, knowing that we will be free one day.
This will be the day when all of God's children will be able to sing with a new meaning, "My country, 'tis of thee, sweet land of liberty, of thee I sing. Land where my fathers died, land of the pilgrim's pride, from every mountainside, let freedom ring."
And if America is to be a great nation this must become true. So let freedom ring from the prodigious hilltops of New Hampshire. Let freedom ring from the mighty mountains of New York. Let freedom ring from the heightening Alleghenies of Pennsylvania!
Let freedom ring from the snowcapped Rockies of Colorado!
Let freedom ring from the curvaceous slopes of California!
But not only that; let freedom ring from Stone Mountain of Georgia!
Let freedom ring from Lookout Mountain of Tennessee!
Let freedom ring from every hill and molehill of Mississippi. From every mountainside, let freedom ring.
And when this happens, when we allow freedom to ring, when we let it ring from every village and every hamlet, from every state and every city, we will be able to speed up that day when all of God's children, black men and white men, Jews and Gentiles, Protestants and Catholics, will be able to join hands and sing in the words of the old Negro spiritual, "Free at last! free at last! thank God Almighty, we are free at last!"
Martin Luther King, Jr.
"I Have a Dream"
delivered on 28 August 1963, at the Lincoln Memorial, Washington D.C.
www.youtube.com/watch?v=t8AxgXxmgFM&feature=related
I am happy to join with you today in what will go down in history as the greatest demonstration for freedom in the history of our nation.
Five score years ago, a great American, in whose symbolic shadow we stand today, signed the Emancipation Proclamation. This momentous decree came as a great beacon light of hope to millions of Negro slaves who had been seared in the flames of withering injustice. It came as a joyous daybreak to end the long night of their captivity.
But one hundred years later, the Negro still is not free. One hundred years later, the life of the Negro is still sadly crippled by the manacles of segregation and the chains of discrimination. One hundred years later, the Negro lives on a lonely island of poverty in the midst of a vast ocean of material prosperity. One hundred years later, the Negro is still languished in the corners of American society and finds himself an exile in his own land. And so we've come here today to dramatize a shameful condition.
In a sense we've come to our nation's capital to cash a check. When the architects of our republic wrote the magnificent words of the Constitution and the Declaration of Independence, they were signing a promissory note to which every American was to fall heir. This note was a promise that all men, yes, black men as well as white men, would be guaranteed the "unalienable Rights" of "Life, Liberty and the pursuit of Happiness." It is obvious today that America has defaulted on this promissory note, insofar as her citizens of color are concerned. Instead of honoring this sacred obligation, America has given the Negro people a bad check, a check which has come back marked "insufficient funds."
But we refuse to believe that the bank of justice is bankrupt. We refuse to believe that there are insufficient funds in the great vaults of opportunity of this nation. And so, we've come to cash this check, a check that will give us upon demand the riches of freedom and the security of justice.
We have also come to this hallowed spot to remind America of the fierce urgency of Now. This is no time to engage in the luxury of cooling off or to take the tranquilizing drug of gradualism. Now is the time to make real the promises of democracy. Now is the time to rise from the dark and desolate valley of segregation to the sunlit path of racial justice. Now is the time to lift our nation from the quicksands of racial injustice to the solid rock of brotherhood. Now is the time to make justice a reality for all of God's children.
It would be fatal for the nation to overlook the urgency of the moment. This sweltering summer of the Negro's legitimate discontent will not pass until there is an invigorating autumn of freedom and equality. Nineteen sixty-three is not an end, but a beginning. And those who hope that the Negro needed to blow off steam and will now be content will have a rude awakening if the nation returns to business as usual. And there will be neither rest nor tranquility in America until the Negro is granted his citizenship rights. The whirlwinds of revolt will continue to shake the foundations of our nation until the bright day of justice emerges.
But there is something that I must say to my people, who stand on the warm threshold which leads into the palace of justice: In the process of gaining our rightful place, we must not be guilty of wrongful deeds. Let us not seek to satisfy our thirst for freedom by drinking from the cup of bitterness and hatred. We must forever conduct our struggle on the high plane of dignity and discipline. We must not allow our creative protest to degenerate into physical violence. Again and again, we must rise to the majestic heights of meeting physical force with soul force.
The marvelous new militancy which has engulfed the Negro community must not lead us to a distrust of all white people, for many of our white brothers, as evidenced by their presence here today, have come to realize that their destiny is tied up with our destiny. And they have come to realize that their freedom is inextricably bound to our freedom.
We cannot walk alone.
And as we walk, we must make the pledge that we shall always march ahead.
We cannot turn back.
There are those who are asking the devotees of civil rights, "When will you be satisfied?" We can never be satisfied as long as the Negro is the victim of the unspeakable horrors of police brutality. We can never be satisfied as long as our bodies, heavy with the fatigue of travel, cannot gain lodging in the motels of the highways and the hotels of the cities. We cannot be satisfied as long as the negro's basic mobility is from a smaller ghetto to a larger one. We can never be satisfied as long as our children are stripped of their self-hood and robbed of their dignity by signs stating: "For Whites Only." We cannot be satisfied as long as a Negro in Mississippi cannot vote and a Negro in New York believes he has nothing for which to vote. No, no, we are not satisfied, and we will not be satisfied until "justice rolls down like waters, and righteousness like a mighty stream."¹
I am not unmindful that some of you have come here out of great trials and tribulations. Some of you have come fresh from narrow jail cells. And some of you have come from areas where your quest -- quest for freedom left you battered by the storms of persecution and staggered by the winds of police brutality. You have been the veterans of creative suffering. Continue to work with the faith that unearned suffering is redemptive. Go back to Mississippi, go back to Alabama, go back to South Carolina, go back to Georgia, go back to Louisiana, go back to the slums and ghettos of our northern cities, knowing that somehow this situation can and will be changed.
Let us not wallow in the valley of despair, I say to you today, my friends.
And so even though we face the difficulties of today and tomorrow, I still have a dream. It is a dream deeply rooted in the American dream.
I have a dream that one day this nation will rise up and live out the true meaning of its creed: "We hold these truths to be self-evident, that all men are created equal."
I have a dream that one day on the red hills of Georgia, the sons of former slaves and the sons of former slave owners will be able to sit down together at the table of brotherhood.
I have a dream that one day even the state of Mississippi, a state sweltering with the heat of injustice, sweltering with the heat of oppression, will be transformed into an oasis of freedom and justice.
I have a dream that my four little children will one day live in a nation where they will not be judged by the color of their skin but by the content of their character.
I have a dream today!
I have a dream that one day, down in Alabama, with its vicious racists, with its governor having his lips dripping with the words of "interposition" and "nullification" -- one day right there in Alabama little black boys and black girls will be able to join hands with little white boys and white girls as sisters and brothers.
I have a dream today!
I have a dream that one day every valley shall be exalted, and every hill and mountain shall be made low, the rough places will be made plain, and the crooked places will be made straight; "and the glory of the Lord shall be revealed and all flesh shall see it together."2
This is our hope, and this is the faith that I go back to the South with.
With this faith, we will be able to hew out of the mountain of despair a stone of hope. With this faith, we will be able to transform the jangling discords of our nation into a beautiful symphony of brotherhood. With this faith, we will be able to work together, to pray together, to struggle together, to go to jail together, to stand up for freedom together, knowing that we will be free one day.
And this will be the day -- this will be the day when all of God's children will be able to sing with new meaning:
My country 'tis of thee, sweet land of liberty, of thee I sing.
Land where my fathers died, land of the Pilgrim's pride,
From every mountainside, let freedom ring!
And if America is to be a great nation, this must become true.
And so let freedom ring from the prodigious hilltops of New Hampshire.
Let freedom ring from the mighty mountains of New York.
Let freedom ring from the heightening Alleghenies of Pennsylvania.
Let freedom ring from the snow-capped Rockies of Colorado.
Let freedom ring from the curvaceous slopes of California.
But not only that:
Let freedom ring from Stone Mountain of Georgia.
Let freedom ring from Lookout Mountain of Tennessee.
Let freedom ring from every hill and molehill of Mississippi.
From every mountainside, let freedom ring.
And when this happens, when we allow freedom ring, when we let it ring from every village and every hamlet, from every state and every city, we will be able to speed up that day when all of God's children, black men and white men, Jews and Gentiles, Protestants and Catholics, will be able to join hands and sing in the words of the old Negro spiritual:
Free at last! Free at last!
Thank God Almighty, we are free at last!
--------------------------------------------------------------------------------
A few miles from the Tule Lake Segregation (internment) camp, Camp Tulelake was first built as a Civilian Conservation Corps camp. During WWII, the camp was used to imprison several hundred Japanese American men who protested and refused to answer the loyalty questionnaire. It was used again to house Japanese American strikebreakers brought in from other internment camps to harvest the crops that Tule Lake strikers were leveraging to demand better living and working conditions. Between 1944 and 1946 the camp housed German and Italian Prisoners of War who worked for local farmers.
www.visitsiskiyou.org/culturehistorical/wwii-valor-in-the...
Destroyed buildings on Pine Street in Cambridge Md July 25, 1967 after someone set fire to the Pine Street School and the town fire department refused to fight the blaze following fighting between black and white residents during the night.
The previous evening, Student Non-Violent Coordinating Committee chair H. “Rap” Brown gave a fiery speech on black pride, a critique of U.S. white society and willingness of black people to fight for a better life.
Following the speech, Brown was shot at and slightly wounded by a shotgun pellet. Gunfire between black and white residents broke out and someone set fire to the Pine Street School in the African American section of town.
The fire engulfed two square blocks of the black neighborhood while white firefighters refused to quell the blaze.
Maryland Gov. Spiro Agnew sent in the National Guard, came to town calling for authorities to arrest Brown and “throw away the key.” He called African American residents of the town “thugs” and subsequently cut off federal aid to the town.
Agnew went on to make a political career of attacking “radical liberals” and calling for “law and order” before he was forced to resign as U.S. vice president while facing corruption charges.
Brown’s speech, the subsequent fire and occupation by the Guard marked the end of a four year mass movement in the town seeking an end to segregation, better jobs, schools, housing and health care.
For more images of the Cambridge civil rights protests 1962-67, see flic.kr/s/aHsk3Pe6xA
For a background story on the Cambridge civil rights struggle, see washingtonspark.wordpress.com/2015/05/31/raging-civil-rig...
For an account of the 1937 Phillips Packing Co. Strike in Cambridge, see washingtonspark.wordpress.com/2014/09/18/1937-phillips-pa...
Photo by Paul Schmick. Image courtesy of the D.C Public Library Washington Star Collection © Washington Post.
One of the most widely attended sessions of the day featured Russlynn Ali, Assistant Secretary for Civil Rights, U.S. Department of Education; Bill Kurtz, CEO, Denver School of Science and Technology; Pedro Noguera, Peter L. Agnew Professor of Education, New York University Steinhardt School of Culture, Education, and Development; and Executive Director, Metropolitan Center for Urban Education; Mike Petrilli, Executive Vice President, Thomas B. Fordham Institute and Executive Editor, Education Next; Beverly Tatum, President, Spelman College; and moderator James Forman, Jr., Professor, Georgetown University Law Center.
Update 2014: Despite USDOE Office of Civil Rights agreement in 2011- www.flickr.com/photos/artsnsociety/sets/72157633773217228/#-
Somerville MA continues to use this as the Parent Information Center office, claiming that if someone doesn't find it accessible, they can call up and request accommodations. see www.somerville.k12.ma.us/education/dept/dept.php?sectiond...;
Per a January 2014 notice regarding Kindegarten Registration, the Somerville Public School district hosts a regular coffee hour for parents here. That's not readily accessible by any analysis. If the USDOE doesn't monitor their own agreements with school districts, we'll never achieve OpportunityForAll, will we?
Humble Negro Cemetery, otherwise known as the Pipe Yard Cemetery, is north of the FM 1960 bypass, just east of the railroad tracks, behind the Home Depot and an Humble ISD administration building.
Jim Crow Laws, segregation, were brutally enforced at the time that burials were being made there. Not only could African-Americans not be buried in the Humble Cemetery, but after 1933, when Humble was incorporated, new laws were passed, forcing African-Americans to move, some to nearby Bordersville, just outside the city limits. There are reports that the graves of the few African-Americans who had been buried in the Humble Cemetery were moved, some to the Humble Negro Cemetery.
Grace Church now attempts to maintain the cemetery.
On the day that I was there, an empty flagpole stood.
The concrete ruins of an old kerosene refinery are on the north boundary of the cemetery, and dense woods are on all sides.
Time, and the elements, take a toll on cemeteries, especially those essentially abandoned for many years.
We know where our parents are buried, may visit their graves, but how many of us regularly visit our grandparents' graves? Commercial, perpetual care, cemeteries, and those associated with churches and municipalities have systems in place for maintenance, but there are many cemeteries, such as those that were no longer in use after desegregation, that are nearly forgotten, descendants moving away, passing away...
At Evergreen and Olivewood, both essentially abandoned, but for the efforts of volunteers, there are occasional signs of vandalism. I've never seen vandalism, desecration, though, on the scale that I found at Humble Negro Cemetery. Over the years, most of the stones have been broken, many to fragments. Many graves are unmarked, but for sunken places on the ground. Graves of veterans have been used for target practice. Some of the graves had concrete slabs over them. In every case, the slab has been shattered, and the earth beneath disturbed, though now, somewhat, replaced. Graves have clearly been violated.
The range of weathering of the damage indicates that it has taken place over decades.
It might not be hard to make an argument that the graves in such cemeteries should be the responsibilty of descendants, survivors, but I strongly feel that the graves of those who have helped to defend this country deserve better, from the nation, from the community ,than those veterans' graves at Elmview, Olivewood, and here.
A part of me feels that there is, perhaps, something to be said for letting such sites return completely to nature, but our history lies here, with those who helped build this country, this community.
www.usgwarchives.net/tx/cemph/harris/humble-n.htm
archiver.rootsweb.ancestry.com/th/read/TX-CEMETERY-PRESER...
www.chron.com/disp/story.mpl//5787895.html
Borderville Learning Service Project directly available at YouTube -
www.youtube.com/watch?v=ddBP-VF6KGc
"Claiming King" Genealogy blog is located here -
claimingkin.livejournal.com/2577.html
During the early 20th century in the American South, racial segregation was the norm, and blacks had limited opportunities. But the 1950s brought forces to bear that would launch a powerful civil rights campaign. The Reverend Martin Luther King Jr., a gifted orator who had been influenced by India’s Mahatma Gandhi in his belief in nonviolent protest, rose quickly to lead the movement. It was a movement of children and adults, preachers and lawyers, sharecroppers and presidents. Those in the movement felt a sense of urgency, a sense that, no matter what, they could not turn back.
In the days of segregation, this was the entrance for black patrons, who were seated apart from whites up on the top balcony.
Paducah, Kentucky's grand Columbia Theatre is a large, squared building on Broadway, just a few blocks from the Ohio River.
This Greek revival movie house was built in 1927, at the height of the era of the movie palace, and sat around 2000 people. Rather than just using a few Grecian architectural forms, this facade has a frieze of a chariot team at the roofline, classically-styled busts, Grecian urns, and temple-like pediments above some of the windows. The alabaster and blue terra cotta is unusual and quite beautiful.
Humble Negro Cemetery, otherwise known as the Pipe Yard Cemetery, is north of the FM 1960 bypass, just east of the railroad tracks, behind the Home Depot and an Humble ISD administration building.
Jim Crow Laws, segregation, were brutally enforced at the time that burials were being made there. Not only could African-Americans not be buried in the Humble Cemetery, but after 1933, when Humble was incorporated, new laws were passed, forcing African-Americans to move, some to nearby Bordersville, just outside the city limits. There are reports that the graves of the few African-Americans who had been buried in the Humble Cemetery were moved, some to the Humble Negro Cemetery.
Grace Church now attempts to maintain the cemetery.
On the day that I was there, an empty flagpole stood.
The concrete ruins of an old kerosene refinery are on the north boundary of the cemetery, and dense woods are on all sides.
Time, and the elements, take a toll on cemeteries, especially those essentially abandoned for many years.
We know where our parents are buried, may visit their graves, but how many of us regularly visit our grandparents' graves? Commercial, perpetual care, cemeteries, and those associated with churches and municipalities have systems in place for maintenance, but there are many cemeteries, such as those that were no longer in use after desegregation, that are nearly forgotten, descendants moving away, passing away...
At Evergreen and Olivewood, both essentially abandoned, but for the efforts of volunteers, there are occasional signs of vandalism. I've never seen vandalism, desecration, though, on the scale that I found at Humble Negro Cemetery. Over the years, most of the stones have been broken, many to fragments. Many graves are unmarked, but for sunken places on the ground. Graves of veterans have been used for target practice. Some of the graves had concrete slabs over them. In every case, the slab has been shattered, and the earth beneath disturbed, though now, somewhat, replaced. Graves have clearly been violated.
The range of weathering of the damage indicates that it has taken place over decades.
It might not be hard to make an argument that the graves in such cemeteries should be the responsibilty of descendants, survivors, but I strongly feel that the graves of those who have helped to defend this country deserve better, from the nation, from the community ,than those veterans' graves at Elmview, Olivewood, and here.
A part of me feels that there is, perhaps, something to be said for letting such sites return completely to nature, but our history lies here, with those who helped build this country, this community.
www.usgwarchives.net/tx/cemph/harris/humble-n.htm
archiver.rootsweb.ancestry.com/th/read/TX-CEMETERY-PRESER...
www.chron.com/disp/story.mpl//5787895.html
Borderville Learning Service Project directly available at YouTube -
www.youtube.com/watch?v=ddBP-VF6KGc
"Claiming King" Genealogy blog is located here -
claimingkin.livejournal.com/2577.html
Gordon C. Comer of the Levitt Company refuses to sell a home to Karl D. Gregory at the Belair sales office in Bowie, Md. August 10, 1963. Rev. Reinhart B. Guttmann, a member of the Congress of Racial Equality (CORE), stands by.
Gregory was a member of the Washington Chapter of CORE who tried to buy homes at numerous subdivisions throughout the greater Washington, D.C. area as “test cases.” He also led pickets in both Maryland and Northern Virginia.
CORE staged an all night sit-in at the Belair subdivision trying to force integration, but within a week an injunction against picketing was granted against protests on the private streets of the subdivision. Picketers moved out on to Maryland Route 450.
The picketing led by the Prince George’s CORE chapter went on and off for several months and resulted in several dozen arrests when the group employed civil disobedience.
Richard Ochs, chairman of the CORE demonstration, told reporters that the pickets hoped that Federal agencies would force Mr. Levitt to change his policies.
Levitt remained steadfast in his segregation stance despite the successful battles to integrate some of his other developments around the country.
The development was eventually desegregated when original homeowners began to sell homes to African Americans and the federal government began enforcing no discrimination on FHA and VA loans and the federal 1968 Civil Rights Act was enacted. In the interim, Maryland voters rejected an open housing law by referendum in 1967.
For more information and additional images, see flic.kr/s/aHsk4S6zrA
Photo by Owen Duvall. Courtesy of the D.C. Public Library Washington Star Collection © Washington Post.
Wasting the City! A box for a box
There it goes! The Frappant Building in Hamburg Altona is teared down to build a new City Ikea. Wide range and long lasting protest didn't help. People are not only scared that the new massive Ikea-Store in the residential area of Hamburg-Altona will bring way more traffic into the area, but also that Ikea is part of the gentrification that starts with higher rents and ends with residential segregation. At the end of the day..a box will be replaced by an even bigger box.
Continuing forced gender segregation at the Western Wall plaza. Men must walk on the left of the barrier, and women on the right.
Scenes from U Street and Shaw neighborhood, where a dog park, a soccerfield, a skateboard park coexist, together and separately - what micro-segregation looks like
There is a TV drama forthcoming on WowWow TV on racial discrimination, segregation versus integration issues. Here is a collection of cast members taken in between production shooting. It was perfect weather as well being an unusually warm day (19ºC) for early February. Every one seemed to enjoy themselves, except there was a lot of excess standing, so our legs became quite tired and sore.
Shoot location was Showa Memorial Park near Nishi Tachikawa Station, Tokyo, Japan. Anyone who is a subscriber to Wow Wow and is interested in viewing the movie, please send me a personal message. Cheers…..
本日のプロダクションは人種差別の主テーマとしてWowWowテレビで近い将来に放映する予定です。この写真集は撮影ロケでその番組のキャストメンバーです。天気も最適で最高でした。19ºCは２月の昇順ごろとしてとても例外的です。皆さんは楽しんでいましたが立つことはかなりありましてメンバーの一部の足み疲れてきて痛くなりました。
撮影ロケは西立川の昭和記念公園です。その番組予定の詳細を知りたい場合はメッセージを送って下さい。
dangerous- Somerville, MA. crosswalks recently repainted but no mitigation of safety/accessibility pedestrian issues.
A few miles from the Tule Lake Segregation (internment) camp, Camp Tulelake was first built as a Civilian Conservation Corps camp. During WWII, the camp was used to imprison several hundred Japanese American men who protested and refused to answer the loyalty questionnaire. It was used again to house Japanese American strikebreakers brought in from other internment camps to harvest the crops that Tule Lake strikers were leveraging to demand better living and working conditions. Between 1944 and 1946 the camp housed German and Italian Prisoners of War who worked for local farmers.
www.visitsiskiyou.org/culturehistorical/wwii-valor-in-the...
Humble Negro Cemetery, otherwise known as the Pipe Yard Cemetery, is north of the FM 1960 bypass, just east of the railroad tracks, behind the Home Depot and an Humble ISD administration building.
Jim Crow Laws, segregation, were brutally enforced at the time that burials were being made there. Not only could African-Americans not be buried in the Humble Cemetery, but after 1933, when Humble was incorporated, new laws were passed, forcing African-Americans to move, some to nearby Bordersville, just outside the city limits. There are reports that the graves of the few African-Americans who had been buried in the Humble Cemetery were moved, some to the Humble Negro Cemetery.
Grace Church now attempts to maintain the cemetery.
On the day that I was there, an empty flagpole stood.
The concrete ruins of an old kerosene refinery are on the north boundary of the cemetery, and dense woods are on all sides.
Time, and the elements, take a toll on cemeteries, especially those essentially abandoned for many years.
We know where our parents are buried, may visit their graves, but how many of us regularly visit our grandparents' graves? Commercial, perpetual care, cemeteries, and those associated with churches and municipalities have systems in place for maintenance, but there are many cemeteries, such as those that were no longer in use after desegregation, that are nearly forgotten, descendants moving away, passing away...
At Evergreen and Olivewood, both essentially abandoned, but for the efforts of volunteers, there are occasional signs of vandalism. I've never seen vandalism, desecration, though, on the scale that I found at Humble Negro Cemetery. Over the years, most of the stones have been broken, many to fragments. Many graves are unmarked, but for sunken places on the ground. Graves of veterans have been used for target practice. Some of the graves had concrete slabs over them. In every case, the slab has been shattered, and the earth beneath disturbed, though now, somewhat, replaced. Graves have clearly been violated.
The range of weathering of the damage indicates that it has taken place over decades.
It might not be hard to make an argument that the graves in such cemeteries should be the responsibilty of descendants, survivors, but I strongly feel that the graves of those who have helped to defend this country deserve better, from the nation, from the community ,than those veterans' graves at Elmview, Olivewood, and here.
A part of me feels that there is, perhaps, something to be said for letting such sites return completely to nature, but our history lies here, with those who helped build this country, this community.
www.usgwarchives.net/tx/cemph/harris/humble-n.htm
archiver.rootsweb.ancestry.com/th/read/TX-CEMETERY-PRESER...
www.chron.com/disp/story.mpl//5787895.html
Borderville Learning Service Project directly available at YouTube -
www.youtube.com/watch?v=ddBP-VF6KGc
"Claiming King" Genealogy blog is located here -
claimingkin.livejournal.com/2577.html
Nature does both very well. Consider "Birds of a feather, stick together" However, ALL birds share the sky!
Quiz: How many birds do you see in the tree? See image note for answer.
Remember - Right out of my camera from my recent FL trip. This Florida Heritage Site sign states: "The Desert Inn was founded as a trading post in the late 1880's. The present building dates before 1925 and served as a supply and recreational center for cattle drovers, lumber men and tourists during the era when much of Osceola County was still undeveloped wilderness. Cowmen working the free ranging cattle on the palmetto prairie and lumber men cutting timber in the nearby pine lands came to the Desert Inn to eat, drink, and dance at this "oasis" where they could enjoy some relief from their arduous labors. Local patrons of the trading post and restaurant included African Americans and Seminoles, who had separate dining facilities in the era of segregation...." This is Yeehaw Junction, intersection of US 441 & 60 in the middle of less known Florida.
Wanted Poster for Hubert Geroid “Rap” Brown following July 24, 1967 speech in Cambridge, Md.
Student Non-Violent Coordinating Committee chair H. “Rap” Brown gave a fiery speech on black pride, a critique of U.S. white society and willingness of black people to fight for a better life.
Following the speech, Brown was shot at and slightly wounded by a shotgun pellet. Gunfire between black and white residents broke out and someone set fire to the Pine Street School in the African American section of town.
The fire engulfed two square blocks of the black neighborhood while white firefighters refused to quell the blaze.
Maryland Gov. Spiro Agnew sent in the National Guard, came to town calling for authorities to arrest Brown and “throw away the key.” He called African American residents of the town “thugs” and subsequently cut off federal aid to the town.
Agnew went on to make a political career of attacking “radical liberals” and calling for “law and order” before he was forced to resign as U.S. vice president while facing corruption charges.
Brown’s speech, the subsequent fire and occupation by the Guard marked the end of a four year mass movement in the town seeking an end to segregation, better jobs, schools, housing and health care.
For more images of the Cambridge civil rights protests 1962-67, see flic.kr/s/aHsk3Pe6xA
For a background story on the Cambridge civil rights struggle, see washingtonspark.wordpress.com/2015/05/31/raging-civil-rig...
For an account of the 1937 Phillips Packing Co. Strike in Cambridge, see washingtonspark.wordpress.com/2014/09/18/1937-phillips-pa...
H. “Rap” Brown (Jamil Abdullah Al-Amin) at a Washington, D.C. press conference July 27, 1967, three days after his speech in Cambridge, Md.
The bandage on his forehead is where Brown was struck by a shotgun pellet the night of his speech.
The previous evening, Student Non-Violent Coordinating Committee chair H. “Rap” Brown gave a fiery speech on black pride, a critique of U.S. white society and willingness of black people to fight for a better life.
Following the speech, Brown was shot at and slightly wounded by a shotgun pellet. Gunfire between black and white residents broke out and someone set fire to the Pine Street School in the African American section of town.
The fire engulfed two square blocks of the black neighborhood while white firefighters refused to quell the blaze.
Maryland Gov. Spiro Agnew sent in the National Guard, came to town calling for authorities to arrest Brown and “throw away the key.” He called African American residents of the town “thugs” and subsequently cut off federal aid to the town.
Agnew went on to make a political career of attacking “radical liberals” and calling for “law and order” before he was forced to resign as U.S. vice president while facing corruption charges.
Brown’s speech, the subsequent fire and occupation by the Guard marked the end of a four year mass movement in the town seeking an end to segregation, better jobs, schools, housing and health care.
For more images of the Cambridge civil rights protests 1962-67, see flic.kr/s/aHsk3Pe6xA
For a background story on the Cambridge civil rights struggle, see washingtonspark.wordpress.com/2015/05/31/raging-civil-rig...
For an account of the 1937 Phillips Packing Co. Strike in Cambridge, see washingtonspark.wordpress.com/2014/09/18/1937-phillips-pa...
Photo by Marion S. Trikosko. Courtesy of the Library of Congress's Prints and Photographs division under the digital ID ppmsc.01263.
The Lincoln Theatre, at 1215 U Street, NW, opened in 1922, serving the city's African American community when segregation kept them out of other venues. Designed by Reginald W. Geare, in collaboration with Harry Crandall, a local theater operator, it hosted jazz and big band performers such as Duke Ellington, Pearl Bailey, Louis Armstrong, Ella Fitzgerald, and Billie Holiday.
In 1927, the Lincoln Theatre was sold to A.E. Lichtman, who decided to turn it into a luxurious movie house, and added a ballroom, the Lincoln Colonnade. The Lincoln Theatre struggled financially after desegregation opened other movie theaters in 1953. In the late 1950s, the Colonnade was demolished. The theater fell into disrepair after the 1968 riots and in 1978, was divided into two theaters, known as the Lincoln "Twins". The Lincoln Theatre was sold to developer Jeffrey Cohen in 1983, who closed it for years. In 1993, the theatre was restored by the U Street Theatre Foundation, with $9 million of governmental aid.
The greater U Street Historic District, roughly bounded by New Hampshire Avenue, Florida Avenue, 6th Street, R Street and 16th Street, in the Shaw neighborhood of northwestern Washognton DC, is largely a Victorian-era neighborhood, made up of row houses constructed in response to the city's high demand for housing following the Civil War and the growth of the federal government in the late 19th century. The area was predominately white and middle class until 1900, but as Washington became progressively more segregated, the U Street Corridor emerged as the city's most important concentration of businesses and entertainment facilities owned and operated by blacks, becoming known as "Black Broadway" in its cultural heyday. The late 1960's saw the neighborhood begin a fall into decline, marred by violence and drug tacking, that would last well into the revitalization and gentrification of the 1990's.
Lincoln Theatre National Register #93001129 (1993)
Greater U Street Historic District National Register #98001557 (1998)
The bus in which Rosa Parks refused to give up her seat for a white passenger in 1955 being exhibited Henry Ford Museum in Dearborn, Michigan.
The brighter ceiling light on the right indicates Rosa Parks's seat.
July 8, 2012.
Newell, California
The concrete bulding under the shed is about all tha remains of the "community" where Japanese-Americans were held during WWII.
The theater building was constructed in 1928 to house the Astor Theater. Later, the Rialto Theater occupied the building. Following a 1937 remodeling the theater was renamed the Dixie Theater. Under the legal practice of racial segregation, the second story gallery was exclusively for black patrons. They reached the gallery through the windowless door on the right of front of the façade. Inside was an entrance hall and staircase to the gallery. When the Dixie Theater closed the building became home to he Dixie Center for the Arts. The building is listed on the National Register of Historic Places. (Source: Registration Form for inclusion on the National Register of Historic Places.)