View allAll Photos Tagged Segregation
Exposition : The color line
Du mardi 04 octobre 2016 au dimanche 15 janvier 2017
Quel rôle a joué l’art dans la quête d’égalité et d’affirmation de l’identité noire dans l’Amérique de la Ségrégation ? L'exposition rend hommage aux artistes et penseurs africains-américains qui ont contribué, durant près d’un siècle et demi de luttes, à estomper cette "ligne de couleur" discriminatoire.
—————
« Le problème du 20e siècle est le problème de la ligne de partage des couleurs ».
Si la fin de la Guerre de Sécession en 1865 a bien sonné l’abolition de l'esclavage, la ligne de démarcation raciale va encore marquer durablement la société américaine, comme le pressent le militant W.E.B. Du Bois en 1903 dans The Soul of Black Folks. L’exposition The Color Line revient sur cette période sombre des États-Unis à travers l’histoire culturelle de ses artistes noirs, premières cibles de ces discriminations.
Des thématiques racistes du vaudeville américain et des spectacles de Minstrels du 19e siècle à l’effervescence culturelle et littéraire de la Harlem Renaissance du début du 20e siècle, des pionniers de l’activisme noir (Frederick Douglass, Booker T. Washington) au réquisitoire de la chanteuse Billie Holiday (Strange Fruit), ce sont près de 150 ans de production artistique – peinture, sculpture, photographie, cinéma, musique, littérature… – qui témoignent de la richesse créative de la contestation noire.
Wasting the City! A box for a box
There it goes! The Frappant Building in Hamburg Altona is teared down to build a new City Ikea. Wide range and long lasting protest didn't help. People are not only scared that the new massive Ikea-Store in the residential area of Hamburg-Altona will bring way more traffic into the area, but also that Ikea is part of the gentrification that starts with higher rents and ends with residential segregation. At the end of the day..a box will be replaced by an even bigger box.
An ad hoc committee called the National Non-Partisan Mass Delegation to Washington puts out a flyer calling for a gathering in Washington, D.C. June 2, 1948 to demand Congress pass civil rights legislation.
Specific demands included abolition of the poll tax, a permanent Fair Employment Practices Commission (The FEPC existed during World War II—similar to today’s EEOC), ending segregation in the armed forces, and passage federal legislation making lynching a crime.
Two of the main sponsors were NAACP founder W. E. B. DuBois and actor, singer and civil rights activist Paul Robeson.
Several thousand attended the demonstration and added defeat of the Mundt-Nixon anti-communist bill to its legislative demands.
For a PDF of this 4-page flyer, see washingtonspark.files.wordpress.com/2019/08/mundt-bill-4-...
For more information and related images, see flic.kr/s/aHskcoQznH
Courtesy of J133. N. Y. Comm. To Defeat Mundt Bill - Campaign Against Mundt Bill, 1948. 1948. Papers of the Civil Rights Congress. New York Public Library. Archives Unbound. Web. 22 Aug. 2019. .
Gale Document Number:SC5005383018
The front and back of the program for the March 16, 1936 opening of Porgy and Bess before an integrated audience at the National Theatre in Washington, D.C.
The segregated theater was the target of an actors’ revolt against Jim Crow when the cast refused to perform before a white-only or segregated seating audience.
Todd Duncan and Anne Brown, the two leads of “Porgy and Bess,” announced their refusal to perform at the whites-only National Theater unless the theater admitted a fully integrated audience.
They were threatened with being fired from the show and fined by the actor’s union, but they held their ground and the rest of the cast backed them. Ralph Bunche, chair of Howard’s Department of Political Science Department and a leader of the Howard Teachers Union (HTU), rallied other labor groups and met with management, threatening to picket the theater.
The theater finally offered a compromise: blacks could sit in designated sections. The cast rejected this and held firm that they would not perform if there were any restrictions. The National Theater management gave in and the performance opened on March 16, 1936 with African Americans present in every section. The victory was short-lived, however, as the theater immediately went back to its whites-only seating.
The struggle for integration of public facilities in the District continued with boycotts and pickets of Jim Crow theaters, restaurants and parks in the city that won substantial gains.
In the 1953, the Supreme Court issued its decision in the Thompson restaurant case that reinstated Washington’s “lost laws” of 1872 that outlawed discrimination in public facilities. A year later the Supreme Court ended public school segregation in the District in the Bolling v. Sharpe case.
For a brief history of the struggle to integrate Washington’s performing arts theaters, see washingtonspark.wordpress.com/2013/03/14/dcs-old-jim-crow...
For more information and related images, see flic.kr/s/aHsjEkdYcB
This original program was found via Internet auction.
I thought others might appreciate these tidbits of forgotten history.
Please feel free to leave any comments or thoughts or impressions... Thanks in advance!
Click the "All Sizes" button above to read an article or to see the image clearly.
These scans come from my rather large magazine collection. Instead of filling my house with old moldy magazines, I scanned them (in most cases, photographed them) and filled a storage area with moldy magazines. Now they reside on an external harddrive. I thought others might appreciate these tidbits of forgotten history.
Please feel free to leave any comments or thoughts or impressions... Thanks in advance!
In Kelly Ingram Park, Birmingham, AL
Last night I met Herbert Harper as he sat on a bench in Kelly Ingram Park in Birmingham, AL drinking a beer from a paper bag. He was a friendly unassuming man crowned with an NCAAP ball cap. I suspect he may be homeless, but he didn’t say, and I didn’t ask. Homeless or not he certainly maintained his dignity.
For those who don’t know, Ingram Park is the site of some of the most brutal activities in the 1960’s during the so called Civil Rights Era when black Americans struggled to acquire the same rights enjoyed by their white counterparts. Herbert is 65 years old, and unlike those of us who grew up white in the North he experienced the full impact of segregation and the fight to end it.
Herbert offered to give me a walking tour of the area, and I readily accepted his invitation. As we strolled around the city, two old men, one black and one white, he pointed out places where black businesses stood at one time including a night club that had been owned by Willie Mays, “colored” barber shops, theatres and apartments. He showed me the invisible line that only a few short decades ago he was not allowed to cross. He told me about crossing that line with a group led by Martin Luther King and showed me the place where he had felt the blows from police batons and the bite of dogs that were unleashed on him when his only crime was being a young black man on the white side of town. He told of being pushed back by firemen wielding water cannons.
As we walked I noticed he greeted every black person he encountered with a smile and a friendly comment, but when approaching white people on the same street he averted their eyes and remained silent undoubtedly a habit that was a legacy of his past. When we crossed the street that 50 years ago was the dividing point between the black and white communities he spoke of how in an earlier time had he done so he would have been greeted by police brutality and likely have ended up in jail or worse. He penetrated that barrier with a pride he deserved, knowing he had been a part of the army of disenfranchised people who years ago had broken the unseen wall. At the same time he seemed to have a sense of awe or perhaps disbelief that even today he can cross the line freely without retribution for simply being born with dark skin.
When we both became tired of walking we paused on a sidewalk bench across from a row of what are still black owned businesses. We chatted a little longer, then shook hands and thanked each other for the time spent together. He stayed on the bench, and I headed back to my car feeling enriched and thankful for the shared time given to me by this humble man with a courageous past who I had found in a park sipping beer from a paper bag.
It is likely Herbert Harper and I will never cross paths again, but the time he shared with me will remain a part of my life forever. He and others like him make the world a better place for all of us.
IMG_3848
10/18/2011.
continuously unclothed from december 17th 2000 to january 18th 2001, remanded in a brixton prison segregation cell on a non-imprisonable charge. eventually released naked on unconditional bail, and later the charges are dropped.
Though segregation had been banned in 1948, this Korean War (1952+) era picture taken at Camp Roberts suggests that desegregation had not happened…
Admittedly, even when I was in the Air Force (1967-1971), there were seldom any non-whites among the other military personnel on my assignments.
Arthur E. M. Demarey, social director of the National Park Service congratulates Dr. C. Herbert Marshall, president of the Rock Creek Civic Association November 14, 1940 at the opening ceremony of the Rose Park playground at 27th and P Streets NW.
The ceremony was held at the Jerusalem Baptist Church at 2600 P Street NW because of inclement weather.
The park was a haven for both black and white residents of Georgetown and Marshall was largely responsible for obtaining it.
Marshall was the unofficial “mayor” of Georgetown in the 1940s and 50s while that section of town still had a significant number of black families.
Five years after its dedication, officials put up a “Negro Only” sign at the Rose Park tennis courts, prompting Marshall to lead a successful petition campaign among black and white residents of Georgetown to have the sign removed.
A mass meeting held in July 1945 under the sponsorship of the NAACP drew hundreds of black and white residents that unanimously adopted the following resolution:
"Whereas, the rules of racial segregation adopted at its June meeting by the D.C. board of recreation for the administration of public recreation facilities are undemocratic in application and infringe upon the right of American citizens in the use of public, tax-supported institutions; and
"Whereas, such segregation is unnecessary and undesirable and violates the natural development of good sportsmanship and tolerance between American citizens; therefore
"Be it resolved that we, citizens of the District of Columbia in meeting assembled, condemn the adoption of a policy of racial discrimination in public recreational facilities in the District for Columbia and urge that the board reconsider its action and rescind the rule."
It was one of the first cracks in D.C.’s segregated park system.
Marshall headed the Rock Creek Civic Association for more than two decades. During his time at the helm of the group he was instrumental in obtaining Francis Junior High School at 24th and N Streets and having a swimming pool built adjoining the school.
He also served as president of the D.C. Federation of Civic Associations, the predominantly black civic federation that continues to exist today.
He was also active in integrating the medical field, against police brutality, for equal employment, and against the Red Scare and served as president of the local NAACP 1939-41.
For a biography of C. Herbert Marshall, see flic.kr/p/2iunAXg
For more information and related images, see flic.kr/s/aHskhNEzdC
Photo by Mueller. The image is courtesy of the D.C. Public Library Washington Star Collection © Washington Post.
marabastad, pretoria. old polaroids and slide scans, around 1980
Marabastad was a culturally diverse community, with the Hindu Mariamman Temple arguably being its most prominent landmark.
Like the residents of other racially diverse areas in South Africa, such as District Six, "Fietas" and Sophiatown, the inhabitants of Marabastad were relocated to single-race townships further away from the city centre.
These removals were due to Apartheid laws like the Group Areas Act. Unlike Sophiatown, Fietas and District Six, it was not bulldozed, but it retained many of its original buildings, and became primarily a business district, with most shops still owned by the Indians who had also lived there previously.
Some property was however owned by the city council and the government, resulting in limited development taking place there. In addition, a large shopping complex was built to house Indian-owned shops.
The black residents of Marabastad were relocated to Atteridgeville (1945),
the Coloured residents to Eersterus (1963), and the Indian residents to Laudium (1968).
There are plans to revive once-picturesque Marabastad, and to reverse years of urban decay and neglect, although few seem to have been implemented as of 2005.
History[edit]
Marabastad was named after the local headman of a village to the west of Steenhoven Spruit. During the 1880s he lived in Schoolplaats and acted as an interpreter.
During this period some Africans lived on the farms where they were being employed and also chose to live on other, undeveloped land. Schoolplaats could also not accommodate all the migrants and this resulted in squatting.
An overflow from Schoolplaats to the north-west and Maraba’s village occurred and in August 1888 the land was surveyed by the government. The location Marabastad was established and was situated between the Apies River in the north, Skinner Spruit in the west, Steenhoven Spruit in the east and De Korte Street in the south.
There were 67 stands varying between 1400 and 2500 square meters each. Residents were not allowed to own stands, but had to rent them from the government at 4 pounds a year.
They were allowed to build their own houses and to plant crops on empty plots. Water was acquired from the various bordering rivers and 58 wells situated in the area.
The township was not private owned and was managed by the Transvaal Boer Republic. At the outbreak of the Second Boer War in 1899 there were no rules and regulations with regard to Marabastad.
Africans who streamed to Pretoria during the war were living in squatter camps near the artillery barracks, the brickworks and the railway stations at Prinshof.
This resulted in the development of ‘New Marabastad’ in the area between Marabastad and the Asiatic Bazaar in 1900 by the British military authorities. They had been occupying the city since June 1900 and resettled refugees in the area. By 1901 there were 392 occupied stands in the New Marabastad and there was no real segregation between Africans, Asians and Coloured people.
Although New Marabastad was intended as a temporary settlement the military authorities granted permission for in their employ to erect brick houses. This resulted in the erection of other permanent structures like schools and churches.
The new Town Council was established in 1902 and it was accepted that the residents of New Marabastad would be moved to other, planned townships.
In 1903 New Marabastad had grown to 412 stands while Old Marabastad still only had 67. Along with the Cape Location, which was situated in the southern part of the Asiatic Bazaar, it fell under the jurisdiction of the City Council of that year.
The greatest problem was the provision of water and this was only addressed after the war. Due to the fear of epidemic all wells in the area had been filled during the war, and a single public tap had replaced the entire system.
New Marabastad didn’t have any wells or taps. There was an attempt to rectify this in 1903 by providing more taps, but the number was still inadequate.
In 1906 New and Old Marabastad became one location.
Rates were determined and sanitary and building regulations came into effect. These regulations didn’t achieve their objections as a result of municipal maladministration and the fact that Africans could not own land and afford well-built permanent houses.
Streets remained unpaved, the water supply was inadequate and there were no sanitary facilities worth mentioning. More and more shacks appeared. By 1907 conditions improved marginally, but the streets were left in their unkempt state and by 1910 this had still not been addressed.
The Native Affairs Department accused the Pretoria Town Council of inefficient administration, which had led directly to this situation.
Removals[edit]
South Africa portal
The relocation of residents of Old Marabastad had been on the agenda of the town council since 1903 and in 1907, when the council decided to build a new sewage farm, it became a reality.
It was decided to remove all residents of the area to a new location further away from the city centre and to demolish the old township. Now followed the struggle of finding a suitable site.
The site on the southern slope of Daspoortrand was decided on in 1912 and in January planning for the ‘New Location’ started. It would include a number of brick houses that could be rented from the municipality.
By September of the same year the first relocations were taking place and demolishing of old structures commenced. It was a slow process and Old Marabastad was only completely destroyed by 1920.
The lack of space remained a problem and New Marabastad was experiencing severe overcrowding.
By 1923 the last houses of the second municipal project was completed in New Location and Marabastad residents who had been exposed to the worst conditions were allowed to move in first.
In 1934 part of the Schoolplaats population was moved to Marabastad and the squatter problem became more severe.
There was no room for expansion due to a lack of space.
An attempt to solve these problems manifested itself in the establishment of Atteridgeville in 1939. The Marabastad community would be moved here and compensation was offered to previous owners of property in the form of new houses they could rent, but not own.
The war slowed down the process considerably, but 1949 had moved three quarters of the population of Marabastad to Atteridgeville, and by 1950 the transition was complete
DPAC protest at Dept for Education for inclusive education - London 04.09.2013
Campaigners from disability groups Disabled People Against Cuts (DPAC) and Alliance for Inclusive Education (ALLFIE) protested outside the Dept. For Education to demand an end to increasing educational segregation of disabled children.
This protest was one of four simultaneous protests taking place as the culmination of a national week of action organised by Disabled People Against Cuts (DPAC) using the campaign title "Reclaiming Our Futures", and were aimed specifically at government departments whose actions are impacting severly on disabled people - Education, health, Transport and Energy.
Following the individual actions, all four groups of campaigners merged on the Dept for Work and Pensions headquarters for a larger protest against benefits cuts to disabled people which, they claim, affects them disproportionately.
All photos © 2013 Pete Riches
Do not reproduce, alter, re-transmit or blog my images without my written permission. I remain at all times the copyright owner of this image.
Hi-Res, un-watermarked versions of these files are available on application solely at my discretion
If you want to use any image found in my Flickr Photostream, please Email me directly.
Media buyers and publications can access this story on Demotix
Standard industry rates apply.
Sign painted onto a window of an abandoned building in Erick, Oklahoma. Could this be an old remnant of Jim Crow? Does "white" mean Easy Terms for whites only? I suspect it does.
The city of Gary plans to raze the long-abandoned St. John's Hospital, which was built in 1929 during an era of segregation to serve the city's black community at a time when they were not welcome at "white hospitals." The decrepit hospital building at 22nd Avenue and Massachusetts Street in Midtown had been vacant since it closed in 1950, and was repeatedly named one of Indiana's most endangered buildings by Indiana Landmarks in recent years.
www.washingtonpost.com/history/2019/10/18/son-former-slav...
www.nwitimes.com/business/local/historic-st-john-hospital...
www.insideindianabusiness.com/story/41079270/historic-hos...
sites.google.com/site/stjohnshospitaldpg/
blackchristiannews.com/2019/09/gary-indiana-to-demolish-h...
Given the tradition of segregation of the sexes practiced almost universally in Muslim countries, most women’s work tends to take place in the informal sector. In the countryside and in urban poor families women are frequently job holders, employed in all kinds of farm and household work in rural localities. Carpet weaving is an attractive occupation, since women can remain confined to the home and limited to an exclusively feminine sphere. Women also work in factories and elsewhere in cities.
In the Middle East, women’s employment patterns are largely shaped by the political economy of the region. Women’s employment patterns have been constrained by overall limited industrialization. Oil economies poor in other resources, including population (UAE, Saudi Arabia, Oman, Qatar, Kuwait, Libya), have seen fairly limited industrialization which has served to limit female labor force participation. In the non-oil industrializing economies(Israel,Egypt, Jordan, Syria, Morocco, Tunisia, Turkey), female employment is higher than elsewhere. Even then, men predominate in the industrial sector. There seems to be a widespread Middle Eastern attitude that factory work is not suitable for women.
Students outside the Justice Department March 17, 1962 protest the jailing of five civil rights workers. The five were charged with felony “criminal anarchy” in Louisiana for their roles in civil rights protests conducted by students in Baton Rouge, La. attempting to desegregate facilities there.
The demonstration was sponsored by CORE, the Non-Violent Action Group and SNCC and also picketed the White House.
The charges of criminal anarchy was described by Louisiana as “…with force of arms, in the Parish of East Baton Rouge feloniously did… advocate in public and in private opposition to the Government of the State of Louisiana by unlawful means and are members of the Student Nonviolent Coordinating Committee, an organization which is known to the offenders to advocate, teach and practice opposition to the Government of the State of Louisiana by unlawful means.”
Among those charged were Dion Diamond, an activist at Howard University; two Southern University student leaders, Major Johns and Ronnie Moore; Bob Zellner, SNCC field secretary and Charles McDew, SNCC chair.
Sit-ins were conducted at the offices of Attorney General Robert Kennedy protesting the criminal anarchy charges on March 13 and 16, 1961.. Among those conducting the sit-in were Stokely Carmichael (later Kwame Ture), later chair of SNCC and a still later pan Africanist leader;, Randall Robinson, later organizer of over a year of sit-ins at the South African Embassy; and Charles Jones, who would later lead a year of open housing demonstrations in the D.C. suburbs.
NAG also organized a picket at the home of Sen. Allen J. Ellender (D-La.), protesting “cruel and inhuman treatment of Negro students” in Ellender’s home state.
The protests in Baton Rouge were organized by the local CORE chapter and had begun the previous year.
Several students were expelled by the university and a student strike ensued.
Bail was ultimately secured for the five and the criminal anarchy charges were dropped after a long fight, but Diamond did eventually serve 60 days in jail for a disorderly conduct charge.
For more information and related images, see flic.kr/s/aHskgSB6Zi
The image is from It Happene4d in Baton Rouge, USA published by CORE in April 1962.
DPAC protest at Dept for Education for inclusive education - London 04.09.2013
Campaigners from disability groups Disabled People Against Cuts (DPAC) and Alliance for Inclusive Education (ALLFIE) protested outside the Dept. For Education to demand an end to increasing educational segregation of disabled children.
This protest was one of four simultaneous protests taking place as the culmination of a national week of action organised by Disabled People Against Cuts (DPAC) using the campaign title "Reclaiming Our Futures", and were aimed specifically at government departments whose actions are impacting severly on disabled people - Education, health, Transport and Energy.
Following the individual actions, all four groups of campaigners merged on the Dept for Work and Pensions headquarters for a larger protest against benefits cuts to disabled people which, they claim, affects them disproportionately.
All photos © 2013 Pete Riches
Do not reproduce, alter, re-transmit or blog my images without my written permission. I remain at all times the copyright owner of this image.
Hi-Res, un-watermarked versions of these files are available on application solely at my discretion
If you want to use any image found in my Flickr Photostream, please Email me directly.
Media buyers and publications can access this story on Demotix
Standard industry rates apply.
"Because of segregation, the church, and other black churches in Birmingham, served many purposes. It functioned as a meeting place, social center and lecture hall for a variety of activities important to the lives of the city’s black citizens. W.E.B. DuBois, Mary McLeod Bethune, Paul Robeson, and Ralph Bunche were among many noted black Americans who spoke at the church during its early years. African Americans from across the city and neighboring towns came to Sixteenth Street, then called “everybody’s church,” to take part in the special programs it hosted.
Due to Sixteenth Street’s prominence in the black community, and its central location to downtown Birmingham, the church served as headquarters for the civil rights mass meetings and rallies in the early 1960’s. During this time of trial, turmoil and confrontation, the church provided strength and safety for black men, women and children dedicated to breaking the bonds of segregation in Birmingham, a city that black citizens believed to be the most racist in America."
-https://www.16thstreetbaptist.org/
Amazing granular segregation driven by wave action on a beach in Rodney Bay, St. Lucia. The dark and light sands likely have different sizes and compositions. The black sand is probably dense volcanic stuff, while the light component is normal beach sand. I wish I had taken a sample.
This is one of the small beaches on the south side of Pigeon Island, near the snuba dock.
Click the "All Sizes" button above to read an article or to see the image clearly.
I thought others might appreciate these tidbits of forgotten history of People of Color.
Please feel free to leave any comments or thoughts or impressions... I look forward to reading them!
=== Français ===
Le 7 août 1930 Lawrence Beitler photographie Thomas Shipp et Abram Smith, deux afro-américains, lynchés à mort par la foule puis pendus à un arbre. Depuis lors, le photographe a vendu des milliers d’exemplaires de cette image et a inspiré un poème engagé appelé Fruit Etrange. Cette image reste un symbole dans la lutte contre la ségrégation raciale.
Le Ku Klux Klan semblait particulièrement actif dans cette région.
Cameron a affirmé dans les entretiens que Shipp et Smith avaient effectivement commencé à voler un homme blanc qui fut plus tard retrouvé mort. Selon lui, il s'est sauvé quand il a réalisé ce qui se passait. La police accusa cependant chacun des trois hommes du meurtre et du viol.
En 1988 à Milwaukee, Cameron créa et dirigea "The Black Holocaust" (L'Holocauste noir) qui était un musée consacré à l'histoire du lynchage aux États-Unis d'Amérique
Un photographe, Laurent Beitler, prit une photographie des corps pendant de l'arbre entouré par la foule. Cela marqua beaucoup de personnes dont Abel Meeropol qui composa en 1937 Strange Fruit, reprise ensuite par la chanteuse afro-américaine Billie Holiday."
- Wikipedia
Je dénonce ici toute forme de ségrégation raciale.
Il faut avouer que nous avons beaucoup progressé depuis cette époque, mais nous devons toujours s'améliorer.
---
La présente photo a été inspirée à partir de celle-ci et fait partie de mon projet photo "52 légo". En 2011, je dénoncerai une injustice à chaque semaine. Les photos de ce projet peuvent être utilisées librement pour des fins non-commerciales.
Changeons le monde, une photo à la fois.
=== English ===
On August 7th 1930, Lawrence Beitler photographed Thomas Shipp and Abram Smith, 2 Afro-Americans, beaten to death then hanged to a tree. Since then, the photographer sold thousands copies of this image and inspired a social poem called "strange fruit". This image is still a symbol of the fight against racism.
- Wikipedia
I here denounce all kinds of racial segregation.
We must say that we drastically progressed since that era, but we must always better ourselves.
---
The present photo was inspired by this one, and is part of my "52 légo" photo project. In 2011, I will denounce one injustice every week. The photos of this project can be freely used for non-commercial use.
Let's change the world, one photo at a time.
marabastad, pretoria. old polaroids and slide scans, around 1980
Marabastad was a culturally diverse community, with the Hindu Mariamman Temple arguably being its most prominent landmark.
Like the residents of other racially diverse areas in South Africa, such as District Six, "Fietas" and Sophiatown, the inhabitants of Marabastad were relocated to single-race townships further away from the city centre.
These removals were due to Apartheid laws like the Group Areas Act. Unlike Sophiatown, Fietas and District Six, it was not bulldozed, but it retained many of its original buildings, and became primarily a business district, with most shops still owned by the Indians who had also lived there previously.
Some property was however owned by the city council and the government, resulting in limited development taking place there. In addition, a large shopping complex was built to house Indian-owned shops.
The black residents of Marabastad were relocated to Atteridgeville (1945),
the Coloured residents to Eersterus (1963), and the Indian residents to Laudium (1968).
There are plans to revive once-picturesque Marabastad, and to reverse years of urban decay and neglect, although few seem to have been implemented as of 2005.
History[edit]
Marabastad was named after the local headman of a village to the west of Steenhoven Spruit. During the 1880s he lived in Schoolplaats and acted as an interpreter.
During this period some Africans lived on the farms where they were being employed and also chose to live on other, undeveloped land. Schoolplaats could also not accommodate all the migrants and this resulted in squatting.
An overflow from Schoolplaats to the north-west and Maraba’s village occurred and in August 1888 the land was surveyed by the government. The location Marabastad was established and was situated between the Apies River in the north, Skinner Spruit in the west, Steenhoven Spruit in the east and De Korte Street in the south.
There were 67 stands varying between 1400 and 2500 square meters each. Residents were not allowed to own stands, but had to rent them from the government at 4 pounds a year.
They were allowed to build their own houses and to plant crops on empty plots. Water was acquired from the various bordering rivers and 58 wells situated in the area.
The township was not private owned and was managed by the Transvaal Boer Republic. At the outbreak of the Second Boer War in 1899 there were no rules and regulations with regard to Marabastad.
Africans who streamed to Pretoria during the war were living in squatter camps near the artillery barracks, the brickworks and the railway stations at Prinshof.
This resulted in the development of ‘New Marabastad’ in the area between Marabastad and the Asiatic Bazaar in 1900 by the British military authorities. They had been occupying the city since June 1900 and resettled refugees in the area. By 1901 there were 392 occupied stands in the New Marabastad and there was no real segregation between Africans, Asians and Coloured people.
Although New Marabastad was intended as a temporary settlement the military authorities granted permission for in their employ to erect brick houses. This resulted in the erection of other permanent structures like schools and churches.
The new Town Council was established in 1902 and it was accepted that the residents of New Marabastad would be moved to other, planned townships.
In 1903 New Marabastad had grown to 412 stands while Old Marabastad still only had 67. Along with the Cape Location, which was situated in the southern part of the Asiatic Bazaar, it fell under the jurisdiction of the City Council of that year.
The greatest problem was the provision of water and this was only addressed after the war. Due to the fear of epidemic all wells in the area had been filled during the war, and a single public tap had replaced the entire system.
New Marabastad didn’t have any wells or taps. There was an attempt to rectify this in 1903 by providing more taps, but the number was still inadequate.
In 1906 New and Old Marabastad became one location.
Rates were determined and sanitary and building regulations came into effect. These regulations didn’t achieve their objections as a result of municipal maladministration and the fact that Africans could not own land and afford well-built permanent houses.
Streets remained unpaved, the water supply was inadequate and there were no sanitary facilities worth mentioning. More and more shacks appeared. By 1907 conditions improved marginally, but the streets were left in their unkempt state and by 1910 this had still not been addressed.
The Native Affairs Department accused the Pretoria Town Council of inefficient administration, which had led directly to this situation.
Removals[edit]
South Africa portal
The relocation of residents of Old Marabastad had been on the agenda of the town council since 1903 and in 1907, when the council decided to build a new sewage farm, it became a reality.
It was decided to remove all residents of the area to a new location further away from the city centre and to demolish the old township. Now followed the struggle of finding a suitable site.
The site on the southern slope of Daspoortrand was decided on in 1912 and in January planning for the ‘New Location’ started. It would include a number of brick houses that could be rented from the municipality.
By September of the same year the first relocations were taking place and demolishing of old structures commenced. It was a slow process and Old Marabastad was only completely destroyed by 1920.
The lack of space remained a problem and New Marabastad was experiencing severe overcrowding.
By 1923 the last houses of the second municipal project was completed in New Location and Marabastad residents who had been exposed to the worst conditions were allowed to move in first.
In 1934 part of the Schoolplaats population was moved to Marabastad and the squatter problem became more severe.
There was no room for expansion due to a lack of space.
An attempt to solve these problems manifested itself in the establishment of Atteridgeville in 1939. The Marabastad community would be moved here and compensation was offered to previous owners of property in the form of new houses they could rent, but not own.
The war slowed down the process considerably, but 1949 had moved three quarters of the population of Marabastad to Atteridgeville, and by 1950 the transition was complete
marabastad, pretoria. old polaroids and slide scans, around 1980
Marabastad was a culturally diverse community, with the Hindu Mariamman Temple arguably being its most prominent landmark.
Like the residents of other racially diverse areas in South Africa, such as District Six, "Fietas" and Sophiatown, the inhabitants of Marabastad were relocated to single-race townships further away from the city centre.
These removals were due to Apartheid laws like the Group Areas Act. Unlike Sophiatown, Fietas and District Six, it was not bulldozed, but it retained many of its original buildings, and became primarily a business district, with most shops still owned by the Indians who had also lived there previously.
Some property was however owned by the city council and the government, resulting in limited development taking place there. In addition, a large shopping complex was built to house Indian-owned shops.
The black residents of Marabastad were relocated to Atteridgeville (1945),
the Coloured residents to Eersterus (1963), and the Indian residents to Laudium (1968).
There are plans to revive once-picturesque Marabastad, and to reverse years of urban decay and neglect, although few seem to have been implemented as of 2005.
History[edit]
Marabastad was named after the local headman of a village to the west of Steenhoven Spruit. During the 1880s he lived in Schoolplaats and acted as an interpreter.
During this period some Africans lived on the farms where they were being employed and also chose to live on other, undeveloped land. Schoolplaats could also not accommodate all the migrants and this resulted in squatting.
An overflow from Schoolplaats to the north-west and Maraba’s village occurred and in August 1888 the land was surveyed by the government. The location Marabastad was established and was situated between the Apies River in the north, Skinner Spruit in the west, Steenhoven Spruit in the east and De Korte Street in the south.
There were 67 stands varying between 1400 and 2500 square meters each. Residents were not allowed to own stands, but had to rent them from the government at 4 pounds a year.
They were allowed to build their own houses and to plant crops on empty plots. Water was acquired from the various bordering rivers and 58 wells situated in the area.
The township was not private owned and was managed by the Transvaal Boer Republic. At the outbreak of the Second Boer War in 1899 there were no rules and regulations with regard to Marabastad.
Africans who streamed to Pretoria during the war were living in squatter camps near the artillery barracks, the brickworks and the railway stations at Prinshof.
This resulted in the development of ‘New Marabastad’ in the area between Marabastad and the Asiatic Bazaar in 1900 by the British military authorities. They had been occupying the city since June 1900 and resettled refugees in the area. By 1901 there were 392 occupied stands in the New Marabastad and there was no real segregation between Africans, Asians and Coloured people.
Although New Marabastad was intended as a temporary settlement the military authorities granted permission for in their employ to erect brick houses. This resulted in the erection of other permanent structures like schools and churches.
The new Town Council was established in 1902 and it was accepted that the residents of New Marabastad would be moved to other, planned townships.
In 1903 New Marabastad had grown to 412 stands while Old Marabastad still only had 67. Along with the Cape Location, which was situated in the southern part of the Asiatic Bazaar, it fell under the jurisdiction of the City Council of that year.
The greatest problem was the provision of water and this was only addressed after the war. Due to the fear of epidemic all wells in the area had been filled during the war, and a single public tap had replaced the entire system.
New Marabastad didn’t have any wells or taps. There was an attempt to rectify this in 1903 by providing more taps, but the number was still inadequate.
In 1906 New and Old Marabastad became one location.
Rates were determined and sanitary and building regulations came into effect. These regulations didn’t achieve their objections as a result of municipal maladministration and the fact that Africans could not own land and afford well-built permanent houses.
Streets remained unpaved, the water supply was inadequate and there were no sanitary facilities worth mentioning. More and more shacks appeared. By 1907 conditions improved marginally, but the streets were left in their unkempt state and by 1910 this had still not been addressed.
The Native Affairs Department accused the Pretoria Town Council of inefficient administration, which had led directly to this situation.
Removals[edit]
South Africa portal
The relocation of residents of Old Marabastad had been on the agenda of the town council since 1903 and in 1907, when the council decided to build a new sewage farm, it became a reality.
It was decided to remove all residents of the area to a new location further away from the city centre and to demolish the old township. Now followed the struggle of finding a suitable site.
The site on the southern slope of Daspoortrand was decided on in 1912 and in January planning for the ‘New Location’ started. It would include a number of brick houses that could be rented from the municipality.
By September of the same year the first relocations were taking place and demolishing of old structures commenced. It was a slow process and Old Marabastad was only completely destroyed by 1920.
The lack of space remained a problem and New Marabastad was experiencing severe overcrowding.
By 1923 the last houses of the second municipal project was completed in New Location and Marabastad residents who had been exposed to the worst conditions were allowed to move in first.
In 1934 part of the Schoolplaats population was moved to Marabastad and the squatter problem became more severe.
There was no room for expansion due to a lack of space.
An attempt to solve these problems manifested itself in the establishment of Atteridgeville in 1939. The Marabastad community would be moved here and compensation was offered to previous owners of property in the form of new houses they could rent, but not own.
The war slowed down the process considerably, but 1949 had moved three quarters of the population of Marabastad to Atteridgeville, and by 1950 the transition was complete
Police keep white students from Eastern High school on the move October 5, 1954 after they marched across the Key Bridge in an attempt to link up with Anacostia High students opposing integration.
An earlier march by Anacostia students had been halted by police at the Key Bridge.
The students and some of their parents staged a boycott for several days at Anacostia and were joined by students at three other high schools and several junior highs.
The most intense resistance took place at Anacostia where rallies of up to 1,000 students took place.
The District’s integration took place following the Supreme Court’s Bolling v. Sharpe decision in May 1954 that was brought about by the Consolidated Parents Group.
Consolidated represented parents and students living near the Anacostia River and led a seven year fight that began with a boycott of deplorable conditions at the all-Black Browne Junior High on Benning Road NE.
For more information and related images, see flic.kr/s/aHskivJu7g
Read the story of DC desegregation from the pickets to the courts: washingtonareaspark.com/2015/08/20/dcs-fighting-barber-th...
Photo by R. Routt. The image is courtesy of the D.C. Public Library Washington Star Collection © Washington Post.
Police keep white students from Eastern High school on the move October 5, 1954 after they marched across the Key Bridge in an attempt to link up with Anacostia High students opposing integration.
An earlier march by Anacostia students had been halted by police at the Key Bridge.
The students and some of their parents staged a boycott for several days at Anacostia and were joined by students at three other high schools and several junior highs.
The most intense resistance took place at Anacostia where rallies of up to 1,000 students took place.
The District’s integration took place following the Supreme Court’s Bolling v. Sharpe decision in May 1954 that was brought about by the Consolidated Parents Group.
Consolidated represented parents and students living near the Anacostia River and led a seven year fight that began with a boycott of deplorable conditions at the all-Black Browne Junior High on Benning Road NE.
For more information and related images, see flic.kr/s/aHskivJu7g
Read the story of DC desegregation from the pickets to the courts: washingtonareaspark.com/2015/08/20/dcs-fighting-barber-th...
Photo by R. Routt. The image is courtesy of the D.C. Public Library Washington Star Collection © Washington Post.
The photograph of the sign was taken at the exhibit called “Testify: Americana From Slavery to Today” at the Minneapolis Central Library. Testify was an exhibit of art and artifacts from the Diane and Alan Page Collection. The exhibit ran from January 8 to February 6, 2018.
Following the Civil War to the mid-20th century, the segregation of races in public transportation and transportation facilities was legal and widely applied in the South and portions of the Midwest United States. This practice was made the law of the land by the Plessy vs Ferguson Supreme Court decision of 1896 that upheld a Louisiana law which required provision of "separate but equal" accommodations for black and white passenger traveling by train. In 1954, Brown vs. Board of Education overturned Plessy, finding that "separate but equal" was invalid and banned racial segregation.
Click the "All Sizes" button above to read an article or to see the image clearly.
These scans come from my rather large magazine collection. Instead of filling my house with old moldy magazines, I scanned them (in most cases, photographed them) and filled a storage area with moldy magazines. Now they reside on an external harddrive. I thought others might appreciate these tidbits of forgotten history.
Please feel free to leave any comments or thoughts or impressions... Thanks in advance!
Freedom Riders Greyhound Bus Terminal Station in Washington, D.C. USA
Freedom Riders were civil rights activists who rode interstate buses into the segregated southern United States in 1961 and following years to challenge the non-enforcement of the United States Supreme Court decisions Irene Morgan v. Commonwealth of Virginia (1946) and Boynton v. Virginia (1960), which ruled that segregated public buses were unconstitutional. The Southern states had ignored the rulings and the federal government did nothing to enforce them. The first Freedom Ride left Washington, D.C., on May 4, 1961
The first Freedom Ride began on May 4, 1961. Led by CORE Director James Farmer, 13 riders (seven black, six white, including Genevieve Hughes, William E. Harbour, and Ed Blankenheim) left Washington, DC, on Greyhound and Trailways buses. Their plan was to ride through Virginia, the Carolinas, Georgia, Alabama, and Mississippi, ending in New Orleans, Louisiana, where a civil rights rally was planned. Most of the Riders were from CORE, and two were from SNCC. Many were in their 40s and 50s.
The Freedom Riders' tactics for their journey were to have at least one interracial pair sitting in adjoining seats, and at least one black rider sitting up front, where seats under segregation had been reserved for white customers by local custom throughout the South. The rest of the team would sit scattered throughout the rest of the bus. One rider would abide by the South's segregation rules in order to avoid arrest and to contact CORE and arrange bail for those who were arrested.
Greyhound Bus Terminal Station
1100 New York Avenue, NW Washington, DC, 20005
1100newyorkavenue.buildingengines.com/node/29
Photo
Washington, D.C. USA North America
04/07/2013
DPAC protest at Dept for Education for inclusive education - London 04.09.2013
Campaigners from disability groups Disabled People Against Cuts (DPAC) and Alliance for Inclusive Education (ALLFIE) protested outside the Dept. For Education to demand an end to increasing educational segregation of disabled children.
This protest was one of four simultaneous protests taking place as the culmination of a national week of action organised by Disabled People Against Cuts (DPAC) using the campaign title "Reclaiming Our Futures", and were aimed specifically at government departments whose actions are impacting severly on disabled people - Education, health, Transport and Energy.
Following the individual actions, all four groups of campaigners merged on the Dept for Work and Pensions headquarters for a larger protest against benefits cuts to disabled people which, they claim, affects them disproportionately.
All photos © 2013 Pete Riches
Do not reproduce, alter, re-transmit or blog my images without my written permission. I remain at all times the copyright owner of this image.
Hi-Res, un-watermarked versions of these files are available on application solely at my discretion
If you want to use any image found in my Flickr Photostream, please Email me directly.
Media buyers and publications can access this story on Demotix
Standard industry rates apply.
James B. Aswell began career as a teacher in country schools and high schools In Louisiana rising to president of Louisiana Tech University and later election as superintendent of state education.
After running unsuccessfully for governor in 1911, he was elected to the U.S. House in 1912. Aswell was reelected nine times.
He was a strong opponent of Republican President Hoover, whom many Democrats blamed for the Great Depression, which had barely begun when Aswell died.
Aswell’s opposition was also due to Hoover’s alleged dance with the African American member of the Republican National Committee, Mary Booze.
While in Washington, D.C. in December 1921, Rep. Aswell (D-La.) wrote a letter to the chairman of the Accounts Committee, Clifford Ireland (R-Il.) that had recently been given oversight of the House of Representatives public restaurant, protesting the seating of African Americans.
The New York Times reported that Aswell observed “four negroes eating in the restaurant the last few days” and demanded to know under whose authority they were admitted. The letter said in part:
Is this to be the practice of your committee under the present administration? Gentlemen of the House should have this information now so they may know whether to keep their families, friends and themselves away.
Aswell was given assurances that henceforth “the restaurant would be restricted to whites-only,” according to the Times.
The Senate had already imposed Jim Crow on their restaurant in 1917 and this completed the complete segregation of the Capitol building in 1921.
For a detailed blog post on Jim Crow in the U.S. Capitol restaurants, see washingtonspark.wordpress.com/2018/02/26/origins-of-the-c...
For related images, see flic.kr/s/aHsmcArGZz
The photographer is unknown. The image is a National Photo Company photograph dated 1918-20 courtesy of the Library of Congress. Reproduction Number: LC-DIG-npcc-00613 (digital file from original)
Stratified, soft sand deposit. demonstrates the rapid stratification principle.
Photo of strata formation in soft sand on a beach, created by tidal action of the sea.
Formed in a single, tidal event of turbulent, high tide.
See other examples: www.flickr.com/photos/101536517@N06/sets/72157635944904973/
This natural example of rapid, simultaneous stratification refutes the Superposition Principle and the Principle of Lateral Continuity.
Superposition only applies on a rare occasion of sedimentary deposits in perfectly, still water. Superposition is required for the long evolutionary timescale, but the evidence shows it is not the general rule, as was once believed. Most sediment is laid down in moving water, where particle segregation is the rule, resulting in the simultaneous deposition of strata/layers as shown in the photo.
Where the water movement is very turbulent, violent, or catastrophic, great depths of stratified sediment can be laid down in a short time. Certainly not the many millions of years assumed by evolutionists.
The composition of strata formed in any deposition event. is related to whatever materials are in the sediment mix. Whatever is in the mix will be automatically sorted into strata/layers. It could be sand, or material added from mud slides, erosion of chalk deposits, volcanic ash etc. Any organic material (potential fossils) will also be sorted and buried within the rapidly, formed strata.
Rapid stratification. Field evidence.
Location: Sandown beach, Isle of Wight. Formed 04/12/2017, This field evidence demonstrates that multiple strata in sedimentary deposits do not need millions of years to form and can be formed rapidly. This natural example confirms the principle demonstrated by the sedimentation experiments carried out by Dr Guy Berthault and other sedimentologists. It calls into question the standard, multi-million year dating of sedimentary rocks, and the dating of fossils by depth of burial or position in the strata.
Strata lines/layers are clearly visible in this photo.
Dr Berthault's experiments (www.sedimentology.fr/) and other experiments (www.ianjuby.org/sedimentation/) and field studies of floods and volcanic action show that, rather than being formed by gradual, slow deposition of sediment, with the strata or layers representing a timescale or even a particular, environmental epoch, particle segregation in moving water or airborne particles can form strata or layers very quickly. Such field studies and the experiments show that there is no longer any reason to conclude that strata in sedimentary rocks relate to different geological eras and/or a multi-million year timescale. www.youtube.com/watch?v=5PVnBaqqQw8&feature=share&.... It also shows that the relative position of fossils in rocks is not indicative of an order of evolutionary succession. Obviously, the uniformitarian principle, on which the geologic column is based, can no longer be considered valid. And the multi-million, year dating of sedimentary rocks and fossils needs to be reassessed. Rapid deposition of stratified sediments also explains the enigma of polystrate fossils, i.e. large fossils that intersect several strata. In some cases, tree trunk fossils are found which intersect the strata of sedimentary rock up to forty feet in depth. upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/commons/thumb/0/08/Lycopsi... They must have been buried in stratified sediment in a short time (certainly not millions or even thousands of years), or they would have rotted away. youtu.be/vnzHU9VsliQ
See set of photos of other examples of rapid stratification: www.flickr.com/photos/101536517@N06/sets/72157635944904973/
Carbon dating of coal should not be possible if it is millions of years old, yet significant amounts of Carbon 14 have been detected in coal and other fossil material, which indicates that it is less than 50,000 years old. www.ldolphin.org/sewell/c14dating.html
www.grisda.org/origins/51006.htm
Evolutionists confidently cite multi-million year ages for rocks and fossils, but what most people don't realise is that no one actually knows the age of sedimentary rocks or the fossils found within them. So how are evolutionists so sure of the ages they so confidently quote? The astonishing thing is they aren't. Sedimentary rocks cannot be dated by radiometric methods*, and fossils can only be dated to less than 50,000 years with Carbon 14 dating. The method evolutionists use is based entirely on assumptions. Unbelievably, fossils are dated by the assumed age of rocks, and rocks are dated by the assumed age of fossils, that's right ... it is known as circular reasoning.
* Regarding the radiometric dating of igneous rocks, which is claimed to be relevant to the dating of sedimentary rocks, in an occasional instance there is an igneous intrusion associated with a sedimentary deposit -
Prof. Aubouin says in his Précis de Géologie: "Each radioactive element disintegrates in a characteristic and constant manner, which depends neither on the physical state (no variation with pressure or temperature or any other external constraint) nor on the chemical state (identical for an oxide or a phosphate)."
"Rocks form when magma crystallizes. Crystallisation depends on pressure and temperature, from which radioactivity is independent. So, there is no relationship between radioactivity and crystallisation.
Consequently, radioactivity doesn't date the formation of rocks. Moreover, daughter elements contained in rocks result mainly from radioactivity in magma where gravity separates the heavier parent element, from the lighter daughter element. Thus radiometric dating has no chronological signification." Dr. Guy Berthault www.sciencevsevolution.org/Berthault.htm
Visit the fossil museum:
www.flickr.com/photos/101536517@N06/sets/72157641367196613/
Just how good are peer reviews of scientific papers?
www.sciencemag.org/content/342/6154/60.full
www.examiner.com/article/want-to-publish-science-paper-ju...
Click the "All Sizes" button above to read an article or to see the image clearly.
I thought others might appreciate these tidbits of forgotten history of People of Color.
Please feel free to leave any comments or thoughts or impressions... I look forward to reading them!
A depiction of the discrimination that Jews faced in the early days of the war. Of course, it got much worse very quickly.
Parts of the Birwood Wall, a 6 foot tall half mile long wall built to separate a new white neighborhood from an existing black neighborhood in 1940 near 8 Mile Road in Detroit. It was built in order to satisfy Federal Housing Administration Loan Requirements for segregated neighborhoods.
Olympus IS-3
Kodak Ektar 100
Rapid strata formation in soft sand (field evidence).
Photo of strata formation in soft sand on a beach, created by tidal action of the sea.
Formed in a single, high tidal event. This example displays geological features observed in sedimentary rock formations.
This natural example of rapid, simultaneous stratification refutes the Superposition Principle, the Principle of Original Horizontality and the Principle of Lateral Continuity.
The Superposition Principle only applies on a rare occasion of sedimentary deposits in perfectly, still water. Superposition is required for the long evolutionary timescale, but the evidence shows it is not the general rule, as was once believed. Most sediment is laid down in moving water, where particle segregation is the general rule, resulting in the simultaneous deposition of strata/layers as shown in the photo.
See many other examples of rapid stratification with geological features: www.flickr.com/photos/101536517@N06/sets/72157635944904973/
Rapid, simultaneous formation of layers/strata, through particle segregation in moving water, is described by sedimentologists (working on flume experiments) as a law ...
"Upon filling the tank with water and pouring in sediments, we immediately saw what was to become the rule: The sediments sorted themselves out in very clear layers. This became so common that by the end of two weeks, we jokingly referred to Andrew's law as "It's difficult not to make layers," and Clark's law as "It's easy to make layers." Later on, I proposed the "law" that liquefaction destroys layers, as much to my surprise as that was." Ian Juby, www.ianjuby.org/sedimentation/
The example in the photo is the result of normal, everyday tidal action. Where the water movement is very turbulent, violent, or catastrophic, great depths (many metres) of stratified sediment can be laid down in a short time. Certainly not the many millions of years assumed by evolutionists.
The composition of strata formed in any deposition event. is related to whatever materials are in the sediment mix. Whatever is in the mix will be automatically sorted into strata/layers. It could be sand, or other material added from mud slides, erosion of chalk deposits, coastal erosion, volcanic ash etc. Any organic material (potential fossils), alive or dead, engulfed by, or swept into, a turbulent sediment mix, will also be sorted and buried within the rapidly, forming layers.
See many other examples of rapid stratification with geological features: www.flickr.com/photos/101536517@N06/sets/72157635944904973/
Stratified, soft sand deposit. demonstrates the rapid, stratification principle.
Important, field evidence which supports the work of the eminent, sedimentologist Dr Guy Berthault MIAS - Member of the International Association of Sedimentologists.
(Dr Berthault's experiments (www.sedimentology.fr/)
And also the experimental work of Dr M.E. Clark (Professor Emeritus, U of Illinois @ Urbana), Andrew Rodenbeck and Dr. Henry Voss, (www.ianjuby.org/sedimentation/)
Location: Sandown beach, Isle of Wight. Formed 19/01/2018, This field evidence demonstrates that multiple strata in sedimentary deposits do not need millions of years to form and can be formed rapidly. This natural example confirms the principle demonstrated by the sedimentation experiments carried out by Dr Guy Berthault and other sedimentologists. It calls into question the standard, multi-million year dating of sedimentary rocks, and the dating of fossils by depth of burial or position in the strata.
Mulltiple strata/layers and several, geological features are evident in this example.
Dr Berthault's experiments (www.sedimentology.fr/) and other experiments (www.ianjuby.org/sedimentation/) and field studies of floods and volcanic action show that, rather than being formed by gradual, slow deposition of sucessive layers superimposed upon previous layers, with the strata or layers representing a particular timescale, particle segregation in moving water or airborne particles can form strata or layers very quickly, frequently, in a single event.
And, most importantly, lower strata are not older than upper strata, they are the same age, having been created in the same sedimentary episode.
Such field studies confirm experiments which have shown that there is no longer any reason to conclude that strata/layers in sedimentary rocks relate to different geological eras and/or a multi-million year timescale. www.youtube.com/watch?v=5PVnBaqqQw8&feature=share&.... they also show that the relative position of fossils in rocks is not indicative of an order of evolutionary succession. Obviously, the uniformitarian principle, on which the geologic column is based, can no longer be considered valid. And the multi-million, year dating of sedimentary rocks and fossils needs to be reassessed. Rapid deposition of stratified sediments also explains the enigma of polystrate fossils, i.e. large fossils that intersect several strata. In some cases, tree trunk fossils are found which intersect the strata of sedimentary rock up to forty feet in depth. upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/commons/thumb/0/08/Lycopsi... They must have been buried in stratified sediment in a short time (certainly not millions, thousands, or even hundreds of years), or they would have rotted away. youtu.be/vnzHU9VsliQ
In fact, the vast majority of fossils are found in good, intact condition, which is testament to their rapid burial. You don't get good fossils from gradual burial, because they would be damaged or destroyed by decay, predation or erosion. The existence of so many fossils in sedimentary rock on a global scale is stunning evidence for the rapid depostion of sedimentary rock as the general rule. It is obvious that all rock containing good intact fossils was formed from sediment laid down in a very short time, not millions, or even thousands of years.
See set of photos of other examples of rapid stratification: www.flickr.com/photos/101536517@N06/sets/72157635944904973/
Carbon dating of coal should not be possible if it is millions of years old, yet significant amounts of Carbon 14 have been detected in coal and other fossil material, which indicates that it is less than 50,000 years old. www.ldolphin.org/sewell/c14dating.html
www.grisda.org/origins/51006.htm
Evolutionists confidently cite multi-million year ages for rocks and fossils, but what most people don't realise is that no one actually knows the age of sedimentary rocks or the fossils found within them. So how are evolutionists so sure of the ages they so confidently quote? The astonishing thing is they aren't. Sedimentary rocks cannot be dated by radiometric methods*, and fossils can only be dated to less than 50,000 years with Carbon 14 dating. The method evolutionists use is based entirely on assumptions. Unbelievably, fossils are dated by the assumed age of rocks, and rocks are dated by the assumed age of fossils, that's right ... it is known as circular reasoning.
* Regarding the radiometric dating of igneous rocks, which is claimed to be relevant to the dating of sedimentary rocks, in an occasional instance there is an igneous intrusion associated with a sedimentary deposit -
Prof. Aubouin says in his Précis de Géologie: "Each radioactive element disintegrates in a characteristic and constant manner, which depends neither on the physical state (no variation with pressure or temperature or any other external constraint) nor on the chemical state (identical for an oxide or a phosphate)."
"Rocks form when magma crystallizes. Crystallisation depends on pressure and temperature, from which radioactivity is independent. So, there is no relationship between radioactivity and crystallisation.
Consequently, radioactivity doesn't date the formation of rocks. Moreover, daughter elements contained in rocks result mainly from radioactivity in magma where gravity separates the heavier parent element, from the lighter daughter element. Thus radiometric dating has no chronological signification." Dr. Guy Berthault www.sciencevsevolution.org/Berthault.htm
Visit the fossil museum:
www.flickr.com/photos/101536517@N06/sets/72157641367196613/
Just how good are peer reviews of scientific papers?
www.sciencemag.org/content/342/6154/60.full
www.examiner.com/article/want-to-publish-science-paper-ju...
The neo-Darwinian idea that the human genome consists entirely of an accumulation of billions of mutations is, quite obviously, completely bonkers. Nevertheless, it is compulsorily taught in schools and universities as 'science'.
DPAC protest at Dept for Education for inclusive education - London 04.09.2013
Campaigners from disability groups Disabled People Against Cuts (DPAC) and Alliance for Inclusive Education (ALLFIE) protested outside the Dept. For Education to demand an end to increasing educational segregation of disabled children.
This protest was one of four simultaneous protests taking place as the culmination of a national week of action organised by Disabled People Against Cuts (DPAC) using the campaign title "Reclaiming Our Futures", and were aimed specifically at government departments whose actions are impacting severly on disabled people - Education, health, Transport and Energy.
Following the individual actions, all four groups of campaigners merged on the Dept for Work and Pensions headquarters for a larger protest against benefits cuts to disabled people which, they claim, affects them disproportionately.
All photos © 2013 Pete Riches
Do not reproduce, alter, re-transmit or blog my images without my written permission. I remain at all times the copyright owner of this image.
Hi-Res, un-watermarked versions of these files are available on application solely at my discretion
If you want to use any image found in my Flickr Photostream, please Email me directly.
Media buyers and publications can access this story on Demotix
Standard industry rates apply.
Police officer seizing Martin Luther King by the seat of his trousers, jailing him for leading an anti-segregation march. Birmingham, Ala. April 12, 1963.
Freedom Riders Greyhound Bus Terminal Station in Washington, D.C. USA
Freedom Riders were civil rights activists who rode interstate buses into the segregated southern United States in 1961 and following years to challenge the non-enforcement of the United States Supreme Court decisions Irene Morgan v. Commonwealth of Virginia (1946) and Boynton v. Virginia (1960), which ruled that segregated public buses were unconstitutional. The Southern states had ignored the rulings and the federal government did nothing to enforce them. The first Freedom Ride left Washington, D.C., on May 4, 1961
The first Freedom Ride began on May 4, 1961. Led by CORE Director James Farmer, 13 riders (seven black, six white, including Genevieve Hughes, William E. Harbour, and Ed Blankenheim) left Washington, DC, on Greyhound and Trailways buses. Their plan was to ride through Virginia, the Carolinas, Georgia, Alabama, and Mississippi, ending in New Orleans, Louisiana, where a civil rights rally was planned. Most of the Riders were from CORE, and two were from SNCC. Many were in their 40s and 50s.
The Freedom Riders' tactics for their journey were to have at least one interracial pair sitting in adjoining seats, and at least one black rider sitting up front, where seats under segregation had been reserved for white customers by local custom throughout the South. The rest of the team would sit scattered throughout the rest of the bus. One rider would abide by the South's segregation rules in order to avoid arrest and to contact CORE and arrange bail for those who were arrested.
Greyhound Bus Terminal Station
1100 New York Avenue, NW Washington, DC, 20005
1100newyorkavenue.buildingengines.com/node/29
Photo
Washington, D.C. USA North America
04/07/2013
Freedom Riders Greyhound Bus Terminal Station in Washington, D.C. USA
Freedom Riders were civil rights activists who rode interstate buses into the segregated southern United States in 1961 and following years to challenge the non-enforcement of the United States Supreme Court decisions Irene Morgan v. Commonwealth of Virginia (1946) and Boynton v. Virginia (1960), which ruled that segregated public buses were unconstitutional. The Southern states had ignored the rulings and the federal government did nothing to enforce them. The first Freedom Ride left Washington, D.C., on May 4, 1961
The first Freedom Ride began on May 4, 1961. Led by CORE Director James Farmer, 13 riders (seven black, six white, including Genevieve Hughes, William E. Harbour, and Ed Blankenheim) left Washington, DC, on Greyhound and Trailways buses. Their plan was to ride through Virginia, the Carolinas, Georgia, Alabama, and Mississippi, ending in New Orleans, Louisiana, where a civil rights rally was planned. Most of the Riders were from CORE, and two were from SNCC. Many were in their 40s and 50s.
The Freedom Riders' tactics for their journey were to have at least one interracial pair sitting in adjoining seats, and at least one black rider sitting up front, where seats under segregation had been reserved for white customers by local custom throughout the South. The rest of the team would sit scattered throughout the rest of the bus. One rider would abide by the South's segregation rules in order to avoid arrest and to contact CORE and arrange bail for those who were arrested.
Greyhound Bus Terminal Station
1100 New York Avenue, NW Washington, DC, 20005
1100newyorkavenue.buildingengines.com/node/29
Photo
Washington, D.C. USA North America
04/07/2013
Black infantry troops, U.S. Army, World War I, 1917.
More than 350,000 African Americans served in segregated units during World War I, mostly as support troops. Several units, however, did see action alongside French soldiers fighting against the Germans, and 171 African Americans were awarded the French Legion of Honor.
In response to protests of discrimination and mistreatment from the black community, several hundred African American men received officers' training in Des Moines, Iowa. By October 1917, over six hundred African Americans were commissioned as captains and first and second lieutenants.
The title "Over There, Over There" references the lyrics to America's best-known World War One song, Over There, written by George M. Cohan in 1917.It proved a nationwide hit in the months immediately following America's enthusiastic entry into the war.
Vintage African American photography courtesy of Black History Album, The Way We Were.
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Five women of the group "Women of the Wailing Wall" were arrested while fighting for there right to pray as men do dressing in a talit and singing the praier in load voice. They say that despite repeated arrests they will repeat this act again and again until they get recognized for their right to pray according to their faith. Rosh Chodesh is considered a holiday for women since the days of the Talmud. First of the month, according to rabbinic tradition, women are exempt from all work, since the compensation received from the Lord on that did not participate with the men act the Golden Calf. Struggle of "Women of the Wailing Wall" began in December 1988 after the first International Conference of Jewish feminists attended by dozens of women from around the world. "As part of the conference, planned to women participating to have a prayer of thanksgiving for the State at the Wall with a Torah scroll. When they arrived and began began to read from the Torah, broke Rampage violent men's section. they spat on them, abused them verbally abused and dragged them to the hand arrangement books. all this, simply because women of prayed aloud, wrapped in shawls and holding a Torah scroll.
DPAC protest at Dept for Education for inclusive education - London 04.09.2013
Campaigners from disability groups Disabled People Against Cuts (DPAC) and Alliance for Inclusive Education (ALLFIE) protested outside the Dept. For Education to demand an end to increasing educational segregation of disabled children.
This protest was one of four simultaneous protests taking place as the culmination of a national week of action organised by Disabled People Against Cuts (DPAC) using the campaign title "Reclaiming Our Futures", and were aimed specifically at government departments whose actions are impacting severly on disabled people - Education, health, Transport and Energy.
Following the individual actions, all four groups of campaigners merged on the Dept for Work and Pensions headquarters for a larger protest against benefits cuts to disabled people which, they claim, affects them disproportionately.
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In Living Black and White, Dick Gregory's first comedy album, was recorded in 1961 for Colpix Records at the Playboy Club in Chicago, where he had made a legendary debut before a crowd of white southern businessmen. Featuring riffs on segregation, sit-ins, and the Ku Klux Klan, In Living Black and White became one of the year's best-selling comedy albums. In the early 1960s, Dick Gregory became one of the first black stand-up comedians to play in white nightclubs. Rather than downplaying racial differences to appeal to whites, Gregory made race a cornerstone of his act, delivering sharply funny observations about segregation and prejudice in a cool and confident style. Blending entertainment and activism, Gregory used his stage and TV appearances to promote civil rights and other political and social causes.
The Taking the Stage exhibit, part of the Culture Galleries on the fourth floor of the National Museum of African American History and Culture, tells the story of how African Americans have acted to shape and transform the ways they are represented onstage by challenging racial discrimination and stereotypes and producing more diverse images of African American identity and experience.
The National Museum of African American History and Culture (NMAAHC), administered by the Smithsonian Institute, was established in December 2003 and opened its permanent home in September 2016. The 350,000-square-foot, 10-story (five above and five below ground) was built to the postmodern design of Phil Freelon's Freelon Group, Sir David Adjaye's Adjaye Associates and Davis Brody Bond. The above ground floors feature an inverted step pyramid surrounded by a bronze architectural scrim, which reflects a crown used in Yoruba culture. With more than 40,000 objects in its collection, although only about 3,500 items are on display, the NMAAHC is the world's largest museum dedicated to African-American history and culture.
The Smithsonian Institution, an educational and research institute and associated museum complex, administered and funded by the government of the United States and by funds from its endowment, contributions, and profits from its shops and its magazines, was established in 1846. Although concentrated in Washington DC, its collection of over 136 million items is spread through 19 museums, a zoo, and nine research centers from New York to Panama.
Freedom Riders Greyhound Bus Terminal Station in Washington, D.C. USA
Freedom Riders were civil rights activists who rode interstate buses into the segregated southern United States in 1961 and following years to challenge the non-enforcement of the United States Supreme Court decisions Irene Morgan v. Commonwealth of Virginia (1946) and Boynton v. Virginia (1960), which ruled that segregated public buses were unconstitutional. The Southern states had ignored the rulings and the federal government did nothing to enforce them. The first Freedom Ride left Washington, D.C., on May 4, 1961
The first Freedom Ride began on May 4, 1961. Led by CORE Director James Farmer, 13 riders (seven black, six white, including Genevieve Hughes, William E. Harbour, and Ed Blankenheim) left Washington, DC, on Greyhound and Trailways buses. Their plan was to ride through Virginia, the Carolinas, Georgia, Alabama, and Mississippi, ending in New Orleans, Louisiana, where a civil rights rally was planned. Most of the Riders were from CORE, and two were from SNCC. Many were in their 40s and 50s.
The Freedom Riders' tactics for their journey were to have at least one interracial pair sitting in adjoining seats, and at least one black rider sitting up front, where seats under segregation had been reserved for white customers by local custom throughout the South. The rest of the team would sit scattered throughout the rest of the bus. One rider would abide by the South's segregation rules in order to avoid arrest and to contact CORE and arrange bail for those who were arrested.
Greyhound Bus Terminal Station
1100 New York Avenue, NW Washington, DC, 20005
1100newyorkavenue.buildingengines.com/node/29
Photo
Washington, D.C. USA North America
04/07/2013