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Wat Phra Kaew (Thai: วัดพระแก้ว, rtgs: Wat Phra Kaeo, IPA: [wát pʰráʔ kɛ̂ːw], Pronunciation, English: Temple of the Emerald Buddha; full official name Wat Phra Si Rattana Satsadaram, Thai: วัดพระศรีรัตนศาสดาราม, IPA: [wát pʰráʔ sǐː rát.ta.náʔ sàːt.sa.daː.raːm]) is regarded as the most sacred Buddhist temple (wat) in Thailand. The Emerald Buddha housed in the temple is a potent religio-political symbol and the palladium (protective image) of Thai society. It is located in Phra Nakhon District, the historic centre of Bangkok, within the precincts of the Grand Palace.
The main building is the central phra ubosot, which houses the statue of the Emerald Buddha. According to legend, this Buddha image originated in India where the sage Nagasena prophesized that the Emerald Buddha would bring "prosperity and pre-eminence to each country in which it resides", the Emerald Buddha deified in the Wat Phra Kaew is therefore deeply revered and venerated in Thailand as the protector of the country. Historical records however dates its finding to Chiang Rai in the 15th century where, after it was relocated a number of times, it was finally taken to Thailand in the 18th century. It was enshrined in Bangkok at the Wat Phra Kaew temple in 1782 during the reign of Phutthayotfa Chulalok, King Rama I (1782–1809). This marked the beginning of the Chakri Dynasty of Thailand, whose present sovereign is Bhumibol Adulyadej, King Rama IX.
The Emerald Buddha, a dark green statue, is in a standing form, about 66 centimetres tall, carved from a single jade stone ("emerald" in Thai means deep green colour and not the specific stone). It is carved in the meditating posture in the style of the Lanna school of the northern Thailand. Except for the Thai King and, in his stead, the Crown Prince, no other persons are allowed to touch the statue. The King changes the cloak around the statue three times a year, corresponding to the summer, winter, and rainy seasons, an important ritual performed to usher good fortune to the country during each season.
HISTORY
In 1767, the Kingdom of Ayutthaya fell to the Burmese, and King Taksin then moved the capital to Thonburi where he built the old palace beside Wat Arun on the west bank of Chao Phraya River. In 1778, Taksin's army under the command of Chao Phraya Chakri (who later became Rama I) captured Vientiane and took the Emerald Buddha back to Thonburi.
In 1782, King Rama I succeeded to the throne and founded the Chakri Dynasty, and he decided to move the capital across the river to Bangkok as it would be better protected from attack. The site chosen for the palace is situated between two old wats, Wat Pho and Wat Mahathat, an area inhabited by Chinese residents who were then moved to the present Chinatown. He started the construction of the Grand Palace so that the palace may be ready for his coronation in 1785. Wat Phra Kaew, which has its own compound within the precinct of the palace, was built to house the Emerald Buddha, which is considered a sacred object that provides protection for the kingdom. Wat Phra Kaew was completed in 1784. The formal name of Wat Phra Kaeo is Phra Sri Rattana Satsadaram, which means "the residence of the Holy Jewel Buddha."
Wat Phra Kaew has undergone a number of renovations, restoration and additions in its history, particularly during the reign of King Rama III and Rama IV. Rama III started the renovations and rebuilding in 1831 for the 50th Anniversary of BangkoK of 1832, while Rama IV's restoration was completed by Rama V in time for the Bangkok Centennial celebrations in 1882. Further restoration was undertaken by Rama VII on Bangkok's 150th Anniversary in 1932, and by Rama IX for the 200th Anniversary in 1982.
EMERALD BUDDHA
It is not known when the statue of the Emerald Buddha was made, but it is generally believed that it was crafted in 14th-century Thailand. However, there are also claims that the statue originated in India or Sri Lanka. None of these theories can be firmly established as none of the historians could get a close look at the statue.
According to one account, the Emerald Buddha was found in Chiang Rai, Lanna in 1434, after a lightning storm struck a temple. The Buddha statue fell down and later became chipped, and the monks, after removing the stucco around the statue, discovered that the image was a perfectly made Buddha image from a solid piece of green jade. The image was moved a few time to various temples, first to Lampang, then to Chiang Mai, from where it was removed by prince Chao Chaiyasetthathirat to Luang Prabang, when his father died and he ascended the throne of both Lanna and Lan Xang, in 1551. The statue remained the it to his new capital of Lan Xang in Vientiane in the 1560s. The statue remained there for twelve years. King Chaiyasetthathirat then shifted it to his new capital of Lan Xang in Vientiane in the 1560s. He took the Emerald Buddha with him and the image remained in Vientiane for 214 years until 1778.
In the reign of King Taksin, Chao Phya Chakri (who later became Rama I) defeated Vientiane and moved the Emerald Buddha from Vientiane to Thonburi where it was installed in a shrine close to Wat Arun. When Chao Phra Chakri took over the throne and founded the Chakri Dynasty of the Rattanakosin Kingdom, he shifted his capital across the river to its present location in Bangkok. The Emerald Buddha was also moved across the river with pomp and pageantry and installed in the temple of Wat Phra Keaw.
LEGENDS
There a number of legends associated with the Emerald Buddha. It was said the iconic image of the Emerald Buddha was made by Nagasena, a saint in Pataliputra (present day Patna), India, who, with the help of Hindu god Vishnu and demigod Indra, had the Emerald Buddha image made. Nagasena predicted that:
The image of the Buddha is assuredly going to give to religion the most brilliant importance in five lands, that is in Lankadvipa (Sri Lanka), Ramalakka, Dvaravati, Chieng Mai and Lan Chang (Laos).
The Emerald Buddha image was taken to Sri Lanka after three hundred years in Pataliputra to save it during a civil war. In 457, King Anuruth of Burma sent a mission to Ceylon with a request for Buddhist scriptures and the Emerald Buddha, in order to promote Buddhism in his country. These requests were granted, but the ship lost its way in a storm during the return voyage and landed in Cambodia. When the Thais captured Angkor Wat in 1432 (following the ravage of the bubonic plague), the Emerald Buddha was taken to Ayutthaya, Kamphaeng Phet, Laos and finally Chiang Rai, where the ruler of the city hid it, and was later found.
ARCHITECTURE
Wat Phra Kaeo has a plethora of buildings within the precincts of the Grand Palace, which covers a total area of over 94.5 hectares. It has over 100 buildings with “200 years royal history and architectural experimentation” linked to it. The architectural style is named as Rattanakosin style (old Bangkok style). The main temple of the Emerald Buddha is very elegantly decorated and similar to the temple in ancient capital of Ayudhya. The roof is embellished with polished orange and green tiles, the pillars are inlaid in mosaic and the pediments are made of rich marble, installed around 18th century. The Emerald Buddha is deified over an elevated altar surrounded by large gilded decorations. While the upper part of this altar was part of the original construction, the base was added by King Rama III. Two images of the Buddha, which represent the first two kings of the Chakri dynasty, flank the main image. Over the years, the temple has retained its original design. However, minor improvements have been effected after its first erection during Rama I's reign; wood-work of the temple was replaced by King Rama III and King Chulalongkorn; during King Mongkut's reign, the elegant doors and windows and the copper plates on the floor were additions, Rama III refurbished the wall painting (indicative of the universe according to Buddhist cosmology) and several frescoes that display the various stages of the Buddha's life; three chambers were added on the western side by King Mongkut; in the chamber known as 'Phra Kromanusorn' at the northern end, images of Buddha have been installed in honour of the kings of Ayutthaya; and in the 19th century, In Khong, a famous painter executed the wall murals. The entry to the temple is from the third gate from the river pier.The entrance is guarded by a pair of yakshis (mythical giants – 5 metres high statues). The eponymous image Buddha in brilliant green colour is 66 centimetres (26 in) in height with a lap width of 48.3 centimetres. It is carved in a yogic position, known as Virasana (a meditation pose commonly seen in images in Thailand and also in South India, Sri Lanka and Southeast Asia). The pedestal on which the Emerald Buddha deified is decorated with Garuda (the mythical half-man half-bird form, a steed of Rama, who holds his mortal enemy Naga the serpent in his legs) motifs It is central to Thai Buddhism. The image made with a circular base has a smooth top-knot that is finished with a "dulled point marking at the top of the image". A third eye made in gold is inset over the elevated eyebrows of the image. The image appears divine and composed, with the eyes cast downward. The image has a small nose and mouth (mouth closed) and elongated ears. The hands are seen on the lap with palms facing upwards.
The entire complex, including the temples, is bounded by a compound wall which is one of the most prominent part of the wat is about 2 kilometres length. The compound walls are decorated with typically Thai murals, based on the Indian epic Ramayana. In Thai language these murals are known to form the Ramakian, the Thai national epic, which was written during the reign of Rama I. The epic stories formed the basic information to draw the paintings during the reign of King Rama I (1782–1809). These paintings are refurbished regularly. The murals, in 178 scenes, starting with the north gate of the temple illustrates the complete epic story of Ramayana sequentially, in a clockwise direction covering the entire compound wall. The murals serve to emphasise human values of honesty, faith, and devotion.
There are twelve salas that were built by Rama I, around the temple. They house interesting artefacts of regions such as Cambodia and Java. One of these salas had an inscription of Ramkamhaeng, which was shifted, in 1924, to the National Library. During the reign of King Mongkut, the Phra Gandharara – small chapel on the southwest corner – and a tall belfry were new additions.
WORSHIP AND CEREMONIES
Early in the Bangkok period, the Emerald Buddha used to be taken out of its temple and paraded in the streets to relieve the city and countryside of various calamities (such as plague and cholera). However, this practice was discontinued during Rama IV's reign as it was feared that the image could get damaged during the procession and also a practical line of thinking that Rama IV held "that diseases are caused by germs, not by evil spirits or the displeasure of the Buddha". The image also marks the changing of the seasons in Thailand, with the king presiding over the seasonal ceremonies.
Like many other Buddha statues in Thailand, the Emerald Buddha is dressed in a seasonal costume. It is a significant ritual held at this temple. In this ritual, dress of the deity is changed three times a year to correspond to the seasons. In summer it is a pointed crown of gold and jewels, and a set of jewelled ornaments that adorns the image from the shoulders to the ankles. In winter, a meshed dressing gown or drapery made of gold beads, which covered from the neck down like a poncho is used. During the rainy months, a top-knot headdress studded with gold, enamel and sapphires; the gold attire in the rainy season is draped over the left shoulder of the deity, only with the right shoulder left bare while gold ornaments embellish the image up to the ankles. The astrological dates for the ritual ceremonies, at the changing of the seasons, followed are in the 1st Waning Moon of Lunar Months 4, 8 and 12 (around March, July and November). The costume change ritual is performed by the Thai king who is the highest master of ceremonies for all Buddhist rites. On each occasion, the king himself "cleans the image by wiping away any dust that has collected and changing the headdress of the image". Then a king's royal attendant climbs up and performs the elaborate ritual of changing garments of the image as the king is chanting prayers to the deity. On this occasion, the king sprinkles water over the monks and the faithful who have assembled to witness the unique ritual and seeks blessings of the deity for good fortune during the upcoming season. The two sets of clothing not in use at any given time are kept on display in the nearby Pavilion of Regalia, Royal Decorations and Coins in the precincts of the Grand Palace. While Rama I initiated this ritual for the hot season and the rainy season, Rama III introduced the ritual for the winter season. The robes, which the image adorns, represents that of monks and King's depending on the season, a clear indication of highlighting its symbolic role "as Buddha and the King", which role is also enjoined on the Thai King who formally dresses the Emerald Buddha image.
A ceremony that is observed in the wat is the Chakri Day (begun on April 6, 1782), a national holiday to honour founding of the Chakri dynasty. On this day, the king attends the ceremony. The present king Rama IX, with his Queen, and entourage of the royal family, the Prime Minister, officials in the Ministry of Defence, and other government departments, first offer prayers at the Emerald Buddha temple. This is followed by visit to the pantheon to pay homage to the images of past Chakri rulers that are installed there.
The coronation ceremony, which marks the crowning of the king, is an important event of the Chakri dynasty. One such recent event took place when the present Rama IX was crowned the King. On this occasion, the King came to the Chapel Royal- the Wat Phra Keo – in a procession wearing a 'Great Crown'. After entering the chapel, the king made offerings of gold and silver flowers to the deity and also lighted candles. He also paid homage to the images of Buddha that represented the past kings of the dynasty. In the presence of assembled elite clergy of the kingdom, he took a formal vow of his religion and his steadfastness to 'Defend the Faith'.
RULES OF ENTRY AND CONDUCT
The sacred temples in Thailand follow a dress code, which is strictly followed. Men must wear long pants and sleeved shirts and shoes; women must wear long skirts. Visitors who arrive dressed otherwise may rent appropriate clothing items at the entry area of the temple. It is compulsory to remove the shoes before entering the temple, as a sign of respect of the Buddha, as is the practice in all other temples in Thailand. While offering prayers before the Buddha image, the sitting posture should avoid any offensive stretching of feet towards the deity; the feet should be tucked in towards the back.
OTHER MONUMENTS
While the surrounding portico of the shrine is an example of Thai craftsmanship, the perimeter of the temple complex has 12 open pavilions. These were built during the reign of Rama I. There is plethora of monuments in the temple complex. These are:Grand PalaceThe former residence of the King, the Grand Palace, adjoins the temple. The King makes use of this Grand Palace for ceremonial functions such as the Coronation Day. The King’s present residence is to the north of this Grand Palace and is known as the Chitlada Palace. The four structures surrounding the temple have history of their own. At the eastern end is the Borombhiman Hall (built in French architectural design), which was the residence of King Rama VI, now used as guest house for visiting foreign dignitaries. It has the dubious distinction of having been used as the operational headquarters and residence of General Chitpatima who attempted a coup, in 1981. The building to the west is the Amarindra hall, earlier a hall of Justice, now used for formal ceremonies. The Chakri Mahaprasat is the largest hall in the Grand Palace, built in 1882 by British architects, the architecture of which is fusion of Italian renaissance and Traditional Thai architecture. This style is called farang sai chada, (meaning: "Westerner wearing a Thai crown") as each wing has a shrine (mandap) crowned by a spire. Ashes of the Chakri kings (five ancestors) are enshrined in the largest of these shrines, also known as the pantheons, that were rebuilt after a fire in 1903 during Rama IV's reign. Ashes of the Chakri princess who could not become kings are enshrined in an adjoining hall. The throne room and the reception hall are on the first floor, while the ground floor houses a collection of weapons. The inner palace had the King’s harem (the practice was discontinued during King Rama VI's time who decreed the one wife rule), which was guarded by well trained female guards. Another hall in the palace is the 'Dusit hall' in Ratanokosin-style, which runs from east to west, which was initially an audience hall but now converted into a funerary hall for the Royal family. Royal family corpses are kept here for one year before they are cremated in a nearby field. There is also a garden which was laid during rama IV's reign. The garden depicts a "Thai mountain-and-woods-fable" mountain scenes where the coming of age ritual of shaving the topknot of the Prince is performed.PagodasThe temple grounds also depict three pagodas to its immediate north, which represent the changing centres of Buddhist influence. One such shrine to the west of the temple is the Phra Si Ratana Chedi, a 19th-century stupa built in Sri Lankan style enshrining ashes of the Buddha.Library
Rama I also built a library in Thai style, in the middle of the complex, known as the "Phra Mondop". The library houses an elegantly carved Ayutthaya-style mother-of-pearl doors, bookcases with the Tripitaka (sacred Buddhist manuscripts), human-and dragon-headed nagas (snakes), and images of Chakri kings.
During the 19th century, the Royal Pantheon was built in Khmer style to the east of the temple, which is kept open for only one day in year, in the month of October to commemorate the founding of the Chakri dynasty.
Model of Angkor WatThe temple complex also contains a model of Angkor Wat (the most sacred of all Cambodian shrines). In 1860, King Mongkut ordered his generals to lead 2,000 men to dismantle Angkor Wat and take it to Bangkok. Modern scholars suggested that the king wanted to show that Siam was still in control of Cambodia, as France was seeking to colonise Cambodia at that time. However, the king's order could not be fulfilled. A royal chronicle written by Lord Thiphakorawong (Kham Bunnag), then foreign minister, recorded that many Thai men fell ill after entering Cambodian wilderness. The chronicle also stated that forest-dwelling Khmer people ambushed the Thai army, killing many leading generals. King Mongkut then ordered the construction of the model within Wat Phra Kaew, instead of the real Angkor Wat that could not be brought to Bangkok. Mongkut died before he could see the model. Its construction was completed in the reign of his son, Chulalongkorn.Hermit statue
A hermit's bronze image, which is believed to have healing powers, is installed in a sala on the western side of the temple. It is near the entry gate. It is a black stone statue, considered a patron of medicine, before which relatives of the sick and infirm pay respects and make offerings of joss sticks, fruit, flowers, and candles.
EIGHT TOWERS
On the eastern side of the temple premises there are eight towers or prangs, each of a different colour. They were erected during the reign of Rama I and represent eight elements of Buddhism.
ELEPHANT STATUES
Statues of elephants, which symbolize independence and power, are seen all around the complex. As Thai kings fought wars mounted on elephants, it has become customary for parents to make their children circumambulate the elephant three times with the belief that that it would bring them strength. The head of an elephant statue is also rubbed for good luck; this act of the people is reflected in the smoothness of the surface of elephant statues here.
WIKIPEDIA
Throughout the project, there are ponding areas which in some cases have frogs and salamanders residing. When these ponding areas are within construction area these amphibians are captured and relocated to an area outside the Project.
From Left to Right – Brianna Powrie, Enviro-Ex Environmental Monitor, Ruth Lloyd, Sugar Cane Archaeologist and Linda Siwallace, Project Cultural Monitor with ?Estilagh First Nation.
The Minidoka Relocation Center, 15 miles north of Twin Falls and 150 miles southeast of Boise, was also referred to as the Hunt Camp. Minidoka was considered a model environment because of its relatively peaceful atmosphere and population that got along well with the administration. Because it was not within the Western Defense Command restricted area, security was somewhat lighter than at most other camps. But when the internees first arrived, they were shocked to see the bleak landscape that was to be there home over the next three years.
Located on the Snake River Plain at an elevation of 4000 feet, the land is dotted with sagebrush and thin basaltic lava flows and cinder cones. The internees found the environment to be extremely harsh, with temperatures ranging from 30 degrees below zero to as high as 115 degrees. They also had to contend with blinding dust storms and ankle-deep mud after the rains.
Minidoka was in operation from August 10, 1942 to October 28, 1945. The reserve covered more than 33,000 acres of land in Jerome County. The camp’s peak population reached 9,397 by March 1, 1943, and it became Idaho's third largest city. Five miles of barbed wire fencing and eight watchtowers surrounded the administrative and residential areas, which were located in the west-central portion of the reserve.
Most of the people interned at Minidoka were from the Pacific Northwest: approximately 7,050 from Seattle and Bainbridge Island, Washington, 2,500 from Oregon and 150 from Alaska, including children or grandchildren of Eskimo women and Japanese men. They were temporarily housed at the Puyallup Fairgrounds in Washington, then sent by train to Idaho. In early 1943, all of the Bainbridge Island, Washington, residents interned at the Manzanar Relocation Center were transferred to Minidoka at their own request because of constant conflict with the internees from Terminal Island in Los Angeles.
The central camp consisted of 600 buildings on 950 acres. When the first internees arrived at Minidoka in August 1942, they moved into the crude barracks even though much of the camp was unfinished and there was no running water or sewage system. The Army insisted on having all Japanese removed from the West Coast at once, and they did not halt the evacuation until the camp could hold no more. The last group of 500 evacuees to arrive at the camp had to sleep in mess halls, laundry rooms, or any available bed space. Waiting in line for many daily functions, especially meals, was common.
The camp’s residential area encompassed 36 blocks and was one mile wide and three miles long. Each block included 12 tarpaper barracks, one dining hall, one laundry building with communal showers and toilets and a recreation hall. Immediately after arrival, the internees were instructed to see the camp physician, and then they received an apartment assignment. Apartments were of three sizes, and where possible, family groups or relatives were placed near each other. Efforts were later made to move people near their place of employment.
BAe Harrier GR3 XZ969 being relocated for display at The South Wales Aviation Museum at St Athan South Wales. Ex RAF Germany and RAF Gutersloh aircraft.
April 2022
Major work occurred on 48th Street between 14th Street and Medtronic Way to relocate utilities and make room to widen the northbound State Route 143 bridge over the Tempe Drain.
Relocated from its older location.
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If you would like to use this picture in any sort of form, please send me a Flickrmail or send me an email at natehenderson6@gmail.com.
Lindi Ortega
OCA Spazio Ansaldo (MI)
19 Marzo 2013
© Mairo Cinquetti
© All rights reserved. Do not use my photos without my written permission. If you would like to buy or use this photo PLEASE message me or email me at mairo.cinquetti@gmail.com
Immagine protetta da copyright © Mairo Cinquetti.
Tutti i diritti sono riservati.
L'immagine non può essere usata in nessun caso senza autorizzazione scritta dell'autore.
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Nashville beckoned, and Lindi Ortega answered the call.
Armed with an inimitable, irresistible singing voice The Independent hails as “a truly magnificent instrument,” and a heart bursting with creative ambition, the Canadian songstress whom American Songwriter calls “the love child of Johnny Cash and Nancy Sinatra” decided to relocate to Music City from her
native Toronto to birth her brand new musical offspring, Cigarettes & Truckstops.
A logical follow-up to her 2011 critically acclaimed alt-country masterpiece Little Red Boots, the 10-song Cigarettes & Truckstops further flaunts Ortega’s distinctive vision; one that embraces the oft-neglected, politically incorrect realism of traditional country and frames it in a charmingly, and sometimes darkly humourous contemporary context.
Bookended by a couple of romantic road ballads in the title track and the reflective “Every Mile Of The Ride,” Cigarettes & Truckstops further evolves the promise foreshadowed by the JUNO-Award nominated-and-Polaris-Music-Prize-long-listed Little Red Boots.
The writing is stellar, her musical discipline undoubtedly galvanized by a fearless 2010-2012 tour schedule that saw Lindi open for a variety of acts, from punk vets Social Distortion; pop icon Burton Cummings; country fave Dierks Bentley; folk outfit Noah & The Whale and Academy Award winner Kevin Costner with attention-grabbing finesse, making serious inroads with North American and European audiences, and prompting Exclaim! to declare Ortega an “electrifying” performer.
Whether it’s the plucky shuffle of the hilarious “The Day You Die;” the angry harrumph of “Don’t Wanna Hear It;” the high lonesome feel of “Heaven Has No Vacancy” or the haunting twang of guilt that is “Murder of Crows,” Ortega continues to deliver a refreshing twist that walks vintage and contemporary lines in imaginative and inventive manners.
But in order to realize this next step of her artistic fruition, the two-time JUNO Award nominee (Canada’s equivalent to the Grammy Awards) had to pull up her Canadian stakes and come to the well.
“I was really inspired by being here in Nashville,” explains Ortega, the daughter of a Northern Irish mother and Mexican father who has been performing since she picked up a guitar at age 16.
“I wanted the authenticity of my influences to shine through on this record. I knew I liked country and I think moving here, I wanted to delve into those influences more genuinely.
“To be able to read a Hank Williams biography and then go to where his house was, or the places that they talk about, and absorb that was invaluable.”
As Ortega is the first to admit, she’s anything but a “straight-up country artist,” so other elements played into the equation.
“I found that I was really inspired by going to New Orleans, after I shot that music video for (Little Red Boots’) “Black Fly” – and the Deep South.
“After Little Red Boots I read the Hank Williams biography and I learned that he was very highly influenced by a man named “Tee-Tot.” (Rufus Payne). Tee-Tot was a blues guy, and I discovered that a lot of early country drew influence from early blues. So I really started getting into listening to blues.”
She recruited a sympathetic visionary to produce the album in fellow Canadian Colin Linden, (O Brother Where Art Thou, Blackie & The Rodeo Kings, Bruce Cockburn, The Band), who also happens to reside in Nashville.
“When it was time to start working with producers, Colin’s name was thrown in the hat,” recalls Ortega. “I looked him up on YouTube,and the first thing I saw him perform was this crazy awesome Dobro solo.
“I realized that I loved that instrument, and I needed to have it all over my record,” she laughs.
“There was something about the sound of it that resonated so much with me. Colin was very influenced by the blues and had a lot of knowledge about its background and history, and I thought it would be cool to bring that into the record.”
The blues touch is a subtle one, a seasoning of sorts on this album of longing and vulnerability; travel and romance; of anger and passion; of fact and fiction.
A big breakthrough was Ortega’s topical candour.
“I was sort of delving into the darker corners of my mind with some things, which was interesting for me, and not being afraid to put some other things out there,” she reveals. “The song from my first record, “All My Friends,” alludes to certain things in a metaphorical way, where on this album, I’m a little more straight up about it. I’m not trying to hide.
“I guess that I’m just willing to take that risk. I’m just being honest and talking about my experiences, and by doing that, I’m not advocating anything and I’m not telling anybody they need to do anything: I’m just writing about my life and the experiences that I go through.”
But it’s not all autobiographical: “Murder of Crows,’ co-authored by Matt Nolan and one of three co-writes on Cigarettes & Truckstops, is pure Man In Black-inspired fiction.
“I was actually thinking of Johnny Cash’s Murder album when I wrote that,” Ortega chuckles. “I just wanted to delve into fictitious territory, and not write from experience – sort of make up stories.
“In a lot of old Cash songs, there’s a lot that didn’t come from his experience: he made them up. It’s cool to be able to make up crazy stories like that.”
One of the album’s real kickers is the Bruce Wallace co-write “The Day You Die,” a humorous look at love’s clichés, a future classic that begins with the opening stanza,
“You said you’d love me ‘til the cows comes home/Well I’m hoping that they all go blind.”
“That’s why I love writing with Bruce, because we never set out to write,” Ortega admits. “We just get together as friends and pick up guitars and it just happens naturally. He’s a quirky guy, because he totally gets where I’m coming from in that respect.
“We pick up the guitar and make up joke songs. We thought it would be cool if all these cliché things that people say to people, things like ‘Love you ‘til this, love you ‘til that’,” were taken literally, what would they have to do to keep the love going?”
There are more gems on Cigarettes & Truckstops that are ripe for personal discovery, a riveting tour-de-force of an album that will open up more ears and hearts to the scintillating sounds of Lindi Ortega and an appreciation of the unique perspective she brings to her craft.
Two trademarks impel her artistry: sincerity and honesty.
“I’m not going to deny it because I can’t,” Ortega admits. “It just comes out. I owe it to the song and to myself to expel that expression, put it into music and be very honest and forthright about the good, the bad and the ugly of Lindi Ortega.”
Original Caption: Manzanar Relocation Center, Manzanar, California. An evacuee is shown in the lath house sorting seedlings for tranplanting. These plants are year-old seedlings from the Salinas Experiment Station.
U.S. National Archives’ Local Identifier: 210-G-C737
From:: Series: Central Photographic File of the War Relocation Authority, compiled 1942 - 1945
Created By:: Department of the Interior. War Relocation Authority. (02/16/1944 - 06/30/1946)
Production Date: 06/29/1942
Persistent URL: arcweb.archives.gov/arc/action/ExternalIdSearch?id=538031
Repository: Still Picture Records Section, National Archives at College Park,MD
For information about ordering reproductions of photographs held by the Still Picture Unit, visit: www.archives.gov/research/order/still-pictures.html
Reproductions may be ordered via an independent vendor. NARA maintains a list of vendors at www.archives.gov/research/order/vendors-photos-maps-dc.html
Access Restrictions: Unrestricted
Use Restrictions: Unrestricted
Had three relocations calls yesterday, but was only able to respond to one..
It was at the same house as my last call.. This time a ground snake and a larger s.Gopher snake
. . . 10. 3. 2007 - this is the fourth day of a funeral ceremony in Bori for a High Class Woman. She died on 18. 1. 2007 at the age of 85 years. The ceremony will last for one week. Today we will see buffalo fighting, cock fighting, the killing of the buffalos, the horse and the deer. The photos of the killing might look strange to you, to the torajian they are common. The souls of the killed buffalos are the servants of the deads. The more buffalos are killed the better life for the dead.
If you wonder why the quality of the pictures is a little less: these are no photographs - it all are snapshots of my videos! So sorry for the less resolution, but I think, they are worth to be shown.
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The Toraja are an ethnic group indigenous to a mountainous region of South Sulawesi, Indonesia. Their population is approximately 1,100,000, of whom 450,000 live in the regency of Tana Toraja ("Land of Toraja"). Most of the population is Christian, and others are Muslim or have local animist beliefs known as aluk ("the way"). The Indonesian government has recognized this animist belief as Aluk To Dolo ("Way of the Ancestors").
The word toraja comes from the Bugis Buginese language term to riaja, meaning "people of the uplands". The Dutch colonial government named the people Toraja in 1909. Torajans are renowned for their elaborate funeral rites, burial sites carved into rocky cliffs, massive peaked-roof traditional houses known as tongkonan, and colorful wood carvings. Toraja funeral rites are important social events, usually attended by hundreds of people and lasting for several days.
Before the 20th century, Torajans lived in autonomous villages, where they practised animism and were relatively untouched by the outside world. In the early 1900s, Dutch missionaries first worked to convert Torajan highlanders to Christianity. When the Tana Toraja regency was further opened to the outside world in the 1970s, it became an icon of tourism in Indonesia: it was exploited by tourism developers and studied by anthropologists. By the 1990s, when tourism peaked, Toraja society had changed significantly, from an agrarian model - in which social life and customs were outgrowths of the Aluk To Dolo - to a largely Christian society. Today, tourism and remittances from migrant Torajans have made for major changes in the Toraja highland, giving the Toraja a celebrity status within Indonesia and enhancing Toraja ethnic group pride.
ETHNIC IDENTITY
The Torajan people had little notion of themselves as a distinct ethnic group before the 20th century. Before Dutch colonization and Christianization, Torajans, who lived in highland areas, identified with their villages and did not share a broad sense of identity. Although complexes of rituals created linkages between highland villages, there were variations in dialects, differences in social hierarchies, and an array of ritual practices in the Sulawesi highland region. "Toraja" (from the coastal languages' to, meaning people; and riaja, uplands) was first used as a lowlander expression for highlanders. As a result, "Toraja" initially had more currency with outsiders - such as the Bugis and Makassarese, who constitute a majority of the lowland of Sulawesi - than with insiders. The Dutch missionaries' presence in the highlands gave rise to the Toraja ethnic consciousness in the Sa'dan Toraja region, and this shared identity grew with the rise of tourism in the Tana Toraja Regency. Since then, South Sulawesi has four main ethnic groups - the Bugis (the majority, including shipbuilders and seafarers), the Makassarese (lowland traders and seafarers), the Mandarese (traders and fishermen), and the Toraja (highland rice cultivators).
HISTORY
From the 17th century, the Dutch established trade and political control on Sulawesi through the Dutch East Indies Company. Over two centuries, they ignored the mountainous area in the central Sulawesi, where Torajans lived, because access was difficult and it had little productive agricultural land. In the late 19th century, the Dutch became increasingly concerned about the spread of Islam in the south of Sulawesi, especially among the Makassarese and Bugis peoples. The Dutch saw the animist highlanders as potential Christians. In the 1920s, the Reformed Missionary Alliance of the Dutch Reformed Church began missionary work aided by the Dutch colonial government. In addition to introducing Christianity, the Dutch abolished slavery and imposed local taxes. A line was drawn around the Sa'dan area and called Tana Toraja ("the land of Toraja"). Tana Toraja was first a subdivision of the Luwu kingdom that had claimed the area. In 1946, the Dutch granted Tana Toraja a regentschap, and it was recognized in 1957 as one of the regencies of Indonesia.
Early Dutch missionaries faced strong opposition among Torajans, especially among the elite, because the abolition of their profitable slave trade had angered them. Some Torajans were forcibly relocated to the lowlands by the Dutch, where they could be more easily controlled. Taxes were kept high, undermining the wealth of the elites. Ultimately, the Dutch influence did not subdue Torajan culture, and only a few Torajans were converted. In 1950, only 10% of the population had converted to Christianity.
In the 1930s, Muslim lowlanders attacked the Torajans, resulting in widespread Christian conversion among those who sought to align themselves with the Dutch for political protection and to form a movement against the Bugis and Makassarese Muslims. Between 1951 and 1965 (following Indonesian independence), southern Sulawesi faced a turbulent period as the Darul Islam separatist movement fought for an Islamic state in Sulawesi. The 15 years of guerrilla warfare led to massive conversions to
CHRISTIANITY
Alignment with the Indonesian government, however, did not guarantee safety for the Torajans. In 1965, a presidential decree required every Indonesian citizen to belong to one of five officially recognized religions: Islam, Christianity (Protestantism and Catholicism), Hinduism, or Buddhism. The Torajan religious belief (aluk) was not legally recognized, and the Torajans raised their voices against the law. To make aluk accord with the law, it had to be accepted as part of one of the official religions. In 1969, Aluk To Dolo ("the way of ancestors") was legalized as a sect of Agama Hindu Dharma, the official name of Hinduism in Indonesia.
SOCIETY
There are three main types of affiliation in Toraja society: family, class and religion.
FAMILY AFFILIATION
Family is the primary social and political grouping in Torajan society. Each village is one extended family, the seat of which is the tongkonan, a traditional Torajan house. Each tongkonan has a name, which becomes the name of the village. The familial dons maintain village unity. Marriage between distant cousins (fourth cousins and beyond) is a common practice that strengthens kinship. Toraja society prohibits marriage between close cousins (up to and including the third cousin) - except for nobles, to prevent the dispersal of property. Kinship is actively reciprocal, meaning that the extended family helps each other farm, share buffalo rituals, and pay off debts.
Each person belongs to both the mother's and the father's families, the only bilateral family line in Indonesia. Children, therefore, inherit household affiliation from both mother and father, including land and even family debts. Children's names are given on the basis of kinship, and are usually chosen after dead relatives. Names of aunts, uncles and cousins are commonly referred to in the names of mothers, fathers and siblings.
Before the start of the formal administration of Toraja villages by the Tana Toraja Regency, each Toraja village was autonomous. In a more complex situation, in which one Toraja family could not handle their problems alone, several villages formed a group; sometimes, villages would unite against other villages. Relationship between families was expressed through blood, marriage, and shared ancestral houses (tongkonan), practically signed by the exchange of water buffalo and pigs on ritual occasions. Such exchanges not only built political and cultural ties between families but defined each person's place in a social hierarchy: who poured palm wine, who wrapped a corpse and prepared offerings, where each person could or could not sit, what dishes should be used or avoided, and even what piece of meat constituted one's share.
CLASS AFFILIATION
In early Toraja society, family relationships were tied closely to social class. There were three strata: nobles, commoners, and slaves (slavery was abolished in 1909 by the Dutch East Indies government). Class was inherited through the mother. It was taboo, therefore, to marry "down" with a woman of lower class. On the other hand, marrying a woman of higher class could improve the status of the next generation. The nobility's condescending attitude toward the commoners is still maintained today for reasons of family prestige.
Nobles, who were believed to be direct descendants of the descended person from heaven, lived in tongkonans, while commoners lived in less lavish houses (bamboo shacks called banua). Slaves lived in small huts, which had to be built around their owner's tongkonan. Commoners might marry anyone, but nobles preferred to marry in-family to maintain their status. Sometimes nobles married Bugis or Makassarese nobles. Commoners and slaves were prohibited from having death feasts. Despite close kinship and status inheritance, there was some social mobility, as marriage or change in wealth could affect an individuals status. Wealth was counted by the ownership of water buffaloes.
Slaves in Toraja society were family property. Sometimes Torajans decided to become slaves when they incurred a debt, pledging to work as payment. Slaves could be taken during wars, and slave trading was common. Slaves could buy their freedom, but their children still inherited slave status. Slaves were prohibited from wearing bronze or gold, carving their houses, eating from the same dishes as their owners, or having sex with free women - a crime punishable by death.
RELIGIOUS AFFILIATION
Toraja's indigenous belief system is polytheistic animism, called aluk, or "the way" (sometimes translated as "the law"). In the Toraja myth, the ancestors of Torajan people came down from heaven using stairs, which were then used by the Torajans as a communication medium with Puang Matua, the Creator. The cosmos, according to aluk, is divided into the upper world (heaven), the world of man (earth), and the underworld. At first, heaven and earth were married, then there was a darkness, a separation, and finally the light. Animals live in the underworld, which is represented by rectangular space enclosed by pillars, the earth is for mankind, and the heaven world is located above, covered with a saddle-shaped roof. Other Toraja gods include Pong Banggai di Rante (god of Earth), Indo' Ongon-Ongon (a goddess who can cause earthquakes), Pong Lalondong (god of death), and Indo' Belo Tumbang (goddess of medicine); there are many more.
The earthly authority, whose words and actions should be cleaved to both in life (agriculture) and death (funerals), is called to minaa (an aluk priest). Aluk is not just a belief system; it is a combination of law, religion, and habit. Aluk governs social life, agricultural practices, and ancestral rituals. The details of aluk may vary from one village to another. One common law is the requirement that death and life rituals be separated. Torajans believe that performing death rituals might ruin their corpses if combined with life rituals. The two rituals are equally important. During the time of the Dutch missionaries, Christian Torajans were prohibited from attending or performing life rituals, but were allowed to perform death rituals. Consequently, Toraja's death rituals are still practised today, while life rituals have diminished.
CULTURE
TONGKONAN
Tongkonan are the traditional Torajan ancestral houses. They stand high on wooden piles, topped with a layered split-bamboo roof shaped in a sweeping curved arc, and they are incised with red, black, and yellow detailed wood carvings on the exterior walls. The word "tongkonan" comes from the Torajan tongkon ("to sit").
Tongkonan are the center of Torajan social life. The rituals associated with the tongkonan are important expressions of Torajan spiritual life, and therefore all family members are impelled to participate, because symbolically the tongkonan represents links to their ancestors and to living and future kin. According to Torajan myth, the first tongkonan was built in heaven on four poles, with a roof made of Indian cloth. When the first Torajan ancestor descended to earth, he imitated the house and held a large ceremony.
The construction of a tongkonan is laborious work and is usually done with the help of the extended family. There are three types of tongkonan. The tongkonan layuk is the house of the highest authority, used as the "center of government". The tongkonan pekamberan belongs to the family members who have some authority in local traditions. Ordinary family members reside in the tongkonan batu. The exclusivity to the nobility of the tongkonan is diminishing as many Torajan commoners find lucrative employment in other parts of Indonesia. As they send back money to their families, they enable the construction of larger tongkonan.
WOOD CARVINGS
To express social and religious concepts, Torajans carve wood, calling it Pa'ssura (or "the writing"). Wood carvings are therefore Toraja's cultural manifestation.
Each carving receives a special name, and common motifs are animals and plants that symbolize some virtue. For example, water plants and animals, such as crabs, tadpoles and water weeds, are commonly found to symbolize fertility. In some areas noble elders claim these symbols refer to strength of noble family, but not everyone agrees. The overall meaning of groups of carved motifs on houses remains debated and tourism has further complicated these debates because some feel a uniform explanation must be presented to tourists. The image to the left shows an example of Torajan wood carving, consisting of 15 square panels. The center bottom panel represents buffalo or wealth, a wish for many buffaloes for the family. The center panel represents a knot and a box, a hope that all of the family's offspring will be happy and live in harmony, like goods kept safe in a box. The top left and top right squares represent an aquatic animal, indicating the need for fast and hard work, just like moving on the surface of water. It also represents the need for a certain skill to produce good results.
Regularity and order are common features in Toraja wood carving (see table below), as well as abstracts and geometrical designs. Nature is frequently used as the basis of Toraja's ornaments, because nature is full of abstractions and geometries with regularities and ordering. Toraja's ornaments have been studied in ethnomathematics to reveal their mathematical structure, but Torajans base this art only on approximations. To create an ornament, bamboo sticks are used as a geometrical tool.
FUNERAL RITES
In Toraja society, the funeral ritual is the most elaborate and expensive event. The richer and more powerful the individual, the more expensive is the funeral. In the aluk religion, only nobles have the right to have an extensive death feast. The death feast of a nobleman is usually attended by thousands and lasts for several days. A ceremonial site, called rante, is usually prepared in a large, grassy field where shelters for audiences, rice barns, and other ceremonial funeral structures are specially made by the deceased family. Flute music, funeral chants, songs and poems, and crying and wailing are traditional Toraja expressions of grief with the exceptions of funerals for young children, and poor, low-status adults.
The ceremony is often held weeks, months, or years after the death so that the deceased's family can raise the significant funds needed to cover funeral expenses. Torajans traditionally believe that death is not a sudden, abrupt event, but a gradual process toward Puya (the land of souls, or afterlife). During the waiting period, the body of the deceased is wrapped in several layers of cloth and kept under the tongkonan. The soul of the deceased is thought to linger around the village until the funeral ceremony is completed, after which it begins its journey to Puya.
Another component of the ritual is the slaughter of water buffalo. The more powerful the person who died, the more buffalo are slaughtered at the death feast. Buffalo carcasses, including their heads, are usually lined up on a field waiting for their owner, who is in the "sleeping stage". Torajans believe that the deceased will need the buffalo to make the journey and that they will be quicker to arrive at Puya if they have many buffalo. Slaughtering tens of water buffalo and hundreds of pigs using a machete is the climax of the elaborate death feast, with dancing and music and young boys who catch spurting blood in long bamboo tubes. Some of the slaughtered animals are given by guests as "gifts", which are carefully noted because they will be considered debts of the deceased's family. However, a cockfight, known as bulangan londong, is an integral part of the ceremony. As with the sacrifice of the buffalo and the pigs, the cockfight is considered sacred because it involves the spilling of blood on the earth. In particular, the tradition requires the sacrifice of at least three chickens. However, it is common for at least 25 pairs of chickens to be set against each other in the context of the ceremony.
There are three methods of burial: the coffin may be laid in a cave or in a carved stone grave, or hung on a cliff. It contains any possessions that the deceased will need in the afterlife. The wealthy are often buried in a stone grave carved out of a rocky cliff. The grave is usually expensive and takes a few months to complete. In some areas, a stone cave may be found that is large enough to accommodate a whole family. A wood-carved effigy, called Tau tau, is usually placed in the cave looking out over the land. The coffin of a baby or child may be hung from ropes on a cliff face or from a tree. This hanging grave usually lasts for years, until the ropes rot and the coffin falls to the ground.
In the ritual called Ma'Nene, that takes place each year in August, the bodies of the deceased are exhumed to be washed, groomed and dressed in new clothes. The mummies are then walked around the village.
DANCE AND MUSIC
Torajans perform dances on several occasions, most often during their elaborate funeral ceremonies. They dance to express their grief, and to honour and even cheer the deceased person because he is going to have a long journey in the afterlife. First, a group of men form a circle and sing a monotonous chant throughout the night to honour the deceased (a ritual called Ma'badong). This is considered by many Torajans to be the most important component of the funeral ceremony. On the second funeral day, the Ma'randing warrior dance is performed to praise the courage of the deceased during life. Several men perform the dance with a sword, a large shield made from buffalo skin, a helmet with a buffalo horn, and other ornamentation. The Ma'randing dance precedes a procession in which the deceased is carried from a rice barn to the rante, the site of the funeral ceremony. During the funeral, elder women perform the Ma'katia dance while singing a poetic song and wearing a long feathered costume. The Ma'akatia dance is performed to remind the audience of the generosity and loyalty of the deceased person. After the bloody ceremony of buffalo and pig slaughter, a group of boys and girls clap their hands while performing a cheerful dance called Ma'dondan.
As in other agricultural societies, Torajans dance and sing during harvest time. The Ma'bugi dance celebrates the thanksgiving event, and the Ma'gandangi dance is performed while Torajans are pounding rice. There are several war dances, such as the Manimbong dance performed by men, followed by the Ma'dandan dance performed by women. The aluk religion governs when and how Torajans dance. A dance called Ma'bua can be performed only once every 12 years. Ma'bua is a major Toraja ceremony in which priests wear a buffalo head and dance around a sacred tree.
A traditional musical instrument of the Toraja is a bamboo flute called a Pa'suling (suling is an Indonesian word for flute). This six-holed flute (not unique to the Toraja) is played at many dances, such as the thanksgiving dance Ma'bondensan, where the flute accompanies a group of shirtless, dancing men with long fingernails. The Toraja have indigenous musical instruments, such as the Pa'pelle (made from palm leaves) and the Pa'karombi (the Torajan version of a jaw harp). The Pa'pelle is played during harvest time and at house inauguration ceremonies.
LANGUAGE
The ethnic Toraja language is dominant in Tana Toraja with the main language as the Sa'dan Toraja. Although the national Indonesian language is the official language and is spoken in the community, all elementary schools in Tana Toraja teach Toraja language.Language varieties of Toraja, including Kalumpang, Mamasa, Tae' , Talondo' , Toala' , and Toraja-Sa'dan, belong to the Malayo-Polynesian language from the Austronesian family. At the outset, the isolated geographical nature of Tana Toraja formed many dialects between the Toraja languages themselves. After the formal administration of Tana Toraja, some Toraja dialects have been influenced by other languages through the transmigration program, introduced since the colonialism period, and it has been a major factor in the linguistic variety of Toraja languages. A prominent attribute of Toraja language is the notion of grief. The importance of death ceremony in Toraja culture has characterized their languages to express intricate degrees of grief and mourning. The Toraja language contains many terms referring to sadness, longing, depression, and mental pain. Giving a clear expression of the psychological and physical effect of loss is a catharsis and sometimes lessens the pain of grief itself.
ECONOMY
Prior to Suharto's "New Order" administration, the Torajan economy was based on agriculture, with cultivated wet rice in terraced fields on mountain slopes, and supplemental cassava and maize crops. Much time and energy were devoted to raising water buffalo, pigs, and chickens, primarily for ceremonial sacrifices and consumption. Coffee was the first significant cash crop produced in Toraja, and was introduced in the mid 19th century, changing the local economy towards commodity production for external markets and gaining an excellent reputation for quality in the international market .
With the commencement of the New Order in 1965, Indonesia's economy developed and opened to foreign investment. In Toraja, a coffee plantation and factory was established by Key Coffee of Japan, and Torajan coffee regained a reputation for quality within the growing international specialty coffee sector Multinational oil and mining companies opened new operations in Indonesia during the 1970s and 1980s. Torajans, particularly younger ones, relocated to work for the foreign companies - to Kalimantan for timber and oil, to Papua for mining, to the cities of Sulawesi and Java, and many went to Malaysia. The out-migration of Torajans was steady until 1985. and has continued since, with remittances sent back by emigre Torajans performing an important role within the contemporary economy.
Tourism commenced in Toraja in the 1970s, and accelerated in the 1980s and 1990s. Between 1984 and 1997, a significant number of Torajans obtained their incomes from tourism, working in and owning hotels, as tour guides, drivers, or selling souvenirs. With the rise of political and economic instability in Indonesia in the late 1990s - including religious conflicts elsewhere on Sulawesi - tourism in Tana Toraja has declined dramatically. Toraja continues to be a well known origin for Indonesian coffee, grown by both smallholders and plantation estates, although migration, remittances and off-farm income is considered far more important to most households, even those in rural areas.
TOURISM AND CULTURAL CHANGE
Before the 1970s, Toraja was almost unknown to Western tourism. In 1971, about 50 Europeans visited Tana Toraja. In 1972, at least 400 visitors attended the funeral ritual of Puang of Sangalla, the highest-ranking nobleman in Tana Toraja and the so-called "last pure-blooded Toraja noble." The event was documented by National Geographic and broadcast in several European countries. In 1976, about 12,000 tourists visited the regency and in 1981, Torajan sculpture was exhibited in major North American museums. "The land of the heavenly kings of Tana Toraja", as written in the exhibition brochure, embraced the outside world.
In 1984, the Indonesian Ministry of Tourism declared Tana Toraja Regency the prima donna of South Sulawesi. Tana Toraja was heralded as "the second stop after Bali". Tourism was increasing dramatically: by 1985, a total number of 150,000 foreigners had visited the Regency (in addition to 80,000 domestic tourists), and the annual number of foreign visitors was recorded at 40,000 in 1989. Souvenir stands appeared in Rantepao, the cultural center of Toraja, roads were sealed at the most-visited tourist sites, new hotels and tourist-oriented restaurants were opened, and an airstrip was opened in the Regency in 1981.
Tourism developers have marketed Tana Toraja as an exotic adventure - an area rich in culture and off the beaten track. Western tourists expected to see stone-age villages and pagan funerals. Toraja is for tourists who have gone as far as Bali and are willing to see more of the wild, "untouched" islands. However, they were more likely to see a Torajan wearing a hat and denim, living in a Christian society. Tourists felt that the tongkonan and other Torajan rituals had been preconceived to make profits, and complained that the destination was too commercialized. This has resulted in several clashes between Torajans and tourism developers, whom Torajans see as outsiders.
A clash between local Torajan leaders and the South Sulawesi provincial government (as a tourist developer) broke out in 1985. The government designated 18 Toraja villages and burial sites as traditional tourist attractions. Consequently, zoning restrictions were applied to these areas, such that Torajans themselves were barred from changing their tongkonans and burial sites. The plan was opposed by some Torajan leaders, as they felt that their rituals and traditions were being determined by outsiders. As a result, in 1987, the Torajan village of Kété Kesú and several other designated tourist attractions closed their doors to tourists. This closure lasted only a few days, as the villagers found it too difficult to survive without the income from selling souvenirs.
Tourism has also transformed Toraja society. Originally, there was a ritual which allowed commoners to marry nobles (puang) and thereby gain nobility for their children. However, the image of Torajan society created for the tourists, often by "lower-ranking" guides, has eroded its traditional strict hierarchy. High status is not as esteemed in Tana Toraja as it once was. Many low-ranking men can declare themselves and their children nobles by gaining enough wealth through work outside the region and then marrying a noble woman.
WIKIPEDIA
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St James Old Cathedral was originally constructed on five acres of Crown land bounded by Collins, William and Bourke Streets with the foundation stone being laid on 9 November 1839 by Charles Joseph La Trobe (1801 – 1875), Superintendent of the District of Port Phillip. A simple timber pioneer church which preceded it was built with funds largely subscribed by Presbyterians and other denominations that made up the small community. Charles La Trobe brought a gift from Queen Victoria to the new colony, a baptismal font from St Katherine's Abbey, London, which remains the font at St James' today.
Opened on 11 February 1837, St James was designed by Robert Russell (1808 – 1900), a London architect and surveyor who had arrived in Melbourne from Sydney on 5 October 1836. The Colonial Georgian building is inspired by Francis Greenway's work at St James' King Street in Sydney. The foundations are of bluestone, and the main walls of a sandstone found in various local quarries. The unfinished building was opened for worship on the 2nd October 1842 and completed in 1847.
The Anglican Diocese of Melbourne was founded in 1847, and on 29 June 1847 Charles Perry was consecrated in Westminster Abbey as Melbourne's first Bishop. He was enthroned in St James on 28 January 1848, and St James became the first Cathedral church of the new diocese, although it was not consecrated until 1853.
When St Paul's Cathedral opened for worship on 22 January 1891 St James reverted to the status of a parish church. The diminished congregation, pressure of occupying valuable city land, and maintenance problems resulted in the church narrowly escaping demolition. It was relocated stone by numbered stone to its present site under the direction of Messrs Thomas Watts and Son, architects, re-consecrated by Archbishop Lowther Clark, and re-opened for worship on 19 April 1914 at its current site on the corner of Batman and King Streets, West Melbourne – opposite the Flagstaff Gardens. Changes made to the original design at the time of relocation include reorientation from east west to north south, the tower shortened by one stage, the main ceiling lowered a little, the sanctuary shortened by a few inches, the space between the main gallery remodelled to form a lobby and two vestries with passage and gallery stairs behind them and most noticeably to the third level of the belltower which became square instead of octagonal. Two side entrances were constructed to serve the new passage.
St James Old Cathedral is of historical importance as the first Cathedral in Melbourne, the earliest surviving church in Victoria, and one of Melbourne's earliest surviving buildings. It is of architectural importance as a rare example in Melbourne of a Colonial Georgian style building of simple design and pleasing proportions with Greek detailing at the doorways, and the only known surviving work of architect Robert Russell. Although he worked in London with eminent English architect John Nash, the style reflects his experiences in Sydney, especially the work of his contemporary Francis Clarke as well as of Francis Greenway.
The interior is important for rare and unusual features for Victoria, such as the traditional box pews of cedar, side galleries or Vice-Regal boxes originally for the use of Governor La Trobe and the Chief Justice, Baptismal font with the white marble bowl probably dating from the 17th century and coming from St Katherine's Abbey on the banks of the Thames, two mahogany pulpits presented by the ladies of the congregation in 1847. The World War I honour board carved by well known master wood carver Robert Prenzel and the World War II honour board which was copied from the earlier honour board. The stained glass windows are also of note with the 'east window' being possibly by the Melbourne firm of Ferguson and Urie, and the five windows by Christian Waller, wife of artist Napier Waller.
Singapore Zoo
Coordinates: [show location on an interactive map] 1°24?15.9?N 103°47?28.1?E? / ?1.404417°N 103.791139°E? / 1.404417; 103.791139
Date opened 23 June 1973
Location Singapore
Land area 28 hectares
Number of animals 2530
Number of species 315
The Singapore Zoo (Chinese: ?????? ; Malay: 'Taman Haiwan Singapura'; Tamil: ??????????? ????????? ????????????), formerly known as the Singapore Zoological Gardens and commonly known locally as the Mandai Zoo, occupies 28 hectares (0.28 km?) of land on the margins of Upper Seletar Reservoir within Singapore's heavily forested central catchment area. The zoo was built at a cost of S$9m granted by the government of Singapore and opened on 23 June 1973. It is operated by Wildlife Reserves Singapore, who also manage the neighbouring Night Safari and the Jurong BirdPark. There are about 315 species of animal in the zoo, of which some 16% are considered threatened species. The zoo attracts about 1.4 million visitors a year.
From the beginning, Singapore Zoo followed the modern trend of displaying animals in naturalistic, 'open' exhibits, i.e. with hidden barriers, behind moats and shrubbery etc. It also houses the largest captive colony of orangutans in the world. In 1977, primatologist Dr Francine Neago lived inside a cage with eighteen orangutans for six months to study their behavior and communication.
1 History
2 Present
o 2.1 Education and conservation
o 2.2 Rides
o 2.3 Friends of the Zoo
o 2.4 Organizing events
* 3 Incidents
* 4 Trivia
* 5 Awards
* 6 Gallery
* 7 See also
* 8 References
* 9 Notes
* 10 External links
* 11 Public Bus Services
History
Hamadryas baboons by a waterfall
The conception of the Singapore Zoo dates from 1969. At the time, the Public Utilities Board (PUB) decided to use some of its land holdings around reservoirs for parks and open recreational facilities. The then Executive Chairman of PUB, Dr Ong Swee Law, set aside 88 hectares of land for the construction of a zoological garden.
In 1970, consultants and staff were hired, and in 1971, the construction of the basic 50 enclosures started. Animals were collected from dealers and donated by sponsors. The Director of the Colombo Zoo in Sri Lanka, Lyn de Alwis, was hired as a special consultant to work out problems inherent in tropical zoos.
On 23 June 1973, the Singapore Zoo opened its gates for the first time with a collection of 270 animals from over 72 species, and a staff of 130. By 1990, 1,600 animals from more than 160 species lived in social groups, housed in 65 landscaped exhibits with boundaries conceived to look as natural as possible.
Present
A pair of white tigers
Today, the zoo is a model of the 'open zoo' concept. The animals are kept in spacious, landscaped enclosures, separated from the visitors by either dry or wet moats. The moats are concealed with vegetation or dropped below the line of vision. In the case of dangerous animals which can climb very well, moat barriers are not used. Instead, these animals are housed in landscaped glass-fronted enclosures.
The zoo has not expanded beyond the original 28 hectares. However, 40 hectares of secondary forest were later developed into the Night Safari. The remaining undeveloped land has been kept as wooded land. This and the waters of Upper Seletar Reservoir contribute to the Zoo, giving it a sense of natural, unrestricted space.
Among various attractions that the zoo offers,one highlight is the "Breakfast with an Orangutan" programme that allows visitors to meet and interact closely with the orangutans in the zoo, amongst which includes the famous primate matriarch Ah Meng, (died on February 8, 2008) who was an icon of the Singapore tourism industry. Animal shows, as well as token feedings coupled with live commentaries by keepers, are also the daily staple in the Singapore zoo.
Education and conservation
The Wildlife Healthcare & Research Centre was opened in March 2006 as part of the zoo's efforts in wildlife conservation. The centre further underscores Singapore Zoo and Night Safari’s commitment to conservation research, providing the infrastructure for the parks and overseas zoological partners to better execute their research programmes.
The zoo also embarked on various rescue and conservation efforts to protect wildlife.
Rides
White rhinos
The zoo also offers various modes of rides available within the premises: trams, animals, boat, pony and horse carriage rides. Additional modes of transportation which can only be rented include: strollers, wagon and wheelchairs.
Friends of the Zoo
The zoo also has a "friends of the zoo" programme, where people can sign up for a yearly pass which grants them special privileges such as:
* Free and unlimited entry to Singapore Zoo for whole year
* Free Zoo tram rides and parking
* A free quarterly "Wildlife wonders" magazine
* 10% discount at some participating retail outlets
Organizing events
Elephant show and the trainers
There are three event venues available in the zoo, Forest Lodge, Pavilion-By-the-Lake and Garden Pavilion. There are also three cocktail venues, Elephants of Asia, Tiger Trek and Treetops Trail. The Singapore Zoo also facilitates birthday parties and weddings.
Incidents
On 13 November 2008, two of three white Bengal tigers mauled a zoo cleaner to death after the man jumped into a moat surrounding their enclosure.[2]
Trivia
Lists of miscellaneous information should be avoided. Please relocate any relevant information into appropriate sections or articles. (September 2008)
* In 2002, teams of The Amazing Race 3 also came to the Singapore Zoological Gardens as part of a detour.
* Steve Irwin, the animal activist and conservationalist known as "The Crocodile Hunter", admired the Singapore Zoo greatly, adopting it as the 'sister zoo' to the Australia Zoo. He was at the Singapore Zoo in 2006 to officiate the opening of the Australian outback exhibit.
* The Singapore Zoo is the first zoo in the world to breed a polar bear in the tropics. Inuka was conceived on 26 December 1990.
The relocation of the Natural History Museum at the Forum in 2011 provided the building a brand new life: the large covered public area, as well as the flexible and interconnected spaces that characterized the original design, proved to be ideal to fulfill the requirements of a modern science museum
To all who visit and view, and – especially – express support and satisfaction: you are much appreciated!
I have owned this cash register for several decades now, of which I rescued from a fire damaged pharmacy on New York's Lower East Side around 1995. (At that time, one of the owners of the pharmacy chain I was working for (Thriftway Pharmacy) had a side business of buying out sundries & merchandise from bankrupt and smoke/water damaged retail stores at substantially cut prices, and reselling them at nominal prices thereby substantially increasing the profit margin.
In the process of clearing out one such place, I happened upon this cash register lying on its side under the pharmacy shelves in about 2 inches of murky water.
To be quite honest, it almost was not rescued, as my transportation that day was my bosses brand new Mercedes 500SEL, and as you can imagine he was extremely reluctant in allowing some dripping, sooty monstrosity in his new car. He wouldn't even allow it in the trunk. I managed to convince him to allow me to take it but only after I wrapped it in three contractor bags and agreed to hold it in my lap for the hour long ride home.
Upon my getting it home, I immediately proceeded to clean it up. I took note that one of the glass panels were broken (the customer side) and the top glass completely gone. The NO SALE flag was also missing. I had my local glazier cut me replacement glass and I installed it, but not before I made a crude NO SALE flag out of cardboard and a Qtip..
The dealer markings reflect that this machine was sold by:
Bronx Cash Register
341 East 149 Street,
Bronx, NY
established 1912,
MOtt Haven 9-5888
As it turned out Bronx Cash Register was still in business and I contacted them but they could not offer information, sales records or parts.
It operates fairly smoothly, then out of the blue, the keys will jam. I learned the mechanism pretty well from my cleaning, so I pretty much know how to unjam it without too much effort. Upon my examination I discovered that someone very crudely tried to repair the dollar position advance wheel and cam on the days tally wheel.
The tally advance up to 99 cents but does not advance the to the next dollar. I loosened up the set screw and pushed it off to the side, disabling the dollar advance.
After getting it all cleaned and lubricated I put some circa 1928 currency and older silver coinage in it. And it sat on my desk in my room for years. My father enjoyed its presence as he also had an National cash register (see other album), but his is a much younger Model 1098 that came from a toy store "Waldell's Hobbies on Cortelyou Road, Brooklyn) that bought out. (Model 1098 - s/n 2726474). I think is can be a safe conclusion that my affection for cash registers came from him!
After the internet makes its way into my life, I was able to determine it is a 300 series.
I subsequently move upstate and continued displaying it and has been a focal point of my furnishings.
Recently, events in my life have seen me relocate to Texas and of course, the register came with me. Space is a little more at a premium, so it was in storage. So for a rainy day project today, I decided to get the register out of storage and clean it up. Also, the keys got jammed again when a friend tried to operate it.
So, I took the case apart, vacuumed and blew down the innards with an air nozzle, and got the mechanism to release. Somehow that welded cam wheel slipped back to its original place in moving.
I lubricated all moving parts with a liberal application of PB Blaster and wipe down. Upon reassembly, and as I now had the advantage of the internet as a resource for parts and information, I decided to do a little research
After finding a lot of 300 series in brass, I found none painted. This made me slightly suspicious. Mine is clearly black wrinkle finish paint. Honestly, it appears quite well done, with all parts inside & out evenly coated. I couldn't help but feel it was a factory paint. I searched eBay, and the web, but alas couldn't not find a painted model.
I learned where the model number should be, but on first exam, it was not present on my machine and my tag area appeared blank. But, after a closer exam, there were in fact screws holding down a plate, so after quick work with a screwdriver, I realized the model s/n tag had been screwed on to the machine face down and painted over! This must have been done before I owned it as I would not have done such a thing..
This would now lead me to believe the machine has been painted after original purchase and now perhaps not original as I once thought.
Once I turned the tag over, I learned it was a Model 312, with s/n 1283677. (Made after 6/6/1913 if I understand the data records correctly). I also took the cash drawer out and read the guarantee label affixed to the bottom:
Register Number 2388283
Size 711
Finish Mah
Tracer (blank)
Customer (blank)
Not listed on the label but confirmed from collector websites is the ornate pattern on the case is "Dolphin" and was designed by none other the Tiffany.
So now my questions. Internet references reflect the following versions of the Model 312:
( A ) Bronze, oxidized and relieved
This cabinet was a solid bronze casting that was dipped in a black oxide chemical, which turned the cabinet black. The flat edges and the high points of the casting were polished, leaving the black in the low areas and highly shined bronze edging. It was then lacquered to maintain the finish.
( B ) Nickel plated*
This cabinet is usually a solid yellow brass (or sometimes cast iron)* casting that was nickel plated. The drawer front was generally solid nickel because the nickel plating would easily wear off when closing the drawer. Yellow brass is made from copper, zinc and tin. Bronze is copper and tin. Both copper and tin are expensive, so the zinc makes it a lot cheaper to make and was used for most plated machines. Often if they didn't have all of the parts in brass, they would use a bronze part. After many years of wear, the nickel becomes worn off in spots. If you remove all of the nickel, you often find 3 colors, red bronze, yellow brass and solid nickel. This machine will have to be re-plated? Highly polished and lacquered.
( C ) Bronze, natural color.
This cabinet was solid bronze castings. Highly polished and lacquered.
( D ) Oxidized copper and relieved*
This machine is usually made with yellow brass (or cast iron)* casting which were copper plated. The copper was thicker than nickel and would not wear off, so the drawer front was also copper plated brass. It was dipped in the black oxide chemical and the edges and high points of the pattern were highly polished, leaving bright copper edging with the lower areas black. Also lacquered.
( E ) Yellow brass, Natural color
This machine was solid brass castings that were highly polished and lacquered.
( En ) Black enamel, ornamented. (Class 100 only)
This machine is solid yellow castings that were dipped in black oxide and the edges and high points highly polished leaving the black in the low areas. Also lacquered.
Wood Cabinets
Some of the early machines were offered in a solid wood cabinet. These cabinets were made from Oak, Quarter Sawn Oak, Birch, Mahogany, Black Walnut and many other expense woods. They had burled veneer and fancy inlayed patterns of different wood veneers. These were often accented with brass and nickel inlays, as well as nickel plated drawer pull and other hardware.
Many inlay patterns were named such as: The Shell Pattern,Lilly of the Valley, Tulip Pattern, and the Persimmon pattern.
Clearly, my machine is NOT any of the above. It is NOT an early machine (those being 1800's), but my drawer is marked for Mah (Mahogany) and it's obvious there is no wooden cabinet. Was the current drawer a replacement?
What does an original Model 312 in Mah finish look like?Does that mean a brown paint? This machine is clearly black wrinkle finish and the only wood is the base, which is painted black as well.
I looked at some of the locations where the paint was chipped and the underlying metal does appear to be polished nickel. Therefore, would the paint be original from National or is this a customer applied paint job?
Hours of research on the web does not turn up painted examples of a 312. Also the case is mostly not magnetic, however in some areas this is a weak pull, but I'm concluding the magnet is attracted to the cast iron internal frames.
If the black wrinkle finish is not original, whether to leave the machine as is or strip the finish is to be decided. I wish to make it clear, I know this decision is up to my preference, but I also wish to make it clear the machine is more of sentimental value than monetary value, so a restoration to original condition for eventual resale or to increase in value is not my intent as I have no plans to sell it..
The denomination keys "buttons": I looked at the vintage catalog, and it shows white numerals on black for all keys except NO SALE which is black on orange. My register however has:
- black numerals on white for the 10 cent denominations (10, 20, 30, 40, 50);
- white numerals on red for the cent denominations (1 through 9 EXCEPT the 5 which is black on white).
- black on orange for NO SALE.
I know that the 5 button on adding machines, calculators and other registers almost always contrasted for easy recognition so this I figure is original, and as dad's model 1098 is the same way.
I would like to replace the NO SALE flag with an original. An unrestored one to match the other flags would be preferred. As the NO SALE flag appears to be in the same position on all the 300 models (far right for the clerk - far left for the customer), I would conclude all the 300 series NO SALE flags are compatible.
The drawer front is clearly smooth painted metal. All the images I've encountered show the cast National drawer front. Is mine missing or was there / this a "budget" model 312 omitted some of the ornamentation or perhaps there was a wood front in Mahogany?
On the right side of the keyboard, the numerals 5145 are stamped into the front edge. This number is also stamped on the inside of the back metal case. It does not match the warranty registration or the serial number.
So many questions abound. If you have answers, please feel free to contact me at bedt14@aol.com
Fabulous Home! Features large bedrooms, A HUGE finished basement is an ideal in-law or teen suite complete with 2nd master suite & sitting room, kitchen area, full bath, office & separate living area! This amazing home is located on a corner lot with UPGRADES GALORE! This home has it all! Gourmet kitchen features granite tops, stainless steel appliances, tiled back-splash, and stained wood cabinetry! Huge fenced yard with pool & LARGE deck is ideal for entertaining! VERY CLOSE TO SCHOOLS AND SHOPPING. You have to see it! Call for an Appointment today! Move-In Ready! Location! Location! Location!
Covering two floors of this office building in Fleet Place, London, Mansfield Monk designed a fresh working environment that consolidated the two businesses who were relocating to the new offices. The design reflects the individuality, creativity and passion of both parts of the business.
Lt. Gen. Rick Lynch passes the colors for the Installation Management Command to Chief of Staff of the Army Gen. Raymond Odierno as incoming commander Lt. Gen. Michael Ferriter watches. Lt. Gen. Ferriter assumed command of the Installation Management Command on Thursday, Nov. 17, 2011, at Fort Sam Houston. U.S. Army photo by Tim Hipps, IMCOM Public Affairs
Ferriter takes command of Installation Management Command
By Tim Hipps
U.S. Army Installation Management Command
SAN ANTONIO – Lt. Gen. Michael Ferriter took the reins of the U.S. Army Installation Management Command from Lt. Gen. Rick Lynch during a change of command ceremony Nov. 17 on Fort Sam Houston, Texas.
Army Chief of Staff Gen. Raymond Odierno presided over the changing of the guard for the command, which relocated from suburban Washington, D.C. to South Texas during the past two years as part of Base Realignment and Closure.
Ferriter, a 1979 graduate of The Citadel, came to Texas from a tour as deputy commander for advising and training for United States Forces Iraq, supporting Operation New Dawn. Before that, he commanded the U.S. Army Infantry Center and the Maneuver Center of Excellence at Fort Benning, Ga.
As well as IMCOM commander, Ferriter is now the Army's Assistant Chief of Staff for Installation Management.
All three Soldiers served as "battle buddies" at some point during the war in Iraq.
"Both Rick Lynch and Mike Ferriter, I've known for awhile," Odierno said. "Most important, I got to see them operate in combat. These are two Soldiers who not only understand what it's like to take care of our Families, but they understand what it's like being at the tip of a spear. There's no better person to lead us in installation management than somebody who's experienced both."
Ferriter's combat tours include Operation Restore Hope in Somalia and two tours in Iraq.
"I'm confident that Mike Ferriter is the right man for the job – a proven leader with the right experience to lead us into the future," Odierno said. "He understands Soldiers and Family and is the right leader at this important time of transition for our Army."
Ferriter and wife Margie have four children who understand Army life: Dr. Meghan Ferriter, Capt. Dan Ferriter, Capt. Paddy Ferriter and 1st Lt. Mary Whitney Whittaker.
"The Ferriters are a great Army Family and IMCOM is fortunate to have them," Odierno said. "Always remember that the strength of our nation is our Army. The strength of our Army is our Soldiers. The strength of our Soldiers is our Families. And that's what makes us Army Strong."
Ferriter said, "there are hundreds of thousands of Army Families that are exactly the same, and that's where we get our inspiration."
Lynch, the only commander IMCOM has known, was quick to thank Odierno for his mentorship.
"I've been blessed in my 35 years of uniformed service," Lynch said. "One of the top … blessings is my relationship with Ray Odierno."
Odierno thanked Lynch for a career well done, capped by the complex move of an Army command from the nation's capital to the heart of South Texas.
"Lt. Gen. Rick Lynch has served selflessly in our Army with extraordinary distinction for nearly 35 years," Odierno said. "He's devoted his career to taking care of Soldiers and their Families. I have watched Rick for years, always step forward, raise his right hand, and say 'Put me in. I want the toughest job. I want the tough jobs and I'll make it work. I'll make it happen.'
"We thought he was the perfect person to lead IMCOM and transform it into a world-class organization focused on our customers. The customers are our Soldiers and their Families and our retirees."
He cited the 120,000 people who make up IMCOM.
"We are grateful for the dedicated Army civilians and contractors that have made IMCOM such a large success," Odierno said. "In short, the IMCOM team has been and will remain a key ingredient in our ability to protect and sustain combat forces around the world. I thank each and every member of IMCOM for your untiring effort and commitment to our Soldiers, their Families and the Army."
Odierno commended Lynch for embodying words like courage, confidence, candor and compassion.
"In your 35-plus years, you have made history," Odierno told Lynch. "You have lived in the arena and you have excelled inside that arena. Thank you for your steadfast dedication and loyal service to our Soldiers and our nation."
Odierno applauded Lynch's wife, Sarah, for her dedication to the mission.
"Sarah has been serving alongside Rick every step of the way," Odierno said. "She's dedicated herself to our Soldiers and Families. Whether it be leading [Family Readiness Groups] or working with the Families of fallen Soldiers, Sarah has met and listened to the Gold Star Families to assess how the Army was meeting their needs and helped the Army improve its services.
"I could go on and on, but the bottom line is that Sarah has selflessly given of herself to the Army, to our Families and to our nation. Sarah, you are a true American patriot and hero. We want to thank you for all you've done and sacrificed throughout the years for our Army."
The ceremony also marked the passing of the responsibility of IMCOM command sergeant major from Command Sgt. Maj. Neil Ciotola to Command Sgt. Maj. Donald Felt. Felt, top noncommissioned officer for the IMCOM Central Region, will serve until the scheduled arrival of Command Sgt. Maj. Earl L. Rice.
"I want to personally recognize Command Sgt. Maj. Neil Ciotola," Odierno said. "He was side by side with me for 15 months in Iraq when I was the multi-national corps commander probably during the most difficult time there was in Iraq. And frankly, I couldn't have done it without him. We were merged at the hip. We were merged in our own minds with each other.
"There is no other finer NCO, no other noncommissioned officer I would have liked by my side than Neil Ciotola. He's a Soldier's Soldier, a combat leader, and the epitome of a command sergeant major."
Story on Army.mil:
About the U.S. Army Installation Management Community: IMCOM handles the day-to-day operations of U.S. Army installations around the globe – We are the Army's Home. Army installations are communities that provide many of the same types of services expected from any small city. Fire, police, public works, housing, and child-care are just some of the things IMCOM does in Army communities every day. We endeavor to provide a quality of life for Soldiers, Civilians and Families commensurate with their service. Our professional workforce strives to deliver on the commitments of the Army Family Covenant, honor the sacrifices of military Families, and enable the Army Force Generation cycle.
Our Mission: Our mission is to provide Soldiers, Civilians and their Families with a quality of life commensurate with the quality of their service.
Our Vision: Army installations are the Department of Defense standard for infrastructure quality and are the provider of consistent, quality services that are a force multiplier in supported organizations’ mission accomplishment, and materially enhance Soldier, Civilian and Family well-being and readiness.
To learn more about IMCOM:
Homepage: www.army.mil/imcom
www.facebook.com/InstallationManagementCommunity
www.youtube.com/installationmgt
The Minidoka Relocation Center, 15 miles north of Twin Falls and 150 miles southeast of Boise, was also referred to as the Hunt Camp. Minidoka was considered a model environment because of its relatively peaceful atmosphere and population that got along well with the administration. Because it was not within the Western Defense Command restricted area, security was somewhat lighter than at most other camps. But when the internees first arrived, they were shocked to see the bleak landscape that was to be there home over the next three years.
Located on the Snake River Plain at an elevation of 4000 feet, the land is dotted with sagebrush and thin basaltic lava flows and cinder cones. The internees found the environment to be extremely harsh, with temperatures ranging from 30 degrees below zero to as high as 115 degrees. They also had to contend with blinding dust storms and ankle-deep mud after the rains.
Minidoka was in operation from August 10, 1942 to October 28, 1945. The reserve covered more than 33,000 acres of land in Jerome County. The camp’s peak population reached 9,397 by March 1, 1943, and it became Idaho's third largest city. Five miles of barbed wire fencing and eight watchtowers surrounded the administrative and residential areas, which were located in the west-central portion of the reserve.
Most of the people interned at Minidoka were from the Pacific Northwest: approximately 7,050 from Seattle and Bainbridge Island, Washington, 2,500 from Oregon and 150 from Alaska, including children or grandchildren of Eskimo women and Japanese men. They were temporarily housed at the Puyallup Fairgrounds in Washington, then sent by train to Idaho. In early 1943, all of the Bainbridge Island, Washington, residents interned at the Manzanar Relocation Center were transferred to Minidoka at their own request because of constant conflict with the internees from Terminal Island in Los Angeles.
The central camp consisted of 600 buildings on 950 acres. When the first internees arrived at Minidoka in August 1942, they moved into the crude barracks even though much of the camp was unfinished and there was no running water or sewage system. The Army insisted on having all Japanese removed from the West Coast at once, and they did not halt the evacuation until the camp could hold no more. The last group of 500 evacuees to arrive at the camp had to sleep in mess halls, laundry rooms, or any available bed space. Waiting in line for many daily functions, especially meals, was common.
The camp’s residential area encompassed 36 blocks and was one mile wide and three miles long. Each block included 12 tarpaper barracks, one dining hall, one laundry building with communal showers and toilets and a recreation hall. Immediately after arrival, the internees were instructed to see the camp physician, and then they received an apartment assignment. Apartments were of three sizes, and where possible, family groups or relatives were placed near each other. Efforts were later made to move people near their place of employment.
Planet Fitness 2437 E. Main St Plainfield, IN. Former Walmart that relocated to 2575 E. Main St in 1988.
This railroad depot was originally built in 1896 in the Hunt County town of Clinton. In the early 1930s, it was relocated to serve the community of Nevada, Texas, where it fell into disuse in the middle 20th century. The building was purchased by a farmer in the mid 1960s and moved to his property near Fate, Texas. In 1986 the Irving Heritage Society bought the old depot, moved it Heritage Park at 123 West 3rd Street, and rededicated it in 1988.
Irving is located in northwestern Dallas County and is home to 239,798 people. It is the largest city in Texas that starts with the letter "I."
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During the soccer world cup 2006, Munich's new soccer stadium had to remove its name because Allianz is not one of the main sponsors.
Odd or not - they brought the giant letters to the inner city and placed it on "Haus der Kunst" ("house of art") where an exhibition of the architects Herzog&deMeuron takes places right now. They also planned the stadium.
M2PP Relocating Eels near water treatment plant - sector 430 with Matiu Park, M2PP Ecologist and Bron Faulkner, M2PP Landscape Design Lead.
Chihkan Tower, alson known as Fort Provintia, is located at the intersection of Chihkan St. and Minzu Rd., Tainan. It was constructed by the Dutch in 1653 and was originally used as the administration center during the Dutch’s occupation. Its original name was Provintia which means “eternity” in Dutch. Since the Dutch were used to be called Hongmao by Hans, Chihkan Tower is also called Hongmao Castle or Fanzai Tower.
In front of Chihkan Tower, there are nine statues of turtles, each carrying a stone plate on its back. The statues were constructed in the Qing dynasty and were relocated to its current position in front of Chihkan Tower. Near Chihkan Tower, there is also a horse statue with broken legs. The statues all have a legend that describes and explains the way they are presented right now. Due to lack of maintenance and civilian upheavals, Chihkan Tower needed to be restored and repaired over the years. Thus, the Dutch style building also has added Chinese style architectural parts. In addition, other events have also caused different changes and restoration to the building of Chihkan Tower that altogether formed its appearance today. It is classified as a class one historical site and also a representative of Tainan attractions.
Besides Chihkan Tower, Anping Fort (Old Fort Zeelandia), Anping Tree House, Eternal Golden Castle (Yi Zai Golden Castle), and Tainan Confucius Temple are also some of the important assets of Taiwan worth a visit when traveling to Tainan.
資料來源: www.travelking.com.tw/eng/tourguide/tainan/chihkan-tower....
赤崁楼(せきかんろう)は別名を赤嵌楼、紅毛楼 とも称し、台湾台南市中西区に位置する、オランダ人によって築城された旧跡である。原名は「プロヴィンティア」(Provintia、普羅民遮城)と称し、1653年にオランダ人と漢人の衝突事件である郭懐一事件(1652年)の後に築城された。鄭成功が台湾を占拠すると、プロヴィンティアは東都承天府と改められ、台湾全島の最高行政機関となった。現在は文化部により国定古跡に指定されている。
資料來源:https://ja.wikipedia.org/wiki/%E8%B5%A4%E3%82%AB%E3%83%B3%E6%A5%BC
Zaanse Schans is a neighborhood in the Dutch town of Zaandam, near Amsterdam. Historic windmills and distinctive green wooden houses were relocated here to recreate the look of an 18th/19th-century village. The Zaans Museum has regional costumes, model windmills and interactive exhibits on chocolate making
I had a few hours walking through Fraserburgh Harbour capturing as many vessels as I could on 19th April 2018, its a fine busy harbour and when the sun shines you can capture the trawlers etc at their best .
Fraserburgh Harbour is situated in Aberdeenshire in the North East corner of Scotland and is ideally positioned for the fishing grounds of the North and East of Scotland, as well as being in close proximity to the North Sea oil and gas fields and the emerging offshore renewables market. The location also makes it well placed for trade with Scandinavia and the Baltic sea ports.
Google and Wiki have the folowing info on this fine town.
Fraserburgh (/ˈfreɪzərbrə/; Scots: The Broch or Faithlie, Scottish Gaelic: A' Bhruaich) is a town in Aberdeenshire, Scotland with a population recorded in the 2001 Census at 12,454 and estimated at 12,630 in 2006.
It lies at the far northeast corner of Aberdeenshire, about 40 miles (64 km) north of Aberdeen, and 17 miles (27 km) north of Peterhead. It is the biggest shellfish port in Europe, landing over 12,000 tonnes in 2008, and is also a major white fish port and busy commercial harbour.
History
The name of the town means, literally, 'burgh of Fraser', after the Fraser family that bought the lands of Philorth in 1504 and thereafter brought about major improvement due to investment over the next century. Fraserburgh became a burgh of barony in 1546. By 1570, the Fraser family had built a castle (Fraserburgh Castle) at Kinnaird's Head and within a year the area church was built. By the 1590s the area known as Faithlie was developing a small harbour.
In 1592, Faithlie was renamed Fraserburgh by a charter of the Crown under King James VI. Sir Alexander Fraser was given permission to improve and govern the town as Lord Saltoun. At present this title is still in existence and is held by Flora Fraser, 20th Lady Saltoun and head of Clan Fraser. The Royal Charter also gave permission to build a college and university in Fraserburgh allowing the Lord Saltoun to appoint a rector, a principal, a sub-principal, and all the professors for teaching the different sciences.
A grant from the Scottish Parliament in 1595 allowed the first college building to be erected by Alexander Fraser, and in 1597 the General Assembly of the Church of Scotland recommended the Rev. Charles Ferme, then minister at the Old Parish, to be its first (and only) principal.
In 1601, Fraserburgh became a burgh of regality. The college, however, closed only a decade or so after Ferme's arrest on the orders of James VI for taking part in the 1605 General Assembly, being used again only for a short time in 1647 when King's College, Aberdeen temporarily relocated owing to an outbreak of plague. A plaque commemorating its existence may be seen on the exterior wall of the remains of the Alexandra Hotel in College Bounds.
Fraserburgh thereafter remained relatively quiet until 1787 when Fraserburgh Castle was converted to Kinnaird Head Lighthouse, Scotland's first mainland lighthouse. In 1803, the original 1571 church building was replaced and enlarged to seat 1000 people. The Auld Kirk was to be the standing authority in the town up until the 1840s.
The Statistical Account on the Parish of Fraserburgh, written between 1791–1799 (probably 1791) by Rev. Alexander Simpson of the Old Parish Church, shows that the population of Fraserburgh was growing with peaks due to seasonal employment. He records a population of about 2000 in 1780 of whom only 1000 resided in the town.
There was an additional population of 200 in the village of Broadsea. He makes a point of the arrival of Dr. Webster in Fraserburgh in 1755 claiming that the population then only stood at 1682. By the time the account was written the population had increased by 518 souls since 1755. Rev. Simpson also gives accounts of deaths, births and marriages. Between 1784-1791, he claims to have an average of 37 baptisms, 14 marriages and 19 deaths per year. The statistical account mentions activities with the harbour. He describes the harbour as small but good, telling that it had the capability to take vessels with '200 tons burden' at the time the account was written.
The account also mentions that Fraserburgh had tried and succeeded in shipbuilding especially after 1784. His account finishes speaking of a proposed enlargement of the harbour. He claims that the local people would willingly donate what they could afford but only if additional funding was provided by the Government and Royal Burghs.
The second statistical account, written as a follow up to the first of the 1790s, was written in January 1840 by Rev. John Cumming. He records population in 1791 as 2215 growing to only 2271 by 1811, but increasing massively to 2954 by 1831. He considered the herring fishing, which intensified in 1815, to be the most important reason for this population boom. By 1840 he writes that seamen were marrying early with 86 marriages and 60 births in the parish in the space of one year. On top of this increased population, he explains that the herring season seen an additional 1200 people working in the Parish. There is also mention of the prosperity of this trade bringing about an increase in general wealth with a change in both dress and diet. Cumming also records 37 illegitimate children from 1837–1840 although he keeps no record of death.
The prosperity of the economy also brought about improvement within the town with a considerable amount of new houses being built in the town. The people were gaining from the herring industry as in real terms rent fell by 6% from 1815 to 1840. Lord Saltoun was described as the predominant land owner earning £2266,13s,4d in rents.
This period also saw the extension of the harbour with a northern pier of 300 yards built between 1807–1812 and, in 1818, a southern pier built by Act of Parliament. Cumming states that no less than £30,000 was spent developing the harbour between 1807 and 1840 by which time the harbour held eight vessels of 45–155 tons and 220 boats of the herring fishery.
A railway station opened in 1865 and trains operated to Aberdeen via Maud and Dyce, as well as a short branch line to St. Combs. It was, however, closed to passengers in 1965 as part of the Beeching cuts, though freight trains continued to operate until 1979, after which the station site was redeveloped. Currently, the closest operating station is Inverurie, 56 km (35 miles) away.
Climate[
Fraserburgh has a marine climate heavily influenced by its proximity to the sea. As such summer highs and winter lows are heavily moderated, with very mild winter temperatures for a location so far north. The differences between seasons are very narrow as a result, with February averaging highs of 6.7 °C (44.1 °F) and August 17.2 °C (63.0 °F).[6] As a result of its marine influence, there is significant seasonal lag, with September being milder than June and October has slightly milder nights than May, in spite of a massive difference of daylight. The climate is overcast and wet with 1351.8 hours of sunshine. Temperature extremes have ranged from 26.6.C (July 1995) down to -14.4.C (February 1991) 747.7 millimetres (29.44 in) of precipitation per annum.
From the NSW Office of Environment and Heritage Website
Waitara Railway Station Group has significance at a local level. The present station was opened in 1909 following duplication of the line and relocated slightly north of the original. The station is historically significant for although there was an established community in Waitara by the late 1880s, the construction of the railway encouraged rapid subdivision and the development of the town. Waitara Railway Station has aesthetic significance at a local level as a good example of early twentieth century station design with fabric and details typical of this period and is similar to other rail buildings of the late nineteenth and early twentieth century in the Sydney region. The platform building, island platform and subway are representative of structures built at Sydney railway stations between 1892 and 1929, particularly the period between 1909 and 1917. The subway, with its high quality brickwork and ticket collecting booths at the top of the stair, is a particularly fine example of its type.
History
Present day Waitara Railway Station is located on the North Shore line, between Hornsby and Wahroonga railway stations.
In 1887, tenders were called for construction of a branch line extending south from Hornsby to the North Shore. The 16.8km section between Hornsby and St. Leonard’s was opened on 1 January 1890. Stations provided at the opening of the line included Chatswood and St. Leonard’s. A single line was constructed at the time. The line between St. Leonard’s and Milson’s Point (the terminus at the edge of the harbour) was completed 1 May 1893.
Waitara Railway Station was opened on 20 April 1895, as a narrow timber, unattended platform with a waiting shed on the Down side of the line. Waitara was situated between Hornsby and Wahroonga and the original single platform was located on the Milson’s Point side of the present-day pedestrian subway. Access to the platform was via the still existing short street (Waitara Ave) between the Pacific Highway and the railway line.
A new island platform was built at Waitara during the duplication of the North Shore between Lindfield and Hornsby and was completed in 1909. The new island platform was built a short distance closer to Hornsby than the original timber platform, with the Up main line remaining in the original location and the new Down main line being laid in behind the new island platform.
By 1909, Waitara Railway station comprised an island platform with standard brick station building. Access to the station was via a brick lined pedestrian subway at the Milson’s Point-end of the platform with a set of steps leading from the subway up to the platform. Pedestrian access to the subway was from street level on the northern side of the station and via a set of stairs on the southern side of the station.
Electrification of the North Shore line was opened in 1927, with full electric services in 1928. Automatic signalling of the North Shore line soon followed, but no signal box was ever provided at Waitara, with the former mechanical signals near the station being controlled by either Hornsby or Wahroonga.
I love to watch them soaring above every day while I'm walking - rarely do they "react" to my presence- after taking many photos at their first perch atop a house, they followed us and now they know where we live :)
Picture taken 11/13/21
This is an old Walmart that closed in 2010 when it relocated to a new supercenter in Lorain.
Please contact me via FlickrMail
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if you'd like to use any of my photographs.
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© Álbum 0158
By Catedrales e Iglesias
By Cathedrals and Churches
Arquidiócesis Primada de México
Ex Convento Regina Coeli (Natividad de María Santísima)
Párroco Señor Presbítero José Cenobio Ramírez Chávez
Calle de Bolivar No 92
Colonia Centro
C.P. 6080
Delegación Cuauhtémoc
Tel. 5709-2640
Tel.
Fax. 5709-6272
En 1573 la administración virreinal cedió amplios terrenos a las religiosas concepcionistas en el viejo calpulli prehispánico de Moyotlán (más tarde barrio de San Juan) para que establecieran un convento.
La fundación, dedicada a la Reina del Cielo traducción de la expresión latina Regina Coeli y a la Natividad de la Virgen María, fue aprobada por el Papa Gregorio XIII en 1578.
El templo del monasterio se edificó en el ángulo que forman las actuales calles de Bolívar y Regina, frente a un espacio libre que ya en el siglo XVII se conocía con el nombre de Plaza Chiquita de Regina. Su forma irregular se origino en el trazo de una de las acequias que atravesaban ese baldío. El convento y el templo primitivos fueron muy pobres, con cimentación deficiente.
La reestructuración de estos edificios se realizó en 1656 a expensas de Melchor de Terreros. El templo se reformo después y se abrió el 13 de septiembre de 1731. La obra la proyectó el arquitecto Miguel Custodio Durán y la financió el arzobispo José Lanciego y Eguilaz.
Como todas las plazas y calles de la ciudad colonial anteriores a la gestión del virrey Revillagigedo, la Plaza de Regina no escapó a la suciedad y abandono en que se encontraban los espacios exteriores de la metrópoli: falta de drenaje conveniente, encharcamientos constantes, ausencia de empedrados y banquetas y carencia de iluminación nocturna, que la convertían en un lugar peligroso durante las noches. Además, en ella frecuentemente se asentaban tianguis y tablados de toda índole, habiendo sido utilizada, incluso, para matanza de animales, mezclándose a todas esas incomodidades el espectáculo de mendigos y menesterosos que se aposentaban en ella durante las funciones religiosas.
Transformación radical sufrió la plaza al ser exclaustradas las monjas concepcionistas, conjuntamente con las de otras órdenes religiosas, el 8 de marzo de 1863, y aunque estas volvieron al convento durante el imperio de Maximiliano de Habsburgo, el 14 de noviembre de 1867 se entregó el convento a la Secretaría de Guerra, sirviendo de cuartel hasta el 15 de junio de 1871, cuando el gobierno de la República lo dió, en pago de adeudos, al acaudalado Ramón Obregón.
El templo, por su parte, permaneció abierto al culto. Un informe rendido por el regidor del ramo en 1868, hace mención de las obras realizadas para que desaparecieran la insalubridad y los muladares acumulados en la plaza, donde ya existía una fuente pública que cuidaban las autoridades de la ciudad, insistiendo en que debía barrerse y regarse todos los días "por los aguadores que concurren a la fuente de Regina a sacar agua", así como para que los areneros, carboneros, zacateros o cualquier otro tratante de este género, asearan el lugar que ocupasen con sus mercaderías. Además, en febrero de ese mismo año, se instalaron faroles de hojalata con aparatos de gas líquido, de trementina, de veinte luces, sustituyendo al alumbrado de aceite instalado por la administración colonial.
Gracias a la generosidad y filantropía de la señorita María Concepción Máxima Béistegui y García, quien a su muerte, ocurrida en 1873, cedió sus bienes para la fundación de un hospital en lo que fuera el Convento de Regina, se pudieron salvar de la destrucción, que se había iniciado poco antes, el claustro principal y las crujías adyacentes al mismo. Así, el denominado Hospital Concepción Béistegui, después de laboriosa adaptación, fue inaugurado por el Gral. Porfirio Díaz el 21 de marzo de 1886.
El resto del convento fue dividido en lotes, construyéndose en su lugar varias casas y locales sin ningún valor arquitectónico. En 1967, las autoridades del Departamento del Distrito Federal, ante la necesidad de contar con amplios espacios abiertos en esta zona de la ciudad, eligieron la Plaza de Regina como una de las primeras en la restauración de los centros cívicos capitalinos.
Entonces la plaza fue cerrada al tránsito vehicular en el tramo de la calle de Regina que corría frente al templo, dejándolo fluir únicamente por la calle lateral ubicada al norte de la plaza, y llevando el pavimento pétreo, en adoquín de San Luis Potosí, hasta la fachada misma del templo. Los árboles existentes fueron reubicados al norte de la plaza para permitir mayor visibilidad al edificio.
Informacion tomada de
www.ciudadanosenred.org.mx/node/16488
Ex Convent Regina Coeli (Nativity of Mary)
Mr. Priest Pastor Jose Ramirez Chavez Cenobio
Bolivar Street No 92
Cologne Center
C.P. 6080
Cuauhtemoc
Mexico City
Phone 5709-2640
Phone
Fax. 5709-6272
In 1573 the colonial administration gave the spacious grounds of the old religious Conceptionists calpulli prehispanic Moyotlan (later district of San Juan) to establish a convent.
The foundation, dedicated to the Queen of Heaven translation of the Latin Regina Coeli and the Nativity of the Virgin Mary, was approved by Pope Gregory XIII in 1578.
The temple of the monastery was built in the angle formed by the present streets of Bolívar and Regina, compared to free space in the seventeenth century and was known by the name of Piazza Regina Chiquita. Its irregular shape originated in the stroke of one of the canals running through this wasteland. The convent and the primitive church were very poor, poor foundation.
The restructuring of these buildings was performed in 1656 at the expense of Melchor de Terreros. The temple was later reformed and opened on September 13, 1731. The work was designed by the architect Miguel Custodio Durán and funded the Archbishop Jose Lanciego and Eguilaz.
Like all the squares and streets of the colonial city prior to the management of Viceroy Revillagigedo, Plaza Regina did not escape the dirt and neglect that were outside spaces of the metropolis: lack of appropriate drainage, ponding constant, no paving and sidewalks and lack of night lighting, which became a dangerous place at night. Moreover, she often settled swap meets and tablados of all kinds, having been used, even to killing animals, mixing all these discomforts the spectacle of beggars and needy that aposentaban there for religious functions.
Square underwent radical transformation when exclaustradas the Franciscan nuns, together with those of other religious orders, the March 8, 1863, and although these returned to the monastery during the reign of Maximilian of Hapsburg, 14 November 1867 gave the convent to the Secretary of War, serving as headquarters until June 15, 1871, when the government of the Republic gave it in payment of debts, the wealthy Ramón Obregón.
The church, meanwhile, remained open for worship. A report issued by the ruler of the sector in 1868, makes mention of the work undertaken to disappear unhealthiness and middens accumulated in the square, where there was already a public source guarded the city authorities, insisting he swept and watered every day "by the watermen who attend Regina source to draw water" as well as for litter boxes, coal, or any other dealer zacateros of this kind, asearan occupy the place with their merchandise. Moreover, in February of that year, tin lanterns were installed with liquid gas appliances, turpentine, twenty lights, replacing oil lamps installed by the colonial administration.
Thanks to the generosity and philanthropy of Miss Maria Conception High Beistegui and Garcia, who at his death in 1873, transferred its assets to the foundation of a hospital in what was once the Convent of Regina, were saved from destruction, that had begun shortly before, the main cloister and the bays adjacent to it. So-called Beistegui Conception Hospital, after laborious adaptation, was inaugurated by General Porfirio Diaz on March 21, 1886.
The rest of the convent was divided into lots, built several houses in place and local architectural worthless. In 1967, the authorities of the Federal District, to the need for open spaces in this area of the city, chose Regina Square as one of the first in the restoration of civic centers in the capital.
Then the square was closed to traffic on the stretch of Regina Street that ran opposite the temple, just letting it flow down the side street just north of the square, carrying the stone pavement in San Luis Potosi cobble up the facade of the temple itself. Existing trees were relocated to the north of the square to allow greater visibility to the building.
(for English scroll down)
Konzert GRAUSAME TÖCHTER + SIVA SIX + Enter Tragedy im Frannz Club, Berlin - 26. Februar 2017
GRAUSAME TÖCHTER produzieren elektronische Musik, um emotionale Kälte zu verbreiten.
Die zugrunde liegende Musik passt in keine Schublade, enthält Elemente aus Industrial, Ebm, Klassik, Punk, Soundtrack und vieles mehr. Sie ist eine dreckige Melange vom Schrottplatz vergangener Kultur. Die Texte zelebrieren Gier, Geilheit und Egomanie und wollen böses ausdrücken. Für Menschen von Menschen, um unbekannte Wege in die eigene Psyche zu gehen.
GRAUSAME TÖCHTER sind durch ihre aussergewöhnliche Show absolut sehens- und erlebenswert.
Die Band:
Kiara Kazumi, Kasimira Ratke, Valeria Ereth (Gitarre), Era Kreuz (Bass), Arnaud Vansteenkiste (Drums) sowie als SPECIAL GUEST Sonja Firker (Violine) und am Mikrophon Aranea Peel.
+ SIVA SIX
Berühmte Athener Dark Electro / Industrial Band
(2016 nach Leipzig / Deutschland umgezogen)
+ Enter Tragedy
Dark Rock und Dark Metal Band aus Guben / Brandenburg (Deutschland)
___________________________________________________
Concert GRAUSAME TÖCHTER + SIVA SIX + Enter Tragedy at Frannz Club, Berlin - February 26, 2017
GRAUSAME TÖCHTER produce electronic music to spread emotional coldness.
The music can not be pigeonholed, they include elements from Industrial, EBM, classical, punk, soundtrack and more.
It is a dirty melange junkyard bygone culture. The lyrics celebrate greed, lust and egomania and want to express evil. For people of people, to unknown paths in their own psyche.
GRAUSAME TÖCHTER are characterized by their exceptional show absolutely worth seeing and experiencing.
The Band:
Kiara Kazumi, Kasimira Ratke, Valeria Ereth (guitar), Era Kreuz (bass), Arnaud Vansteenkiste (drums), SPECIAL GUEST Sonja Firker (violin) and on the microphone Aranea Peel.
+ SIVA SIX
Athens infamous Dark Electro / Industrial band
(relocated to Leipzig / Germany in 2016)
+ Enter Tragedy
Dark rock and dark metal band from Guben / Brandenburg (Germany)
The Stories of Village Relocation 遷村
All Photos from Richard Wong are shown in the Richardwonghk Photo Collection : www.flickr.com/groups/2674798@N22/pool/with/14578518712/#...
As the constructions of the reservoirs in Hong Kong in the past, villages were relocated by the government with compensation.
Shing Mun New Village 城門新村:
In 1933 the Shing Mun Reservoir was built and completed in 1937 to meet the increasing demand for fresh water in Hong Kong. The reservoir was completed in 1937. The local Hakka villages were resettled in other parts of the New Territories. The villagers in Shing Mun Village were relocated to Shing Mun New Village in Kam Tin.
Sam Mun Tsai New Village 三門仔新村:
The construction of the Plover Cove Reservoir necessitated the displacement of the inhabitants of a number of Hakka villages which were covered by the reservoir. The Hakka villagers were compensated by the Hong Kong British colonial government with apartments and shop units along Kwong Fuk Road in Tai Po which were built for their resettlement there. Fishermen who live at the original Sam Mun Tsai site, close to Pak Sha Tau, now at the northeastern shore of Reservoir, were relocated to Sam Mun Tsai New Village on the island of Yim Tin Tsai in 1966.
Sai Kung Man Yee Wan and Sha Tsui New Village西貢萬宜灣沙咀新村:
In the 1970s the Hong Kong government decided to construct High Island Reservoir and ten villages, including Lan Nai Wan爛泥灣村 (or Man Yee Wan Village 萬宜灣村, Pak Tam Chung and Sha Tsui, were submerged by rising water or fell within the catchment area of the reservoir after construction. The villagers were then relocated to areas near Sai Kung Old Town and Sai Kung Man Yee Wan and Sha Tsui New Village.
Facebook: www.facebook.com/HKHeritages?ref=hl
[D559] Route de Trayas | Cap Roux 11/06/2017 13h46
In between Théoule-sur-Mer and Saint-Raphaël I entered the départment Var and the D6098 is numbered D559 from here. The winding coastal route is swinging along the Massif de l'Esterel with its beautiful red cliffs. I stopped at Pointe de l'Observatoire to enjoy the view and Cap Roux. The road is also named Corniche de l'Esterel and opened in 1903.
Massif de l'Esterel
The Esterel Massif (in Occitan Provençal: Esterèu; French: Massif de l'Esterel) is a Mediterranean coastal mountain range in the departments of Var and Alpes-Maritimes in Provence, south-east France.
eighbouring cities are Mandelieu and Cannes on the east and Saint-Raphaël / Fréjus on the west.
The soil and rocks of the range are of volcanic origin, composed mainly of porphyry, which gives the hills a red color. The terrain is rugged, with deep ravines and oak forests. The highest point of the massif is Mont Vinaigre (618 metres).
The massif covers an area of 320 km², of which 130 km² are officially protected in the Forêt domaniale de l'Esterel (National Forest of Esterel). The nature reserve offers hiking and mountain biking trails including the GR 49 and GR 51. The Esterel mountains also host the Pierre et Vacances holiday village Cap Estérel.
[ Source: Wikipedia - Massif de l'Esterel ]
Roadtrip Day [4] 11/06/2017
Today was on the planning the relocation from Nice to Cavalière near Le Lavandou. I have planned to drive 150 kilometers via several space invaders part of the Invasion of the Côte d'Azur. I found in total 5 space invaders, one not found and another 2 were deleted.
I left Nice at 8h46 on this Sunday morning and arrived at Hôtel Azur in Cavalière at 18h00 after driving 176.6 km (planned was 150 km but I have done some extra driving due to in vain searching for CAZ_26 South of Saint-Tropez. In total I have photovisited 3 McDonald’s restaurants as well this day.
The highest temperature I experienced this day was 33° C near Gassin.
After my installation in the hotel I went to Le Lavandou for dinner and 2 space invaders. The day total was 189.9 km.
Route: Nice – Antibes – Antibes Plage des Ondes – Cannes – Miramar – Corniche d’Estérel | Cap Roux – Frejus – Gassin – Col du Canadel – Cavalière – Le Lavandou – Cavalière (Hôtel Azur)