View allAll Photos Tagged For
This was taken at Nash Point yesterday - I've no idea what the man was looking for but in my imagination thought it might be gold!!!
Bookmarks for bookmark swap gift. I used felt and reverse applique for the top one, repurposed linen skirt and thrifted linen bias tape for the second (I embroidered the flowers), and scraps leftover from making patchwork bias tape for the third. They're not perfect but hopefully will be well-loved.
The video for Menzenschwand and the waterfalls I will upload 20 October 2015 this Album, looking again purely :)
ENGLISH Description:
Menzenschwand consists of three village centers, Vorderdorf, Mitteldorf and Hinterdorf, and, with just under 600 residents to the town St. Blasien. It is located in the the 1493 meter high Feldberg to the south coming down the valley Menzenschwander Alb, which unites above St. Blasien with the western extending Bernauer Alb. In the eastern neighboring valley of Schluchsee is.
The Menzenschwand Valley is dominated by glacial streams of several ice ages. The over 300 meter thick main glacier took to the west on Herzogenhorn with nested large Karen incipient troughed Krunkelbachtal. The südwärtige Albtal opens into a small section of the valley of about 20 meters into the Krunkelbachtal. The Alb has there with small waterfalls (one artificial) cut a gorge. Slightly above crosses a marked Endmoränenwall the valley. The close breakthrough point of the creek that Menzenschwander Kluse was formerly used for impoundment of the logs drift. The basin-shaped mouth region is a zusedimentierter, former lake. Numerous moutonnées characterize the meadows of the lower slope areas.
West of the village is located in a rear Kar below the Spießhorn the circular Scheibenlechtenmoos, a mountain-high moor. Also in the summit area of northern Bärhalde be found precious little Moore various stages of development.
Large parts of the district belong to the nature reserve Feldberg.
DEUTSCHE Beschreibung:
Menzenschwand besteht aus drei Dorfkernen, Vorderdorf, Mitteldorf und Hinterdorf, und gehört mit knapp 600 Einwohnern zur Stadt St. Blasien. Es liegt in dem vom 1493 Meter hohen Feldberg nach Süden herabkommenden Tal der Menzenschwander Alb, das sich oberhalb von St. Blasien mit der westlicher verlaufenden Bernauer Alb vereinigt. Im östlichen Nachbartal liegt der Schluchsee.
Die Tallandschaft von Menzenschwand ist geprägt von Gletscherströmen mehrerer Eiszeiten. Den bis über 300 Meter mächtigen Hauptgletscher nahm das westlich am Herzogenhorn mit ineinander geschachtelten großen Karen beginnende trogförmige Krunkelbachtal auf. Das südwärtige Albtal mündet in einer kleinen Talstufe von etwa 20 Metern Höhe in das Krunkelbachtal. Die Alb hat dort eine Klamm mit kleinen Wasserfällen (einer davon künstlich) eingeschnitten. Etwas oberhalb quert ein markanter Endmoränenwall das Tal. Die enge Durchbruchsstelle des Baches, die Menzenschwander Kluse, wurde früher zum Aufstau für die Scheitholztrift genutzt. Der beckenförmige Mündungsbereich ist ein zusedimentierter, ehemaliger See. Zahlreiche Rundhöcker prägen die Wiesen der unteren Hangbereiche.
Westlich des Hinterdorfes liegt in einem Kar unter dem Spießhorn das kreisrunde Scheibenlechtenmoos, ein Gebirgs-Hochmoor. Auch im Gipfelbereich der nördlich gelegenen Bärhalde finden sich wertvolle kleine Moore verschiedener Entwicklungsstadien.
Große Teile der Gemarkung gehören zum Naturschutzgebiet Feldberg.
Source Wikipedia: de.wikipedia.org/wiki/Menzenschwand
For the Sept. 20, 2014, Game Day, The Association of Former Students hosted a young man named Jared Keathly, a high school senior who taught himself how to lead yells from YouTube videos.
The yell leaders met Keathly and he helped them lead Kids Yell; he also met Reveille, talked with cadets, attended the Aggie football team’s Spirit Walk and watched the Corps step off from the quad.
Keathly’s father said, “You have made a young man’s dream a reality that will have a lasting effect on his life.”
UN Women appoints actor-singer-filmmaker Farhan Akhtar as its Goodwill Ambassador for South Asia, making him the first man to take on the role in the organization's history.
Read More: www.unwomen.org/en/news/stories/2014/11/farhan-akhtar-ann...
Photo: UN Women/Gaganjit Singh
Too much?
Add 4litre of water, more food, and a tripod then I'm done :)
Without the food & tripo the weight is very low, so I'm happy :)
Often, the scenery of North Carolina's highlands can rival that of any in the world, though sometimes it's the rough and rocky road that takes you to a beautiful place... to get there, you really have to want to be there. The trail up Hawksbill Mountain isn't that long, but it's steep, rocky, and slippery in places when hiking in the dark and wet. It's even a rough start to the day to make this shot, as you're up at 0'dark-thirty to be at the trailhead at 4:30 am, with no guarantee that nature's going to work out for you... the only way to really know is to be there, day after day if that's what it takes. On this particular morning the clouds lifted in time to see this, a hopeful scene of Carolina rhododendron from the mountain's peak as the dreary morning yielded to streaming sunlight.
Many of my clients have become good friends over the years... trust has value beyond dollars. "Nissie" Sneed is one such friend. She's one of the beautiful people of this world, doing her best to make it a better place. Nissie, recently diagnosed with brain cancer, is currently in chemo-therapy prior to surgery. She's facing her own "rough and rocky road", but she's doing it with grace and courage... and also with prayer. Matthew 18:20 states, "For where two or three gather in my name, there am I with them.” I know that many of you know, as I do, that there is power in prayer... take a couple of minutes to be encouraged and blessed by this song from Steven Curtis Chapman and remember Nissie in your prayers today that her rough and rocky road takes her to a beautiful place: www.youtube.com/watch?feature=player_embedded&v=lK36z...
Passion for Flowers run a number of workshops.
This workshop was a Crazy Cup Cake Workshops taken by Tracy from Cotton and Crumbs cottonandcrumbs.co.uk/
Other workshops include make your own wedding flowers - bouquets, table centre pieces, venue and church decoration.
As well as photography workshops
visit passionforflowers.net/workshops.html for more detail
For a time lapse 5x trip around the park
For my video; youtu.be/M0wnnIbgi4,
Stanley Park, Vancouver, British Columbia, Canada
Jack has brought her roses. Just a different view of her living room.
Fireplace: 1990s Barbie set, came with an awesome piano.
James Walker African American Fashion Show Charming Model in Lilac Top Posing for a Portrait Photoshoot at a Sports Hall in Philadelphia B&W April 1997
Aquatics Centre
for London 2012.
It forms part of the gateway to the Olympic Park – more than two-thirds of spectators will enter the Park at the south-east corner via a bridge that forms part of the venue’s roof.
The design and build
With a capacity of 17,500, the Aquatics Centre’s spectacular wave-like roof is 160m long and up to 80m wide – giving it a longer single span than Heathrow Terminal 5.
The venue features a 50m competition pool, a 25m competition diving pool, a 50m warm-up pool and a ‘dry’ warm-up area for divers. Construction on the venue began in July 2008 and was completed in July 2011.
The venue’s roof proved to be one of the most complex engineering challenges of the Olympic Park big build. Its skeletal structure rests on just two concrete supports at the northern end of the building and a supporting ‘wall’ at its southern end. This steel framework was initially constructed on temporary supports, before the entire 3,000-tonne structure was lifted up 1.3m in a single movement and successfully placed back down on to its permanent concrete supports.
Work began on the inside of the venue once the roof was in position. The three pools were dug out, lined, filled with water and tested, before they were fitted with more than 180,000 tiles.After the Games
The Aquatics Centre will be transformed into a facility for the local community, clubs and schools, as well as elite swimmers, attracting an anticipated 800,000 visitors a year. All the pools have moveable booms and floors to create different depths and pool sizes, so it can be used by swimmers of all abilities and experience. After the Games, the venue’s operator after the Games will be Greenwich Leisure Limited
The two temporary wings will be removed – reducing its capacity to 2,500 – although it will be possible to increase the venue capacity for major competitions.
The venue will also feature a creche, family-friendly changing facilities and a cafe, alongside a new public plaza in front of the building.
You never for get your first. Haha. This was the first mannequin I have ever painted and I love him but I have got to get all these people outta here!
2013 Chevrolet Spark Shot For Chevrolet Europe
This was my first project for Chevrolet Europe it features the 2013 updated Spark
This shot is a self portrait for the article being run by the Chevrolet Europe media team
Copyright NWVT.co.uk 2013
Roma - Apertura del percorso del Tempio di Venere e Roma nel Foro romano. MIBAC (12/11/2010).
l Commissario delegato per le aree archeologiche di Roma e di Ostia antica Roberto Cecchi, secondo un programma concordato con la Soprintendenza Speciale per i Beni Archeologici di Roma, prosegue le operazioni finalizzate alla messa in sicurezza dei monumenti in custodia e all’ampliamento degli itinerari di visita offerti ai visitatori.
È questa la volta del tempio di Venere e Roma che si affaccia sulla valle del Colosseo dall’imponente basamento voluto dall’imperatore Adriano che dedicò l’edificio alla Città Eterna e alla dea Venere, madre di Enea suo fondatore. Costruito sulle pendici della Velia a partire dal 121 d.C., sottende una chiara valenza politica creando la sintesi tra Venere, cui è attribuita una dimensione cosmica, e Roma, rappresentata in forma divinizzata, ma anche la sintesi tra il passato e il futuro dell’Urbe, tra Oriente e Occidente, tra Aeternitas e Fortuna.
La storia
Il tempio, inaugurato nel 141 d.C. dal successore di Adriano, l’imperatore Antonino Pio, fu eretto nel luogo in cui sorgeva in precedenza il vestibolo della Domus Aurea, di cui si mantenne l’orientamento e si riutilizzarono in parte le fondazioni. Il tempio, di forme ellenizzanti, si innalzava al centro del grande podio artificiale: questo era affiancato sui lati lunghi da un doppio portico di colonne in granito grigio, su cui si aprivano al centro i due propilei, mentre sui lati corti era collegato con delle scalinate alla piazza del Colosseo e al Foro. Le colonne ancor oggi visibili furono rialzate durante i restauri degli anni trenta.
Il tempio vero e proprio si presentava come un diptero: all’interno due celle orientate in senso opposto, una per ciascuna divinità, e precedute da un vestibolo. Del peristilio di colonne corinzie non rimane nulla, e della cella verso il Colosseo – quella dedicata a Venere – resta solo l’abside. L’altra abside, invece, fu inglobata nell’ex convento di Santa Francesca Romana. Quanto è giunto sino ad oggi risale, però, in gran parte, al restauro voluto da Massenzio nel 307 d.C. in seguito all’incendio che distrusse tutta la parte centrale del Foro. A questo restauro si devono le celle absidali in laterizio con copertura a volte cassettonate, gli stucchi dei cassettoni (ricopiati anche dal Palladio), le colonne in porfido lungo le pareti e il pavimento in lastre marmoree.
L’abbandono dell’edificio e la seguente spoliazione delle strutture hanno inizio nel VII secolo, quando l’imperatore Eraclio concede a papa Onorio (625-638) le tegole di ottone della copertura del tetto per usarle a San Pietro.
I primi scavi sistematici dell’area vengono realizzati durante l’amministrazione francese della città, tra il 1810 e il 1817 e cominciano le demolizioni delle strutture medievali.
Il culto di Venere e Roma
Come testimonia un testo dello scrittore greco Ateneo (II-III secolo d.C.), la fondazione del culto di Venere e Roma e il voto del tempio alle due divinità da parte dell’imperatore Adriano (117-138 d.C.) avvengono in concomitanza con la riorganizzazione della festa dei Parilia: in base a una moneta l’evento può essere datato con precisione al 21 aprile del 121 d.C.. La costruzione del tempio (locatio) ha inizio subito dopo. Le Palilia o Parilia erano un’antichissima festa pastorale della religione romana che si celebrava il 21 aprile in onore del numen Pale. A partire dal 121 d.C. si iniziò a festeggiare nella stessa data anche il giorno della fondazione di Roma, ovvero la festività di Romaia.
Il progetto di sistemazione dell’area monumentale
All’intervento del Commissario delegato si devono la manutenzione straordinaria di tutta l’area del tempio e le sistemazioni funzionali per l’apertura al pubblico dell’area monumentale. Le risorse impegnate ammontano a 264.034,80 euro.
Negli anni ottanta del secolo scorso le due metà del tempio, rimaste a lungo divise l’una dall’altra, sono gestite da due diverse amministrazioni (il Comune di Roma amministrava la cella di Venere e il Ministero per i Beni Culturali e Ambientali quella di Roma). In seguito a un accordo, vengono riunificate nel complesso monumentale dell’area archeologica del Foro Romano-Palatino, ma di fatto i segni della separazione si rintracciano non solo nelle barriere di divisione, ma anche e soprattutto nella diversità delle funzioni. La cella di Roma fruita come quinta dell’Antiquario Forense, mentre quella di Venere resta un giardino urbano, anche se ormai chiuso alla città.
Le finalità che il nuovo progetto di sistemazione dell’area e di restauro delle strutture ha perseguito sono il superamento di queste differenze e la ricomposizione dei “segni” dell’architettura originaria, per rendere nuovamente palese l’antica grandiosità e restituire l’immagine unitaria del tempio. La nuova sistemazione dell’area ha operato un profondo cambiamento sia dell’immagine sia della funzione dello spazio del tempio rispetto a quelle realizzate nel 1935. Fino agli anni ottanta l’area era occupata da una strada, asfaltata, accessibile perfino alle auto, che conduceva al giardino: piazza di Venere e Roma. Oggi il tempio non è più una piazza urbana ed è tornato a far parte del contesto archeologico cui apparteneva e all’asfalto si è sostituito il manto erboso. Gli interventi, diffusi sulla quasi totalità delle strutture, hanno il solo scopo di ripristinare la continuità e l’omogeneità strutturale delle murature fratturate e lesionate, di contrastare i fenomeni di rotazione provocati dall’asportazione degli appoggi e di permettere il corretto scorrimento e smaltimento dell’acqua, principale responsabile del degrado. Le opere di restauro più impegnative hanno interessato le semicalotte delle absidi e le alte mura del lato sud. I monitoraggi indicavano infatti che la profonda lesione creatasi tra le semicalotte, sulla sommità, progrediva lenta ma inesorabile e che al tempo stesso le infiltrazioni d’acqua all’interno della lesione provocavano il degrado della decorazione in stucco. Il lato sud delle celle si conservava meglio degli altri – arriva a un’altezza di circa m 20 – ma i blocchi della fondazione, per gran parte asportati, avevano dato luogo a un fenomeno di rotazione che, data l’altezza, metteva a rischio la stabilità delle strutture. L’equilibrio era stato messo in crisi anche dal crollo delle scale che in antico occupavano la zona dell’incrocio delle absidi, e che costituivano un valido elemento di irrigidimento funzionale al sistema costruttivo. Il segno di sofferenza delle strutture era visibilmente denunciato dalle lesioni, profonde quanto diffuse, visibili sulle murature. Per il consolidamento è stato realizzato, alla base delle murature, un sistema continuo di contrafforti, collegati da solai armati, che si sostituisce alla fondazione mancante e dà nuovamente l’appoggio adeguato alle alte strutture murarie annullando la rotazione in atto. La parziale ricostruzione del muro perimetrale ha in questo caso una doppia funzione, sia statica sia d’immagine. Le murature delle absidi sono state consolidate con iniezioni di malta, spesso armate, che servono a ripristinare la continuità muraria interrotta dalle lesioni.
Fonti / source: MIBAC (12/11/2010).
www.beniculturali.it/mibac/export/MiBAC/sito-MiBAC/Conten...
COMUNICATO STAMPA - Apertura del percorso Tempio di Venere e Roma nel Foro romano
Roma, 11 novembre 2010. www.beniculturali.it/mibac/multimedia/MiBAC/documents/128...
A young man wearing a 'Services Rendered' badge on his lapel. Also known as the Silver War Badge, Discharge Badge, or Wound Badge.
The badge was issued from September 1916 to officers and men who had been honourably discharged or retired from the military as a result of wounds or illness while on War Service.
The stirling silver badge was designed to be worn on civilian clothes, to prevent the wearer being mistaken for a young man not 'doing his bit'. It was not uncommon at the time for women to harass men not in uniform with white feathers for being cowards.
After 1918 it's eligibility was extended to include civilians working with the Royal Army Medical Corps, as nurses, aid workers and other staff.
From the August 2016 return trip to Siem Reap and the Angkor complex:
I love the Angkor complex, Siem Reap, and the Cambodian people so much that I returned again for about a week to photograph as much of the “non-major” sites as I could. Some of them are slightly far from Angkor Wat (by that, I mean to say more than 10 kilometers away), and usually require a little more money to get to. Also, some of the sites (Beng Mealea, Phnom Kulen) are not included in the Angkor ticket price and have an additional admission fee.
I don’t know if there’s a set number of how many sites belong in the Angkor complex, though I’m sure it would vary. (Do you only count the major sites like Angkor Wat, Bayon, Ta Prohm? Do you add the sites that aren’t included in the standard “Angkor Pass,” but are clearly of the same era? Do you include sites that aren’t even named (as are one of the sites in this series)? All in all, I’ll put a very rough number at…50 sites in the Siem Reap area, and that includes the sites that are about 100 km away. Of those, I would say I’ve been to all but 5-10 now. All are included here with the exception, obviously, of the sites that I didn’t visit. (Off the top of my head, I can say they include Koh Ker & that respective group, which is about 120 km ENE of Siem Reap; Phnom Krom, one of the three “mountains” with temples; Ta Prohm Kel; and Mangalartha.)
In practical terms, I’m afraid that with the volume of shooting (about 1,500 frames in the past 7 days), photos will start to look redundant to those who don’t have the same interest in ancient/historical architecture or Angkor as I do. That being said, there are a few things besides temples here. The Old Market area (now Night Market/Pub Street) is represented – a little – and Phnom Kulen has a pretty nice waterfall which is also in this series. Also, I tried to catch a few people in here, though didn’t get as many as I would’ve liked.
I had my friend Mao (tuktuk driver) take me around for 5 of these 7 days this time around. As I mentioned last time, he may cost a little more than what you can arrange through a hotel/guesthouse, but he’s well worth the money (and, in the grand scheme of things, not too expensive; I paid less than $200 for the five days, two of which were “long” trips). He loves his country and heritage, he knows what he’s showing you, he’s flexible, he gives you enough ice water to keep you hydrated, and he’s just a good guy. (He even bought me a birthday cake for cryin’ out loud…) Anyway, I highly recommend Mao. You can find him here: www.facebook.com/mao.khvan (or on Trip Advisor: www.tripadvisor.com/Attraction_Review-g297390-d10726821-R... )
Now that shameless plugs and other assorted rhetoric are out of the way, it’s time to get on to the temples, ruins, and other miscellany.
Today is really the excuse that I used to come back to Siem Reap for a week. Mao was nice enough not to schedule any other customers for today since it’s my 43rd birthday, and also for Saturday. (Another reason, I think, is that I wanted to see all of the non-major sites and most everyone else is only interested in the major ones. So…thanks to Mao for giving up a few bucks from others just to make sure I got to see all that I wanted these two days.)
Mao came to pick me up around 10:00 in the morning with his wife and adorable daughter. Today, we pretty much followed the small loop tour that we did yesterday (and that most tourists do). However, we skipped every spot from yesterday (Banteay Kdei, Ta Prohm’s main temple, Ta Keo, Thommanon, Chao Say Tevoda, Bayon) and opted for the others along the same route.
The first stop of the morning was Prasat Kravan. This is a particularly interesting – and small – temple that consists mainly of one building with a central tower, but five chambers lined up in a row. Prasat Kravan was built in the early 10th century (consecrated in 921) and is built of brick. It was built during the short reign of Harshavarman I. The name is the modern name (though I don’t know the original name) and means “cardamom sanctuary,” for a tree that once stood here. From an architectural standpoint, what is most interesting – and what caught my attention – is the brick bas-reliefs here. They are the only known representation of these in Khmer art and are reason alone to visit here. The central tower has a statue of Vishnu and the northernmost has a statue of his consort, Lakshmi.
After 15-20 minutes at Prasat Kravan, Mao took me to Bat Chum, which was quite near. (It wasn’t on my list, so kudos to Mao for adding a few stops that I otherwise wouldn’t have seen; as I said, the man knows the territory, and I highly recommend him to anyone who comes here.) Bat Chum is a very, very small site (under restoration, though it looks like even the restoration has been forgotten) a few hundred meters due south of Sra Srang, and a few hundred meters east of the road from Angkor Wat to Banteay Kdei. When Bat Chum was built in 960, there were houses and a Buddhist monastery nearby, which have long since vanished. This temple was built by the lone Khmer architect whose name we know: Kavindrarimathana. He also built the palace of the East Mebon and Sra Srang. This is a temple with three brick towers. There are stone lions and interesting inscriptions here as well.
From Bat Chum, we returned to the main road, skirted along the eastern and northern sides of Banteay Kdei’s outer wall, then along the southern and western sides of Ta Prohm’s outer wall. Most people enter Ta Prohm from the western gate (as evidenced by the massive throng of tuktuks here) or the eastern gate (where you will find a slew of souvenir vendors). As far as I can tell, there is no southern gate – as I imagine you’d see it flying by on the road. (Banteay Kdei does have a northern gate, though people don’t seem to stop here.) Ta Prohm does have a rather charming and rarely visited northern gate that I was unaware of. Again…thanks, Mao. Just stop on the road at the northwest corner of Ta Prohm’s outer wall and walk east along the north wall for about five minutes to find the northern gate, surrounded by jungle.
Next up on today’s tour is a very small site that, from what I know, doesn’t even have a name. (Mao didn’t even know the name of the place, so it’s just titled ‘Unnamed Site’ here.) It’s very small, almost an afterthought, but still worth a look. It’s on the road heading due north from Ta Prohm’s west gate about 100-200 meters south of where it heads to the west to Ta Keo. It’s barely 50 meters off the road, so is very easy to visit in 10 minutes or so.
Right at the point where the road takes a 90 degree turn to head west to Ta Keo, you have the option of going straight (down a fairly bumpy dirt road) to Ta Nei. This is actually a larger temple, but unlike the others nearby, it hasn’t gone under extensive restoration yet, so it isn’t visited very often. It’s 800 meters north of Ta Keo, set back in the woods, and is 200 meters west of the Eastern Baray’s western border. It was built by Jayavarman VII in the late 12th century. The highlights of coming here are simply the setting, the pediments, and the overall lack of visitors.
After half an hour or so at Ta Nei, Mao and I hopped back in the tuktuk and returned to the main road, heading west past Ta Keo before veering north and making a very quick stop at the Hospital Chapel that is 150 meters due west of Ta Keo (slightly north). This is a very quick – 5 minute – stop that interested me simply because it was/is part of a hospital that’s close to a thousand years old now. It was built by Jayavarman VII (like so many of the Angkor sites) in the late 12th century. This sandstone monument is one of four that were on site here (and, from what I’m reading, one of 102 that were found throughout the empire). Honestly, seeing this just makes me wonder about 12th century medicine. What would a Khmer hospital at the turn of the 13th century have been like?
Moving north from the Hospital Chapel, the road takes another 90 degree turn to the west. Before entering the Victory Gate of Angkor Thom, you pass Thommanon and Chao Say Tevoda (bypassed, as already mentioned), and then Spean Thma, near a bridge that crosses the Siem Reap River. (The Siem Reap River, today, is more like a gentle stream, though it was used to transport the quarried rock from Phnom Kulen to Angkor to build these massive temples a thousand years ago.) That aside, I decided to bypass Spean Thma for now.
Once inside the Victory Gate, which I mistakenly called the East Gate in May (it is on the eastern wall), we turned south on a dirt path about 100-200 meters inside Angkor Thom and traveled south, parallel to the wall. After less than 5 minutes, you arrive at the road that runs directly east from Bayon to the East Gate, otherwise known as the Slaves’ Gate or Gate of the Dead. (From the names, obviously, if anyone who didn’t belong to the royal family saw this gate…bad news for them.) According to Mao, the slaves were marched out this gate on the way to their execution. Grim history aside, it’s a rather nice gate, well-restored, with some good angles for shooting. It’s certainly worth a visit, especially since it’s so easily accessible – and there are rarely many people around.
After this quick stop, we took the road due west to the heart of Angkor Thom – Bayon – then headed up the road towards the North Gate, where the majority of Angkor Thom sites are located (just north of Bayon). Passing by Baphuon, Phimeanakas, the Elephant Terrace, Terrace of the Leper Kings (all on the west side of the main road), and the Kleangs and Suor Prat Towers (east side of the main road, with the towers being bisected by the road heading east through the Victory Gate), we turned off just north of the Terrace of the Leper Kings to the west to see Tep Pranam – very briefly – and Preah Pilalay.
Tep Pranam is simply a statue of a giant seated sandstone Buddha, still in use for worship today, that was built around the 16th century. If this were in an out-of-the-way place, it may not be worth the time. However, it’s in the heart of Angkor Thom and it’s impossible to go to Preah Pilalay without seeing it if you come by tuktuk. (This isn’t a complaint by any means; it’s rather nice.) Preah Pilalay is in the northwest section of Angkor Thom and is fairly remote (given the amount of tourists that the other nearby sites see). Its main features are a tall chimney-like structure, a few nagas, and its setting in the forest. It was built in either the 13th or 14th century, possibly by Jayavarman VIII or, perhaps, by Jayavarman VII. It’s about 200 meters north of the royal enclosure (Phimeanakas). Some of the larger trees that used to tower over the temple have been hewn resulting in a very different feel. However, it was a pleasant side trip.
Hopping back in the tuktuk and going directly across the road, the last stop for the day inside Angkor Thom was the Preah Pithu group. This is a collection of five temples/ruins in the northeastern section of Angkor Thom that is in a delightful wooded setting. If you can see them in early morning or late afternoon, you should get some wonderful lighting. You can spend as little as 15 minutes here or as much as an hour or two. They probably weren’t designed to be one cohesive group, though it’s not possible to say with certainty. They were built in the 13th century. (Though I mention this as the last stop, I’ve also included the North Kleang and Northern Suor Prat Towers here. Though I didn’t explore those in depth, I am giving them their own set here – Kleangs and Suor Prat Towers.)
On the way out of Angkor Thom, via the South Gate, we stopped outside the moat for a few pictures. Directly south of Angkor Thom are a few temples that I wanted to see: Thma Bay Kaek, Prasat Bei, and Baksei Chamkrong.
We visited them in that order. Thma Bay Kaek is nearest the road about 50 meters southwest of the bridge over the southern moat. All that remains here are the ruins of a square brick tower. It’s probably the remains of one of many temples that were here in the Bakheng area. It was built in the 10th century by Yasovarman I.
About a five minute walk - -if that – due west of Thma Bay Kaek is Prasat Bei (“Three Towers”). Unlike Thma Bay Kaek, these towers are still standing, so obviously, slightly more photogenic. They would probably be best photographed in early morning. The trees block it from the west in late afternoon. It, too, was built by Yasovarman I in the 10th century.
The last of the three temples in this area, Baksei Chamkrong, is the most impressive of the three. It’s from the early and middle 10th century (rededicated in 948) and was built by Harshavarman. This is a pyramid temple at the foot of Phnom Bakheng. The name means “the bird with sheltering wings,” though – like most temples here – this is a modern appellation that the builders wouldn’t have recognized. This tower is a single brick tower on a pyramidal base.
Finally, to finish up the day, Mao dropped me at Phnom Bakheng. It’s about a 20 minute walk up the hill around a winding path. This is considered to be one of the best places to watch sunset over Angkor Wat because of its panoramic view from the peak of the hill. However, everyone knows this, and this is the only place all day that was too crowded for my liking. In addition to its being under restoration to the point of making it a bit of an eyesore (for the time being), it was easily my least favorite place of the entire day. After waiting in line for 20 minutes and barely moving an inch, I decided to call it a day, taking 1-2 pictures (that you see here), and heading back down the hill.
Mao had disappeared into the throngs of people eating at restaurants. Fortunately for me, he spotted me. On the way back to the guesthouse, he stopped and picked up a birthday cake which we shared with the folks who happened to be at the guesthouse. All in all, it was a wonderful birthday. Tomorrow, too, would be just me and would include the lesser-visited sites on the Grand Tour Loop, in addition to 1-2 others.
As always, I hope you enjoy this set. I appreciate you taking time to look. If you have any questions, please feel free to send me a message or leave it via comment.
For BARBARA FRITCHIE CLASSIC videos and more photos see: www.frederick.com/barbara-fritchie-classic
photos by Frederick.com
Some of Leicester’s favourite ex-players will team up on Friday (12th) to help launch two exciting new football facilities in the city. Steve Walsh, Muzzy Izzet and Alan ‘The Birch’ Birchenall will join youngsters at the playing fields at Mary Linwood and New College for the official openings of the two schemes.
Existing facilities at New College have been transformed and a brand new scheme has been created at Mary Linwood as part of the city’s £11.2 million football investment strategy – a multi-agency project launched last year to boost grassroots football in Leicester and encourage more people to take regular exercise. The project includes a £5 million grant from the Football Foundation – the body funded by the Premier League, The FA, the Government and Sport England.
Cllr Rob Wann, cabinet lead for culture & leisure, is delighted with the project’s progress: “This investment in our sporting infrastructure was urgently needed to upgrade Leicester’s facilities and get more people of all ages and abilities playing football.These schemes will make a big difference to the way that football is played in the city, helping to bridge the gap between the grassroots and professional games. But thanks to our funding partners, and the hard work of local clubs, this project will do much more than improve conditions for young footballers – it will also have a huge impact on the wider population’s health.”
At Mary Linwood, six grass pitches, changing rooms, two referees’ rooms, a club room, reception area and a kitchen have been provided as part of the £1.35 million scheme, together with car parking and floodlighting. And a new all-weather surface has improved the multi-use games pitch at the Samworth Enterprise Academy next door.
Joining the guests for the launch will be John Heath, who set up Aylestone Park Football Club – the partner club at Mary Linwood – back in 1968.
Current club chairman, Bob Stretton, said: “Without John’s vision, Aylestone Park Football Club wouldn’t be where it is today.He’s put his heart and soul into the club and the community over the years, so we’re honoured that he will be joining us for the official opening of our new home.”
Allexton & New Parks FC – the partner club at New College – is also enthusiastic about its new facilities: “After 15 years in New Parks, we’ve finally got a permanent base with facilities and the room we need to expand,” said club chairman Maurice Allen. “Our founders had a dream and this development is the first part of that dream to come true. We ended last season with just 12 teams but we’ve already expanded to 18 in anticipation of the new facilities. This means we’ll be able to get more people playing football in New Parks – and that’s more people of all ages, from five years old to 60.”
Facilities at New College playing fields have been transformed, thanks to the £1.6 million scheme, with a full-size floodlit all-weather pitch, a floodlit grass pitch, six changing rooms, two referees’ rooms, a club room, a reception area and a kitchen.
But the Mary Linwood and New College schemes are just two of the 11 sites that will be upgraded as part of the strategy. Two grass sites – at Beaumont Park and Rushey Fields – and four inner-city ball courts have already been completed.
Funding for the £11.2 million football investment strategy includes the biggest single grant ever made by the Football Foundation – £5 million.
Paul Thorogood, chief executive of the Football Foundation, said: “I am delighted that these two state-of-the-art sports facilities are now ready to open their doors to the people of Leicester. Since being launched in 2000 the Foundation has funded 180 projects worth £25 million across Leicestershire alone thanks to money provided by the Premier League, The FA and the Government.”
Further contributions have been made by Leicester City Council, Sport England, local partner clubs, the UEFA Jubilee Fund and NHS Leicester City.
Deb Watson, director of public health and health improvement at NHS Leicester City and Leicester City Council, said: “Regular exercise is a vital part of a healthy lifestyle and fits with our ambitions to encourage more men, women and children to take part in some form of physical activity. Football is a great, fun way to achieve this and, combined with healthy eating, will help to maintain a healthy weight.”
The successful implementation of Leicester’s football strategy aims to create more than 280 new teams and around 3,000 new regular players, while providing coaching for more than 5,000 youngsters.
Championship three-peat for Crusaders.Richey, Dufficy spark potent offense against Tigers.D3 BOYS' BASKETBALL FINAL: WHITINSVILLE CHRISTIAN 72, LITTLETON 60.By Tom Flanagan CORRESPONDENT..FITCHBURG— All season, Whitinsville Christian star Colin Richey has been using his words to convey his belief that the Crusaders were more than a one-man team. .Yesterday, the junior guard used something else to prove his point — the basketball. ..While Richey had his share of acrobatic moves and fancy finishes, his sharing of the ball to get teammates involved helped propel Whitinsville Christian to a 72-60 win over Littleton in the Central Mass. Division 3 championship game at Fitchburg State University. ..The Crusaders, the defending state champions and winners of three straight Central Mass. titles, will meet St. Joseph's of Pittsfield (19-5) at 4:15 p.m. Tuesday in a state semifinal at the MassMutual Center in Springfield. ..Littleton, the tournament's No. 5 seed, finished 18-7. ..Richey, who finished with 20 points, consistently commanded the attention of two or three Tigers, which opened plenty of space for Tim Dufficy and Jesse Dykstra. ..Dufficy did most of his damage on the perimeter — getting very comfortable in the left corner, from where he canned three 3-pointers in the first half on his way to a game-high 26 points. ..“Tim was wide open at times,” said Richey, who wasn't at full strength because of an ankle injury. “Having guys like him out there if a team collapses on the dribble is great. You just can't leave him open. He made (Littleton) pay when they did.” ..Dufficy didn't exactly step off the bus brimming with confidence, but shook the jitters when he buried a trey on the Crusaders' first possession. ..“I didn't have a great shooting night at all in our last game (against Keefe Tech), but, luckily, my teammates had the confidence in me to get me the ball when I was open,” he said. “Playing with Colin, I know I'll probably get some open shots, and I was able to hit a lot of them.” ..With Richey using his ballhandling skills — particularly an effective crossover dribble that appeared impossible to defend — and Dufficy feeling it from the outside, it became a case of “pick your poison” for Littleton. ..Dykstra, a forward, had a solid inside game, netting 13 points. ..“We have a lot of kids who can play, and every night someone else steps up,” said Whitinsville Christian coach Jeff Bajema, whose team is 17-5. “(Last night) it was Tim, and Tuesday, it will be somebody else. That's how we win.” ..The Crusaders took a 19-13 lead after the first quarter on the strength of a 10-1 run, and poured it on in a dominating second quarter to build a 45-23 lead. ..While the Whitinsville Christian faithful may have spent halftime googling for information on St. Joe's, Richey knew the game was far from decided. ..“This is the fourth Central Mass. final I've been in as a player, and I knew (Littleton) was going to make a run — good teams always do.” Richey said. “They're a good team, and (Tiger junior) Chris Murray is one of the best players in the area.” ..Murray backed up the high praise and helped prove Richey prophetic, as Littleton's 1,000-point scorer shook off a slow first half and erupted for 15 points after intermission. ..Murray, who finished with a team-high 17, converted a three-point play with 6:55 left to cut the Crusaders' lead to 55-41. ..An offensive rebound and bucket from Alvin Muhwezi (10 points) and a strong drive and finish from Murray sliced the lead to 55-45 with 5:02 left, prompting Bajema to take a timeout. ..The Tigers got nine points from junior captain Ryan Sullivan, playing his first game since undergoing shoulder surgery...from www.telegram.com/article/20120311/NEWS/103119896/1152/hom...
Shot at ISO 2500, Aperture of 2.8, Shutter speed of 1/500 and Focal Length of 85.0 mm
Taken with a Minolta/Sony AF 70-200mm F2.8 G lens and processed by Aperture 3.2.2 on Saturday March-10-2012 16:49 EST PM
Ford truck purchased in April 1934 for use in Bureau of Entomology and Plant Quarantine, Forest Insect Investigations work. Mt. Hood, Oregon.
Note: The Bureau of Entomology and the Bureau of Plant Quarantine were consolidated with the disease control and eradication functions of the Bureau of Plant Industry to become the Bureau of Entomology and Plant Quarantine in March 1934; effective July 1, 1934.
Photo by: Beal
Date: June 1934
Credit: USDA Forest Service, Pacific Northwest Region, State and Private Forestry, Forest Health Protection.
Collection: Bureau of Entomology and Plant Quarantine's Portland Station Collection; La Grande, Oregon.
Image: PS-151
For related historical forest entomology photos, stories, and resources see the Western Forest Insect Work Conference site: wfiwc.org/content/history-and-resources
For related historical program documentation see:
archive.org/details/AerialForestInsectAndDiseaseDetection...
Johnson, J. 2016. Aerial forest insect and disease detection surveys in Oregon and Washington 1947-2016: The survey. Gen. Tech. Rep. R6-FHP-GTR-0302. Portland, OR: USDA Forest Service, Pacific Northwest Region, State and Private Forestry, Forest Health Protection. 280 p.
Image provided by USDA Forest Service, Pacific Northwest Region, State and Private Forestry, Forest Health Protection: www.fs.usda.gov/main/r6/forest-grasslandhealth
Tana Toraja Regency (Indonesian for Torajaland or Land of the Toraja, abbreviated Tator) is a regency (kabupaten) of South Sulawesi Province of Indonesia, and home to the Toraja ethnic group. The local government seat is in Makale, while the center of Toraja culture is in Rantepao. But now, Tana Toraja has been divided to two regencies that consist of Tana Toraja with its capital at Makale and North toraja with its capital at Rantepao.
The Tana Toraja boundary was determined by the Dutch East Indies government in 1909. In 1926, Tana Toraja was under the administration of Bugis state, Luwu. The regentschap (or regency) status was given on 8 October 1946, the last regency given by the Dutch. Since 1984, Tana Toraja has been named as the second tourist destination after Bali by the Ministry of Tourism, Indonesia. Since then, hundreds of thousands of foreign visitors have visited this regency. In addition, numerous Western anthropologists have come to Tana Toraja to study the indigenous culture and people of Toraja.
GEOGRAPHY
Tana Toraja is centrally placed in the island of Sulawesi, 300 km north of Makassar, the provincial capital of South Sulawesi. It lies between latitude of 2°-3° South and longitude 119°-120° East (center: 3°S 120°ECoordinates: 3°S 120°E). The total area (since the separation of the new regency of North Toraja) is 2,054.30 km², about 4.4% of the total area of South Sulawesi province. The topography of Tana Toraja is mountainous; its minimum elevation is 150 m, while the maximum is 3,083 above the sea level.
ADMINISTRATION
Tana Toraja Regency in 2010 comprised nineteen administrative Districts (Kecamatan), tabulated below with their 2010 Census population.
The Torajans are an ethnic group indigenous to a mountainous region of South Sulawesi, Indonesia. Their population is approximately 1,100,000, of whom 450,000 live in the regency of Tana Toraja ("Land of Toraja").[1] Most of the population is Christian, and others are Muslim or have local animist beliefs known as aluk ("the way"). The Indonesian government has recognised this animistic belief as Aluk To Dolo ("Way of the Ancestors").
The word Toraja comes from the Buginese language term to riaja, meaning "people of the uplands". The Dutch colonial government named the people Toraja in 1909. Torajans are renowned for their elaborate funeral rites, burial sites carved into rocky cliffs, massive peaked-roof traditional houses known as tongkonan, and colourful wood carvings. Toraja funeral rites are important social events, usually attended by hundreds of people and lasting for several days.
Before the 20th century, Torajans lived in autonomous villages, where they practised animism and were relatively untouched by the outside world. In the early 1900s, Dutch missionaries first worked to convert Torajan highlanders to Christianity. When the Tana Toraja regency was further opened to the outside world in the 1970s, it became an icon of tourism in Indonesia: it was exploited by tourism development and studied by anthropologists. By the 1990s, when tourism peaked, Toraja society had changed significantly, from an agrarian model—in which social life and customs were outgrowths of the Aluk To Dolo—to a largely Christian society. Today, tourism and remittances from migrant Torajans have made for major changes in the Toraja highland, giving the Toraja a celebrity status within Indonesia and enhancing Toraja ethnic group pride.
ETHNIC IDENTITY
The Torajan people had little notion of themselves as a distinct ethnic group before the 20th century. Before Dutch colonisation and Christianisation, Torajans, who lived in highland areas, identified with their villages and did not share a broad sense of identity. Although complexes of rituals created linkages between highland villages, there were variations in dialects, differences in social hierarchies, and an array of ritual practices in the Sulawesi highland region. "Toraja" (from the coastal languages' to, meaning people; and riaja, uplands) was first used as a lowlander expression for highlanders. As a result, "Toraja" initially had more currency with outsiders—such as the Bugis and Makassarese, who constitute a majority of the lowland of Sulawesi—than with insiders. The Dutch missionaries' presence in the highlands gave rise to the Toraja ethnic consciousness in the Sa'dan Toraja region, and this shared identity grew with the rise of tourism in the Tana Toraja Regency. Since then, South Sulawesi has four main ethnic groups—the Bugis (the majority, including shipbuilders and seafarers), the Makassarese (lowland traders and seafarers), the Mandarese (traders and fishermen), and the Toraja (highland rice cultivators).
HISTORY
From the 17th century, the Dutch established trade and political control on Sulawesi through the Dutch East Indies Company. Over two centuries, they ignored the mountainous area in the central Sulawesi, where Torajans lived, because access was difficult and it had little productive agricultural land. In the late 19th century, the Dutch became increasingly concerned about the spread of Islam in the south of Sulawesi, especially among the Makassarese and Bugis peoples. The Dutch saw the animist highlanders as potential Christians. In the 1920s, the Reformed Missionary Alliance of the Dutch Reformed Church began missionary work aided by the Dutch colonial government. In addition to introducing Christianity, the Dutch abolished slavery and imposed local taxes. A line was drawn around the Sa'dan area and called Tana Toraja ("the land of Toraja"). Tana Toraja was first a subdivision of the Luwu kingdom that had claimed the area. In 1946, the Dutch granted Tana Toraja a regentschap, and it was recognised in 1957 as one of the regencies of Indonesia.
Early Dutch missionaries faced strong opposition among Torajans, especially among the elite, because the abolition of their profitable slave trade had angered them. Some Torajans were forcibly relocated to the lowlands by the Dutch, where they could be more easily controlled. Taxes were kept high, undermining the wealth of the elites. Ultimately, the Dutch influence did not subdue Torajan culture, and only a few Torajans were converted. In 1950, only 10% of the population had converted to Christianity.
In the 1930s, Muslim lowlanders attacked the Torajans, resulting in widespread Christian conversion among those who sought to align themselves with the Dutch for political protection and to form a movement against the Bugis and Makassarese Muslims. Between 1951 and 1965 (following Indonesian independence), southern Sulawesi faced a turbulent period as the Darul Islam separatist movement fought for an Islamic state in Sulawesi. The 15 years of guerrilla warfare led to massive conversions to Christianity.
Alignment with the Indonesian government, however, did not guarantee safety for the Torajans. In 1965, a presidential decree required every Indonesian citizen to belong to one of five officially recognised religions: Islam, Christianity (Protestantism and Catholicism), Hinduism, or Buddhism. The Torajan religious belief (aluk) was not legally recognised, and the Torajans raised their voices against the law. To make aluk accord with the law, it had to be accepted as part of one of the official religions. In 1969, Aluk To Dolo ("the way of ancestors") was legalised as a sect of Agama Hindu Dharma, the official name of Hinduism in Indonesia.
SOCIETY
There are three main types of affiliation in Toraja society: family, class and religion.
FAMILY AFFILIATION
Family is the primary social and political grouping in Torajan society. Each village is one extended family, the seat of which is the tongkonan, a traditional Torajan house. Each tongkonan has a name, which becomes the name of the village. The familial dons maintain village unity. Marriage between distant cousins (fourth cousins and beyond) is a common practice that strengthens kinship. Toraja society prohibits marriage between close cousins (up to and including the third cousin)—except for nobles, to prevent the dispersal of property. Kinship is actively reciprocal, meaning that the extended family helps each other farm, share buffalo rituals, and pay off debts.
Each person belongs to both the mother's and the father's families, the only bilateral family line in Indonesia. Children, therefore, inherit household affiliation from both mother and father, including land and even family debts. Children's names are given on the basis of kinship, and are usually chosen after dead relatives. Names of aunts, uncles and cousins are commonly referred to in the names of mothers, fathers and siblings.
Before the start of the formal administration of Toraja villages by the Tana Toraja Regency, each Toraja village was autonomous. In a more complex situation, in which one Toraja family could not handle their problems alone, several villages formed a group; sometimes, villages would unite against other villages. Relationship between families was expressed through blood, marriage, and shared ancestral houses (tongkonan), practically signed by the exchange of water buffalo and pigs on ritual occasions. Such exchanges not only built political and cultural ties between families but defined each person's place in a social hierarchy: who poured palm wine, who wrapped a corpse and prepared offerings, where each person could or could not sit, what dishes should be used or avoided, and even what piece of meat constituted one's share.
CLASS AFFILIATION
In early Toraja society, family relationships were tied closely to social class. There were three strata: nobles, commoners, and slaves (slavery was abolished in 1909 by the Dutch East Indies government). Class was inherited through the mother. It was taboo, therefore, to marry "down" with a woman of lower class. On the other hand, marrying a woman of higher class could improve the status of the next generation. The nobility's condescending attitude toward the commoners is still maintained today for reasons of family prestige.
Nobles, who were believed to be direct descendants of the descended person from heaven, lived in tongkonans, while commoners lived in less lavish houses (bamboo shacks called banua). Slaves lived in small huts, which had to be built around their owner's tongkonan. Commoners might marry anyone, but nobles preferred to marry in-family to maintain their status. Sometimes nobles married Bugis or Makassarese nobles. Commoners and slaves were prohibited from having death feasts. Despite close kinship and status inheritance, there was some social mobility, as marriage or change in wealth could affect an individuals status. Wealth was counted by the ownership of water buffaloes.
Slaves in Toraja society were family property. Sometimes Torajans decided to become slaves when they incurred a debt, pledging to work as payment. Slaves could be taken during wars, and slave trading was common. Slaves could buy their freedom, but their children still inherited slave status. Slaves were prohibited from wearing bronze or gold, carving their houses, eating from the same dishes as their owners, or having sex with free women—a crime punishable by death.
RELIGIOUS AFFILATION
Toraja's indigenous belief system is polytheistic animism, called aluk, or "the way" (sometimes translated as "the law"). In the Toraja myth, the ancestors of Torajan people came down from heaven using stairs, which were then used by the Torajans as a communication medium with Puang Matua, the Creator. The cosmos, according to aluk, is divided into the upper world (heaven), the world of man (earth), and the underworld. At first, heaven and earth were married, then there was a darkness, a separation, and finally the light. Animals live in the underworld, which is represented by rectangular space enclosed by pillars, the earth is for mankind, and the heaven world is located above, covered with a saddle-shaped roof. Other Toraja gods include Pong Banggai di Rante (god of Earth), Indo' Ongon-Ongon (a goddess who can cause earthquakes), Pong Lalondong (god of death), and Indo' Belo Tumbang (goddess of medicine); there are many more.
The earthly authority, whose words and actions should be cleaved to both in life (agriculture) and death (funerals), is called to minaa (an aluk priest). Aluk is not just a belief system; it is a combination of law, religion, and habit. Aluk governs social life, agricultural practices, and ancestral rituals. The details of aluk may vary from one village to another. One common law is the requirement that death and life rituals be separated. Torajans believe that performing death rituals might ruin their corpses if combined with life rituals. The two rituals are equally important. During the time of the Dutch missionaries, Christian Torajans were prohibited from attending or performing life rituals, but were allowed to perform death rituals. Consequently, Toraja's death rituals are still practised today, while life rituals have diminished.
CULTURE
TONGKONAN
Tongkonan are the traditional Torajan ancestral houses. They stand high on wooden piles, topped with a layered split-bamboo roof shaped in a sweeping curved arc, and they are incised with red, black, and yellow detailed wood carvings on the exterior walls. The word "tongkonan" comes from the Torajan tongkon ("to sit").
Tongkonan are the center of Torajan social life. The rituals associated with the tongkonan are important expressions of Torajan spiritual life, and therefore all family members are impelled to participate, because symbolically the tongkonan represents links to their ancestors and to living and future kin. According to Torajan myth, the first tongkonan was built in heaven on four poles, with a roof made of Indian cloth. When the first Torajan ancestor descended to earth, he imitated the house and held a large ceremony.
The construction of a tongkonan is laborious work and is usually done with the help of the extended family. There are three types of tongkonan. The tongkonan layuk is the house of the highest authority, used as the "center of government". The tongkonan pekamberan belongs to the family members who have some authority in local traditions. Ordinary family members reside in the tongkonan batu. The exclusivity to the nobility of the tongkonan is diminishing as many Torajan commoners find lucrative employment in other parts of Indonesia. As they send back money to their families, they enable the construction of larger tongkonan.
Architecture in the style of a tongkonan is still very common. Various administration buildings were built in this style in recent years, e.g. the Kecamatan building in Rantepao.
WOOD CARVINGS
To express social and religious concepts, Torajans carve wood, calling it Pa'ssura (or "the writing"). Wood carvings are therefore Toraja's cultural manifestation.
Each carving receives a special name, and common motifs are animals and plants that symbolise some virtue. For example, water plants and animals, such as crabs, tadpoles and water weeds, are commonly found to symbolise fertility. In some areas noble elders claim these symbols refer to strength of noble family, but not everyone agrees. The overall meaning of groups of carved motifs on houses remains debated and tourism has further complicated these debates because some feel a uniform explanation must be presented to tourists. Torajan wood carvings are composed of numerous square panels, each of which can represent various things, for example buffaloes as a wish of wealth for the family; a knot and a box, symbolizing the hope that all of the family's offspring will be happy and live in harmony; aquatic animals, indicating the need for fast and hard work, just like moving on the surface of water.
Regularity and order are common features in Toraja wood carving (see table below), as well as abstracts and geometrical designs. Nature is frequently used as the basis of Toraja's ornaments, because nature is full of abstractions and geometries with regularities and ordering. Toraja's ornaments have been studied in ethnomathematics to reveal their mathematical structure, but Torajans base this art only on approximations. To create an ornament, bamboo sticks are used as a geometrical tool.
FUNERAL RITES
In Toraja society, the funeral ritual is the most elaborate and expensive event. The richer and more powerful the individual, the more expensive is the funeral. In the aluk religion, only nobles have the right to have an extensive death feast. The death feast of a nobleman is usually attended by thousands and lasts for several days. A ceremonial site, called rante, is usually prepared in a large, grassy field where shelters for audiences, rice barns, and other ceremonial funeral structures are specially made by the deceased's family. Flute music, funeral chants, songs and poems, and crying and wailing are traditional Toraja expressions of grief with the exceptions of funerals for young children, and poor, low-status adults.
The ceremony is often held weeks, months, or years after the death so that the deceased's family can raise the significant funds needed to cover funeral expenses. Torajans traditionally believe that death is not a sudden, abrupt event, but a gradual process toward Puya (the land of souls, or afterlife). During the waiting period, the body of the deceased is wrapped in several layers of cloth and kept under the tongkonan. The soul of the deceased is thought to linger around the village until the funeral ceremony is completed, after which it begins its journey to Puya.
Another component of the ritual is the slaughter of water buffalo. The more powerful the person who died, the more buffalo are slaughtered at the death feast. Buffalo carcasses, including their heads, are usually lined up on a field waiting for their owner, who is in the "sleeping stage". Torajans believe that the deceased will need the buffalo to make the journey and that they will be quicker to arrive at Puya if they have many buffalo. Slaughtering tens of water buffalo and hundreds of pigs using a machete is the climax of the elaborate death feast, with dancing and music and young boys who catch spurting blood in long bamboo tubes. Some of the slaughtered animals are given by guests as "gifts", which are carefully noted because they will be considered debts of the deceased's family. However, a cockfight, known as bulangan londong, is an integral part of the ceremony. As with the sacrifice of the buffalo and the pigs, the cockfight is considered sacred because it involves the spilling of blood on the earth. In particular, the tradition requires the sacrifice of at least three chickens. However, it is common for at least 25 pairs of chickens to be set against each other in the context of the ceremony.
There are three methods of burial: the coffin may be laid in a cave or in a carved stone grave, or hung on a cliff. It contains any possessions that the deceased will need in the afterlife. The wealthy are often buried in a stone grave carved out of a rocky cliff. The grave is usually expensive and takes a few months to complete. In some areas, a stone cave may be found that is large enough to accommodate a whole family. A wood-carved effigy, called Tau tau, is usually placed in the cave looking out over the land. The coffin of a baby or child may be hung from ropes on a cliff face or from a tree. This hanging grave usually lasts for years, until the ropes rot and the coffin falls to the ground.
In the ritual called Ma'Nene, that takes place each year in August, the bodies of the deceased are exhumed to be washed, groomed and dressed in new clothes. The mummies are then walked around the village.
DANNCE AND MUSIC
Torajans perform dances on several occasions, most often during their elaborate funeral ceremonies. They dance to express their grief, and to honour and even cheer the deceased person because he is going to have a long journey in the afterlife. First, a group of men form a circle and sing a monotonous chant throughout the night to honour the deceased (a ritual called Ma'badong). This is considered by many Torajans to be the most important component of the funeral ceremony. On the second funeral day, the Ma'randing warrior dance is performed to praise the courage of the deceased during life. Several men perform the dance with a sword, a large shield made from buffalo skin, a helmet with a buffalo horn, and other ornamentation. The Ma'randing dance precedes a procession in which the deceased is carried from a rice barn to the rante, the site of the funeral ceremony. During the funeral, elder women perform the Ma'katia dance while singing a poetic song and wearing a long feathered costume. The Ma'akatia dance is performed to remind the audience of the generosity and loyalty of the deceased person. After the bloody ceremony of buffalo and pig slaughter, a group of boys and girls clap their hands while performing a cheerful dance called Ma'dondan.
As in other agricultural societies, Torajans dance and sing during harvest time. The Ma'bugi dance celebrates the thanksgiving event, and the Ma'gandangi dance is performed while Torajans are pounding rice. There are several war dances, such as the Manimbong dance performed by men, followed by the Ma'dandan dance performed by women. The aluk religion governs when and how Torajans dance. A dance called Ma'bua can be performed only once every 12 years. Ma'bua is a major Toraja ceremony in which priests wear a buffalo head and dance around a sacred tree.
A traditional musical instrument of the Toraja is a bamboo flute called a Pa'suling (suling is an Indonesian word for flute). This six-holed flute (not unique to the Toraja) is played at many dances, such as the thanksgiving dance Ma'bondensan, where the flute accompanies a group of shirtless, dancing men with long fingernails. The Toraja have indigenous musical instruments, such as the Pa'pelle (made from palm leaves) and the Pa'karombi (the Torajan version of a jaw harp). The Pa'pelle is played during harvest time and at house inauguration ceremonies.
COGENDER VIEWS
Among the Saʼadan (eastern Toraja) in the island of Sulawesi (Celebes), Indonesia, there are homosexual male toburake tambolang shamans; although among their neighbors the Mamasa (western Toraja) there are instead only heterosexual female toburake shamanesses.
LANGUAGE
The ethnic Toraja language is dominant in Tana Toraja with the main language as the Sa'dan Toraja. Although the national Indonesian language is the official language and is spoken in the community, all elementary schools in Tana Toraja teach Toraja language.
Language varieties of Toraja, including Kalumpang, Mamasa, Tae, Talondo, Toala, and Toraja-Sa'dan, belong to the Malayo-Polynesian language from the Austronesian family. At the outset, the isolated geographical nature of Tana Toraja formed many dialects between the Toraja languages themselves. After the formal administration of Tana Toraja, some Toraja dialects have been influenced by other languages through the transmigration program, introduced since the colonialism period, and it has been a major factor in the linguistic variety of Toraja languages.
A prominent attribute of Toraja language is the notion of grief. The importance of death ceremony in Toraja culture has characterised their languages to express intricate degrees of grief and mourning. The Toraja language contains many terms referring to sadness, longing, depression, and mental pain. Giving a clear expression of the psychological and physical effect of loss is a catharsis and sometimes lessens the pain of grief itself.
ECONOMY
Prior to Suharto's "New Order" administration, the Torajan economy was based on agriculture, with cultivated wet rice in terraced fields on mountain slopes, and supplemental cassava and maize crops. Much time and energy were devoted to raising water buffalo, pigs, and chickens, primarily for ceremonial sacrifices and consumption. Coffee was the first significant cash crop produced in Toraja, and was introduced in the mid 19th century, changing the local economy towards commodity production for external markets and gaining an excellent reputation for quality in the international market.
With the commencement of the New Order in 1965, Indonesia's economy developed and opened to foreign investment. In Toraja, a coffee plantation and factory was established by Key Coffee of Japan, and Torajan coffee regained a reputation for quality within the growing international specialty coffee sector Multinational oil and mining companies opened new operations in Indonesia during the 1970s and 1980s. Torajans, particularly younger ones, relocated to work for the foreign companies—to Kalimantan for timber and oil, to Papua for mining, to the cities of Sulawesi and Java, and many went to Malaysia. The out-migration of Torajans was steady until 1985. and has continued since, with remittances sent back by emigre Torajans performing an important role within the contemporary economy.
Tourism commenced in Toraja in the 1970s, and accelerated in the 1980s and 1990s. Between 1984 and 1997, a significant number of Torajans obtained their incomes from tourism, working in and owning hotels, as tour guides, drivers, or selling souvenirs. With the rise of political and economic instability in Indonesia in the late 1990s—including religious conflicts elsewhere on Sulawesi—tourism in Tana Toraja has declined dramatically. Toraja continues to be a well known origin for Indonesian coffee, grown by both smallholders and plantation estates, although migration, remittances and off-farm income is considered far more important to most households, even those in rural areas.
TOURISM AND CULTURAL CHANGE
Before the 1970s, Toraja was almost unknown to Western tourism. In 1971, about 50 Europeans visited Tana Toraja. In 1972, at least 400 visitors attended the funeral ritual of Puang of Sangalla, the highest-ranking nobleman in Tana Toraja and the so-called "last pure-blooded Toraja noble." The event was documented by National Geographic and broadcast in several European countries. In 1976, about 12,000 tourists visited the regency and in 1981, Torajan sculpture was exhibited in major North American museums. "The land of the heavenly kings of Tana Toraja", as written in the exhibition brochure, embraced the outside world.
In 1984, the Indonesian Ministry of Tourism declared Tana Toraja Regency the prima donna of South Sulawesi. Tana Toraja was heralded as "the second stop after Bali". Tourism was increasing dramatically: by 1985, a total number of 150,000 foreigners had visited the Regency (in addition to 80,000 domestic tourists), and the annual number of foreign visitors was recorded at 40,000 in 1989. Souvenir stands appeared in Rantepao, the cultural center of Toraja, roads were sealed at the most-visited tourist sites, new hotels and tourist-oriented restaurants were opened, and an airstrip was opened in the Regency in 1981.
Tourism developers have marketed Tana Toraja as an exotic adventure—an area rich in culture and off the beaten track. Western tourists expected to see stone-age villages and pagan funerals. Toraja is for tourists who have gone as far as Bali and are willing to see more of the wild, "untouched" islands. However, they were more likely to see a Torajan wearing a hat and denim, living in a Christian society. Tourists felt that the tongkonan and other Torajan rituals had been preconceived to make profits, and complained that the destination was too commercialised. This has resulted in several clashes between Torajans and tourism developers, whom Torajans see as outsiders.
A clash between local Torajan leaders and the South Sulawesi provincial government (as a tourist developer) broke out in 1985. The government designated 18 Toraja villages and burial sites as traditional tourist attractions. Consequently, zoning restrictions were applied to these areas, such that Torajans themselves were barred from changing their tongkonans and burial sites. The plan was opposed by some Torajan leaders, as they felt that their rituals and traditions were being determined by outsiders. As a result, in 1987, the Torajan village of Kété Kesú and several other designated tourist attractions closed their doors to tourists. This closure lasted only a few days, as the villagers found it too difficult to survive without the income from selling souvenirs.
Tourism has also transformed Toraja society. Originally, there was a ritual which allowed commoners to marry nobles (puang) and thereby gain nobility for their children. However, the image of Torajan society created for the tourists, often by "lower-ranking" guides, has eroded its traditional strict hierarchy. High status is not as esteemed in Tana Toraja as it once was. Many low-ranking men can declare themselves and their children nobles by gaining enough wealth through work outside the region and then marrying a noble woman.
WIKIPEDIA
and the final prize is for the orange elephant in the room. The Colossal Fossil.
Make America Colossal
The time has come to both award the Colossal Fossil and to finally call out those who deserve it the most!
While we have had some strong contenders (shout out to the Australian bullies), there seems to be only one clear choice. Only one who has been the absolute, hands-down, uncontested worst – the US administration.
Not really that much of a surprise, is it?
I am sure you all remember it well. When Donald Trump announced on June 1st that he intended to pull the US out of the Paris Agreement, he isolated himself on the global stage, turning his back on the rest of the world. Now that Syria has ratified, the Trump administration is completely, 100% alone in its rejection of this vital global agreement.
Super sad!
Let’s just remember that the US is still in the Paris Agreement for at least a few more years. But there is no doubt about the administration’s position on climate action. They’re attacking domestic climate policies such as the Clean Power Plan and fuel efficiency standards.
They’re propping up dirty energy by proposing a bailout for coal. They’re attempting to censor science, deleting any mention of climate change from documents and websites and issuing gag orders to government scientists. Last but not least, they sent fossil fuel cronies to represent the U.S. at COP. In other words, they are acting in direct opposition to the spirit of the Paris Agreement.
The Trump team tried to bring their backwards agenda to Bonn. The US administration’s only official side event was to promote fossil fuels. But the world was there to send them a message: You can’t sell coal at a conference to stop climate change!
Prompted by a journalist’s question, two of the four panelists explicitly said they disagree with Trump’s effort to pull out of the Paris Agreement. When even your fossil-fuel-funded panelists don’t agree with your decision, you know you’re on the wrong side of history. (As if there was any doubt before.)
But there is a ray of light. US mayors, governors, business leaders, university presidents, and committed individuals from all fifty states and every walk of life are standing by the Paris Agreement and with the world against the climate crisis. More than 100 of them came to Bonn and camped out in the funny looking igloos outside the Bula Zone to showcase their commitments, and many others mobilized for a Day of Action across the US to send the message that they are still in, too. They all give us hope.
Trump may have abandoned the world, but the rest of us haven’t. As young people from across the globe sang when they disrupted the US fossil fuels event on Monday: “We the people of the world unite, and we are here to stay.”
Unfortunately, this ray of hope does not replace the need for action from the U.S. federal government. All their bad behavior at home and here at COP should be widely and loudly condemned, they are truly deserving of the Colossal Fossil – the undisputed best of the worst.
Watch the Facebook Video
Nandi (Sanskrit: नन्दी, Tamil: நந்தி, Telugu: న౦ది) is the name for the bull which serves as the mount (Sanskrit: Vahana) of the god Shiva and as the gatekeeper of Shiva and Parvati. In Hindu Religion, he is the chief guru of eighteen masters (18 siddhas) including Patanjali and Thirumular. Temples venerating Shiva display stone images of a seated Nandi, generally facing the main shrine. There are also a number of temples dedicated solely to Nandi.
The application of the name Nandi to the bull (Sanskrit: vṛṣabha) is in fact a development of recent centuries, as Gouriswar Bhattacharya has documented in an illustrated article entitled "Nandin and Vṛṣabha". The name Nandi was earlier widely used instead for an anthropomorphic deity who was one of Shiva’s two door-keepers, the other being Mahākāla. The doorways of pre-tenth-century North Indian temples are frequently flanked by images of Mahākāla and Nandi, and it is in this role of Shiva’s watchman that Nandi figures in Kālidāsa’s poem the Kumārasambhava.
ETYMOLOGY
The word “Nandi” is believed to be derived from the ancient word “Pandi” meaning bull or its has origins in the Sanskrit language where it means 'of Shiva', 'attendant of Shiva', or happy.
BIRTH OF NANDI
There was a Sage named Shilada who underwent severe penance to have a boon - A child with immortality. Lord Indra pleased of the austerities of Shilada appeared in front of him to offer a boon. After hearing the request of Shilada and his desire to have an immortal child, Lord Indra suggested him to pray to Lord Shiva who could provide the boon; nobody else could provide such a boon. Sage Shilada continued his penance for thousand years. He was totally immovable for many years, so the termites settled on his body and slowly started to build up their nest. Finally, his whole body was covered up by them. The insects started to eat his flesh and imbibed his blood. At last, only bones remained. Lord Shiva appeared in front of him and provided the boon for an immortal child. Moreover, Lord Shiva provided Sage Shilada his old form with a single touch. Sage Shilada performed Yagna and a child appeared from the sacrificial fire. His body was clad in armour made out of diamonds. The celestial dancers and singers performed on this auspicious occasion and the deities showered flowers on the child. The boy was named ’Nandi’ - who brings joy. Shilada brought the child home, immediately the boy lost his divine appearance to an ordinary child. The child completely forgot all about his birth. Sage Shilada was worried about the sudden change. He devoted his time for the bringing up the child, his education etc. By the age of seven the boy was well versed in Veda and all sacred texts. One day the two deities - Mitra and Varuna visited Sage Shilada. At the first sight of the boy, they commented: Though the boy had all auspicious signs, he would have a very short life. The boy would not live after the age of eight. Sage Shilada was mortified at this remark. Nandi could not bear his father's sorrow, he began to pray to Lord Shiva. Lord Shiva appeared before him and blessed him. Lord Shiva adorned the boy with a necklace around his neck which he was wearing, and made him immortal. Lord Shiva blessed the child and declared that he would be worshiped along with Him and become his vahana(vehicle). Immediately the boy got all the divine powers and transformed into half bull-half human. Then he and Shilada went to Lord Shiva 's abode to live.
IN HINDUISM
Bulls appear on the Indus Valley seals, including the 'Pasupati Seal', which depicts a seated figure, and according to some scholars is similar to Shiva. However, most scholars agree that the horned bull on the Indus Valley seals is not identical to Nandi.
The various descriptions on Nandi in the Hindu Religion texts include:
Some Puranas describe Nandi or Nandikeshvara as bull faced with a human body that resembles that of Shiva- in proportion and aspect, although with four hands, two hands holding the Parasu (the axe) and Mruga (the antelope) and the other two hands joined together in the Anjali(obeisance). Brahma Vaivarta Purana mentions Krishna himself to have taken the form of a bull as no one else in the Universe can bear Shiva.
Vehicle of Shiva: The bull Nandi is Shiva's primary vehicle and is the principal gana (follower) of Shiva.
Gate keeper of Shiva's abode: The close association of Shiva and Nandi explains the presence of a statue of Nandi at the gate of many temples dedicated to Shiva. It also explains why the word "nandi" in the Kannada, Telugu and Tamil languages is used as a metaphor for a person blocking the way. In Sanskrit, a bull is called "vrisha", which has another connotation - that of righteousness or Dharma. It is important to seek the blessings of Nandi before proceeding to worship Lord Shiva.
Chief in Shiva's army: Some Puranas mention that Nandi lead the Shiva Ganas, Shiva's attendants.
A Guru of Saivism: In addition to being his mount, Nandi is Shiva's foremost disciple. In the Natha/Siddhar tradition, Nandi is one of the primal gurus. He was the guru to Siddhar Thirumulanathar, Patanjalinathar and others.
From the yogic perspective, Nandi/Nandhi/ Nandikeshvara is the mind dedicated to Lord Siva, the Absolute. In other words, to understand and absorb Light, the 'experience and the wisdom' is Nandi which is the Guru within.
Spiritually, Nandi represents an individual jiva (soul) and the message that the jiva should always be focussed on the Atman (Paramatman).
LEGENDS
According to some puranas, Nandi was born to sage Shilada who got him by the grace of Shiva.
It was Nandi who cursed Ravana (the demon King of Lanka) that his kingdom would be burnt by a monkey (Vanara). And later Hanuman burnt Lanka when he went in search of Sita, who was kept prisoner by Ravana in Ashok Vatika. In one puranic story, it is stated that once Siva and Parvathi were playing a game of dice. For any game there has to be an umpire, who has to declare who is the winner. Siva and Parvathi agreed to have Nandi (the divine bull) as the umpire. Nandi is a favorite of Siva, as he is Siva's vehicle. Although Siva lost the game, Nandi declared him the winner. It is stated that Parvathi was indignant over Nandi's partiality for Siva and cursed him that he should die from an incurable disease. Thereupon Nandi fell at the feet of Parvathi and pleaded for forgiveness. "Mother forgive me. Should I not show at least this amount of gratitude to one who is my master? Is it not humiliating for me to declare that my master has lost the game? To uphold his honor I no doubt uttered a lie. But am I to be punished with such severity for so small an offence?" Nandi prayed for forgiveness in this manner. Parvathi forgave Nandi and taught him the means to atone for his lapse. She told him. "The Chaturdasi day in the month of Bhadrapada is the day when my son's birthday is celebrated. On that day you have to offer to my son what pleases you most (green grass)". This means that one atones for one's sins when one offers to the Lord what is most pleasing and enjoyable to him. For Nandi the most enjoyable and relishing food is green grass. As directed by Parvathi Nandi worshipped Ganapathi by offering green grass. Nandi was then relieved of his dreaded disease. His health improved and by the grace of Parvathi he was redeemed.
When the positive forces, the devas, and the negative forces, the asuras, joined together on a rare occasion to churn the ocean with a mountain to obtain the nectar of immortality they utilized Vasuki, the serpent, as the rope. The devas pulled from one end and the asuras from the other. Lots of precious herbs and gems were produced during the Churning and one of them was a poison (halāhala) which became human karma. This "poison" was so dangerous that none of the devas or asuras wanted to go near it. It was extremely sticky and coming into contact with this poison, i.e., human karma, would drag the divinity down to the realms of human suffering and ego. As everyone else ran away, Lord Siva, followed by Nandi, came forward to help as he was the only one who could counteract this deadly poison. Siva took the poison into his hand and drank it, the descent of the poison was in turn stopped at His throat, by His divine consort. Siva is therefore also known as Nīlakaṇṭha (the blue-throated one) and Viṣakaṇṭha (the poison-throated one). Nandi saw some of the poison spill out of Siva's mouth and immediately drank if off the ground. The devas and asuras watching were shocked and wondered aloud what would happen to Nandi. Lord Siva calmed their fears saying, "Nandi has surrendered into me so completely that he has all my powers and my protection".
LARGEST NANDIS IN INDIA
1. Lepakshi, Andhra Pradesh
2. Brahadishwara Temple, Tamil Nadu
3. Chamundi Hills, Mysore, Karnataka
4. Bull Temple, Bangalore, Karnataka
5. Rameswaram, Tamil Nadu
6. Hoysaleswara Temple, Halebidu, Karnataka
7. Shanthaleswara Temple, Halebidu, Karnataka
8. Vadakkunnathan Temple, Thrissur, Kerala
9. Virupaksha Temple, Hampi, Karnataka
10. Nandi Temple, Western Group of Temples, Khajuraho, Madhya Pradesh
11. Kedareshvara Temple at Balligavi (Karnataka)
12. Doddabasaveshvara temple, Kurugodu Bellary dist
WIKIPEDIA
I photographed Sophie and Matthew in december on their honeymoon in Iceland at Kleifarvatn. Thx to www.pinkiceland.is for planning this photoshoot.
Follow me for more on instagram! instagram.com/45surf ! :)
Nikon D810 with the Nikon MB-D12 Multi Battery Power Pack / Grip for D800 and D810 Digital Cameras allows one to shoot at a high to catch the action FPS! Ballerina Dance Goddess Photos! Pretty, Tall Ballet Swimsuit Bikini Model Ballerina Goddess! Captured with the 50mm F1.4 Art Lens and the Nikon 70-200mm f/2.8G ED VR II AF-S Nikkor Zoom Lens! Ballerina dancer dancing ballet in pointe shoes! Jete! Arabesque!
www.facebook.com/45surfAchillesOdysseyMythology
Ballerina dancing ballet! Pretty ballerina girl with dark brown hair and black eyes!
A pretty goddess straight out of Homer's Iliad & Odyssey!
New Instagram! instagram.com/45surf
New facebook: www.facebook.com/45surfAchillesOdysseyMythology
Pretty, Tall Bikini Swimsuit Model Goddess!
New blog!
Ask me any questions! :)
She was a beauty--a gold 45 goddess for sure! A Gold 45 Goddess exalts the archetypal form of Athena--the Greek Goddess of wisdom, warfare, strategy, heroic endeavour, handicrafts and reason. A Gold 45 Goddess guards the beauty of dx4/dt=ic and embodies 45SURF's motto "Virtus, Honoris, et Actio Pro Veritas, Amor, et Bellus, (Strength, Honor, and Action for Truth, Love, and Beauty," and she stands ready to inspire and guide you along your epic, heroic odyssey into art and mythology. It is Athena who descends to call Telemachus to Adventure in the first book of Homer's Odyssey--to man up, find news of his true father Odysseus, and rid his home of the false suitors, and too, it is Athena who descends in the first book of Homer's Iliad, to calm the Rage of Achilles who is about to draw his sword so as to slay his commander who just seized Achilles' prize, thusly robbing Achilles of his Honor--the higher prize Achilles fought for. And now Athena descends once again, assuming the form of a Gold 45 Goddess, to inspire you along your epic journey of heroic endeavour.
ALL THE BEST on your Epic Hero's Odyssey from Johnny Ranger McCoy!
Been busy traveling and shooting landscapes and working on my books The Golden Hero's Odyssey about the golden rectangle and divine proportion I use in a lot of my compositions! Also working on my physics book on Dynamic Dimensions Theory! The equation d4/dt=ic is on a lot of the 45surf swimsuit and shirts and all! :)
Follow me & 45surf!!
www.facebook.com/45surfAchillesOdysseyMythology/