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Whenever it comes to any project, most of us are aware of the old triangle of expectation of "good, fast, cheap - pick two" and no truer is the sentiment than when looking at designing and building a home. However, when you decide to take on a project with additional philosophies, then it becomes fa ... [Reposted from The Goodrock Park Blog]
The justification for monitoring must be more significant than an employee's expectation of privacy. A call center may install Operation virtual shield for surveillance while monitoring the locker room is not allowed.
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Higashi-Shinsaibashi Namba, OSAKA / 13th Aug. 2005
Ricoh XR-1 + XR Rikenon 50mm/F1.7 + Konica Minolta Centuria Super 200
I should have woken up this morning at the Radisson Blu in Arhus, but due to "reasons", that got cancelled, which meant I was home for Heritage Weekend, which as you can imagine, I was very upset about.
The day was to be a mix of the familiar and new, with revisits to some I had not been to in a decade.
It is hotter than ever, and now added to which is a haze caused by the sand blown up from the Sahara, which makes to look and feel like there are wildfires burning nearby. Anything more than a mile away is lost in a brown haze, and there being no wind to blow it away.
We went to Tesco, obviously, did some gathering and pushing the week and feeble out of the way, then rushed to pay and leave. Getting back home to have breakfast and be all tidied away for just gone nine when we left for a hard day's chuchcrawling.
Avoiding the port is obvious, even if the traffic radar said it was delay free, best not to take a risk in getting caught up in traffic that can last for days.
And traffic was heavy on the road to Folkestone and the motorway, but we soo turned off onto the A20 to Lypmne, turning right to Aldington.
St Martin sits next to a large and busy farm, though its tower does just that, and is visible for miles, and is a waymarker when travelling between Folkestone and Ashford.
The church is rarely open, at least for casual visitors, so this was a chance to redo shots taken eight years ago.
This was the first of 907 shots taken through the day, and most of which you will be seeing in the next few weeks as I edit and post them.
So, after going round and getting dozens of shots, we walk back to the car through the churchyard, all gold and green as the seasons think about changing.
We retrace our steps to the main road, then back east to Lympne, past the animal park and along the narrow main street to the entrance to the castle, where the church sits beside, perched on the edge of the down, overlooking the Romney Marsh.
Don't park her, or here, said the signs, so I left the car in the castle car park, hoping it wouldn't get clamped, then walk to the lychgate and to the church, a huge barn of a place made much bigger when the additional west nave, if that's the right word, was added.
There's a spiral staircase leading to the bellringing platform in the tower, other than that, its a fine, tidy and a church full of interest.
I bid the wardens farewell, as we walk back to the car and then drive the short distance back to the A20, turning west to pass under the motorway that now bisects the village of Sellindge, going past the two new huge housing developments which have sprung up since I was last here, and right on the edge of the village is St Mary.
St Mary is rarely open, I had tried a few weeks back, battling traffic each way to find it locked.
But it was taking part in Ride and Stride, so I had high hoped.
Highlight is the art deco painted screen at the west end partioning the vestry from the Nave. But my last visit I only took 29 shots, I would try to snap more details, especially in the windows.
Back onto the motorway and a quick blast past the Channel Tunnel entrance, turning off and doubling back past Froghalt to Newington, a church I had been to twice in the last month hoping it would be open.
But wasn't.
The warden told me she was just leaving as she had a plasterer coming round to her house.
Bish, bash bosh.
But told me to help myself to juice or coffee, tea of cakes.
I passed.
Not much I had missed on previous visits, but I snapped details of the windows as before.
In and out in under ten minutes.
Back to Dover then, for a quick stop at St Edmund's Chapel, I last visited about a decade ago.
It is the only English Church dedicated to one English saint consecrated by a different English saint.
It is a small stone building, that during the 20th century was a smithy and a tool store before being restored to how we see it today.
Such chapels were once quite common, but St Edmunds is one of the few that remain. Quite a few visitors were there, thanks to the half dozen volunteers outside handing out badges, and the large amount of colourful bunting.
Off then to the area of town called Charlton. Hidden away is a large Victorian parish church, visible really is just the east wall of the Chancel from the main road, but the Ride and Stride webpage did say it would be open, so we went to look.
And it was indeed open, and inside we received a warm welcome.
The church is on a grand scale, seats 700 easily, and has a fine collection of period stained glass which cast the cool interior win a rainbow of colours.
Just along Maison Dieu is another fine looking church, and one designed by a Pugin. St Paul's, sits a little back from the main road, its easily passed and not noticed.
We parked opposite, and waked over to find that the porch was open, and manned by two volunteers, but the church itself was locked. I made do with taking a shot through the glass.
"Would you like to go inside, I have a key".
The magic words.
So, we walked round to a side door, a key was produced and the door swung open.
The church was full of light, mostly purple from the rose window in the west end of the church.
It was explained that the roof is fairly new, from the 80s, after an arson attack.
The windows in the aisles are good, so I photograph them all.
I dropped Jools back home as the day was now so unbearably hot and humid, I stopped for a pint of cold squash and a snack of picnic sized pork pies, and then back out into the furnace to Ripple which again should be open.
I was greeted with a huge swarm of newly emerged Ivy Bees that were feeding on the vegetation of the churchyard, and in doing alarming the two ladies inside the church who feared of being stung. I told them not to worry and their worries were indeed eased.
Not much I had missed before, but again details in the windows and wall carvings were recorded before I stepped back outside and pondered how to avoid the roadworks on the main road into Deal.
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RIPPLE,
WRITTEN in antient records likewise, Ripley, lies the next parish northward from Sutton last-described.
THIS PARISH is very healthy; it is situated on very uneven ground, having frequent hill and dale throughout it. The soil of it is much inclined to chalk, though there is a great deal of fertile land in it. The country is mostly open, and the lands uninclosed; it has no wood in it. The church stands on the side of the village, which has Ripple-court about a quarter of a mile from it, and the parsonage-house nearly as far distant, on the opposite side of it. In this parish is an estate called Winkleton Oaks, late belonging to John Baker, esq. of Deal, but now by purchase to Mr. Stephen Carter, of Walmer. There are about sixteen houses in it, and about nine hundred acres of land. There is no fair.
At a small distance northward from the church is a work of Cæsar's, thrown up in his route from the sea towards his main camp on Barham down. This is a plain small raised area, whose front looks over a pretty deep lynse bank towards the succeeding work, the progress of which has been already more fully related, under the description of Barham Downs.
There is a place in this parish, near the boundary, betwixt it and Walmer, called Dane Pitts, where there is an intrenchment of an oblong square, comprehending about half an acre, with various little eminences on it.
The ground of it is extremely barren, and has never been ploughed. Its name certainly points out its antiquity, otherwise I should be inclined to think it to be the remains of one of those little encampaments, thrown up in queen Elizabeth's time, on the expectation of the Spanish invasion. It is evidently a work of art, and has been made for a fortification of defence.
The principal manor in this parish, which is called THE MANOR OF RIPPLE, alias RIPPLE-COURT, was part of the antient possessions of the abbot and convent of St. Augustine, (fn. 1) and was assigned by Hugh, abbot of it about the year 1110, to the cloathing of the monks of it. In the year 1313, being the 7th year of king Edward II.'s reign, in the iter of H. de Stanton and his sociates, justices itinerant, the abbot, upon a quo warranto, claimed and was allowed in this manor, among others, view of frank-pledge, (fn. 2) and other liberties therein-mentioned, in like manner, as has been already mentioned in the description of the other manors be longing to the priory, in the course of this History. In the 8th year of king Richard II. the measurement of the lands belonging to the monastery in this parish, was, of arable one hundred and eighty-three acres and an half and one rod, and of pasture fifty-two acres and one rood.
In which situation this manor continued till the reign of king Henry VIII. when the abbot and convent, in the 29th year of it, demised it, with the tenths within this parish and Dale, belonging to the office of chamberlain of the monastery, to Henry Foche, who resided at Ripple-court. He was younger brother of John Foche, alias Essex, the last abbot of this monastery, descended of a family who had been settled for some generations in this neighbourhood. From John abovementioned, descended those of this parish, Sutton, and Deal; under each of which places a further account of them may be seen. They bore for their arms, Gules, a fess dancette, between six lozenges, or; which arms were granted by Cooke, clarencieux, in 1576. (fn. 3). After which, this manor, with their other estates in this parish, remained with the monastery till its final dissolution, in the 30th year of that reign. After which the king, in his 34th year, granted this manor, with Greenway's and Palmer's lands, in this parish and Deal, in exchange to archbishop Cranmer, who not long afterwards reconveyed them in exchange back again to the crown, where this manor of Ripple remained, till queen Elizabeth, in her 42d year, granted it to John Hales, esq. of Tenterden, and he afterwards alienated it to John Gokin, gent. the son of Thomas Gokin, gent. of Bekesborne. They bore for their arms, Gules, a chevron ermine, between three cocks, or. He resided at Ripple-court, as did his descendants afterwards, down to Richard Gookin, for so he spelt his name, who about the latter end of king William III.'s reign, passed it away by sale to Sir Abraham Jacob, of Dover, whose son, Herbert Jacob, esq. of St. Stephen's, afterwards succeeded to it. He was bred to the bar, and was in the habit of friendship with the most eminent lawyers of his time; but he soon quitted his prosession, and was very useful to his country as a justice of the peace, and chairman of the quarter sessions. He resided at St. Stephen's upon his estate, which at that time was deemed a sufficient competency. By his will, he left a considerable collection of books to the Society of the Inner Temple, of which he was a bencher. He lies buried in St. Stephen's church, where there is a monument, with an elegant Latin inscription, to his memory, which he penned himself, and inserted in his will. The Jacobs bore for their arms, Per pale and fess, dancette, sable, and or; in the first quarter, a pelican of the second. He died s. p. in 1725, and by will devised this manor, among the rest of his estates, to his nephew John Denew, gent. afterwards of St. Stephen's who bore for his arms, Azure, five chevronels, or. He died in 1750, upon which it came, by the entail of the above will, to his eldest niece Dorothy, sister of the above John Denew, married to the Rev. Julius Deedes, prebendary of Canterbury; and their grandson W. Deedes, esq. of Hythe, is the present owner of it.
There is a court leet and court baron held for this manor, at which one borsholder is chosen for this parish, and another for the parish of Sutton. This manor claims over almost the whole parish; that part belonging to Watling-court only excepted. The demesne lands are exempt from the payment of great tithes.
WALDLING, alias WATLING, is a manor likewise in this parish, which in antient time was held by the family de Sandwich, by knight's service, of the family of Badlesmere; after which it came into the possession of the Leybornes; for William, son of Sir Roger de Leyborne, appears by the escheat rolls to have died possessed of it in the 2d year of king Edward II. leaving Juliana, the daughter of his son Thomas, who died in his life-time, usually stiled from the greatness of her possessions, the Infanta of Kent, his next heir, she carried this manor successively in marriage to her three husbands, the last of whom was William de Clinton, created afterwards earl of Huntingdon. He died in the 28th year of that reign, as did his widow Juliana, in the 41st year of it, s. p. and there being no one found who could make claim to her estates, even by a collateral alliance, this manor, among the rest of them, escheated to the crown, where it remained till king Richard II. granted it to Sir Simon de Burley, knightbanneret, lord-warden, and K. G. but he being attainted in the 10th year of that reign, and afterwards beheaded, this manor became vested in the crown, and the king in his 11th and 22d years settled it on the priory of canons, alias Chiltern Langley, where it remained till the suppression of that house, anno 30 king Henry VIII. when it came into the king's hands, and was the next year granted with the scite of the priory, and other lands and estates belonging to it, to Richard, bishop sussragan of Dover, to hold for his life, or until he should be promoted to some ecclesiastical benefice, of 100l. yearly value, which happened before the 36th year of that reign; for the king that year, granted this manor of Woodling, aliasWatling, among others, late belonging to the priory, to Sir Thomas Moyle, to hold in capite, (fn. 4) and he gave it in marriage, with his youngest daughter and coheir Amy, to Sir Thomas Kempe, of Ollantigh, who in the 9th year of queen Elizabeth, conveyed this manor, lying in the parishes of Ripple, Walmer, Deal, and Mongeham, to Thomas Shirley, of Sussex, whose successor, William Shirley, is said, after several claims and suits of law, to have passed it away to Sir William Crayford, of Great Mongeham.
The manor of Wadling after this continued in Sir William Crayford's descendants down to Wm. Crayford, esq. of Mongeham, who gave it to his wife Ursula, (by whom he left no surviving issue) and she having remarried Nordash Rand, esq. entitled him to the possession of this estate; for I find no further mention of it as a manor; and he afterwards sold it to Mr. Robert Bowler, of Deal, who afterwards resided here, and his daughter Mary carried it in marriage in 1721 to George Lynch, M. D. of Canterbury. He was son of John Lynch, esq. of Grove, and younger brother to John Lynch, D. D. dean of Canterbury, whose descent has been already mentioned under that seat. He died possessed of it in 1765, leaving her surviving, and she possessed this estate till her death in 1776, when her eldest son, Robert Lynch, M.D. of Canterbury, succeeded to it. He died unmarried in 1783, having a few years before his death resided at Ripple, and devised it to his brother the Rev. George Lynch, vicar of Limne, and he, upon this, removed to Ripple, where he died in Nov. 1789, and by his will gave this estate, then called by the name of New farm, to his two surviving sisters; Mary, married to the Rev. John Denne, curate of Maidstone, and Elizabeth, to the Rev. John Herring, rector of Mongeham, in equal shares, and they jointly possessed it till the death of Mrs. Denne, since which the latter, who has been separated from her husband for some years, is become the sole possessor of it; but the reversion by the Rev. George Lynch's will is devised to the heirs of the Rev. Obadiah Bourne, and John Talbot, esq. of Stone castle, in this county. The hon. lady Frances Benson resides in it.
A see-farm rent, payable yearly by the heirs of Dr. George Lynch, for the manor of Wadling, alias Watling, is now remaining in the rental of the see-farm rents of the crown bailiffs; but there does not seem at present to be any manerial rights claimed, nor any other traces left of this estate ever having been a manor.
Charities.
THERE IS a small parcel of land, being part of the waste, which was given in 1621, by Thomas Gookin, esq. lord of the manor of Ripple court, for the building of a poor-house, upon this ground a building was erected, consisting of two dwellinghouses, at the cost of the parish. These are still kept up, and appropriated to the use of such poor as are thought fit objects of charity.
The poor constantly relieved are about twelve, casually four.
THIS PARISH is with in the ECCLESIASTICAL JURISDICTION of the diocese of Canterbury, and deanry of Sandwich.
The church, which is dedicated to St. Mary, is small and neat. It consists of a nave and a chancel; having a small wooden tower at the west end, on which is a handsome spire. There are two bells in it. There are no marks of antiquity in this church, excepting in the circular arch over the south door, which is very antient, and probably belonged to an older building. Among the monuments are two altar tombs in the chancel, with brass plates, for the Warrens. In the east window are the arms of this family painted, among others. In the Heraldic Visitations of Kent of 1574 and 1619, are pedigrees of this family of Warren, who were settled at Dover in the latter end of Henry VII.'s reign, where they remained till the latter end of queen Elizabeth's reign, when they removed to Ripple, where they remained for several generations afterwards. They bore for their arms, Azure, a cross, of, between a martlet in the first and fourth quarter, and a chaplet in the second and third quarter, or. A mural monument for Capt. Andrew Rand. He died in 1680; arms, Or, a lion rampant, gules, charged on the neck with three chevrons, argent; impaling a cross, flury, between four dogs heads, erased. A mural monument, consisting of three tablets; on the upper one, an inscription for Robert Bowler, esq. caption in the royal navy in 1728, obt. 1734; arms, Bowler, argent, three piles wavy, issuing from the dexter corner of the shield gules. a chief. sable. On the second tablet, one for George Lynch, M. D. of the cathedral precincts, Canterbury, second son of John Lynch, esq. of Grove, in Staple; obt. 1765. Mary Lynch, sole daughter and heiress of Robert Bowler, esq. his widow, obt 1776. Robt. Lynch, M. D. their elder son, obt. 1783; and for two of their daughters;arms, Lynch impaling Bowler, (the pales issuing from the sinister corner of the shield). On the third tablet, another for Anne Lynch, daughter of John Drake, esq. of Blechingley, in Surry, sister of the Rev. Ralph Drake Brockman, of Beechborough, and wife of the Rev. George Lynch, A. M. younger son of George and Mary Lynch, obt. 1787; also of the said Rev. George Lynch, obt. 1789. A grave-stone for Edward Lloyd, A. M. a native of Denbighshire, many years rector of this parish and Betshanger, obt. April 10, 1741. Another for William Standly, rector, obt. 1680.
¶The church, which is a rectory, was antiently appurtenant to the manor, and continued so at the surrendry of the abbey of St. Augustine, in the 30th year of king Henry-VIII. when it came into the hands of the crown, and was afterwards, in the 34th year of the same reign, granted as appurtenant to the manor to archbishop Cranmer, and soon afterwards by him reconveyed back again to the crown, from whence the advowson of this rectory, (for the manor continued in the crown) was afterwards granted to Edward, lord Clinton and Saye, who, in the 5th of king Edward VI. reconveyed it back again to the crown, in exchange for other premises. It appears, that in the beginning of queen Elizabeth's reign, the advowson of this rectory was in the possession of Sir Thomas Kempe, owner likewise of the manor of Ripple, in right of his wife Amy, daughter of Sir Thomas Moyle, to whom the manor had been granted by king Henry VIII. in his 36th year; but not as appurtenant to the manor, but as an advowson in gross, in which state it continued, possessed by the owners of that manor, down to William Crayford, esq. of Mongeham, who at his death gave both manor and advowson to his wife Ursula, (by whom he left no survivng issue) and she having remarried Nordash Rand, esq. entitled him to the possession of them. He afterwards sold this advowson to John Paramore, gent. in trust, for the Rev. Edward Lloyd, rector of this parish, after whose death it came to his three heirs at law; Lucy Jones, spinster, of Kelyn, in Flintshire; afterwards married to Charles Fyshe Palmer, esq. of Kelyn asoresaid; Ellen Bennet, spinster, of Glanywem, in Denbighshire, afterwards married to Thomas Mersham, gent. of Ewloe, in Flintshire; and lucy, wife of Thomas Hudleston, ironmonger, of Liverpool, (fn. 5) and they continue joint patrons of it.
This rectory is valued in the king's books at 51. 19s. 4 1/2d. and the yearly tenths at 11s. 11 1/4d. In 1588 it was valued at 50l. communicants sorty-two. In 1640 it was valued at 60l. the like number of communicants. It is now of the yearly certified value of 43l. 3s. 0 3/4d. but is worth at present, in all matters clear, about 100l. per annum. There are about eight acres of glebe.
There are about three hundred and fifty acres of land in this parish titheable, which is rather more than one third of the parish. The rest of the parish is exempt from the paymnent of great tithes, paying to the rector a small composition only, more or lefs, for the several farms and lands in it.
It would be easy to multiply quotations which indicate the place accorded to Lord Dorset’s daughter in the estimation of the leaders of the extreme party of Protestantism, in whose eyes Cranmer was regarded as a possible trimmer. Allowing to him “right views,” Hooper, in writing to Bullinger, adds: “we desire nothing more for him than a firm and manly spirit.”118 “Contrary to general expectation,” Traheron writes, the Archbishop had most openly, firmly, and learnedly maintained the opinion of the German divine upon the153 Eucharist; and Ulmis, alluding to him in terms of praise, repeats that he had unexpectedly given a correct judgment on this point. Even the youngest of the German theologians felt himself competent to weigh in the balances the head of Protestant England.
Protestant England was itself keeping a wary eye upon its Primate. “The Archbishop of Canterbury,” wrote Hooper to Bullinger, “to tell the truth, neither took much note of your letter nor of your learned present. But now, as I hope, Master Bullinger and Canterbury entertain the same opinion.” “The people ... that many-headed monster,” he wrote again, “is still wincing, partly through ignorance, and partly persuaded by the inveiglements of the Bishops and the malice and impiety of the mass-priests.”119
154
CHAPTER XII
1551-1552An anxious tutor—Somerset’s final fall—The charges against him—His guilt or innocence—His trial and condemnation—The King’s indifference—Christmas at Greenwich—The Duke’s execution.
AYLMER had been so far encouraged by the success of his appeal to Henry Bullinger on behalf of his pupil that he is found, some seven months later, calling the Swiss churchman again into council. He was possibly over-anxious, but the tone of his communication makes it clear that Lady Jane Grey had been once more causing her tutor disquiet. Responding, in the first place, to Bullinger’s congratulations upon his privilege in acting as teacher to so excellent a scholar, and in a family so well disposed to learning and religion, he proceeds to request that his correspondent will, in his next letter, instruct Lady Jane as to the proper degree of embellishment and adornment of the person becoming in young women professing godliness. The tutor is plainly uneasy on this subject, and it is to be feared that Jane had been developing an undue love of dress. Yet the example of the Princess Elizabeth might be fitly adduced, observes Aylmer,155 furnishing the monitor with arguments of which he might, if he pleased, make use. She at least went clad in every respect as became a young maiden, and yet no one was induced by the example of “a lady in so much gospel light to lay aside, much less look down upon, gold, jewels, and braidings of the hair.” Preachers might declaim, but no one amended her life. Moreover, and as a less important matter, Aylmer desires Bullinger to prescribe the amount of time to be devoted to music. If he would handle these points at some length there would probably be some accession to the ranks of virtue.
One would imagine that it argued ignorance of human nature on the part of Lady Jane’s instructor to believe that the admonitions of an old man at a distance would have more effect than those of a young man close at hand; nor does it appear whether or not Bullinger sent the advice for which Aylmer asked. But that his pupil’s incipient leaning towards worldly vanities was successfully checked would appear from her reply, reported by himself, when a costly dress had been presented to her by her cousin Mary. “It were a shame,” she is said to have answered, in rejecting the gift, “to follow my Lady Mary, who leaveth God’s Word, and leave my Lady Elizabeth, who followeth God’s Word.”
It might have been well for Jane had she practised greater courtesy towards a cousin at this time out of favour at Court; but no considerations of policy or156 of good breeding could be expected to influence a zealot of fifteen, and Mary, more than double her age, may well have listened with a smile.
When Aylmer’s letter was written, the Grey family had left Bradgate and were in London. The Marquis had, some two months earlier, been advanced to the rank of Duke of Suffolk, upon the title becoming extinct through the death of his wife’s two half-brothers, and the tutor may have had just cause for disquietude lest the world should make good its claims upon the little soul he was so carefully tending. In November 1551 Mary of Lorraine, Queen-Dowager of Scotland, had applied for leave to pass through England on her way north. It had not only been granted, but she had been accorded a magnificent reception, Lady Jane, with her mother, taking part in the ceremony when the royal guest visited the King at Whitehall. Two days later she was amongst the ladies assembled to do the Queen honour at her departure for Scotland. It may be that this participation in the pomp and splendour of court life had produced a tendency in John Aylmer’s charge to bestow overmuch attention upon worldly matters, nor can it be doubted that his heart was sore at the contrast she had presented to Elizabeth, “whose plainness of dress,” he says, still commending the Princess, “was especially noticed on the occasion of the visit of the Queen-Dowager of Scotland.”
157Perhaps, too, the master looked back with regret to the quiet days of uninterrupted study. The Dorset household, when not in London itself, were now to be chiefly resident at Sheen, within reach of the Court. Jane, too, was growing up; Aylmer was young; and to the “gentle schoolmaster” the training of Lord Dorset’s eldest daughter may have had an interest not wholly confined to scholarship or to theology. It is nevertheless impossible to put back the clock, and the days when his pupil could be expected to devote herself exclusively to her studies were irrevocably past.
Meantime the hollow treaty of amity between the two great competitors for supremacy in the realm was to end. In the spring of 1551 Somerset and Warwick were on terms of outward cordiality, and a marriage between the Duke’s daughter and the eldest son of his rival, which took place with much magnificence in the presence of the King, might have been expected to cement their friendship. But by October “carry-tales and flatterers,” says one chronicler, had rendered harmony—even the semblance of harmony—impossible; or, as was more probable, Warwick, suspicious of the intention on the part of the Duke of regaining the direction of affairs, had determined to free himself once for all from the rivalry of the King’s uncle. Somerset had again been lodged in the Tower, to leave it, this time, only for the scaffold.
158On the question of his innocence or guilt there has been much discussion amongst historians, nor is it possible to enter at length into the question. The crimes of which he stood accused were of the blackest dye. “The good Duke,” as the people still loved to call him, was charged with plotting to gain possession of the King’s person, of contriving the murder of Warwick, now to be created Duke of Northumberland, of Northampton and Herbert, and was to be tried for treason and felony.
Many and various are the views taken as to the guilt of the late Protector. Mr. Tytler, most conscientious of historians, after a careful comparison of contemporary evidence, has decided in his favour. Others have come to a different conclusion. The balance of opinion appears to be on his side. His bearing throughout the previous summer had been that of an innocent man, who had nothing to fear from justice. But justice was hard to come by. His enemy was strong and relentless—“a competent lawyer, known soldier, able statesman”—and in each of these capacities he was seeking to bring a dangerous competitor to ruin. It was, says Fuller, almost like a struggle between a naked and an armed man.120 Yet, open-hearted and free from distrust as he is described, Somerset must have been aware of some part of his danger. His friends amongst the upper classes had ever been few and cold.159 The reformers, for whom he had done so much, had begun to indulge doubts of his zeal. Become possibly weary of persecution, he had tried to make a way for Gardiner to leave the prison in which he was languishing, and, alone of the Council, had been in favour of permitting to Mary the exercise of her religion. These facts were sufficient, in the eyes of many, to justify the assertion made by Burgoyne to Calvin that he had grown lukewarm, and had scarcely anything less at heart than religion.
He was naturally the last to hear of the intrigues against him, and of the accusations brought in his absence from the Council-chamber. An attempt, it is true, was made to warn him by Lord Chancellor Rich, by means of a letter containing an account of the proceedings which had taken place; but, carelessly addressed only “To the Duke,” it was delivered, by a blunder of the Chancellor’s servant, to Norfolk, Somerset’s enemy. Surprised at the speedy return of his messenger, Rich inquired where he had found “the Duke.”
“In the Charter House,” was the reply, “on the same token that he read it at the window and smiled thereat.”
“But the Lord Rich,” adds Fuller, in telling the story, “smiled not”; resigning his post on the following day, on the plea of old age and a desire to gain leisure to attend to his devotions, and thereby escaping the dismissal which would have160 resulted from a betrayal of the secrets of the Council.121
By October 14 the Duke was cognisant to some extent of the mischief that was a-foot, for it is stated in the King’s journal that he sent for the Secretary Cecil “to tell him that he suspected some ill. Mr. Cecil answered that, if he were not guilty, he might be of good courage; if he were, he had nothing to say but to lament him.” It was not an encouraging reply to an appeal for sympathy and support, and must have been an earnest of the attitude likely to be adopted towards the Duke by the rest of his colleagues. Two days later Edward’s journal notes his apprehension.
The issue of the struggle was nevertheless uncertain. In spite of his unpopularity amongst the nobles, and though, to judge by the entries in the royal diary, the course of events was followed by his nephew with cold indifference, Somerset was not without his partisans. Constant to their old affection, the attack upon him was watched by the common people with breathless interest, accentuated by the detestation universally felt for the man who had planned his destruction. Hatred for Northumberland joined hands with love for Somerset to range them on his side. The political atmosphere was charged with excitement. Could it be true that the “good Duke” had designed the murder of his rival,161 who, whatever might be thought of him in other respects, was one of the chief props of Protestantism? Had the King, as some alleged, been in danger? The trial would show; and when it became known that the prisoner had been acquitted of treason, and the axe was therefore, according to custom, carried out of court, his cause was considered to be won; a cry arose that the innocence of the popular favourite had been established, and the applause of the crowd testified to their rejoicing. It had been premature. Acquitted of the principal offence with which he stood charged, he was found guilty of felony, and sentenced to death.
The verdict was received with ominous murmurs, and, in a letter to Bullinger, Ulmis states that, observing the grave and sorrowful aspect of the audience, the Duke of Northumberland was wary enough to take his cue from it, and to attempt to propitiate in his own favour the discontented crowd.
“O Duke of Somerset,” he exclaimed from his seat, “you see yourself brought into the utmost danger, and that nothing but death awaits you. I have once before delivered you from a similar hazard of your life; and I will not now desist from serving you, how little soever you may expect it.” Let Somerset appeal to the royal clemency, and Northumberland, forgiving him his offences, would do all in his power to save him.122
162Northumberland’s tardy magnanimity fails to carry conviction. But, besides his victim’s popularity in the country, it was reported that the “King took it not in good part,” and it was thought well to delay the execution, by which means his supplanter might gain credit for exercising his generosity by an attempt to avert his doom. Christmas was at hand, and it was arranged that the Duke should remain in prison, under sentence of death, whilst the feast was celebrated at Court.
In spite of the assertion that the young King had not been unaffected by a tragedy that should have touched him closely, there is nothing in his own words to indicate any other attitude than that of the indifferent spectator—an attitude recalling unpleasantly the callousness shown by his father as the women he had loved and the statesmen he had trusted and employed were successively sent to the block. Though, in justice to Edward, it should be remembered that he had never loved his uncle, there is something revolting in his casual mention of the measures adopted against him.
“Little has been done since you went,” he wrote to Barnaby Fitzpatrick, the comrade of his childish days, now become his favourite, “but the Duke of Somerset’s arraignment for felonious treason and the muster of the newly erected gendarmery;”123 and the journal wherein he traces the progress of the163 trial, varying the narrative by the introduction of other topics, such as the visit of the Queen-Dowager of Scotland and the festivities in her honour, conveys a similar impression of coldness. “And so he was adjudged to be hanged,” he records in conclusion, noting, with no expression of regret, the result of the proceedings.
“It were well that he should die,” Edward had told the Duke’s brother in those earlier childish days when incited by the Admiral to rebel against the strictness of the discipline enforced by the Protector. But, under the mask of indifference, it may be that misgivings awoke and made themselves apparent to those who, watching him closely, feared that ties of blood might vindicate their strength, and that at their bidding, or through compassion, he might interpose to avert the fate of one of the only near relations who remained to him. It appears to have been determined that the King’s mind must be diverted from the subject; and whilst the prisoner was awaiting in the Tower the execution of his sentence, special merry-makings were arranged by the men who had the direction of affairs at Greenwich, where the court was to keep Christmas. Thus it was hoped to “remove the fond talk out of men’s mouths,” and to recreate and refresh the troubled spirits of the young sovereign. A Lord of Misrule was accordingly appointed, who, dubbed the Master of the King’s Pastimes, took order for the general164 amusement, though conducting himself more discreetly than had been the wont of his predecessors, and the festival was gaily observed. By these means, says Holinshed, the minds and ears of murmurers were well appeased, till it was thought well to proceed to the business of executing judgment upon the Duke.
In whatever light the ghastly contrast between the uncle awaiting a bloody death in the Tower and the noisy merry-making intended to drown the sound of the passing-bell in the nephew’s ears may strike students of a later day, it is likely that there was nothing in it to affect painfully those who joined in the proceedings. Life was little considered. Men were daily accustomed to witness violent reverses of fortune. The Duke had aimed over-high; he was a danger to rivals whose turn it was to rise; he must make way for others. He had moreover been too deeply injured to forgive; and, to make all safe, he must die. The reign of the Seymours was at an end; that of Northumberland was beginning. Two more years and their supplanter, with Suffolk and his other adherents, would in their turn have paid the penalty of a great ambition, and, “with the sons of the Duke of Somerset standing by,” would have followed the Lord Protector to the grave.
There was none to prophesy their fate. Had it been otherwise, it is not probable that a warning165 would have turned them from their purpose. For they were reckless gamblers, and to foretell ruin to a man who is staking his all upon a throw of the dice is to speak to deaf ears.
So the merry Christmas passed, Jane—third in succession to the throne—occupying a prominent position at Court. And Aylmer, fearful lest the fruits of his care should be squandered, looked on helplessly, and besought Bullinger, on that 23rd of December, to set a limit, for the benefit of a pupil in danger, to the attention lawfully to be bestowed on the world and its vanities; a letter from Haddon, the Duke’s chaplain, following fast and betraying his participation in the anxieties of his colleague by an entreaty that, from afar, the eminent divine would continue to exercise a beneficent influence upon his master’s daughter.
Meantime the day had arrived when it was considered safe to carry matters against the King’s uncle to extremities, and on January 23, six weeks after his trial, the Duke of Somerset was taken to Tower Hill, to suffer death in the presence of a vast crowd there assembled.
Till the last moment the throng had persisted in hoping against hope that the life of the man they loved might even now, at the eleventh hour, be spared; and at one moment it seemed that they were not to be disappointed. The Duke had taken his place upon the scaffold, and had begun166 his speech, when an interruption occurred, occasioned, as it afterwards proved, by an accidental collision between the mass of spectators and a body of troops who had received orders to be present at the execution, and, finding themselves late, had ridden hard and fast to make up for lost time. This was the simple explanation of the occurrence; but, to the excited mob gathered together, every nerve strained and full of pity and fear and horror, the sound of the thundering hoofs seemed something supernatural and terrible. Was it a sign of divine interposition?
“Suddenly,” recounts an eye-witness, “suddenly came a wondrous fear upon the people ... by a great sound which appeared unto many above in the element as it had been the sound of gunpowder set on fire in a close house bursting out, and by another sound upon the ground as it had been the sight of a great number of great horses running on the people to overrun them; so great was the sound of this that the people fell down one upon the other, many with bills; and other ran this way, some that way, crying aloud, ‘Jesus, save us! Jesus, save us!’ Many of the people crying, ‘This way they come, that way they come, away, away.’ And I looked where one or other should strike me on the head, so I was stonned [stunned?]. The people being thus amazed, espies Sir Anthony Brown upon a little nag riding towards the scaffold, and therewith167 burst out crying in a voice, ‘Pardon, pardon, pardon!’ hurling up their caps and cloaks with these words, saying, ‘God save the King! God save the King!’ The good Duke all the while stayed, and, with his cap in his hand, waited for the people to come together.”124
Whatever had been Sir Anthony’s errand, it had not been one of mercy; and when the excitement following upon the panic was calmed the doomed man and the crowd were alike aware that the people had been misled by hope, and that no pardon had been brought. It is at such a moment that a man’s mettle is shown. With admirable dignity Somerset bore the blow. As for a moment he had participated in the expectation of the cheering throng the colour had flickered over his face; but, recovering himself at once, he resumed his interrupted speech.
“Beloved friends,” he said, “there is no such matter as you vainly hope and believe.” Let the people accept the will of God, be quiet as he was quiet, and yield obedience to King and Council. A few minutes more and all was over. Somerset, in the words of a chronicler, had taken his death very patiently—with the strange patience in which the victims of injustice scarcely ever failed; the crowd, true to the last to their faith, pressing forward to dip their handkerchiefs in his blood, as in that of a martyr.
168The laconic entry in the King’s journal, to the effect that the Duke of Somerset had had his head cut off on Tower Hill, presents a sharp contrast to the popular emotion and grief. The deed was, at all events, done; Northumberland had cleared his most formidable competitor from his path, and had no suspicion that the tragedy of that winter’s day was in truth paving the way for his own ultimate undoing.
From LADY JANE GREY AND HER TIMES By I. A. TAYLOR
Author of “Queen Hortense and her Friends”
“Queen Henrietta Maria,” etc.
WITH SEVENTEEN ILLUSTRATIONS
London: HUTCHINSON & CO.
Paternoster Row 1908
I should have woken up this morning at the Radisson Blu in Arhus, but due to "reasons", that got cancelled, which meant I was home for Heritage Weekend, which as you can imagine, I was very upset about.
The day was to be a mix of the familiar and new, with revisits to some I had not been to in a decade.
It is hotter than ever, and now added to which is a haze caused by the sand blown up from the Sahara, which makes to look and feel like there are wildfires burning nearby. Anything more than a mile away is lost in a brown haze, and there being no wind to blow it away.
We went to Tesco, obviously, did some gathering and pushing the week and feeble out of the way, then rushed to pay and leave. Getting back home to have breakfast and be all tidied away for just gone nine when we left for a hard day's chuchcrawling.
Avoiding the port is obvious, even if the traffic radar said it was delay free, best not to take a risk in getting caught up in traffic that can last for days.
And traffic was heavy on the road to Folkestone and the motorway, but we soo turned off onto the A20 to Lypmne, turning right to Aldington.
St Martin sits next to a large and busy farm, though its tower does just that, and is visible for miles, and is a waymarker when travelling between Folkestone and Ashford.
The church is rarely open, at least for casual visitors, so this was a chance to redo shots taken eight years ago.
This was the first of 907 shots taken through the day, and most of which you will be seeing in the next few weeks as I edit and post them.
So, after going round and getting dozens of shots, we walk back to the car through the churchyard, all gold and green as the seasons think about changing.
We retrace our steps to the main road, then back east to Lympne, past the animal park and along the narrow main street to the entrance to the castle, where the church sits beside, perched on the edge of the down, overlooking the Romney Marsh.
Don't park her, or here, said the signs, so I left the car in the castle car park, hoping it wouldn't get clamped, then walk to the lychgate and to the church, a huge barn of a place made much bigger when the additional west nave, if that's the right word, was added.
There's a spiral staircase leading to the bellringing platform in the tower, other than that, its a fine, tidy and a church full of interest.
I bid the wardens farewell, as we walk back to the car and then drive the short distance back to the A20, turning west to pass under the motorway that now bisects the village of Sellindge, going past the two new huge housing developments which have sprung up since I was last here, and right on the edge of the village is St Mary.
St Mary is rarely open, I had tried a few weeks back, battling traffic each way to find it locked.
But it was taking part in Ride and Stride, so I had high hoped.
Highlight is the art deco painted screen at the west end partioning the vestry from the Nave. But my last visit I only took 29 shots, I would try to snap more details, especially in the windows.
Back onto the motorway and a quick blast past the Channel Tunnel entrance, turning off and doubling back past Froghalt to Newington, a church I had been to twice in the last month hoping it would be open.
But wasn't.
The warden told me she was just leaving as she had a plasterer coming round to her house.
Bish, bash bosh.
But told me to help myself to juice or coffee, tea of cakes.
I passed.
Not much I had missed on previous visits, but I snapped details of the windows as before.
In and out in under ten minutes.
Back to Dover then, for a quick stop at St Edmund's Chapel, I last visited about a decade ago.
It is the only English Church dedicated to one English saint consecrated by a different English saint.
It is a small stone building, that during the 20th century was a smithy and a tool store before being restored to how we see it today.
Such chapels were once quite common, but St Edmunds is one of the few that remain. Quite a few visitors were there, thanks to the half dozen volunteers outside handing out badges, and the large amount of colourful bunting.
Off then to the area of town called Charlton. Hidden away is a large Victorian parish church, visible really is just the east wall of the Chancel from the main road, but the Ride and Stride webpage did say it would be open, so we went to look.
And it was indeed open, and inside we received a warm welcome.
The church is on a grand scale, seats 700 easily, and has a fine collection of period stained glass which cast the cool interior win a rainbow of colours.
Just along Maison Dieu is another fine looking church, and one designed by a Pugin. St Paul's, sits a little back from the main road, its easily passed and not noticed.
We parked opposite, and waked over to find that the porch was open, and manned by two volunteers, but the church itself was locked. I made do with taking a shot through the glass.
"Would you like to go inside, I have a key".
The magic words.
So, we walked round to a side door, a key was produced and the door swung open.
The church was full of light, mostly purple from the rose window in the west end of the church.
It was explained that the roof is fairly new, from the 80s, after an arson attack.
The windows in the aisles are good, so I photograph them all.
I dropped Jools back home as the day was now so unbearably hot and humid, I stopped for a pint of cold squash and a snack of picnic sized pork pies, and then back out into the furnace to Ripple which again should be open.
I was greeted with a huge swarm of newly emerged Ivy Bees that were feeding on the vegetation of the churchyard, and in doing alarming the two ladies inside the church who feared of being stung. I told them not to worry and their worries were indeed eased.
Not much I had missed before, but again details in the windows and wall carvings were recorded before I stepped back outside and pondered how to avoid the roadworks on the main road into Deal.
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RIPPLE,
WRITTEN in antient records likewise, Ripley, lies the next parish northward from Sutton last-described.
THIS PARISH is very healthy; it is situated on very uneven ground, having frequent hill and dale throughout it. The soil of it is much inclined to chalk, though there is a great deal of fertile land in it. The country is mostly open, and the lands uninclosed; it has no wood in it. The church stands on the side of the village, which has Ripple-court about a quarter of a mile from it, and the parsonage-house nearly as far distant, on the opposite side of it. In this parish is an estate called Winkleton Oaks, late belonging to John Baker, esq. of Deal, but now by purchase to Mr. Stephen Carter, of Walmer. There are about sixteen houses in it, and about nine hundred acres of land. There is no fair.
At a small distance northward from the church is a work of Cæsar's, thrown up in his route from the sea towards his main camp on Barham down. This is a plain small raised area, whose front looks over a pretty deep lynse bank towards the succeeding work, the progress of which has been already more fully related, under the description of Barham Downs.
There is a place in this parish, near the boundary, betwixt it and Walmer, called Dane Pitts, where there is an intrenchment of an oblong square, comprehending about half an acre, with various little eminences on it.
The ground of it is extremely barren, and has never been ploughed. Its name certainly points out its antiquity, otherwise I should be inclined to think it to be the remains of one of those little encampaments, thrown up in queen Elizabeth's time, on the expectation of the Spanish invasion. It is evidently a work of art, and has been made for a fortification of defence.
The principal manor in this parish, which is called THE MANOR OF RIPPLE, alias RIPPLE-COURT, was part of the antient possessions of the abbot and convent of St. Augustine, (fn. 1) and was assigned by Hugh, abbot of it about the year 1110, to the cloathing of the monks of it. In the year 1313, being the 7th year of king Edward II.'s reign, in the iter of H. de Stanton and his sociates, justices itinerant, the abbot, upon a quo warranto, claimed and was allowed in this manor, among others, view of frank-pledge, (fn. 2) and other liberties therein-mentioned, in like manner, as has been already mentioned in the description of the other manors be longing to the priory, in the course of this History. In the 8th year of king Richard II. the measurement of the lands belonging to the monastery in this parish, was, of arable one hundred and eighty-three acres and an half and one rod, and of pasture fifty-two acres and one rood.
In which situation this manor continued till the reign of king Henry VIII. when the abbot and convent, in the 29th year of it, demised it, with the tenths within this parish and Dale, belonging to the office of chamberlain of the monastery, to Henry Foche, who resided at Ripple-court. He was younger brother of John Foche, alias Essex, the last abbot of this monastery, descended of a family who had been settled for some generations in this neighbourhood. From John abovementioned, descended those of this parish, Sutton, and Deal; under each of which places a further account of them may be seen. They bore for their arms, Gules, a fess dancette, between six lozenges, or; which arms were granted by Cooke, clarencieux, in 1576. (fn. 3). After which, this manor, with their other estates in this parish, remained with the monastery till its final dissolution, in the 30th year of that reign. After which the king, in his 34th year, granted this manor, with Greenway's and Palmer's lands, in this parish and Deal, in exchange to archbishop Cranmer, who not long afterwards reconveyed them in exchange back again to the crown, where this manor of Ripple remained, till queen Elizabeth, in her 42d year, granted it to John Hales, esq. of Tenterden, and he afterwards alienated it to John Gokin, gent. the son of Thomas Gokin, gent. of Bekesborne. They bore for their arms, Gules, a chevron ermine, between three cocks, or. He resided at Ripple-court, as did his descendants afterwards, down to Richard Gookin, for so he spelt his name, who about the latter end of king William III.'s reign, passed it away by sale to Sir Abraham Jacob, of Dover, whose son, Herbert Jacob, esq. of St. Stephen's, afterwards succeeded to it. He was bred to the bar, and was in the habit of friendship with the most eminent lawyers of his time; but he soon quitted his prosession, and was very useful to his country as a justice of the peace, and chairman of the quarter sessions. He resided at St. Stephen's upon his estate, which at that time was deemed a sufficient competency. By his will, he left a considerable collection of books to the Society of the Inner Temple, of which he was a bencher. He lies buried in St. Stephen's church, where there is a monument, with an elegant Latin inscription, to his memory, which he penned himself, and inserted in his will. The Jacobs bore for their arms, Per pale and fess, dancette, sable, and or; in the first quarter, a pelican of the second. He died s. p. in 1725, and by will devised this manor, among the rest of his estates, to his nephew John Denew, gent. afterwards of St. Stephen's who bore for his arms, Azure, five chevronels, or. He died in 1750, upon which it came, by the entail of the above will, to his eldest niece Dorothy, sister of the above John Denew, married to the Rev. Julius Deedes, prebendary of Canterbury; and their grandson W. Deedes, esq. of Hythe, is the present owner of it.
There is a court leet and court baron held for this manor, at which one borsholder is chosen for this parish, and another for the parish of Sutton. This manor claims over almost the whole parish; that part belonging to Watling-court only excepted. The demesne lands are exempt from the payment of great tithes.
WALDLING, alias WATLING, is a manor likewise in this parish, which in antient time was held by the family de Sandwich, by knight's service, of the family of Badlesmere; after which it came into the possession of the Leybornes; for William, son of Sir Roger de Leyborne, appears by the escheat rolls to have died possessed of it in the 2d year of king Edward II. leaving Juliana, the daughter of his son Thomas, who died in his life-time, usually stiled from the greatness of her possessions, the Infanta of Kent, his next heir, she carried this manor successively in marriage to her three husbands, the last of whom was William de Clinton, created afterwards earl of Huntingdon. He died in the 28th year of that reign, as did his widow Juliana, in the 41st year of it, s. p. and there being no one found who could make claim to her estates, even by a collateral alliance, this manor, among the rest of them, escheated to the crown, where it remained till king Richard II. granted it to Sir Simon de Burley, knightbanneret, lord-warden, and K. G. but he being attainted in the 10th year of that reign, and afterwards beheaded, this manor became vested in the crown, and the king in his 11th and 22d years settled it on the priory of canons, alias Chiltern Langley, where it remained till the suppression of that house, anno 30 king Henry VIII. when it came into the king's hands, and was the next year granted with the scite of the priory, and other lands and estates belonging to it, to Richard, bishop sussragan of Dover, to hold for his life, or until he should be promoted to some ecclesiastical benefice, of 100l. yearly value, which happened before the 36th year of that reign; for the king that year, granted this manor of Woodling, aliasWatling, among others, late belonging to the priory, to Sir Thomas Moyle, to hold in capite, (fn. 4) and he gave it in marriage, with his youngest daughter and coheir Amy, to Sir Thomas Kempe, of Ollantigh, who in the 9th year of queen Elizabeth, conveyed this manor, lying in the parishes of Ripple, Walmer, Deal, and Mongeham, to Thomas Shirley, of Sussex, whose successor, William Shirley, is said, after several claims and suits of law, to have passed it away to Sir William Crayford, of Great Mongeham.
The manor of Wadling after this continued in Sir William Crayford's descendants down to Wm. Crayford, esq. of Mongeham, who gave it to his wife Ursula, (by whom he left no surviving issue) and she having remarried Nordash Rand, esq. entitled him to the possession of this estate; for I find no further mention of it as a manor; and he afterwards sold it to Mr. Robert Bowler, of Deal, who afterwards resided here, and his daughter Mary carried it in marriage in 1721 to George Lynch, M. D. of Canterbury. He was son of John Lynch, esq. of Grove, and younger brother to John Lynch, D. D. dean of Canterbury, whose descent has been already mentioned under that seat. He died possessed of it in 1765, leaving her surviving, and she possessed this estate till her death in 1776, when her eldest son, Robert Lynch, M.D. of Canterbury, succeeded to it. He died unmarried in 1783, having a few years before his death resided at Ripple, and devised it to his brother the Rev. George Lynch, vicar of Limne, and he, upon this, removed to Ripple, where he died in Nov. 1789, and by his will gave this estate, then called by the name of New farm, to his two surviving sisters; Mary, married to the Rev. John Denne, curate of Maidstone, and Elizabeth, to the Rev. John Herring, rector of Mongeham, in equal shares, and they jointly possessed it till the death of Mrs. Denne, since which the latter, who has been separated from her husband for some years, is become the sole possessor of it; but the reversion by the Rev. George Lynch's will is devised to the heirs of the Rev. Obadiah Bourne, and John Talbot, esq. of Stone castle, in this county. The hon. lady Frances Benson resides in it.
A see-farm rent, payable yearly by the heirs of Dr. George Lynch, for the manor of Wadling, alias Watling, is now remaining in the rental of the see-farm rents of the crown bailiffs; but there does not seem at present to be any manerial rights claimed, nor any other traces left of this estate ever having been a manor.
Charities.
THERE IS a small parcel of land, being part of the waste, which was given in 1621, by Thomas Gookin, esq. lord of the manor of Ripple court, for the building of a poor-house, upon this ground a building was erected, consisting of two dwellinghouses, at the cost of the parish. These are still kept up, and appropriated to the use of such poor as are thought fit objects of charity.
The poor constantly relieved are about twelve, casually four.
THIS PARISH is with in the ECCLESIASTICAL JURISDICTION of the diocese of Canterbury, and deanry of Sandwich.
The church, which is dedicated to St. Mary, is small and neat. It consists of a nave and a chancel; having a small wooden tower at the west end, on which is a handsome spire. There are two bells in it. There are no marks of antiquity in this church, excepting in the circular arch over the south door, which is very antient, and probably belonged to an older building. Among the monuments are two altar tombs in the chancel, with brass plates, for the Warrens. In the east window are the arms of this family painted, among others. In the Heraldic Visitations of Kent of 1574 and 1619, are pedigrees of this family of Warren, who were settled at Dover in the latter end of Henry VII.'s reign, where they remained till the latter end of queen Elizabeth's reign, when they removed to Ripple, where they remained for several generations afterwards. They bore for their arms, Azure, a cross, of, between a martlet in the first and fourth quarter, and a chaplet in the second and third quarter, or. A mural monument for Capt. Andrew Rand. He died in 1680; arms, Or, a lion rampant, gules, charged on the neck with three chevrons, argent; impaling a cross, flury, between four dogs heads, erased. A mural monument, consisting of three tablets; on the upper one, an inscription for Robert Bowler, esq. caption in the royal navy in 1728, obt. 1734; arms, Bowler, argent, three piles wavy, issuing from the dexter corner of the shield gules. a chief. sable. On the second tablet, one for George Lynch, M. D. of the cathedral precincts, Canterbury, second son of John Lynch, esq. of Grove, in Staple; obt. 1765. Mary Lynch, sole daughter and heiress of Robert Bowler, esq. his widow, obt 1776. Robt. Lynch, M. D. their elder son, obt. 1783; and for two of their daughters;arms, Lynch impaling Bowler, (the pales issuing from the sinister corner of the shield). On the third tablet, another for Anne Lynch, daughter of John Drake, esq. of Blechingley, in Surry, sister of the Rev. Ralph Drake Brockman, of Beechborough, and wife of the Rev. George Lynch, A. M. younger son of George and Mary Lynch, obt. 1787; also of the said Rev. George Lynch, obt. 1789. A grave-stone for Edward Lloyd, A. M. a native of Denbighshire, many years rector of this parish and Betshanger, obt. April 10, 1741. Another for William Standly, rector, obt. 1680.
¶The church, which is a rectory, was antiently appurtenant to the manor, and continued so at the surrendry of the abbey of St. Augustine, in the 30th year of king Henry-VIII. when it came into the hands of the crown, and was afterwards, in the 34th year of the same reign, granted as appurtenant to the manor to archbishop Cranmer, and soon afterwards by him reconveyed back again to the crown, from whence the advowson of this rectory, (for the manor continued in the crown) was afterwards granted to Edward, lord Clinton and Saye, who, in the 5th of king Edward VI. reconveyed it back again to the crown, in exchange for other premises. It appears, that in the beginning of queen Elizabeth's reign, the advowson of this rectory was in the possession of Sir Thomas Kempe, owner likewise of the manor of Ripple, in right of his wife Amy, daughter of Sir Thomas Moyle, to whom the manor had been granted by king Henry VIII. in his 36th year; but not as appurtenant to the manor, but as an advowson in gross, in which state it continued, possessed by the owners of that manor, down to William Crayford, esq. of Mongeham, who at his death gave both manor and advowson to his wife Ursula, (by whom he left no survivng issue) and she having remarried Nordash Rand, esq. entitled him to the possession of them. He afterwards sold this advowson to John Paramore, gent. in trust, for the Rev. Edward Lloyd, rector of this parish, after whose death it came to his three heirs at law; Lucy Jones, spinster, of Kelyn, in Flintshire; afterwards married to Charles Fyshe Palmer, esq. of Kelyn asoresaid; Ellen Bennet, spinster, of Glanywem, in Denbighshire, afterwards married to Thomas Mersham, gent. of Ewloe, in Flintshire; and lucy, wife of Thomas Hudleston, ironmonger, of Liverpool, (fn. 5) and they continue joint patrons of it.
This rectory is valued in the king's books at 51. 19s. 4 1/2d. and the yearly tenths at 11s. 11 1/4d. In 1588 it was valued at 50l. communicants sorty-two. In 1640 it was valued at 60l. the like number of communicants. It is now of the yearly certified value of 43l. 3s. 0 3/4d. but is worth at present, in all matters clear, about 100l. per annum. There are about eight acres of glebe.
There are about three hundred and fifty acres of land in this parish titheable, which is rather more than one third of the parish. The rest of the parish is exempt from the paymnent of great tithes, paying to the rector a small composition only, more or lefs, for the several farms and lands in it.
{Close-up of Pippi Zornoza's installation at the Winton Bell Gallery exhibition "Building Expectation: Past and Present Visions of the Architectural Future", photographed by Karen Philippi}
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{Pippi Zornoza's installation at the Winton Bell Gallery exhibition "Building Expectation: Past and Present Visions of the Architectural Future", photographed by Karen Philippi}