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Visual projects executed by Vicenza High School students are on display near VHS teacher Lisa Balboni’s Honors 10 World History class.
This year’s Honors 10 World History class project was called The Swerve.
About 30 students working in pairs used different creative ideas to show how historical events tie into one other. The project started with Dark Ages and ended with the French Revolution, analyzing political, economic and social change from the 16th to the 18th century.
Photo by Laura Kreider, USAG Vicenza/PAO
Learn more on www.usag.vicenza.army.mil or www.facebook.com/USAGVicenza.
Portrait of Masai Ujiri, President, Toronto Raptors while addressing during Africa Investment Forum 2018 - The Business of Sports - Executing for Success in November 2018, at Sandton Convention Centre, Johannesburg, South Africa.
In the early hours of the morning (Tuesday 5 December), Operation Vulcan executed a warrant as part of their ongoing commitment to tackle the prescription drug trade in Cheetham Hill.
A 34-year-old man has been arrested on suspicion of importing class C drugs, conspiracy to supply class C drugs and knowingly evading prohibition of importing a controlled drug.
Over the last few months, partners at Border Force have intercepted several packages destined for addresses in Greater Manchester, consisting of tens of thousands of illicit tablets.
A meticulous investigation by detectives in Operation Vulcan has resulted in this morning’s raids.
Detective Sergeant Matt Donnelly, one of Operation Vulcan’s specialist officers said: “A lot of work with partners continues to go on behind the scenes, and collaboration with Border Force has been vital to the success of Operation Vulcan. They have played a key role in identifying illegal packages coming into the UK destined for Cheetham Hill, whether that’s counterfeit clothes or illicit prescription medication, and officers from our team have worked tirelessly to trace these items, resulting in several arrests and charges.
“Today’s operation is a really positive step forward to not only take action against those responsible for these crimes, but to also help get control of an illegal drug market that has such a negative impact on our communities.
“The illegal supply of any drug carries so much danger for those purchasing and using them as there is no way of knowing where it has come from or how it’s been produced. Operation Vulcan and partners will continue to gather intelligence and crackdown on markets like this which inevitably lead to the deterioration of neighbourhoods and increased anti-social behaviour and exploitation.”
You should call 101, the national non-emergency number, to report crime and other concerns that do not require an emergency response.
Always call 999 in an emergency, such as when a crime is in progress, violence is being used or threatened or where there is danger to life.
You can also call anonymously with information about crime to Crimestoppers on 0800 555 111. Crimestoppers is an independent charity who will not want your name, just your information. Your call will not be traced or recorded and you do not have to go to court or give a statement.
You can access many of our services online at www.gmp.police.uk
Regal Princess Royal-class cruise ship departing the CLT in Liverpool executing a starboard swing off the berth.
IMO: 9584724
Vessel Type - Detailed: Passenger Ship
MMSI: 310674000
Call Sign: ZCEK6
Flag: Bermuda
Gross Tonnage: 142714
Summer DWT: 12193 t
Length Overall x Breadth Extreme: 330 x 44 m
Year Built: 15 May 2014
Ship manager/Commercial manager & ISM: PRINCESS CRUISE LINES LTD
Registered owner: CARNIVAL CORP
Shipyard: Fincantieri-Cant. Nav. Italian, Italy
Hull Number: 6224
Keel laying date: 14 Dec 2010
Launched26 March 2013
Christened: 5 November 2014
Maiden voyage: 20 May 2014
Main Engine: x2 DD-GG Wärtsilä 12V46F 12 cyls @ 14,400kW (19,300hp) each AND x2 DD-GG Wärtsilä 14V46F 14 cyls @ 16,800 kW (22,500hp) each
Total Power kW & hp: 62,400kW & 83,700hp
Propulsion: x2 18,000 kW
Speed: 22 knots (41 km/h; 25 mph) (Service speed); 22.9 knots (42.4 km/h; 26.4 mph) (Maximum speed)
Capacity: 3,560 passengers
Crew: 1,346
MAX: 5,600 pass and crew
K G Ranjith Kumar, General Manager of NABARD's Farm Sector Development Department, summarizes the second day NIE exchange presentations from executing entities.
Visual projects executed by Vicenza High School students are on display near VHS teacher Lisa Balboni’s Honors 10 World History class.
This year’s Honors 10 World History class project was called The Swerve.
About 30 students working in pairs used different creative ideas to show how historical events tie into one other. The project started with Dark Ages and ended with the French Revolution, analyzing political, economic and social change from the 16th to the 18th century.
Photo by Laura Kreider, USAG Vicenza/PAO
Learn more on www.usag.vicenza.army.mil or www.facebook.com/USAGVicenza.
.
Third, the decision to execute him in complete secrecy was an act of political expediency by the discredited UPA -II govarnment The execution reeks of competitive jingoism in view of the rising Modi wave. Fourth is the fact that Afzal Guru was denied a chance to file a review petition! This is clearly unlawful and further confirms the fact that the UPA was merely trying to appear 'strong' by hanging GLIP.I even at the cost of lawful procedure. Fifth, his family was not even informed that his review petition had been rejected. The 21 " Jan judgment clearly .
mentions that a person who is to be executed should be allowed to meet his family. .
Political double standards too abound. Today, many parties -including the Akali Dal (close ally of BJP) and AAP -call rightly for commutation of the death sentence of Devinder Singh Bhullar, convicted in a blast case, quoting the Supreme Court guidelines. The same parties, however, hail the execution of Afzal Guru! The people demanding r~vocation of Bhullar's (or Rajoana's) death sentence are NOT subjected to hate speech. curfews, and violence, unlike Kashmiris who mourn the death of Afzal. We must keep reminding ourselves that in this country. death penalty has not been awarded to the perpetrators of the 1984 Sikh riots, to the murderers and rapists of the 2002 Gujarat genocide, to the accused in the Bathani Tola massacre, to the killers in Khairlanji or to the killers of Graham Staines. In many of these cases, the perpetrators roam free, protected from any punishment. · .
Some of the unanswered questions: .
The judicial proceedings recorded two occasions on which Mohammad Afzal spoke before the law: his 'confessional' statement before the police and his statement under 'Section 313 of the CrPC'. The Supreme .
·court verdict itself admits Afzal's much publicized 'confession ' which was extracted in police custody was 'UNRELIABLE'. But after the Supreme Court rejected the prosecution's theory based on Afzal's 'confession', the latter's CrPC 313 statement was the only basis left on which his role in events that led to the attack could be probed . The Court has found his only role in it was to help a man suspected to be involved in the f'>arliamant attack, to find"' house in nelhi and lo buy a car. Afzal never denied or falsified this role, rather admitted it. In his statement he, in fact, n!lrned an STF office Qi' ·.·:l"'de · Singh who ordered him to perfMm those acts. Yet, DavindEJ[ .Singh was mentioned neither in the FIR nor chargesheet. nor was he made a witness in the case. He did not figure anywhere in the tnals, ~~spite the presence of his phone numbers in Afzal's phone records. H.~w come the Supreme Court chose to believe one part of Afzal's statement under Section 313, while conveniently ign.!>red the rest? Why W<!sn't the link with the STF probed? .
Afte,· the Parliament attack, a former Police Commissioner of Thane .
S.M. Shangari, claimed in a press conference that one of the killed terronst (Abu Hamza) had been arrested in Maharashtra in December 2000 along with three others (one year before the Parliament house attack) and had subsequently been handed over to the J&K Police. Therefore at the time of the Parliament house attack. Abu Hamza was supposedly in the custody of the J&K police. .
However, K Rajendra, then inspector general of the J&K Police, dismissed Shangari't; enquiries calling it a case of mistaken identity and arguing that Hamza is a common Muslim name. Perhaps so. But then what happened to those four militants including Abu Hamza in J&K STF custody? The Thane court issued repeated summons to the J&K Police to produce them in Thane. They were never sent nor any explanation provided! WHY? (See Mihir Srivastava, The Question of Reasonable Doubt, The Open Magazine 1412/13) .
The so-called 'masterminds' behind the attack (Masood Azhar, Ghazi Baba and Tariq Ahmad) were never arrested and produced in any court, to verify the prosecution's story: Of these, Ghazi Baba was claimed to be shot dead by security forces in 2004. Then, where is Tariq? Why can't the STF produce him? After Kasab's arrest, we saw a flurry of diplomatic exchange, with India providing proof of Pakistan's involvement, demanding extraditions and so on. WHY didn't we see a similar diplomatic exchange demanding that these three be produced in Indian courts? .
finally file the FIR where, we have been told that the culprit has been book under Sections 376(2i}, 342, 324,363,366,509 of /PC . JNUSU along with numerous people from the city held aIC8ndle light March from W Police Station to the neighbouring area. Today JNUSU joined in solidarity with the students from .
tne North-East, who organised a silent Sit-In at Patiala House to demand that the process of justice in the case is not subverted through crafty cover-up by any nexus of the investigation agencies and local power groups. .
Just last week, Delhi saw the brutal broad daylight murder of .
19-year-old Nido Tania, from Arunachal Pradesh, in Lajpat .
Nagar market. A massive and sustained protest broke out in .
the city. But shockingly, even as the city-wide protest against .
this racist lynch-mob murder of Nido was at its peak, two .
Manipuri women were beaten up near Kotla. And now, we are .
witnessing this horrific barbarism against a minor North-East .
girl in JNU's neighbourhood. JNUSU calls for vigilance and .
solidarity against this growing trend of racial and sexual .
violence against the people of North East in the national .
capital. .
.
As the popular protest snowballed against in Nido's murder,.,.,:--various ruling parties did make the mandatory 'condemnation' noises. But it is indeed revealing that while they continue to .
I .
;.,dulge in competitive blame game to reap political harvests, none ofthem have chosen to recognise the deep-seated racial and anti-women prejudices that dominate not just the social psyche but more dangerously the security agencies, police, State policy and politics, which they directly command and define. They refused to be accountable for the highly condemnable police inaction, 'inefficiency' and orchestrated 'cover-up' that local police routinely display in dealing with such .
cases of racist and sexual violence. So we have to be extra .
vigilant that the vested power ':jroups do NOT manage to .
·: ubv<'rt justic~;. 1Ne ha'\Te to take to the streets with renewed .
vigour against this growing trend of racist and sexual violence .
.
in the city. We must resolve,to stop this shame NOW! .
i:..nd finally, the big question that the Indian State must answer: .
Afzal being a surrendered militant was under constant State surveillance. .
Could a man constantly watched by our security forces, and who, .
.
even according to the Court, did not belong to any terrorist organisation .
at the time of Parliament attack, manage to execute a terrorist attack of .
such magnitude? If a person under the watchful eye of the STF .
.
could be part of a conspiracy to wage war against the state, how can anything less than a public inquiry do? For th is is not about the guilt or innocence of one man, but about how a system works and what it means, to democracy, sovereignty and the security of the state. Whose pawn was he really? .
It is true that the attack on Parliament was most highly condemnable .
and an assault on what is known as the highest seat of our democracy. .
Precisely because of this , it was imperative that the police and .
investigation agencies should have carried out an honest investigation .
to book the perpetrators. Instead, what did we get?The Supreme .
Court, while admitting that there is no direct evidence of Afzal's .
guilt, has held that he must die to satisfy the ' collective .
conscience' of the Indian nation. It was almost as if there was a .
need to at least ensure one death sentence so that the faith of the .
public in the efficacy of the prosecution and the judiciary and the .
Legislature would not be shaken. A range of Indian citizens-teachers, .
writers, lawyers, Gandhian and Left activists. ordinary people -have .
raised their voice to declare that they are NOT par1 of this contrived .
'collective conscience'. Truly, the conscience of democratic and .
peace-loving citizens can be satisfied only if there is a .
guarantee that there is no witch-hunting or scape-goating, .
and those really guilty for terror and genocide are identified .
and punished. .
.
Akbar, .
Anubhuti Sandeep Saurav Sarfaraz, .
President, JNUSU Vice-President,JNUSU Gen. Secy.,JNUSU Jt.Secy.,JNUSU .
.
Agents with the Cullman Narcotics Enforcement Team (CNET) and deputies with the Cullman County Sheriff’s Office (CCSO) arrested nine individuals for Unlawful Possession of a Controlled Substance and Unlawful Possession of Drug Paraphernalia.
Arrested for Unlawful Possession of a Controlled Substance and Unlawful Possession of Drug Paraphernalia were:
• Santos Lynn Thomas (25 - Hispanic) Cleveland, AL - $5000 Bond
• Sarah Marie Milligan (23 -White) Cullman, AL - $5000 Bond
• Omar Rivera Loyola (24 - Hispanic) Oneonta, AL - $5000 Bond
• Tonya Lynn Wagner (35 -White) Crane Hill, AL - $5000 Bond
• Brian Keith Bagwell (32 -White) Holly Pond, AL - $5000 Bond
• Ricky Charles Mewbourn (50 - White) Cullman, AL - $5000 Bond
(also had a warrant for Unlawful Possession of Drug Paraphernalia)
• Hugo Contreaus-Cenantes (33 - Hispanic) Altoona, AL - $5000 Bond
• Angela Denise Stewart (44 - White) Hayden, AL - $5,000 Bond
Arrested for Unlawful Possession of Drug Paraphernalia and also had warrants for Unlawful Possession of a Controlled Substance and Unlawful Possession of Drug Paraphernalia:
• Santanna Marie Barnett (25 - White) Cullman, AL - $13,000 Bond
The operation that led to the arrest of the nine suspects was executed in the 800 block of County Road 1319, also known as Basch Road, on Thursday February 4, 2016.
CNET and CCSO deputies made entry into the residence and arrested those suspects who had warrants. While inside, CNET agents and deputies located multiple suspects inside the residence were methamphetamine, other drugs and drug paraphernalia were located.
CCSO seized approximately 10 grams of meth, syringes, glass meth pipes, straws and Marijuana.
Following the arrest Cullman County Sheriff Matt Gentry had these remarks:
“I believe anytime you can arrest a large number of drug pushers and several of them are not from our community it sends the message we don’t want your drugs in Cullman County and if you come here you will go to jail. I would also like to thank CNET and our deputies for the great job they did on this arrest."
For the full story including images of those arrested and example of items seized. please so here:
cullmantoday.com/2016/02/04/cnet-executes-far-reaching-cu...
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In response to safeguarding concerns identified by our Rochdale organised crime team, we’ve executed eight warrants this morning and locked up six suspected gang members.
We identified a teenage boy who was being exploited and coerced into drug dealing by a suspected local gang.
With immediate safeguarding measures put in place, we were able to pursue those responsible
As the investigation developed, we identified further victims, including a vulnerable adult whose house was being cuckooed and used as a stash house for the gang.
This morning, we’ve arrested six men aged 18 - 26 on suspicion of conspiracy to supply class A and B drugs and modern slavery offences.
£30,000 cash has been seized along with cannabis and drugs paraphernalia.
Today’s activity is a key example of partnership work and effective information sharing. It’s enabled us to identify crucial members of a suspected organised crime group, but most importantly, we’ve been able to safeguard several children and vulnerable adults.
Sergeant Mark Lutkevitch from our Rochdale Challenger team said: “Exploitation, coercion, and violence are the foundations of modern slavery and drugs trafficking, and gangs will often exploit the vulnerable to further their profits. Our arrests this morning are part of a longstanding investigation into several organised crime groups operating across Rochdale that we strongly believe are involved in the exploitation of young people.
“Young people and vulnerable adults will be threatened as the criminals exert control, which is why tackling exploitation is a high priority for us. We have specialist officers working with young people in our communities to tackle the vicious cycle of gang recruitment, and teams of officers on the frontline pursuing offenders.
“Our communities are key in helping us be one step ahead of the criminals. By being our eyes and our ears and finding the courage to report what is taking place in your area only strengthens our relentless pursuit of organised crime and could make a real difference for a child.
“I want to encourage communities to trust their instinct. If something doesn’t feel right; report it. If you think somebody is being exploited, or you think a house might have been taken over by drug dealers, feed that information to us. If you want to remain anonymous, report it through Crimestoppers, and we will act.”
nformation can be shared by calling 101. If you would prefer to remain anonymous, call the independent charity Crimestoppers on 0800 555 111.
Always call 999 in an emergency.
Eustacius Kortbeek was executed by firing squad at Kamp Vught in 1944. He was just 25 years old.
Just as it is mine it is his birthday today. This picture is taken on his birthday just as it is mine.
Today we had a long walk and visited a spot where the Nazi’s executed hundreds of innocent people. It was so unreal, hard to imagine what happened at that spot.
museumPASSmusees 2021 - Mima - Double Bill
'DRAMA', The Art Of Laurent Durieux
'Laurent Durieux's magnificent work elevates poster art to a high level. The stunningly executed images express the ideas and themes of the films he has chosen in new terms. They communicate a lot without words and are part of the wonderful tradition of illustrative art. '
Francis Ford Coppola
The exhibition presents around a hundred original posters of the Belgian artist, internationally acclaimed by moviegoers.
THE ABC OF PORN CINEMA
(Prohibited under 18 year old)
In 2013, the ABC, Brussels' last old-school adult cinema still showing 35mm films, was shut down. Its archive, meticulously built over the forty years of its existence, was salvaged by Cinema Nova, allowing the veil of a bygone era devoured by the digital revolution to be lifted.
The exhibition 'The ABC of Porn Cinema' spans four decades of activity by the aforementioned theatre, and in doing so recalls the world that surrounded it. Through numerous documents, posters, hand-painted billboards, engraved press plates and censored photos retrieved from the ABC, plus an accompanying art installation, an obscure part of our culture destined to be buried in the annals of history can once again be rediscovered and reappraised. Indeed, these historical archives are exceptional and unique, unafraid to indulge in humour or to drum up reflection and controversy.
An exhibition created by the Nova cinema and the MIMA with the participation of the Gogolplex collective
( 200 musees
Des maintenant, vous pouvez visiter tous les musees participants pendant un an. Pas une fois, mais aussi souvent que vous le souhaitez !
297 expositions
Vous pouvez egalement visiter les expositions temporaires des musees participants gratuitement ou a un tarif fortement reduit.
1 pass musees
Tout ceci avec seulement 1 pass.
Lincoln Castle, Lincolnshire. Many of the prisoners who were executed in Lincoln Prison were buried inside the Lucy Tower in Lincoln Castle.
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Nicolae Ceaușescu
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From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
"Ceaușescu" redirects here. For other people, see Ceaușescu
Constantin Dăscălescu
President of the State Council
In office
9 December 1967 – 22 December 1989
Prime Minister
Ion Gheorghe Maurer
Manea Mănescu
Ilie Verdeț
Constantin Dăscălescu
Preceded byChivu Stoica
Succeeded byOffice abolished
Additional positions
Personal details
Born5 February 1918 (Old Style: 23 January)
Scornicești, Kingdom of Romania
Died25 December 1989 (aged 71)
Târgoviște, Socialist Republic of Romania
Cause of deathExecution by firing squad
Resting placeGhencea Cemetery, Bucharest, Romania
Political partyRomanian Communist Party (1932–1989)
SpouseElena Petrescu
(m. 1946; their deaths 1989)
Children
Valentin Zoia Nicu
Signature
Military service
Branch/serviceRomanian Army
Years of service1949–1954
RankMareșal
Battles/warsRomanian Revolution Executed
Criminal conviction
Conviction(s)Genocide
TrialTrial and execution of Nicolae and Elena Ceaușescu
Criminal penaltyDeath
Details
VictimsRomanian dissidents
Nicolae Ceaușescu (/tʃaʊˈʃɛskuː/ chow-SHESK-oo, Romanian: [nikoˈla.e tʃe̯a.uˈʃesku] (listen); 5 February [O.S. 23 January] 1918[1] – 25 December 1989) was a Romanian communist politician and statesman. He was the general secretary of the Romanian Communist Party from 1965 to 1989, and the second and last communist leader of Romania. He was also the country's head of state from 1967, serving as President of the State Council and from 1974 concurrently as President of the Republic, until his overthrow and execution in the Romanian Revolution in December 1989, part of a series of anti-Communist uprisings in Eastern Europe that year.
Born in 1918 in Scornicești, Ceaușescu was a member of the Romanian Communist youth movement. He was arrested in 1939 and sentenced for "conspiracy against social order", spending the time during the war in prisons and internment camps: Jilava (1940), Caransebeș (1942), Văcărești (1943), and Târgu Jiu (1943). Ceaușescu rose up through the ranks of Gheorghe Gheorghiu-Dej's Socialist government and, upon Gheorghiu-Dej's death in 1965, he succeeded to the leadership of the Romanian Communist Party as general secretary.[2]
Upon his rise to power, he eased press censorship and openly condemned the Warsaw Pact invasion of Czechoslovakia in his speech on 21 August 1968, which resulted in a surge in popularity. However, the resulting period of stability was brief as his government soon became totalitarian and was considered the most repressive in the Eastern Bloc at the time. His secret police, the Securitate, was responsible for mass surveillance as well as severe repression and human rights abuses within the country, and controlled the media and press. Economic mismanagement due to failed oil ventures during the 1970s led to skyrocketing foreign debts for Romania. Ceaușescu's attempts to implement policies that would lead to a significant growth of the population led to a growing number of unsafe abortions and increased the number of orphans in state institutions. In 1982, Ceaușescu directed the government to export much of the country's agricultural and industrial production in an effort to repay these debts. His cult of personality experienced unprecedented elevation, followed by the deterioration of foreign relations, even with the Soviet Union.
As anti-government protesters demonstrated in Timișoara in December 1989, he perceived the demonstrations as a political threat and ordered military forces to open fire on 17 December, causing many deaths and injuries. The revelation that Ceaușescu was responsible resulted in a massive spread of rioting and civil unrest across the country.[3] The demonstrations, which reached Bucharest, became known as the Romanian Revolution—the only violent overthrow of a communist government in the course of the Revolutions of 1989.[4] Ceaușescu and his wife Elena fled the capital in a helicopter, but they were captured by the military after the armed forces defected. After being tried and convicted of economic sabotage and genocide,[5] both were sentenced to death, and they were immediately executed by firing squad on 25 December.[6]
Early life and career
Arrested in 1936 when he was 18 years old, Ceaușescu was imprisoned for two years at Doftana Prison for Communist activities.
Ceaușescu was born in the small village of Scornicești, Olt County, being the third of nine children of a poor peasant family (see Ceaușescu family). Based on his birth certificate, he was born on 5 February [O.S. 23 January] 1918,[7] rather than the official 8 February [O.S. 26 January] 1918—his birth was registered with a three-day delay, which later led to confusion. According to the information recorded in his autobiography, Nicolae Ceaușescu was born on 26 January 1918.[8] His father Andruță (1886–1969) owned 3 hectares (7.4 acres) of agricultural land and a few sheep, and Nicolae supplemented his large family's income through tailoring.[9] He studied at the village school until the age of 11, when he left for Bucharest. The Olt County Service of National Archives holds excerpts from the catalogs of Scornicești Primary School, which certifies that Nicolae A. Ceaușescu passed the first grade with an average of 8.26 and the second grade with an average of 8.18, ranking third, in a class in which 25 students were enrolled.[8] Journalist Cătălin Gruia claimed in 2007 that he ran away from his supposedly extremely religious, abusive and strict father. He initially lived with his sister, Niculina Rusescu.
He became an apprentice shoemaker,[9] working in the workshop of Alexandru Săndulescu, a shoemaker who was an active member in the then-illegal Communist Party.[9] Ceaușescu was soon involved in the Communist Party activities (becoming a member in early 1932), but as a teenager he was given only small tasks.[9] He was first arrested in 1933, at the age of 15, for street fighting during a strike and again, in 1934, first for collecting signatures on a petition protesting the trial of railway workers and twice more for other similar activities.[citation needed] By the mid-1930s, he had been in missions in Bucharest, Craiova, Câmpulung and Râmnicu Vâlcea, being arrested several times.[10]
The profile file from the secret police, Siguranța Statului, named him "a dangerous Communist agitator" and "distributor of Communist and antifascist propaganda materials".[10] For these charges, he was convicted on 6 June 1936 by the Brașov Tribunal to 2 years in prison, an additional 6 months for contempt of court, and one year of forced residence in Scornicești.[10] He spent most of his sentence in Doftana Prison.[10] While out of jail in 1939, he met Elena Petrescu, whom he married in 1946 and who would play an increasing role in his political life over the years.
Ceaușescu and other Communists at a public meeting in Colentina, welcoming the Red Army as it entered Bucharest on 30 August 1944
Soon after being freed, he was arrested again and sentenced for "conspiracy against social order", spending the time during the war in prisons and internment camps: Jilava (1940), Caransebeș (1942), Văcărești (1943), and Târgu Jiu (1943).[10]
In 1943, he was transferred to Târgu Jiu internment camp, where he shared a cell with Gheorghe Gheorghiu-Dej, becoming his protégé.
Enticed with substantial bribes, the camp authorities gave the Communist prisoners much freedom in running their cell block, provided they did not attempt to break out of prison.[11] At Târgu Jiu, Gheorghiu-Dej ran "self-criticism sessions" where various Party members had to confess before the other Party members to misunderstanding the teachings of Karl Marx, Friedrich Engels, Vladimir Lenin, and Joseph Stalin as interpreted by Gheorghiu-Dej; journalist Edward Behr claimed that Ceaușescu's role in these "self-criticism sessions" was that of the enforcer, the young man allegedly beating those Party members who refused to go with or were insufficiently enthusiastic about the "self-criticism" sessions.[12] These "self-criticism sessions" not only helped to cement Gheorghiu-Dej's control over the Party, but also endeared his protégé Ceaușescu to him.[12] It was Ceaușescu's time at Târgu Jiu that marked the beginning of his rise to power. After World War II, when Romania was beginning to fall under Soviet influence, Ceaușescu served as secretary of the Union of Communist Youth (1944–1945).[13]
Ceaușescu holding a speech in 1954
After the Communists seized power in Romania in 1947, and under the patronage of Gheorghiu-Dej, Ceausescu was elected as a member of the Great National Assembly, the new legislative body of communist Romania.
In May 1948 he was appointed Secretary of the Ministry of Agriculture, and in March 1949 he was promoted to the position of Deputy Minister.[14] From the Ministry of Agriculture and with no military experience he was made Deputy Minister in charge of the armed forces with the rank of Major General; later promoted to the rank of lieutenant general he became First Deputy to the Ministry of Defense and head of the Army's Higher Political Directorate.[15] Ceausescu studied, 1951 and 1952, for two consecutive month's a year at the Soviet Frunze Military Academy in Moscow.[15]
In 1952, Gheorghiu-Dej brought him onto the Central Committee months after the party's "Muscovite faction" led by Ana Pauker had been purged. In the late 1940s-early 1950s, the Party had been divided into the "home communists" headed by Gheorghiu-Dej who remained inside Romania prior to 1944 and the "Muscovites" who had gone into exile in the Soviet Union. With the partial exception of Poland, where the Polish October crisis of 1956 brought to power the previously imprisoned "home communist" Władysław Gomułka, Romania was the only Eastern European nation where the "home communists" triumphed over the "Muscovites". In the rest of the Soviet bloc, there were a series of purges in this period that led to the "home communists" being executed or imprisoned. Like his patron Gheorghiu-Dej, Ceaușescu was a "home communist" who benefited from the fall of the "Muscovites" in 1952. In 1954, Ceaușescu became a full member of the Politburo and eventually rose to occupy the second-highest position in the party hierarchy.[citation needed]
Ceaușescu during the collectivization process
As a high-ranking state official in the Ministry of Agriculture and Ministry of Defence Ceaușescu had an important role in the forced collectivisation, according to own Romanian Workers' Party data, between 1949-1952 there were over 80,000 arrests of peasants and 30,000 ended with prison sentences.[16][17] One example is the uprising of Vadu Roșca (Vrancea county) who opposed the state program of expropriation of private holdings, Ceaușescu personally led the military units that suppressed the uprising and ordered the opening of fire from the machine guns in the trucks accompanying the tanks killing 9 and wounding 48, while 18 peasants were imprisoned for "rebellion" and "conspiring against social order".[18][19][17]
Leadership of Romania
See also: De-satellization of Communist Romania
Ceaușescu with Deng Xiaoping and Leonid Brezhnev in 1965
When Gheorghiu-Dej died on 19 March 1965, Ceaușescu was not the obvious successor despite his closeness to the longtime leader. However, widespread infighting by older and more connected officials made the Politburo turn to Ceaușescu as a compromise candidate.[20] He was elected general secretary on 22 March 1965, three days after Gheorghiu-Dej's death.
One of his first acts was to change the name of the party from the Romanian Workers' Party back to the Communist Party of Romania and to declare the country a socialist republic, rather than a people's republic. In 1967, he consolidated his power by becoming president of the State Council, making him de jure head of state. His political apparatus sent many thousands of political opponents to prison or psychiatric hospitals.[citation needed]
Initially, Ceaușescu became a popular figure, both in Romania and in the West, because of his independent foreign policy, which challenged the authority of the Soviet Union. In the 1960s, he eased press censorship and ended Romania's active participation in the Warsaw Pact, but Romania formally remained a member. He refused to take part in the 1968 invasion of Czechoslovakia by Warsaw Pact forces and even actively and openly condemned that action in his 21 August 1968 speech. He travelled to Prague a week before the invasion to offer moral support to his Czechoslovak counterpart, Alexander Dubček. Although the Soviet Union largely tolerated Ceaușescu's recalcitrance, his seeming independence from Moscow earned Romania a maverick status within the Eastern Bloc.[20]
All of Ceaușescu's economic, foreign and demographic policies were meant to achieve his ultimate goal: turning Romania into one of the world's great powers.[21] In October 1966, Ceaușescu banned abortion and contraception and brought in one of the world's harshest anti-abortion laws,[22] leading to a large spike in the number of Romanian infants abandoned to the country's orphanages.
During the following years Ceaușescu pursued an open policy towards the United States and Western Europe. Romania was the first Warsaw Pact country to recognize West Germany, the first to join the International Monetary Fund, and the first to receive a US president, Richard Nixon.[23] In 1971, Romania became a member of the General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade. Romania and Yugoslavia were also the only Eastern European countries that entered into trade agreements with the European Economic Community before the fall of the Eastern Bloc.[24]
A series of official visits to Western countries (including the United States, France, the United Kingdom, Spain and Australia) helped Ceaușescu to present himself as a reforming Communist, pursuing an independent foreign policy within the Soviet Bloc. He also became eager to be seen as an enlightened international statesman, able to mediate in international conflicts, and to gain international respect for Romania.[25] Ceaușescu negotiated in international affairs, such as the opening of US relations with China in 1969 and the visit of Egyptian president Anwar Sadat to Israel in 1977. Also Romania was the only country in the world to maintain normal diplomatic relations with both Israel and the PLO. In 1980, Romania participated in the 1980 Summer Olympics in Moscow with its other Soviet bloc allies, but in 1984 was one of the few Communist countries to participate in the 1984 Summer Olympics in Los Angeles (going on to win 53 medals, trailing only the United States and West Germany in the overall count)[26][27] when most of the Eastern Bloc's nations boycotted this event.[28]
Ceaușescu with Indira Gandhi during his visit to India in 1969
Ceaușescu refused to implement measures of economic liberalism. The evolution of his regime followed the path begun by Gheorghiu-Dej. He continued with the program of intensive industrialization aimed at the economic self-sufficiency of the country which since 1959 had already doubled industrial production and had reduced the peasant population from 78% at the end of the 1940s to 61% in 1966 and 49% by 1971. However, for Romania, like other Eastern People's Republics, industrialization did not mean a total social break with the countryside. The peasants returned periodically to the villages or resided in them, commuting daily to the city in a practice called naveta. This allowed Romanians to act as peasants and workers at the same time.[29]
Universities were also founded in small Romanian towns, which served to train qualified professionals such as engineers, economists, planners or jurists necessary for the industrialization and development project of the country. Romanian healthcare also achieved improvements and recognition by the World Health Organization (WHO). In May 1969, Marcolino Candau, Director General of this organization, visited Romania and declared that the visits of WHO staff to various Romanian hospital establishments had made an extraordinarily good impression.[29]
The social and economic transformations resulted in improved living conditions for Romanians. Economic growth allowed for higher salaries which, combined with the benefits offered by the state (free medical care, pensions, free universal education at all levels, etc.) were a leap compared to the pre-WWII situation of the Romanian population. Certain extra retributions were allowed for the peasants, who started to produce more.[29]
1966 decree
In 1966, in an attempt to boost the country's population, Ceaușescu made abortion illegal and introduced Decree 770 in order to reverse the Romanian population's low birth and fertility rates. Mothers of at least five children were entitled to receive significant benefits, while mothers of at least ten children were declared "heroine mothers" by the Romanian state. Few women ever sought to receive this status.
The government targeted rising divorce rates, and made divorce more difficult—it was decreed that marriages could only be dissolved in exceptional cases. By the late 1960s, the population began to swell. In turn, a new problem was created, child abandonment, which swelled the orphanage population (see Cighid). Many of the children in these orphanages suffered mental and physical deficiencies.[30]
Measures to encourage reproduction included financial motivations for families who bore children, guaranteed maternity leave, and childcare support for mothers who returned to work, work protection for women, and extensive access to medical control in all stages of pregnancy, as well as after it. Medical control was seen as one of the most productive effects of the law, since all women who became pregnant were under the care of a qualified medical practitioner, even in rural areas. In some cases, if a woman was unable to visit a medical office, a doctor would visit her home.[31]
Speech of 21 August 1968
Main article: Ceaușescu's speech of 21 August 1968
Ceaușescu's speech of 21 August 1968 represented the apogee of Ceaușescu's rule.[32] It marked the highest point in Ceaușescu's popularity, when he openly condemned the Warsaw Pact invasion of Czechoslovakia.
July Theses
Main article: July Theses
Ceaușescu meeting with North Korean Premier Kim Il Sung in 1971
Ceaușescu visited China, North Korea, Mongolia and North Vietnam in 1971. He took great interest in the idea of total national transformation as embodied in the programmes of North Korea's Juche and China's Cultural Revolution. He was also inspired by the personality cults of North Korea's Kim Il Sung and China's Mao Zedong. Journalist Edward Behr claimed that Ceaușescu admired both Mao and Kim as leaders who not only totally dominated their nations, but had also used totalitarian methods coupled with significant ultra-nationalism mixed in with communism in order to transform both China and North Korea into major world powers.[33] Furthermore, that Kim and even more so Mao had broken free of Soviet control were additional sources of admiration for Ceaușescu. According to British journalist Edward Behr, Elena Ceaușescu allegedly bonded with Mao's wife, Jiang Qing.[33] Behr wrote that the possibility that what Ceaușescu had seen in both China and North Korea were "vast Potemkin villages for the hoodwinking of gullible foreign guests" was something that never seemed to have crossed his mind.[33] Shortly after returning home, he began to emulate North Korea's system. North Korean books on Juche were translated into Romanian and widely distributed inside the country.[34]
On 6 July 1971, he delivered a speech before the executive committee of the Romanian Communist Party. This quasi-Maoist speech, which came to be known as the July Theses, contained seventeen proposals. Among these were: continuous growth in the "leading role" of the Party; improvement of Party education and of mass political action; youth participation on large construction projects as part of their "patriotic work"; an intensification of political-ideological education in schools and universities, as well as in children's, youth and student organizations; and an expansion of political propaganda, orienting radio and television shows to this end, as well as publishing houses, theatres and cinemas, opera, ballet, artists' unions, promoting a "militant, revolutionary" character in artistic productions. The liberalization of 1965 was condemned and an index of banned books and authors was re-established.
The Theses heralded the beginning of a "mini cultural revolution" in Romania, launching a Neo-Stalinist offensive against cultural autonomy, reaffirming an ideological basis for literature that, in theory, the Party had hardly abandoned. Although presented in terms of "Socialist Humanism", the Theses in fact marked a return to the strict guidelines of Socialist Realism and attacks on non-compliant intellectuals. Strict ideological conformity in the humanities and social sciences was demanded.
In a 1972 speech, Ceaușescu stated he wanted "a certain blending of party and state activities... in the long run we shall witness an ever closer blending of the activities of the party, state and other social bodies". In practice, a number of joint party-state organizations were founded such as the Council for Socialist Education and Culture, which had no precise counterpart in any of the other communist states of Eastern Europe, and the Romanian Communist Party was embedded into the daily life of the nation in a way that it never had been before. In 1974, the party programme of the Romanian Communist Party announced that structural changes in society were insufficient to create a full socialist consciousness in the people, and that a full socialist consciousness could only come about if the entire population was made aware of socialist values that guided society. The Communist Party was to be the agency that would so "enlighten" the population and in the words of the British historian Richard Crampton "...the party would merge state and society, the individual and the collective, and would promote 'the ever more organic participation of party members in the entire social life'".[35]
President of the Socialist Republic of Romania
Standard as President of Romania
In 1974, Ceaușescu converted his post of president of the State Council to a full-fledged executive presidency. He was first elected to this post in 1974, and would be reelected every five years until 1989.
Although Ceaușescu had been nominal head of state since 1967, he had merely been first among equals on the State Council, deriving his real power from his status as party leader. The new post, however, made him the nation's top decision-maker both in name and in fact. He was empowered to carry out those functions of the State Council that did not require plenums. He also appointed and dismissed the president of the Supreme Court and the prosecutor general whenever the legislature was not in session. In practice, from 1974 onward Ceaușescu frequently ruled by decree.[36] Over time, he usurped many powers and functions that nominally were vested in the State Council as a whole.[37]
Effectively, Ceaușescu now held all governing power in the nation; virtually all party and state institutions were subordinated to his will. The principles of democratic centralism, combined with the legislature's infrequent sessions (it sat in full session only twice a year) meant that for all intents and purposes, his decisions had the force of law.
Oil embargo, strike and foreign relations
Nicolae Ceaușescu (left) with Hafez Al Assad (right) during a state visit to Ba'athist Syria, 1974
Starting with the 1973–74 Arab oil embargo against the West, a period of prolonged high oil prices set in that characterised the rest of the 1970s. Romania as a major oil equipment producer greatly benefited from the high oil prices of the 1970s, which led Ceaușescu to embark on an ambitious plan to invest heavily in oil-refining plants.[citation needed] Ceaușescu's plan was to make Romania into Europe's number one oil refiner not only of its own oil, but also of oil from Middle Eastern states such as Iraq and Iran, and then to sell all of the refined oil at a profit on the Rotterdam spot market.[38] As Romania lacked the money to build the necessary oil refining plants and Ceaușescu chose to spend the windfall from the high oil prices on aid to the Third World in an attempt to buy Romania international influence, Ceaușescu borrowed heavily from Western banks on the assumption that when the loans came due, the profits from the sales of the refined oil would be more than enough to pay off the loans.[38] The 1977 earthquake which destroyed much of Bucharest led to delays in the oil plan.[38] By the time the oil refining plants were finished in the early 1980s, a slump in oil prices had set in, leading to major financial problems for Romania.[38]
Ceaușescu in a meeting with Robert Mugabe in 1976
In August 1977 over 30,000 miners went on strike in the Jiu River valley complaining of low pay and poor working conditions.[21] The Jiu valley miners' strike was the most significant expression of opposition to Ceaușescu's rule prior to the late 1980s. The striking miners were inspired by similar strikes along Poland's Baltic coast in December 1970, and just as in Poland in 1970, the striking Romanian miners demanded face-to-face negotiations with their nation's leader.[21] When Ceaușescu appeared before the miners on the third day of the strike, he was greeted (in the words of the British historian Richard Crampton) "... once again à la polonaise, with cries of 'Down with the Red Bourgeoisie!'".[21] Ceaușescu ultimately negotiated a compromise solution to the strike.[21] In the years after the strike, a number of its leaders died of accidents and "premature disease". Rumors emerged that Securitate had doctors give the strike leaders 5-minute chest X-rays to ensure the development of cancer.[21]
He continued to follow an independent policy in foreign relations—for example, in 1984, Romania was one of few communist states (notably including the People's Republic of China and Yugoslavia) to take part in the 1984 Summer Olympics in Los Angeles, despite a Soviet-led boycott.
Ceaușescu with Jimmy Carter during a visit in Washington, D.C. in 1978
Also, the Socialist Republic of Romania was the first of the Eastern bloc nations to have official relations with the Western bloc and the European Community: an agreement including Romania in the Community's Generalised System of Preferences was signed in 1974 and an Agreement on Industrial Products was signed in 1980. On 4 April 1975, Ceaușescu visited Japan and met with Emperor Hirohito. In June 1978, Ceaușescu made a state visit to the UK where a £200m licensing agreement was signed between the Romanian government and British Aerospace for the production of more than eighty BAC One-Eleven aircraft. The deal was said at the time to be the biggest between two countries involving a civil aircraft.[39] This was the first state visit by a Communist head of state to the UK, and Ceaușescu was given a knighthood by the Queen, which was revoked on the day before his death in 1989.[40][41] Similarly, in 1983, Vice President of the United States George H. W. Bush and in 1985 United States Secretary of State George Shultz also praised the Romanian dictator.[42]
Pacepa defection
In 1978, Ion Mihai Pacepa, a senior member of the Romanian political police (Securitate, State Security), defected to the United States. A two-star general, he was the highest ranking defector from the Eastern Bloc during the Cold War. His defection was a powerful blow against the administration, forcing Ceaușescu to overhaul the architecture of the Security. Pacepa's 1986 book, Red Horizons: Chronicles of a Communist Spy Chief (ISBN 0-89526-570-2), claims to expose details of Ceaușescu's government activities, such as massive spying on American industry and elaborate efforts to rally Western political support.
Foreign debt
Main article: 1980s austerity policy in Romania
By the 1970s, the Ceaușescus had developed a personality cult.
Ceaușescu's political independence from the Soviet Union and his protest against the invasion of Czechoslovakia in 1968 drew the interest of Western powers, whose governments briefly believed that he was an anti-Soviet maverick and hoped to create a schism in the Warsaw Pact by funding him. Ceaușescu did not realise that the funding was not always favorable. Ceaușescu was able to borrow heavily (more than $13 billion) from the West to finance economic development programs, but these loans ultimately devastated the country's finances. He also secured a deal for cheap oil from Iran, but that deal fell through after the Shah was overthrown.
In an attempt to correct this, Ceaușescu decided to repay Romania's foreign debts. He organised the 1986 military referendum and managed to change the constitution, adding a clause that barred Romania from taking foreign loans in the future. According to official results, the referendum yielded a nearly unanimous "yes" vote.[43]
Romania's record—having all of its debts to commercial banks paid off in full—has not been matched by any other heavily indebted country in the world.[44] The policy to repay—and, in multiple cases, prepay—Romania's external debt became the dominant policy in the late 1980s. The result was economic stagnation throughout the 1980s and, towards the end of the decade, the conditions were created for an economic crisis. The country's industrial capacity was eroded as equipment grew obsolete and energy intensity increased, and the standard of living deteriorated significantly. Draconian restrictions were imposed on the household energy use to ensure an adequate supply for the industry. Convertible currency exports were promoted at all costs and imports were severely compressed. In 1988, real GDP contracted by 0.5%, mostly due to a decline in industrial output caused by significantly increased material costs. Despite the 1988 decline, the net foreign balance reached its decade peak (9.5% of GDP). In 1989, GDP slumped by a further 5.8% due to growing shortages and the increasingly obsolete capital stock. By March 1989, virtually all of the external debt had been repaid. The entire medium- and long-term external debt was repaid. The lingering amount, totalling less than 1 million, consisted of short-term credits (mainly short-term export credits granted by Romania). A 1989 decree legally prohibited Romanian entities from contracting external debt.[45] The CIA World Factbook edition of 1990 listed Romania's external debt as "none" as of mid-1989.[46]
Yearly evolution (in billions of dollars)
1995 was the last year in which Romania's economy was dominated by the state. From 1996 onwards, the private sector would account for most of Romania's GDP.[47]
Data for 1975, 1980 and 1982–1988 taken from the Statistical Abstract of the United States.[48]
Data for 1989–1995 provided by the OECD.[49]
Data for 1981 and 1985 provided by the World Book Year Book.[50]
By April 1989, with its debt virtually zero, Romania was a net external creditor. Foreign borrowing was resumed after December 1989.[51] In order to maintain net creditor status, Romania had to keep its external debt under $2.5 billion, the low estimate of the amount it was owed by oil producers and other LDCs. This was first achieved in 1988[52] and continued through the early 1990s.[53]
19751980198119821983198419851986198719881989199019911992199319941995
Gross external debt2.99.410.29.88.87.16.66.45.12.20.00.22.23.54.55.56.7
Net statusdebtordebtordebtordebtordebtordebtordebtordebtordebtorcreditorcreditorcreditorcreditordebtordebtordebtordebtor
1984 failed coup d'état attempt
A tentative coup d'état planned in October 1984 failed when the military unit assigned to carry out the plan was sent to harvest maize instead.[54]
1987 Brașov rebellion
Main article: Brașov rebellion
Communist leaders Nicolae Ceaușescu of Romania (left) and Mikhail Gorbachev of the Soviet Union in 1985
Romanian workers began to mobilize against the economic policies of Ceaușescu. Spontaneous labor conflicts, limited in scale, took place in major industrial centers such as Cluj-Napoca (November 1986) and the Nicolina platform in Iași (February 1987), culminating in a massive strike in Brașov. The draconian measures taken by Ceaușescu involved reducing energy and food consumption, as well as lowering workers' incomes, leading to what political scientist Vladimir Tismăneanu called "generalized dissatisfaction".[55]
Over 20,000 workers and a number of townspeople marched against economic policies in Socialist Romania and Nicolae Ceaușescu's policies of rationing of basic foodstuffs, rationing electricity and central heating.
The first protests began practically on 14 November 1987, at the 440 "Molds" Section of the Red Flag truck company. Initially, the protests were for basic needs: "We want food and heating!", "We want our money!", "We want food for the children!", "We want light and heat!" and "We want bread without a card!". Next to the County Hospital, they sang the anthem of the revolution of 1848, "Deșteaptă-te, române!". Upon arriving in the city center, thousands of workers from the Tractorul Brașov and Hidromecanica factories, pupils, students, and others joined the demonstration. From this moment on, the protest became political. Participants later claimed to have chanted slogans such as "Down with Ceaușescu!", "Down with communism!", "Down with the dictatorship!" or "Down with the tyrant!". During the march, members of the Securitate disguised as workers infiltrated the demonstrators, or remained on the sidelines as spectators, photographing or even filming.[56]
By dusk, Securitate forces and the military surrounded the city center and disbanded the revolt by force. Some 300 protesters were arrested and in order to hide the idea that the Brașov uprising had been a political one, the protesters were tried for disturbing the public peace and outrage against morals.
Nicolae Ceaușescu in 1986
Those under investigation were beaten and tortured, 61 of them receiving sentences ranging from 6 months to 3 years in prison, without deprivation of liberty, with execution at work in various enterprises in the country, although previously, in many party meetings, the death penalty was even required for the participants in the uprising, to set an example. In addition, at the trial it was decided to deport them and to arrange compulsory residence in other cities, although the decisions on such administrative measures had been repealed as early as the late 50s. The whole process took only an hour and a half.[56]
A few days after the workers' revolt, Cătălin Bia, a student at the Faculty of Forestry, sat in front of the canteen with a placard that read: "The arrested workers must not die". He was joined by colleagues Lucian Silaghi and Horia Șerban. The three were arrested immediately. Subsequently, graffiti of solidarity with the workers' revolt appeared on the student campus, and some students distributed manifestos. The security team conducted a total of seven arrests. Those arrested were investigated then expelled from the Faculty; returned to the localities from whence they came and placed under strict supervision along with their families.[56]
Romani minority rights
During the Ceaușescu regime, the Romani were largely neglected. This can be seen, perhaps most blatantly, with a motion from the Politburo of the Central Committee of the Romanian Workers Party, which largely laid the foundation for the Ceaușescu regime's policies regarding the rights of ethnic minorities. The motion entirely ignored the Romani.[57]
Under the regime, the Romani were excluded from the list of "co-inhabiting nationalities" which was drafted by it, and as a result, they lacked any representation as an ethnic group in the government. This was still the case even after representation increased for other minorities such as Hungarians and Germans. Ceaușescu largely wished to conjure away the living conditions of the Romani, which were ignored by his predecessors and put in place as early as the regime of Ion Antonescu.[57]
The result of the neglect of the Romani, who had long been a highly vulnerable ethnic minority group across Europe, left the majority of the Romani people in Romania in significant poverty and it also left them at risk of becoming victims of hate crimes. Such conditions have lasted into modern-day Romania as demonstrated by the policies of several subsequent presidents.
Revolution
Main article: Romanian Revolution
Ceaușescu in 1988
In November 1989, the XIVth Congress of the Romanian Communist Party (PCR) saw Ceaușescu, then aged 71, re-elected for another five years as leader of the PCR. During the Congress, Ceaușescu made a speech denouncing the anti-Communist revolutions happening throughout the rest of Eastern Europe. The following month, Ceaușescu's government itself collapsed after a series of violent events in Timișoara and Bucharest.
Czechoslovak President Gustáv Husák's resignation on 10 December 1989 amounted to the fall of the Communist regime in Czechoslovakia, leaving Ceaușescu's Romania as the only remaining hard-line Communist regime in the Warsaw Pact.[58][59][60]
Timișoara
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Demonstrations in the city of Timișoara were triggered by the government-sponsored attempt to evict László Tőkés, an ethnic Hungarian pastor, accused by the government of inciting ethnic hatred. Members of his ethnic Hungarian congregation surrounded his apartment in a show of support.
Romanian students spontaneously joined the demonstration, which soon lost nearly all connection to its initial cause and became a more general anti-government demonstration. Regular military forces, police, and the Securitate fired on demonstrators on 17 December 1989, killing and injuring men, women, and children.
On 18 December 1989, Ceaușescu departed for a state visit to Iran, leaving the duty of crushing the Timișoara revolt to his subordinates and his wife. Upon his return to Romania on the evening of 20 December, the situation became even more tense, and he gave a televised speech from the TV studio inside the Central Committee Building (CC Building), in which he spoke about the events at Timișoara in terms of an "interference of foreign forces in Romania's internal affairs" and an "external aggression on Romania's sovereignty".
The country, which had little to no information of the events transpiring in Timișoara from the national media, learned about the revolt from radio stations (such as Voice of America and Radio Free Europe) and by word of mouth. On the next day, 21 December, Ceaușescu staged a mass meeting in Bucharest. Official media presented it as a "spontaneous movement of support for Ceaușescu", emulating the 1968 meeting in which he had spoken against the invasion of Czechoslovakia by Warsaw Pact forces.
Overthrow
Speech on 21 December
Main article: Ceaușescu's final speech
The mass meeting of 21 December, held in what is now Revolution Square, began like many of Ceaușescu's speeches over the years. He spoke of the achievements of the "Socialist revolution" and Romania's "multi-laterally developed Socialist society". He also blamed the Timișoara riots on "fascist agitators who want to destroy socialism".[61]
However, Ceaușescu had misjudged the crowd's mood. Roughly eight minutes into his speech, several people began jeering and booing, and others began chanting "Timișoara!"[62] He tried to silence them by raising his right hand and calling for the crowd's attention before order was temporarily restored, then proceeded to announce social benefit reforms that included raising the national minimum wage by 200 lei per month to a total of 2,200 per month by 1 January. Images of Ceaușescu's facial expression as the crowd began to boo and heckle him were among the most widely broadcast of the collapse of communism in Eastern Europe.[20]
Failing to control the crowd, the Ceaușescus took cover inside the building that housed the Central Committee of the Romanian Communist Party. The rest of the day saw an open revolt of Bucharest's population, which had assembled in University Square and confronted the police and army at barricades. The rioters, however, were no match for the military apparatus concentrated in Bucharest, which cleared the streets by midnight and arrested hundreds of people in the process.
Flight on 22 December
By the morning of 22 December, the rebellion had already spread to all major cities across the country. The suspicious death of Vasile Milea, Ceaușescu's defence minister, later confirmed as a suicide (he tried to incapacitate himself with a flesh wound but a bullet severed his artery),[63] was announced by the media. Immediately thereafter, Ceaușescu presided over the CPEx (Political Executive Committee) meeting and assumed the leadership of the army. Believing that Milea had been murdered, rank-and-file soldiers switched sides to the revolution almost en masse. The commanders wrote off Ceaușescu as a lost cause and made no effort to keep their men loyal to the government. Ceaușescu made a last desperate attempt to address the crowd gathered in front of the Central Committee building, but the people in the square began throwing stones and other projectiles at him, forcing him to take refuge in the building once more.[citation needed] He, Elena and four others managed to get to the roof and escape by helicopter, only seconds ahead of a group of demonstrators who had followed them there.[20] The Romanian Communist Party disappeared soon afterwards; unlike its kindred parties in the former Soviet bloc, it has never been revived.
The Western press[who?] published estimates of the number of people killed by Securitate forces. The count increased rapidly until an estimated 64,000 fatalities were reported across front pages.[64] The Hungarian military attaché expressed doubt regarding these figures, pointing out the unfeasible logistics of killing such a large number of people in such a short period. After Ceaușescu's death, hospitals across the country reported a death toll of fewer than 1,000, and probably much lower than that.[65]
Death
Main article: Trial and execution of Nicolae and Elena Ceaușescu
Ceaușescu's original grave, Ghencea Cemetery, Bucharest (photographed in 2007)
The current resting place of Nicolae and Elena Ceaușescu at Ghencea Cemetery (photographed in 2018). Note that Elena Ceaușescu's year of birth is incorrectly recorded as 1919; her actual year of birth is 1916.
Ceaușescu and his wife Elena fled the capital with Emil Bobu and Manea Mănescu and flew by helicopter to Ceaușescu's Snagov residence, from which they fled again, this time to Târgoviște. They abandoned the helicopter near Târgoviște, having been ordered to land by the army, which by that time had restricted flying in Romania's airspace. The Ceaușescus were held by the police while the policemen listened to the radio. They were eventually handed over to the army.
On Christmas Day, 25 December 1989, the Ceaușescus were tried before a court convened in a small room on orders of the National Salvation Front, Romania's provisional government. They faced charges including illegal gathering of wealth and genocide. Ceaușescu repeatedly denied the court's authority to try him, and asserted he was still legally the President of Romania. At the end of the trial, the Ceaușescus were found guilty and sentenced to death. A soldier standing guard in the proceedings was ordered to take the Ceaușescus outside one by one and shoot them, but the Ceaușescus demanded to die together. The soldiers agreed to this and began to tie their hands behind their backs, which the Ceaușescus protested against, but were powerless to prevent.
The Ceaușescus were executed by a group of soldiers: Captain Ionel Boeru, Sergeant-Major Georghin Octavian and Dorin-Marian Cîrlan,[66] while reportedly hundreds of others also volunteered. Before his sentence was carried out, Nicolae Ceaușescu sang "The Internationale" whilst being led towards the wall. The firing squad began shooting as soon as the two were in their positions up against the wall.[citation needed]
Later that day, the execution was also shown on Romanian television.[67] The hasty show trial and the images of the dead Ceaușescus were videotaped and the footage released in numerous Western countries two days after the execution.
The manner in which the trial was conducted has been criticised. However, Ion Iliescu, Romania's provisional president, said in 2009 that the trial was "quite shameful, but necessary" in order to end the state of near-anarchy that had gripped the country in the three days since the Ceaușescus fled Bucharest.[68] Similarly, Victor Stănculescu, who had been defence minister before going over to the revolution, said, in 2009, that the alternative would have been seeing the Ceaușescus lynched on the streets of Bucharest.[69]
The Ceaușescus were the last people to be executed in Romania before the abolition of capital punishment on 7 January 1990.[70]
Nicolae and Elena Ceaușescu were originally buried in simple graves at Ghencea Cemetery, in Bucharest, on opposite sides of a path; their graves were often decorated with flowers and symbols of communist rule. In April 2007, their son, Valentin Ceaușescu, lost an appeal for an investigation into whether the graves were genuine. Upon his death in 1996, the younger son, Nicu, was buried nearby in the same cemetery.[71] According to the Jurnalul Național,[72] requests were made by the Ceaușescus' daughter, Zoia, and by supporters of their political views, to move their remains to mausoleums or to purpose-built churches. These demands were denied by the government.
Exhumation and reburial
On 21 July 2010, forensic scientists exhumed the bodies to perform DNA tests to prove conclusively that they were indeed the remains of the Ceaușescus.[71] The body believed to be Elena's had decayed too much to allow for a positive identification, but Nicolae was easily identifiable, wearing the bullet-riddled black winter coat he had been wearing during the execution. DNA tests were able to conclusively prove his identity.[73][74] His family organised a funeral service for the couple,[71] and they were reburied together at Ghencea under a tombstone.[75]
Ceaușescu's policies
See also: National Communism in Romania and Neo-Stalinism
While the term Ceaușism became widely used inside Romania,[citation needed] usually as a pejorative, it never achieved status in academia. This can be explained by the largely crude and syncretic character of the dogma. Ceaușescu attempted to include his views in mainstream Marxist theory, to which he added his belief in a "multilaterally developed Socialist society" as a necessary stage between the Leninist concepts of Socialist and Communist societies (a critical view reveals that the main reason for the interval is the disappearance of the State and Party structures in Communism).[citation needed] A Romanian Encyclopedic Dictionary entry in 1978 underlines the concept as "a new, superior, stage in the Socialist development of Romania ... begun by the 1971–1975 Five-Year Plan, prolonged over several [succeeding and projected] Five-Year Plans".[76]
Ceaușism's main trait was a form of Romanian nationalism,[77] one which arguably propelled Ceaușescu to power in 1965, and probably accounted for the Party leadership under Ion Gheorghe Maurer choosing him over the more orthodox Gheorghe Apostol. Although he had previously been a careful supporter of the official lines, Ceaușescu came to embody Romanian society's wish for independence after what many considered years of Soviet directives and purges, during and after the SovRom fiasco. He carried this nationalist option inside the Party, manipulating it against the nominated successor Apostol. This nationalist policy had more timid precedents:[78] for example, Gheorghiu-Dej had overseen the withdrawal of the Red Army in 1958.
Moldavian workers during Ceaușescu's visit to Soviet Moldavia in 1972
It had also engineered the publishing of several works that subverted the Russian and Soviet image, no longer glossing over traditional points of tension with Russia and the Soviet Union (even alluding to an "unlawful" Soviet presence in Bessarabia). In the final years of Gheorghiu-Dej's rule, more problems were openly discussed, with the publication of a collection of Karl Marx's writings that dealt with Romanian topics, showing Marx's previously censored, politically uncomfortable views of Russia.
Ceaușescu was prepared to take a more decisive step in questioning Soviet policies. In the early years of his rule, he generally relaxed political pressures inside Romanian society,[79] which led to the late 1960s and early 1970s being the most liberal decade in Socialist Romania. Gaining the public's confidence, Ceaușescu took a clear stand against the 1968 crushing of the Prague Spring by Leonid Brezhnev. After a visit from Charles de Gaulle earlier in the same year, during which the French President gave recognition to the incipient maverick, Ceaușescu's public speech in August deeply impressed the population, not only through its themes, but also because, uniquely, it was unscripted. He immediately attracted Western sympathies and backing, which lasted well beyond the 'liberal' phase of his rule; at the same time, the period brought forward the threat of armed Soviet invasion: significantly, many young men inside Romania joined the Patriotic Guards created on the spur of the moment, in order to meet the perceived threat.[80] President Richard Nixon was invited to Bucharest in 1969, which was the first visit of a United States president to a communist country after the start of the Cold War.
Alexander Dubček's version of Socialism with a human face was never suited to Romanian Communist goals.[citation needed] Ceaușescu found himself briefly aligned with Dubček's Czechoslovakia and Josip Broz Tito's Yugoslavia. The latter friendship was to last until Tito's death in 1980, with Ceaușescu adapting the Titoist doctrine of "independent Socialist development" to suit his own objectives.[citation needed] Romania proclaimed itself a "Socialist" (in place of "People's") Republic to show that it was fulfilling Marxist goals without Moscow's oversight.
The system's nationalist traits grew and progressively blended with North Korean Juche and Chinese Maoist ideals.[citation needed] In 1971, the Party, which had already been completely purged of internal opposition (with the possible exception of Gheorghe Gaston Marin),[78] approved the July Theses, expressing Ceaușescu's disdain of Western models as a whole, and the reevaluation of the recent liberalisation as bourgeois. The 1974 XIth Party Congress tightened the Party's grip on Romanian culture, guiding it towards Ceaușescu's nationalist principles.[81] Notably, it demanded that Romanian historians refer to Dacians as having "an unorganised State", part of a political continuum that culminated in the Socialist Republic.[81] The government continued its cultural dialogue with ancient forms, with Ceaușescu connecting his cult of personality to figures such as Mircea cel Bătrân (lit. "Mircea the Elder", whom he styled "Mircea the Great") and Mihai Viteazul (Michael the Brave). It also started adding Dacian or Roman versions to the names of cities and towns (Drobeta to Turnu Severin, Napoca to Cluj).[82] Although Ceaușescu maintained an independent, "national Communist" course, his absolute control over the country, as well as the intensity of the personality cult surrounding him, led many non-Romanian observers to describe his rule as one of the closest things to an old-style Stalinist regime. The last edition of the Country Study on Romania, for instance, referred to the PCR's "Stalinist repression of individual liberties".[83] A new generation of committed supporters on the outside confirmed the administration's character. Ceaușescu probably never emphasized that his policies constituted a paradigm for theorists of National Bolshevism such as Jean-François Thiriart, but there was a publicised connection between him and Iosif Constantin Drăgan, an Iron Guardist Romanian-Italian émigré millionaire (Drăgan was already committed to a Dacianist and protochronist attitude that largely echoed the official cultural policy).
Nicolae Ceaușescu had a major influence on modern-day Romanian populist rhetoric. In his final years, he had begun to rehabilitate the image of pro-Nazi dictator Ion Antonescu. Although Antonescu's image was never a fully official myth in Ceaușescu's time, after his overthrow politicians such as Corneliu Vadim Tudor have coupled the images of the two leaders into their versions of a national Pantheon. The conflict with Hungary over the treatment of the Magyar minority in Romania had several unusual aspects: not only was it a vitriolic argument between two officially Socialist states, it also marked the moment when Hungary, a state behind the Iron Curtain, appealed to the Organization for Security and Co-operation in Europe for sanctions to be taken against Romania. This meant that the later 1980s were marked by a pronounced anti-Hungarian discourse, which owed more to nationalist tradition than to Marxism,[84] and the ultimate isolation of Romania on the world stage.
The strong opposition to Ceaușescu on all forms of perestroika and glasnost placed Ceaușescu at odds with Mikhail Gorbachev. He was very displeased when other Warsaw Pact countries decided to try their own versions of Gorbachev's reforms. In particular, he was incensed when Poland's leaders opted for a power-sharing arrangement with the Solidarity trade union. He even went as far as to call for a Warsaw Pact invasion of Poland—a significant reversal, considering how violently he opposed the invasion of Czechoslovakia 20 years earlier.[85] For his part, Gorbachev made no secret of his distaste for Ceaușescu, whom he called "the Romanian führer". At a meeting between the two, Gorbachev upbraided Ceaușescu for his inflexible attitude. "You are running a dictatorship here", the Soviet leader warned.[20]
In November 1989, at the XIVth and last congress of the PCR, Ceaușescu condemned the Molotov–Ribbentrop Pact and asked for the annulment of its consequences. In effect, this amounted to a demand for the return of Bessarabia (most of which was then a Soviet republic and since 1991 has been independent Moldova) and northern Bukovina, both of which had been occupied by the Soviet Union in 1940 and again at the end of World War II.
Non-aligned policy feats
Warsaw Pact leaders in 1987 from left to right: Husák of Czechoslovakia, Zhivkov of Bulgaria, Honecker of East Germany, Gorbachev of the Soviet Union, Ceaușescu, Jaruzelski of Poland, and Kádár of Hungary
Ceaușescu was among the most ardent supporters of dimming lingering tensions between different Balkan states,[86] and went as far as to establish friendly relations with the vituperatively anti-communist Regime of the Colonels in Greece to pursue his objectives of cooperation between Balkan countries.[87]
Ceaușescu's Romania was the only Eastern Bloc country that retained diplomatic relations with Israel and did not sever diplomatic relations after Israel's pre-emptive strike against Egypt at the start of the Six-Day War in 1967, to the consternation of the Soviet Union.[88] Ceaușescu made efforts to act as a mediator between the PLO and Israel.
Similarly, Romania was the only Eastern Bloc country to attend the 1984 Summer Olympics in Los Angeles, which had been boycotted by the Soviets and the rest of their allies in response to the U.S.-led boycott of the 1980 Summer Olympics in Moscow.
Ceaușescu's Romania was the only Warsaw Pact country that did not sever diplomatic relations with Chile after Augusto Pinochet's coup.[89]
Nicolae Ceaușescu was a close ally and personal friend of dictator Mobutu Sese Seko of Zaïre. Relations were in fact not just state-to-state, but party-to-party between their respective political machineries, the MPR and the PCR. Many believe that Ceaușescu's death played a role in influencing Mobutu to "democratise" Zaïre in 1990.[90]
Ceaușescu reduced the size of the Romanian People's Army by 5%, for which he organized a mock referendum.[91] In line with his policy of keeping a façade of "popular democracy", he also ordered large rallies for peace to be held.
Bessarabia
In August 1976, Nicolae Ceaușescu was the first high-level Romanian visitor to Bessarabia since World War II. In December 1976, at one of his meetings in Bucharest, Ivan Bodiul said that "the good relationship was initiated by Ceaușescu's visit to Soviet Moldova".[92]
Personality cult and totalitarianism
Main article: Nicolae Ceaușescu's cult of personality
Stamp commemorating Ceaușescu's 70th birthday and 55 years of political activity, 1988
Ceaușescu receiving the presidential sceptre, 1974[93]
Propaganda poster, Bucharest 1986)
Ceaușescu created a pervasive personality cult, giving himself such titles as "Conducător" ("Leader") and "Geniul din Carpați" ("The Genius of the Carpathians"), with inspiration from Proletarian Culture (Proletkult). After his election as President of Romania, he even had a "presidential sceptre" created for himself, thus appropriating a royal insignia. This excess prompted painter Salvador Dalí to send a congratulatory telegram to the Romanian president, in which he sarcastically congratulated Ceaușescu on his "introducing the presidential sceptre". The Communist Party daily Scînteia published the message, unaware that it was a work of satire.[citation needed]
The most important day of the year during Ceaușescu's rule was his official birthday, 26 January—a day which saw Romanian media saturated with praise for him. According to historian Victor Sebestyen, it was one of the few days of the year when the average Romanian put on a happy face, since appearing miserable on this day was too risky to contemplate.[20]
To lessen the chance of further treason after Pacepa's defection, Ceaușescu also invested his wife Elena and other members of his family with important positions in the government. This led Romanians to joke that Ceaușescu was creating "socialism in one family", a pun on "socialism in one country".[citation needed]
Ceaușescu was greatly concerned about his public image. For years, nearly all official photographs of him showed him in his late 40s. Romanian state television was under strict orders to portray him in the best possible light.[20] Additionally, producers had to take great care to make sure that Ceaușescu's height (he was only 1.68 metres (5 ft 6 in) tall[94]) was never emphasized on screen. Consequences for breaking these rules were severe; one producer showed footage of Ceaușescu blinking and stuttering, and was banned for three months.[20]
As part of a propaganda ploy arranged by the Ceaușescus through the consular cultural attachés of Romanian embassies,[citation needed] they managed to receive orders and titles from numerous states and institutions. France granted Nicolae Ceaușescu the Legion of Honour. In 1978 he became a Knight Grand Cross of the Order of the Bath (GCB) in the UK,[95][circular reference] a title of which he was stripped in 1989. Elena Ceaușescu was arranged to be "elected" to membership of a science academy in the US.
To execute a massive redevelopment project during the rule of Nicolae Ceaușescu, the government conducted extensive demolition of churches and many other historic structures in Romania. According to Alexandru Budistenu, former chief architect of Bucharest, "The sight of a church bothered Ceaușescu. It didn't matter if they demolished or moved it, as long as it was no longer in sight." Nevertheless, a project organized by Romanian engineer Eugeniu Iordachescu was able to move many historic structures to less-prominent sites and save them.[96]
Legacy
Ceaușescu had a mixed reputation among international leaders of his time. In his memoir The Artful Albanian, Albanian leader Enver Hoxha remarked "As if Ceaușescu and company are to bring down imperialism! If the world waits for the Ceaușescus to do such a thing, imperialism will live for tens of thousands of years..."[97] According to Pacepa, Libyan leader Muammar Gadaffi had an opposite interpretation, allegedly saying, "My brother! You are my brother for the rest of my life!".[98] Ceaușescu even received praise from anti-communists with the Shah (King) of Iran Mohammad Reza Pahlavi acclaiming Ceaușescu leadership: "I would like to salute [Ceaușescu's] intransigent patriotism and ferocious will for independence. A veritable amity links me to him."[99]
He directed the construction of the Palace of the Parliament in Bucharest, which broke ground in June 1984. It was previously called The House of the People and The People's House. The building of the Palace of the Parliament was the most extreme expression of the systematization program imposed by Nicolae Ceaușescu upon Romania. The systematization was a program of urban planning carried out by Ceaușescu. The goal of this program was to create new urban areas by converting villages into miniature cities. The main architect of the building was Anca Petrescu (1949–2013), who began her work on this building when she was 28 years old. The building was completed in 1997, after Ceaușescu's death in 1989. The Romanian Senate, which was originally housed in the former building of the Central Committee of the Romanian Communist Party, has been headquartered in the Parliamentary Palace since 2004.
The Parliamentary Palace building has 1,100 rooms and is the largest civilian government building in the world as measured by volume in one continuous structure. (There are larger private sector buildings, mainly for the construction of aircraft, that have more continuous volume in one building, such as the Boeing Everett Factory.) Much of the building remains empty, being larger than the Parliament needs, though Parliament shares it with three museums and an international conference center.[100] It is also the heaviest building in the world, being constructed of 700,000 tonnes of steel and bronze, a million square feet of marble, and large amounts of crystal and wood.[101][102]
His successor, Ion Iliescu, and Nicolae Ceaușescu in 1976
Nicolae and Elena Ceaușescu had three children: Valentin Ceaușescu (born 1948), a nuclear physicist; Zoia Ceaușescu (1949–2006), a mathematician; and Nicu Ceaușescu (1951–1996), a physicist. After the death of his parents, Nicu Ceaușescu ordered the construction of an Orthodox church, the walls of which are decorated with portraits of his parents.[72]
Praising the crimes of totalitarian governments and denigrating their victims is forbidden by law in Romania; this includes the Ceaușescu era. Dinel Staicu was fined 25,000 lei (approx. 9,000 United States dollars) for praising Ceaușescu and displaying his pictures on his private television channel (3TV Oltenia).[103] Nevertheless, according to opinion polls held in 2010, 41% of Romanians would vote for Ceaușescu[104][105] and 63% think that their lives were better before 1989.[105][106] In 2014, the percentage of those who would vote for Ceaușescu reached 46%
London, May 28 : Islamic State terrorists shot dead 20 people in the Roman Theatre of the ancient Syrian city of Palmyra, forcing local people to watch the executions, a monitor said.
IS claimed those executed were Shia and Alawite Muslims from the Syrian armed forces and allied militiamen, said...
tamilgoose.com/is-executes-20-at-palmyra-archaeological-s...
The Liechtenstein Garden Palace is a Baroque palace at the Fürstengasse in the 9th District of Vienna, Alsergrund . Between the palace, where the Liechtenstein Museum was until the end of 2011, and executed as Belvedere summer palace on the Alserbachstraße is a park. Since early 2012, the Liechtenstein Garden Palace is a place for events. Part of the private art collection of the Prince of Liechtenstein is still in the gallery rooms of the palace. In 2010 was started to call the palace, to avoid future confusion, officially the Garden Palace, since 2013 the city has renovated the Palais Liechtenstein (Stadtpalais) in Vienna's old town and then also equipped with a part of the Liechtenstein art collection.
Building
Design for the Liechtenstein Garden Palace, Johann Bernhard Fischer von Erlach in 1687/1688
Canaletto: View of Palais Liechtenstein
1687 bought Prince Johann Adam Andreas von Liechtenstein a garden with adjoining meadows of Count Weikhard von Auersperg in the Rossau. In the southern part of the property the prince had built a palace and in the north part he founded a brewery and a manorial, from which developed the suburb Lichtental. For the construction of the palace Johann Adam Andreas organised 1688 a competition, in the inter alia participating, the young Johann Bernhard Fischer von Erlach. Meanwhile, a little functional, " permeable " project was rejected by the prince but, after all, instead he was allowed to built a garden in the Belvedere Alserbachstraße 14, which , however, was canceled in 1872.
The competition was won by Domenico Egidio Rossi, but was replaced in 1692 by Domenico Martinelli. The execution of the stonework had been given the royal Hofsteinmetzmeister (master stonemason) Martin Mitschke. He was delivered by the Masters of Kaisersteinbruch Ambrose Ferrethi , Giovanni Battista Passerini and Martin Trumler large pillars, columns and pedestal made from stone Emperor (Kaiserstein). Begin of the contract was the fourth July 1689 , the total cost was around 50,000 guilders.
For contracts from the years 1693 and 1701 undertook the Salzburg master stonemason John and Joseph Pernegger owner for 4,060 guilders the steps of the great grand staircase from Lienbacher (Adnet = red) to supply marble monolith of 4.65 meters. From the Master Nicolaus Wendlinger from Hallein came the Stiegenbalustraden (stair balustrades) for 1,000 guilders.
A palazzo was built in a mix of city and country in the Roman-style villa. The structure is clear and the construction very blocky with a stressed central risalite, what served the conservative tastes of the Prince very much. According to the procedure of the architectural treatise by Johann Adam Andreas ' father, Karl Eusebius, the palace was designed with three floors and 13 windows axis on the main front and seven windows axis on the lateral front. Together with the stems it forms a courtyard .
Sala terrene of the Palais
1700 the shell was completed. In 1702, the Salzburg master stonemason and Georg Andreas Doppler took over 7,005 guilders for the manufacture of door frame made of white marble of Salzburg, 1708 was the delivery of the fireplaces in marble hall for 1,577 guilders. For the painted decoration was originally the Bolognese Marcantonio Franceschini hired, from him are some of the painted ceilings on the first floor. Since he to slow to the prince, Antonio Belucci was hired from Venice, who envisioned the rest of the floor. The ceiling painting in the Great Hall, the Hercules Hall but got Andrea Pozzo . Pozzo in 1708 confirmed the sum of 7,500 florins which he had received since 1704 for the ceiling fresco in the Marble Hall in installments. As these artists died ( Pozzo) or declined to Italy, the Prince now had no painter left for the ground floor.
After a long search finally Michael Rottmayr was hired for the painting of the ground floor - originally a temporary solution, because the prince was of the opinion that only Italian artist buon gusto d'invenzione had. Since Rottmayr was not involved in the original planning, his paintings not quite fit with the stucco. Rottmayr 1708 confirmed the receipt of 7,500 guilders for his fresco work.
Giovanni Giuliani, who designed the sculptural decoration in the window roofing of the main facade, undertook in 1705 to provide sixteen stone vases of Zogelsdorfer stone. From September 1704 to August 1705 Santino Bussi stuccoed the ground floor of the vault of the hall and received a fee of 1,000 florins and twenty buckets of wine. 1706 Bussi adorned the two staircases, the Marble Hall, the Gallery Hall and the remaining six halls of the main projectile with its stucco work for 2,200 florins and twenty buckets of wine. Giuliani received in 1709 for his Kaminbekrönungen (fireplace crowning) of the great room and the vases 1,128 guilders.
Garden
Liechtenstein Palace from the garden
The new summer palace of Henry of Ferstel from the garden
The garden was created in the mind of a classic baroque garden. The vases and statues were carried out according to the plans of Giuseppe Mazza from the local Giovanni Giuliani. In 1820 the garden has been remodeled according to plans of Joseph Kornhäusel in the Classical sense. In the Fürstengasse was opposite the Palais, the Orangerie, built 1700s.
Use as a museum
Already from 1805 to 1938, the palace was housing the family collection of the house of Liechtenstein, which was also open for public viewing, the collection was then transferred to the Principality of Liechtenstein, which remained neutral during the war and was not bombed. In the 1960s and 1970s, the so-called Building Centre was housed in the palace as a tenant, a permanent exhibition for builders of single-family houses and similar buildings. From 26 April 1979 rented the since 1962 housed in the so-called 20er Haus Museum of the 20th Century , a federal museum, the palace as a new main house, the 20er Haus was continued as a branch . Since the start of operations at the Palais, the collection called itself Museum of Modern Art (since 1991 Museum of Modern Art Ludwig Foundation ), the MUMOK in 2001 moved to the newly built museum district.
From 29 March 2004 till the end of 2011 in the Palace was the Liechtenstein Museum, whose collection includes paintings and sculptures from five centuries. The collection is considered one of the largest and most valuable private art collections in the world, whose main base in Vaduz (Liechtenstein) is . As the palace, so too the collection is owned by the Prince of Liechtenstein Foundation .
On 15 November 2011 it was announced that the regular museum operating in the Garden Palace was stopped due to short of original expectations, visiting numbers remaining lower as calculated, with January 2012. The Liechtenstein City Palace museum will also not offer regular operations. Exhibited works of art would then (in the city palace from 2013) only during the "Long Night of the Museums", for registered groups and during leased events being visitable. The name of the Liechtenstein Museum will no longer be used.
de.wikipedia.org/wiki/Palais_Liechtenstein_(F%C3%BCrstengasse)
Agents with the Cullman Narcotics Enforcement Team (CNET) and deputies with the Cullman County Sheriff’s Office (CCSO) arrested nine individuals for Unlawful Possession of a Controlled Substance and Unlawful Possession of Drug Paraphernalia.
Arrested for Unlawful Possession of a Controlled Substance and Unlawful Possession of Drug Paraphernalia were:
• Santos Lynn Thomas (25 - Hispanic) Cleveland, AL - $5000 Bond
• Sarah Marie Milligan (23 -White) Cullman, AL - $5000 Bond
• Omar Rivera Loyola (24 - Hispanic) Oneonta, AL - $5000 Bond
• Tonya Lynn Wagner (35 -White) Crane Hill, AL - $5000 Bond
• Brian Keith Bagwell (32 -White) Holly Pond, AL - $5000 Bond
• Ricky Charles Mewbourn (50 - White) Cullman, AL - $5000 Bond
(also had a warrant for Unlawful Possession of Drug Paraphernalia)
• Hugo Contreaus-Cenantes (33 - Hispanic) Altoona, AL - $5000 Bond
• Angela Denise Stewart (44 - White) Hayden, AL - $5,000 Bond
Arrested for Unlawful Possession of Drug Paraphernalia and also had warrants for Unlawful Possession of a Controlled Substance and Unlawful Possession of Drug Paraphernalia:
• Santanna Marie Barnett (25 - White) Cullman, AL - $13,000 Bond
The operation that led to the arrest of the nine suspects was executed in the 800 block of County Road 1319, also known as Basch Road, on Thursday February 4, 2016.
CNET and CCSO deputies made entry into the residence and arrested those suspects who had warrants. While inside, CNET agents and deputies located multiple suspects inside the residence were methamphetamine, other drugs and drug paraphernalia were located.
CCSO seized approximately 10 grams of meth, syringes, glass meth pipes, straws and Marijuana.
Following the arrest Cullman County Sheriff Matt Gentry had these remarks:
“I believe anytime you can arrest a large number of drug pushers and several of them are not from our community it sends the message we don’t want your drugs in Cullman County and if you come here you will go to jail. I would also like to thank CNET and our deputies for the great job they did on this arrest."
For the full story including images of those arrested and example of items seized. please so here:
cullmantoday.com/2016/02/04/cnet-executes-far-reaching-cu...
The Liechtenstein Garden Palace is a Baroque palace at the Fürstengasse in the 9th District of Vienna, Alsergrund . Between the palace, where the Liechtenstein Museum was until the end of 2011, and executed as Belvedere summer palace on the Alserbachstraße is a park. Since early 2012, the Liechtenstein Garden Palace is a place for events. Part of the private art collection of the Prince of Liechtenstein is still in the gallery rooms of the palace. In 2010 was started to call the palace, to avoid future confusion, officially the Garden Palace, since 2013 the city has renovated the Palais Liechtenstein (Stadtpalais) in Vienna's old town and then also equipped with a part of the Liechtenstein art collection.
Building
Design for the Liechtenstein Garden Palace, Johann Bernhard Fischer von Erlach in 1687/1688
Canaletto: View of Palais Liechtenstein
1687 bought Prince Johann Adam Andreas von Liechtenstein a garden with adjoining meadows of Count Weikhard von Auersperg in the Rossau. In the southern part of the property the prince had built a palace and in the north part he founded a brewery and a manorial, from which developed the suburb Lichtental. For the construction of the palace Johann Adam Andreas organised 1688 a competition, in the inter alia participating, the young Johann Bernhard Fischer von Erlach. Meanwhile, a little functional, " permeable " project was rejected by the prince but, after all, instead he was allowed to built a garden in the Belvedere Alserbachstraße 14, which , however, was canceled in 1872.
The competition was won by Domenico Egidio Rossi, but was replaced in 1692 by Domenico Martinelli. The execution of the stonework had been given the royal Hofsteinmetzmeister (master stonemason) Martin Mitschke. He was delivered by the Masters of Kaisersteinbruch Ambrose Ferrethi , Giovanni Battista Passerini and Martin Trumler large pillars, columns and pedestal made from stone Emperor (Kaiserstein). Begin of the contract was the fourth July 1689 , the total cost was around 50,000 guilders.
For contracts from the years 1693 and 1701 undertook the Salzburg master stonemason John and Joseph Pernegger owner for 4,060 guilders the steps of the great grand staircase from Lienbacher (Adnet = red) to supply marble monolith of 4.65 meters. From the Master Nicolaus Wendlinger from Hallein came the Stiegenbalustraden (stair balustrades) for 1,000 guilders.
A palazzo was built in a mix of city and country in the Roman-style villa. The structure is clear and the construction very blocky with a stressed central risalite, what served the conservative tastes of the Prince very much. According to the procedure of the architectural treatise by Johann Adam Andreas ' father, Karl Eusebius, the palace was designed with three floors and 13 windows axis on the main front and seven windows axis on the lateral front. Together with the stems it forms a courtyard .
Sala terrene of the Palais
1700 the shell was completed. In 1702, the Salzburg master stonemason and Georg Andreas Doppler took over 7,005 guilders for the manufacture of door frame made of white marble of Salzburg, 1708 was the delivery of the fireplaces in marble hall for 1,577 guilders. For the painted decoration was originally the Bolognese Marcantonio Franceschini hired, from him are some of the painted ceilings on the first floor. Since he to slow to the prince, Antonio Belucci was hired from Venice, who envisioned the rest of the floor. The ceiling painting in the Great Hall, the Hercules Hall but got Andrea Pozzo . Pozzo in 1708 confirmed the sum of 7,500 florins which he had received since 1704 for the ceiling fresco in the Marble Hall in installments. As these artists died ( Pozzo) or declined to Italy, the Prince now had no painter left for the ground floor.
After a long search finally Michael Rottmayr was hired for the painting of the ground floor - originally a temporary solution, because the prince was of the opinion that only Italian artist buon gusto d'invenzione had. Since Rottmayr was not involved in the original planning, his paintings not quite fit with the stucco. Rottmayr 1708 confirmed the receipt of 7,500 guilders for his fresco work.
Giovanni Giuliani, who designed the sculptural decoration in the window roofing of the main facade, undertook in 1705 to provide sixteen stone vases of Zogelsdorfer stone. From September 1704 to August 1705 Santino Bussi stuccoed the ground floor of the vault of the hall and received a fee of 1,000 florins and twenty buckets of wine. 1706 Bussi adorned the two staircases, the Marble Hall, the Gallery Hall and the remaining six halls of the main projectile with its stucco work for 2,200 florins and twenty buckets of wine. Giuliani received in 1709 for his Kaminbekrönungen (fireplace crowning) of the great room and the vases 1,128 guilders.
Garden
Liechtenstein Palace from the garden
The new summer palace of Henry of Ferstel from the garden
The garden was created in the mind of a classic baroque garden. The vases and statues were carried out according to the plans of Giuseppe Mazza from the local Giovanni Giuliani. In 1820 the garden has been remodeled according to plans of Joseph Kornhäusel in the Classical sense. In the Fürstengasse was opposite the Palais, the Orangerie, built 1700s.
Use as a museum
Already from 1805 to 1938, the palace was housing the family collection of the house of Liechtenstein, which was also open for public viewing, the collection was then transferred to the Principality of Liechtenstein, which remained neutral during the war and was not bombed. In the 1960s and 1970s, the so-called Building Centre was housed in the palace as a tenant, a permanent exhibition for builders of single-family houses and similar buildings. From 26 April 1979 rented the since 1962 housed in the so-called 20er Haus Museum of the 20th Century , a federal museum, the palace as a new main house, the 20er Haus was continued as a branch . Since the start of operations at the Palais, the collection called itself Museum of Modern Art (since 1991 Museum of Modern Art Ludwig Foundation ), the MUMOK in 2001 moved to the newly built museum district.
From 29 March 2004 till the end of 2011 in the Palace was the Liechtenstein Museum, whose collection includes paintings and sculptures from five centuries. The collection is considered one of the largest and most valuable private art collections in the world, whose main base in Vaduz (Liechtenstein) is . As the palace, so too the collection is owned by the Prince of Liechtenstein Foundation .
On 15 November 2011 it was announced that the regular museum operating in the Garden Palace was stopped due to short of original expectations, visiting numbers remaining lower as calculated, with January 2012. The Liechtenstein City Palace museum will also not offer regular operations. Exhibited works of art would then (in the city palace from 2013) only during the "Long Night of the Museums", for registered groups and during leased events being visitable. The name of the Liechtenstein Museum will no longer be used.
de.wikipedia.org/wiki/Palais_Liechtenstein_(F%C3%BCrstengasse)
2022 The imposing bewigged bronze judicially robed figure is of John Watts Jr sculpted by George E Bissell erected in 1892 - The statues facial features are based on an earlier bust sculpted from life by Robert Ball Hughes from 1830 - The commission was executed by his grandson General John Watts DePeyster who was concerned his grandfather would be forgotten by the people of Manhattan - John Watts Jr was the only former British official to hold an American office - In 1791 he was elected to the New York State Assembly and two years later to the United States Congress - located in Trinity Churchyard graveyard 05/15/2022
Portrait of Simelane during Africa Investment Forum 2018 - The Business of Sports - Executing for Success in November 2018, at Sandton Convention Centre, Johannesburg, South Africa.
Visual projects executed by Vicenza High School students are on display near VHS teacher Lisa Balboni’s Honors 10 World History class.
This year’s Honors 10 World History class project was called The Swerve.
About 30 students working in pairs used different creative ideas to show how historical events tie into one other. The project started with Dark Ages and ended with the French Revolution, analyzing political, economic and social change from the 16th to the 18th century.
Photo by Laura Kreider, USAG Vicenza/PAO
Learn more on www.usag.vicenza.army.mil or www.facebook.com/USAGVicenza.
The Liechtenstein Garden Palace is a Baroque palace at the Fürstengasse in the 9th District of Vienna, Alsergrund . Between the palace, where the Liechtenstein Museum was until the end of 2011, and executed as Belvedere summer palace on the Alserbachstraße is a park. Since early 2012, the Liechtenstein Garden Palace is a place for events. Part of the private art collection of the Prince of Liechtenstein is still in the gallery rooms of the palace. In 2010 was started to call the palace, to avoid future confusion, officially the Garden Palace, since 2013 the city has renovated the Palais Liechtenstein (Stadtpalais) in Vienna's old town and then also equipped with a part of the Liechtenstein art collection.
Building
Design for the Liechtenstein Garden Palace, Johann Bernhard Fischer von Erlach in 1687/1688
Canaletto: View of Palais Liechtenstein
1687 bought Prince Johann Adam Andreas von Liechtenstein a garden with adjoining meadows of Count Weikhard von Auersperg in the Rossau. In the southern part of the property the prince had built a palace and in the north part he founded a brewery and a manorial, from which developed the suburb Lichtental. For the construction of the palace Johann Adam Andreas organised 1688 a competition, in the inter alia participating, the young Johann Bernhard Fischer von Erlach. Meanwhile, a little functional, " permeable " project was rejected by the prince but, after all, instead he was allowed to built a garden in the Belvedere Alserbachstraße 14, which , however, was canceled in 1872.
The competition was won by Domenico Egidio Rossi, but was replaced in 1692 by Domenico Martinelli. The execution of the stonework had been given the royal Hofsteinmetzmeister (master stonemason) Martin Mitschke. He was delivered by the Masters of Kaisersteinbruch Ambrose Ferrethi , Giovanni Battista Passerini and Martin Trumler large pillars, columns and pedestal made from stone Emperor (Kaiserstein). Begin of the contract was the fourth July 1689 , the total cost was around 50,000 guilders.
For contracts from the years 1693 and 1701 undertook the Salzburg master stonemason John and Joseph Pernegger owner for 4,060 guilders the steps of the great grand staircase from Lienbacher (Adnet = red) to supply marble monolith of 4.65 meters. From the Master Nicolaus Wendlinger from Hallein came the Stiegenbalustraden (stair balustrades) for 1,000 guilders.
A palazzo was built in a mix of city and country in the Roman-style villa. The structure is clear and the construction very blocky with a stressed central risalite, what served the conservative tastes of the Prince very much. According to the procedure of the architectural treatise by Johann Adam Andreas ' father, Karl Eusebius, the palace was designed with three floors and 13 windows axis on the main front and seven windows axis on the lateral front. Together with the stems it forms a courtyard .
Sala terrene of the Palais
1700 the shell was completed. In 1702, the Salzburg master stonemason and Georg Andreas Doppler took over 7,005 guilders for the manufacture of door frame made of white marble of Salzburg, 1708 was the delivery of the fireplaces in marble hall for 1,577 guilders. For the painted decoration was originally the Bolognese Marcantonio Franceschini hired, from him are some of the painted ceilings on the first floor. Since he to slow to the prince, Antonio Belucci was hired from Venice, who envisioned the rest of the floor. The ceiling painting in the Great Hall, the Hercules Hall but got Andrea Pozzo . Pozzo in 1708 confirmed the sum of 7,500 florins which he had received since 1704 for the ceiling fresco in the Marble Hall in installments. As these artists died ( Pozzo) or declined to Italy, the Prince now had no painter left for the ground floor.
After a long search finally Michael Rottmayr was hired for the painting of the ground floor - originally a temporary solution, because the prince was of the opinion that only Italian artist buon gusto d'invenzione had. Since Rottmayr was not involved in the original planning, his paintings not quite fit with the stucco. Rottmayr 1708 confirmed the receipt of 7,500 guilders for his fresco work.
Giovanni Giuliani, who designed the sculptural decoration in the window roofing of the main facade, undertook in 1705 to provide sixteen stone vases of Zogelsdorfer stone. From September 1704 to August 1705 Santino Bussi stuccoed the ground floor of the vault of the hall and received a fee of 1,000 florins and twenty buckets of wine. 1706 Bussi adorned the two staircases, the Marble Hall, the Gallery Hall and the remaining six halls of the main projectile with its stucco work for 2,200 florins and twenty buckets of wine. Giuliani received in 1709 for his Kaminbekrönungen (fireplace crowning) of the great room and the vases 1,128 guilders.
Garden
Liechtenstein Palace from the garden
The new summer palace of Henry of Ferstel from the garden
The garden was created in the mind of a classic baroque garden. The vases and statues were carried out according to the plans of Giuseppe Mazza from the local Giovanni Giuliani. In 1820 the garden has been remodeled according to plans of Joseph Kornhäusel in the Classical sense. In the Fürstengasse was opposite the Palais, the Orangerie, built 1700s.
Use as a museum
Already from 1805 to 1938, the palace was housing the family collection of the house of Liechtenstein, which was also open for public viewing, the collection was then transferred to the Principality of Liechtenstein, which remained neutral during the war and was not bombed. In the 1960s and 1970s, the so-called Building Centre was housed in the palace as a tenant, a permanent exhibition for builders of single-family houses and similar buildings. From 26 April 1979 rented the since 1962 housed in the so-called 20er Haus Museum of the 20th Century , a federal museum, the palace as a new main house, the 20er Haus was continued as a branch . Since the start of operations at the Palais, the collection called itself Museum of Modern Art (since 1991 Museum of Modern Art Ludwig Foundation ), the MUMOK in 2001 moved to the newly built museum district.
From 29 March 2004 till the end of 2011 in the Palace was the Liechtenstein Museum, whose collection includes paintings and sculptures from five centuries. The collection is considered one of the largest and most valuable private art collections in the world, whose main base in Vaduz (Liechtenstein) is . As the palace, so too the collection is owned by the Prince of Liechtenstein Foundation .
On 15 November 2011 it was announced that the regular museum operating in the Garden Palace was stopped due to short of original expectations, visiting numbers remaining lower as calculated, with January 2012. The Liechtenstein City Palace museum will also not offer regular operations. Exhibited works of art would then (in the city palace from 2013) only during the "Long Night of the Museums", for registered groups and during leased events being visitable. The name of the Liechtenstein Museum will no longer be used.
de.wikipedia.org/wiki/Palais_Liechtenstein_(F%C3%BCrstengasse)
Paratroopers assigned to U.S. Special Operations Command Europe return to Earth after executing a High Altitude-Low Opening (HALO) jump from 10,000 feet out of a C-130J Super Hercules aircraft April 14, 2023, near Alzey, Germany.
Paratroopers conduct regular multinational airborne training to ensure the continued mastery of their skills and abilities. This type of training ensures that SOCEUR is present, lethal and ready to rapidly deploy anywhere at any time.
(U.S. Army photo by Staff Sgt. Jacob Dunlap)
John and Henry Sheares, executed for their role in the 1798 rebellion, and the death mask of one of its leaders, Wolfe Tone.
The plaque on the left: "The Sheares brothers - John Sheares - 1766-1798. He was educated at Trinity College Dublin. He was called to the bar in 1788 and joined the United Irishmen. He visited France and was imbued with the political principles of the French revolution. He was arrested with his brother for complicity in the 1798 rebellion. He was found guilty of treason and executed...
Henry Sheares - 1753-1798: He was educated at Trinity College Dublin. He held a commission in the army and was called to the bar in 1734. He visited France with his brother but returned to Ireland. He was arrested for his political activity in the rebellion of 1798. Later he was executed before Newgate prison..."
The docuiment at right's a copy of the handwritten execution warrant. It specifies that they were to be hung from the neck, but were to be removed from the noose before death, then were to be disembowelled while alive and their entrails to be burned before their eyes, and then they were to be "respectfully" quartered... A real nasty example made of them.
Image from '[England under the House of Hanover; its history and condition during the reigns of the three Georges, illustrated from the caricatures and satires of the day ... With numerous illustrations executed by F. W. Fairholt.]', 003984686
Author: Wright, Thomas
Page: 325
Year: 1868
Place: London
Publisher: John Camden Holten
Following the link above will take you to the British Library's integrated catalogue. You will be able to download a PDF of the book this image is taken from, as well as view the pages up close with the 'itemViewer'. Click on the 'related items' to search for the electronic version of this work.
In response to safeguarding concerns identified by our Rochdale organised crime team, we’ve executed eight warrants this morning and locked up six suspected gang members.
We identified a teenage boy who was being exploited and coerced into drug dealing by a suspected local gang.
With immediate safeguarding measures put in place, we were able to pursue those responsible
As the investigation developed, we identified further victims, including a vulnerable adult whose house was being cuckooed and used as a stash house for the gang.
This morning, we’ve arrested six men aged 18 - 26 on suspicion of conspiracy to supply class A and B drugs and modern slavery offences.
£30,000 cash has been seized along with cannabis and drugs paraphernalia.
Today’s activity is a key example of partnership work and effective information sharing. It’s enabled us to identify crucial members of a suspected organised crime group, but most importantly, we’ve been able to safeguard several children and vulnerable adults.
Sergeant Mark Lutkevitch from our Rochdale Challenger team said: “Exploitation, coercion, and violence are the foundations of modern slavery and drugs trafficking, and gangs will often exploit the vulnerable to further their profits. Our arrests this morning are part of a longstanding investigation into several organised crime groups operating across Rochdale that we strongly believe are involved in the exploitation of young people.
“Young people and vulnerable adults will be threatened as the criminals exert control, which is why tackling exploitation is a high priority for us. We have specialist officers working with young people in our communities to tackle the vicious cycle of gang recruitment, and teams of officers on the frontline pursuing offenders.
“Our communities are key in helping us be one step ahead of the criminals. By being our eyes and our ears and finding the courage to report what is taking place in your area only strengthens our relentless pursuit of organised crime and could make a real difference for a child.
“I want to encourage communities to trust their instinct. If something doesn’t feel right; report it. If you think somebody is being exploited, or you think a house might have been taken over by drug dealers, feed that information to us. If you want to remain anonymous, report it through Crimestoppers, and we will act.”
nformation can be shared by calling 101. If you would prefer to remain anonymous, call the independent charity Crimestoppers on 0800 555 111.
Always call 999 in an emergency.
2022 The imposing bewigged bronze judicially robed figure is of John Watts Jr sculpted by George E Bissell erected in 1892 - The statues facial features are based on an earlier bust sculpted from life by Robert Ball Hughes from 1830 - The commission was executed by his grandson General John Watts DePeyster who was concerned his grandfather would be forgotten by the people of Manhattan - John Watts Jr was the only former British official to hold an American office - In 1791 he was elected to the New York State Assembly and two years later to the United States Congress - located in Trinity Churchyard graveyard 05/15/2022
Officers from Greater Manchester Police’s County Lines team executed seven warrants across Bolton this morning, working alongside specialist Challenger and complex safeguarding teams to secure several arrests.
The early morning wake-up calls for the residents across the various addresses was a direct result of the team’s work in tackling county lines drug supply and the exploitation of vulnerable people in the Bolton area.
Additionally working with members of GMP’s Serious and Organised Crime team, four arrests were made:
Three men, aged 21, 24, and 26, were arrested on suspicion of conspiracy to supply drugs, participation in an organised gang and modern slavery offences.
One man, aged 26, was arrested on suspicion of being concerned in the supply of drugs.
During searches of the properties, numerous items were discovered and seized, including an e-bike, Class A and Class B drugs. The four remain in custody for questioning.
County Lines is the use of dedicated phone lines to deal drugs from one location to another. In some instances of county lines gangs, vulnerable people are exploited in order to sell and store drugs.
This can include young children who are lured into a life of crime by older people seeking to convince them to take part in illegal behaviour.
Vulnerable adults may also be forced into similar acts – by people who pretend to be their friend or otherwise threaten them for not assisting with their criminality. In some cases, homes will be taken over and taken advantage of.
Across Greater Manchester, officers work tirelessly every day to tackle drugs and the people who supply them. From our specialist Programme Challenger teams to neighbourhood officers in your local community, GMP seizes significant quantities of drugs and ill-gotten money every week, combatting everything from anti-social drug users to organised criminal dealers.
Detective Inspector Zoe MacDonald, from GMP’s County Lines Team, said: “Drugs and the people who supply them can cause an incredible amount of harm in our community. From addiction to the exploitation of the most vulnerable, illicit substances cause so many types of hurt and criminality across so many towns and cities.
“This morning’s work has targeted reports of county lines operating in Bolton, and the drug supply in the town and wider area. We have successfully hit several addresses across the district and shown criminals that we will never tolerate them.
“I want the people of Bolton to know that we are dedicated to protecting them and ensuring we keep criminals off the streets.
“From regular patrols to intelligence gathering to crucial work with partner agencies, we put considerable resources in to tackling the scourge of drug-related criminality on our streets.
“If you have any concerns about drug supply or county lines operating in your area or feel like you have witnessed something suspicious, please do get in touch with us. You can report information to the police on 101, via gmp.police.uk, or by calling the independent charity Crimestoppers, anonymously, on 0800 555 111.
A spokesperson for Bolton Council said: “County lines gangs exploit the most vulnerable in society and inflict considerable harm on the wider community.
“As part of our safeguarding responsibilities, we have worked jointly with Greater Manchester Police to disrupt the activity of these gangs and hold those responsible to account.
“As a council, we will always be relentless in identifying anyone who exploits others and take decisive action to keep Bolton’s children and vulnerable adults safe.
“Our specially trained staff continue to work with the victims and to support all those affected.”
You should call 101, the national non-emergency number, to report crime and other concerns that do not require an emergency response.
Always call 999 in an emergency, such as when a crime is in progress, violence is being used or threatened or where there is danger to life.
You can also call anonymously with information about crime to Crimestoppers on 0800 555 111. Crimestoppers is an independent charity who will not want your name, just your information. Your call will not be traced or recorded and you do not have to go to court or give a statement.
You can access many of our services online at www.gmp.police.uk
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