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Salamis (Ancient Greek: Σαλαμίς; Greek: Σαλαμίνα; Turkish: Salamis) was an ancient Greek city-state on the east coast of Cyprus, at the mouth of the river Pedieos, 6 km north of modern Famagusta. According to tradition, the founder of Salamis was Teucer, son of Telamon, king of the Greek island of Salamis, who could not return home after the Trojan War because he had failed to avenge his brother Ajax.
The earliest archaeological finds go back to the eleventh century BC (Late Bronze Age III). The copper ores of Cyprus made the island an essential node in the earliest trade networks, and Cyprus was a source of the orientalizing cultural traits of mainland Greece at the end of the Greek Dark Ages, hypothesized by Walter Burkert in 1992. Children's burials in Canaanite jars indicate a Phoenician presence. A harbour and a cemetery from this period have been excavated. The town is mentioned in Assyrian inscriptions as one of the kingdoms of Iadnana (Cyprus). In 877 BC, an Assyrian army reached the Mediterranean shores for the first time. In 708 BC, the city-kings of Cyprus paid homage to Sargon II of Assyria (Burkert). The first coins were minted in the 6th century BC, following Persian prototypes.
Cyprus was under the control of the Assyrians at this time but the city-states of the island enjoyed a relative independence as long as they paid their tribute to the Assyrian king. This allowed the kings of the various cities to accumulate wealth and power. Certain burial customs observed in the "royal tombs" of Salamis relate directly to Homeric rites, such as the sacrifice of horses in honor of the dead and the offering of jars of olive oil. Some scholars have interpreted this phenomenon as the result of influence of the Homeric Epics in Cyprus. Most of the grave goods come from the Levant or Egypt.
According to the foundation myth, the founder of Salamis is said to be Teucer, son of Telamon, who could not return home after the Trojan war because he had failed to avenge his brother Ajax. There is however some evidence that the area had been occupied long before the alleged arrival of Mycenaeans (at Enkomi) and the town of Salamis was developed as a replacement when Engkomi was isolated from the sea. There is otherwise little direct evidence to support the foundation myth.
In the 11th century BC, the town was confined to a rather small area around the harbour but soon expanded westwards to occupy the area, which today is covered by forest. The cemetery of Salamis covers a large area from the western limits of the forest to the Monastery of St. Barnabas to the west, to the outskirts of the village of Ayios Serghios to the north, and to the outskirts of Enkomi village to the south. It contains tombs dating from the 9th century BC down to the Early Christian period. The earlier tombs are within the forest area, near the boundary of the early town.
Though Salamis maintained direct links with the Near East during the 8th and 7th centuries BC, there were bonds with the Aegean as well. One royal tomb contained a large amount of Greek Geometric pottery and this has been explained as the dowry of a Greek princess who married into the royal family of Salamis. Greek pottery was also found in tombs of ordinary citizens. At this time the Greeks were embarking on an eastward expansion by founding colonies in Asia Minor and Syria; Salamis must have served as an intermediate station; it has even been suggested that Cypriots helped the Greeks in their venture.
In 450 BC, Salamis was the site of a simultaneous land and sea battle between Athens and the Persians. (This is not to be confused with the earlier Battle of Salamis in 480 BC between the Greeks and the Persians at Salamis in Attica.)
The history of Salamis during the early Archaic and Classical periods is reflected in the narrations of the Greek historian Herodotus and the much later speeches of the Greek orator Isocrates. Salamis was afterwards besieged and conquered by Artaxerxes III. Under King Evagoras I (411-374 BC) Greek culture and art flourished in the city and it would be interesting one day when the spade of the archaeologist uncovers public buildings of this period. A monument, which illustrates the end of the Classical period in Salamis, is the tumulus, which covered the cenotaph of Nicocreon, one of the last kings of Salamis, who perished in 311 BC. On its monumental platform were found several clay heads, some of which are portraits, perhaps of members of the royal family who were honoured after their death on the pyre.
Marguerite Yon (archaeologist) claims that "Literary texts and inscriptions suggest that by the Classical period, Kition [in present-day Larnaca] was one of the principal local powers, along with its neighbor Salamis."
After Alexander the Great conquered the Persian Empire, Ptolemy I of Egypt ruled the island of Cyprus. He forced Nicocreon, who had been the Ptolemaic governor of the island, to commit suicide in 311 BC, because he did not trust him any more. In his place came king Menelaus, who was the brother of the first Ptolemy. Nicocreon is supposed to be buried in one of the big tumuli near Enkomi. Salamis remained the seat of the governor.
In 306 BC, Salamis was the site of a naval battle between the fleets of Demetrius I of Macedon and Ptolemy I of Egypt. Demetrius won the battle and captured the island.
In 58 BC, the Roman Republic annexed Cyprus; the Senate commissioned Cato the Younger to add Cyprus to the Republic's dominions. Ptolemy of Cyprus, the last Cypriotic king, committed suicide rather than surrender to Rome.
In Roman times, Salamis was part of the Roman province of Cilicia. The seat of the governor was relocated to Paphos. The town suffered heavily during the Jewish rising of AD 116–117. Although Salamis ceased to be the capital of Cyprus from the Hellenistic period onwards when it was replaced by Paphos, its wealth and importance did not diminish. The city was particularly favoured by the Roman emperors Trajan and Hadrian, who restored and established its public buildings.
The "cultural centre" of Salamis during the Roman period was situated at the northernmost part of the city, where a gymnasium, theatre, amphitheatre, stadium and public baths have been revealed. There are baths, public latrines (for 44 users), various little bits of mosaic, a harbour wall, a Hellenistic and Roman agora and a temple of Zeus that had the right to grant asylum. Byzantine remains include the basilica of Bishop Epiphanos (AD 367–403). It served as the metropolitan church of Salamis. St. Epiphanios is buried at the southern apse. The church contains a baptistry heated by hypocausts. The church was destroyed in the 7th century and replaced by a smaller building to the south.
There are very extensive ruins. The theatre, and the gymnasium have been extensively restored. Numerous statues are displayed in the central court of the gymnasium most of which are headless. While a statue of Augustus originally belonged here, some columns and statues originally adorned the theatre and were only brought here after an earthquake in the 4th century. The theatre is of Augustean date. It could house up to 15.000 spectators but was destroyed in the 4th century.
The town was supplied with water by an aquaeduct from Kythrea, destroyed in the 7th century. The water was collected in a large cistern near the Agora. The necropolis of Salamis covers ca. 7 km² to the west of the town. It contains a museum showing some of the finds. Burials date from the geometric to the Hellenistic period. The best known burials are the so-called Royal-Tombs, containing chariots and extremely rich grave gifts, including imports from Egypt and Syria. A tomb excavated in 1965 by the French Mission of the University of Lyon brought to light an extraordinary wealth of tomb-gifts, which also attest trade relations with the Near East.
In what is known as the "First Missionary Journey", Paul the Apostle and the Cypriot-born Barnabas made Salamis their first destination, landing there after heading out from Antioch of Syria. There they proclaimed Christ in the Jewish synagogues before proceeding through the rest of the island (Acts 13:1-5). Tradition says that Barnabas preached in Alexandria and Rome, and was stoned to death at Salamis in about 61 CE. He is considered the founder of the Church of Cyprus. His bones are believed to be located in the nearby monastery named after him.
Several earthquakes led to the destruction of Salamis at the beginning of the 4th century. The town was rebuilt under the name of Constantia by Constantius II (337–361) and became an Episcopal seat, the most famous occupant of which was Saint Epiphanius. Emperor Constantius II helped the Salaminians not only for the reconstruction of their city but also he helped them by relieving them from paying taxes for a short period and thus the new city, rebuilt on a smaller scale, was named Constantia. The silting of the harbour led to a gradual decline of the town. Salamis was finally abandoned during the Arab invasions of the 7th century after destructions by Muawiyah I ( reigned 661-680 ). The inhabitants moved to Arsinoë (Famagusta).
Archaeological excavations at the site began in the late nineteenth century under the auspices of the Cyprus Exploration Fund. Many of these finds are now in the British Museum in London.
Excavations at Salamis started again in 1952 and were in progress until 1974. Before the Turkish invasion there was much archaeological activity there; one French Mission was excavating at Enkomi, another at Salamis and the Department of Antiquities was busy almost throughout the year with repairs and restorations of monuments and was engaged in excavations at Salamis. After the Turkish invasion the international embargo has prevented the continuation of the excavations. The site and the museums are maintained by the antiquities service. Important archaeological collections are kept in the St. Barnabas monastery. In the District Archaeological Museum there are marble statues from the gymnasium and the theatre of Salamis, Mycenaean pottery and jewellery from Enkomi and other objects representative of the rich archaeological heritage of the whole district. Several of the statues and sculptures from antiquity are disfigured, headless or mutilated, likely by Christian zealots in late antiquity during the persecution of pagans in the late Roman Empire.
The public buildings uncovered at the city site of Salamis date to the post-Classical period. The Temple of Zeus Salaminios, whose cult was established, according to tradition, by Teucer himself, must have existed since the foundation of the city; the extant remains date to the late Hellenistic period. Early excavators discovered in the esplanade of the Temple of Zeus an enormous marble capital carved on each side with a caryatid figure standing between the foreparts of winged bulls. Now in the British Museum's collection, the function of the capital remains unclear, although it does indicate influence from Achaemenid art and is consequently dated to between 300 and 250 BC.
Northern Cyprus, officially the Turkish Republic of Northern Cyprus (TRNC), is a de facto state that comprises the northeastern portion of the island of Cyprus. It is recognised only by Turkey, and its territory is considered by all other states to be part of the Republic of Cyprus.
Northern Cyprus extends from the tip of the Karpass Peninsula in the northeast to Morphou Bay, Cape Kormakitis and its westernmost point, the Kokkina exclave in the west. Its southernmost point is the village of Louroujina. A buffer zone under the control of the United Nations stretches between Northern Cyprus and the rest of the island and divides Nicosia, the island's largest city and capital of both sides.
A coup d'état in 1974, performed as part of an attempt to annex the island to Greece, prompted the Turkish invasion of Cyprus. This resulted in the eviction of much of the north's Greek Cypriot population, the flight of Turkish Cypriots from the south, and the partitioning of the island, leading to a unilateral declaration of independence by the north in 1983. Due to its lack of recognition, Northern Cyprus is heavily dependent on Turkey for economic, political and military support.
Attempts to reach a solution to the Cyprus dispute have been unsuccessful. The Turkish Army maintains a large force in Northern Cyprus with the support and approval of the TRNC government, while the Republic of Cyprus, the European Union as a whole, and the international community regard it as an occupation force. This military presence has been denounced in several United Nations Security Council resolutions.
Northern Cyprus is a semi-presidential, democratic republic with a cultural heritage incorporating various influences and an economy that is dominated by the services sector. The economy has seen growth through the 2000s and 2010s, with the GNP per capita more than tripling in the 2000s, but is held back by an international embargo due to the official closure of the ports in Northern Cyprus by the Republic of Cyprus. The official language is Turkish, with a distinct local dialect being spoken. The vast majority of the population consists of Sunni Muslims, while religious attitudes are mostly moderate and secular. Northern Cyprus is an observer state of ECO and OIC under the name "Turkish Cypriot State", PACE under the name "Turkish Cypriot Community", and Organization of Turkic States with its own name.
Several distinct periods of Cypriot intercommunal violence involving the two main ethnic communities, Greek Cypriots and Turkish Cypriots, marked mid-20th century Cyprus. These included the Cyprus Emergency of 1955–59 during British rule, the post-independence Cyprus crisis of 1963–64, and the Cyprus crisis of 1967. Hostilities culminated in the 1974 de facto division of the island along the Green Line following the Turkish invasion of Cyprus. The region has been relatively peaceful since then, but the Cyprus dispute has continued, with various attempts to solve it diplomatically having been generally unsuccessful.
Cyprus, an island lying in the eastern Mediterranean, hosted a population of Greeks and Turks (four-fifths and one-fifth, respectively), who lived under British rule in the late nineteenth-century and the first half of the twentieth-century. Christian Orthodox Church of Cyprus played a prominent political role among the Greek Cypriot community, a privilege that it acquired during the Ottoman Empire with the employment of the millet system, which gave the archbishop an unofficial ethnarch status.
The repeated rejections by the British of Greek Cypriot demands for enosis, union with Greece, led to armed resistance, organised by the National Organization of Cypriot Struggle, or EOKA. EOKA, led by the Greek-Cypriot commander George Grivas, systematically targeted British colonial authorities. One of the effects of EOKA's campaign was to alter the Turkish position from demanding full reincorporation into Turkey to a demand for taksim (partition). EOKA's mission and activities caused a "Cretan syndrome" (see Turkish Resistance Organisation) within the Turkish Cypriot community, as its members feared that they would be forced to leave the island in such a case as had been the case with Cretan Turks. As such, they preferred the continuation of British colonial rule and then taksim, the division of the island. Due to the Turkish Cypriots' support for the British, EOKA's leader, Georgios Grivas, declared them to be enemies. The fact that the Turks were a minority was, according to Nihat Erim, to be addressed by the transfer of thousands of Turks from mainland Turkey so that Greek Cypriots would cease to be the majority. When Erim visited Cyprus as the Turkish representative, he was advised by Field Marshal Sir John Harding, the then Governor of Cyprus, that Turkey should send educated Turks to settle in Cyprus.
Turkey actively promoted the idea that on the island of Cyprus two distinctive communities existed, and sidestepped its former claim that "the people of Cyprus were all Turkish subjects". In doing so, Turkey's aim to have self-determination of two to-be equal communities in effect led to de jure partition of the island.[citation needed] This could be justified to the international community against the will of the majority Greek population of the island. Dr. Fazil Küçük in 1954 had already proposed Cyprus be divided in two at the 35° parallel.
Lindley Dan, from Notre Dame University, spotted the roots of intercommunal violence to different visions among the two communities of Cyprus (enosis for Greek Cypriots, taksim for Turkish Cypriots). Also, Lindlay wrote that "the merging of church, schools/education, and politics in divisive and nationalistic ways" had played a crucial role in creation of havoc in Cyprus' history. Attalides Michael also pointed to the opposing nationalisms as the cause of the Cyprus problem.
By the mid-1950's, the "Cyprus is Turkish" party, movement, and slogan gained force in both Cyprus and Turkey. In a 1954 editorial, Turkish Cypriot leader Dr. Fazil Kuchuk expressed the sentiment that the Turkish youth had grown up with the idea that "as soon as Great Britain leaves the island, it will be taken over by the Turks", and that "Turkey cannot tolerate otherwise". This perspective contributed to the willingness of Turkish Cypriots to align themselves with the British, who started recruiting Turkish Cypriots into the police force that patrolled Cyprus to fight EOKA, a Greek Cypriot nationalist organisation that sought to rid the island of British rule.
EOKA targeted colonial authorities, including police, but Georgios Grivas, the leader of EOKA, did not initially wish to open up a new front by fighting Turkish Cypriots and reassured them that EOKA would not harm their people. In 1956, some Turkish Cypriot policemen were killed by EOKA members and this provoked some intercommunal violence in the spring and summer, but these attacks on policemen were not motivated by the fact that they were Turkish Cypriots.
However, in January 1957, Grivas changed his policy as his forces in the mountains became increasingly pressured by the British Crown forces. In order to divert the attention of the Crown forces, EOKA members started to target Turkish Cypriot policemen intentionally in the towns, so that Turkish Cypriots would riot against the Greek Cypriots and the security forces would have to be diverted to the towns to restore order. The killing of a Turkish Cypriot policeman on 19 January, when a power station was bombed, and the injury of three others, provoked three days of intercommunal violence in Nicosia. The two communities targeted each other in reprisals, at least one Greek Cypriot was killed and the British Army was deployed in the streets. Greek Cypriot stores were burned and their neighbourhoods attacked. Following the events, the Greek Cypriot leadership spread the propaganda that the riots had merely been an act of Turkish Cypriot aggression. Such events created chaos and drove the communities apart both in Cyprus and in Turkey.
On 22 October 1957 Sir Hugh Mackintosh Foot replaced Sir John Harding as the British Governor of Cyprus. Foot suggested five to seven years of self-government before any final decision. His plan rejected both enosis and taksim. The Turkish Cypriot response to this plan was a series of anti-British demonstrations in Nicosia on 27 and 28 January 1958 rejecting the proposed plan because the plan did not include partition. The British then withdrew the plan.
In 1957, Black Gang, a Turkish Cypriot pro-taksim paramilitary organisation, was formed to patrol a Turkish Cypriot enclave, the Tahtakale district of Nicosia, against activities of EOKA. The organisation later attempted to grow into a national scale, but failed to gain public support.
By 1958, signs of dissatisfaction with the British increased on both sides, with a group of Turkish Cypriots forming Volkan (later renamed to the Turkish Resistance Organisation) paramilitary group to promote partition and the annexation of Cyprus to Turkey as dictated by the Menderes plan. Volkan initially consisted of roughly 100 members, with the stated aim of raising awareness in Turkey of the Cyprus issue and courting military training and support for Turkish Cypriot fighters from the Turkish government.
In June 1958, the British Prime Minister, Harold Macmillan, was expected to propose a plan to resolve the Cyprus issue. In light of the new development, the Turks rioted in Nicosia to promote the idea that Greek and Turkish Cypriots could not live together and therefore any plan that did not include partition would not be viable. This violence was soon followed by bombing, Greek Cypriot deaths and looting of Greek Cypriot-owned shops and houses. Greek and Turkish Cypriots started to flee mixed population villages where they were a minority in search of safety. This was effectively the beginning of the segregation of the two communities. On 7 June 1958, a bomb exploded at the entrance of the Turkish Embassy in Cyprus. Following the bombing, Turkish Cypriots looted Greek Cypriot properties. On 26 June 1984, the Turkish Cypriot leader, Rauf Denktaş, admitted on British channel ITV that the bomb was placed by the Turks themselves in order to create tension. On 9 January 1995, Rauf Denktaş repeated his claim to the famous Turkish newspaper Milliyet in Turkey.
The crisis reached a climax on 12 June 1958, when eight Greeks, out of an armed group of thirty five arrested by soldiers of the Royal Horse Guards on suspicion of preparing an attack on the Turkish quarter of Skylloura, were killed in a suspected attack by Turkish Cypriot locals, near the village of Geunyeli, having been ordered to walk back to their village of Kondemenos.
After the EOKA campaign had begun, the British government successfully began to turn the Cyprus issue from a British colonial problem into a Greek-Turkish issue. British diplomacy exerted backstage influence on the Adnan Menderes government, with the aim of making Turkey active in Cyprus. For the British, the attempt had a twofold objective. The EOKA campaign would be silenced as quickly as possible, and Turkish Cypriots would not side with Greek Cypriots against the British colonial claims over the island, which would thus remain under the British. The Turkish Cypriot leadership visited Menderes to discuss the Cyprus issue. When asked how the Turkish Cypriots should respond to the Greek Cypriot claim of enosis, Menderes replied: "You should go to the British foreign minister and request the status quo be prolonged, Cyprus to remain as a British colony". When the Turkish Cypriots visited the British Foreign Secretary and requested for Cyprus to remain a colony, he replied: "You should not be asking for colonialism at this day and age, you should be asking for Cyprus be returned to Turkey, its former owner".
As Turkish Cypriots began to look to Turkey for protection, Greek Cypriots soon understood that enosis was extremely unlikely. The Greek Cypriot leader, Archbishop Makarios III, now set independence for the island as his objective.
Britain resolved to solve the dispute by creating an independent Cyprus. In 1959, all involved parties signed the Zurich Agreements: Britain, Turkey, Greece, and the Greek and Turkish Cypriot leaders, Makarios and Dr. Fazil Kucuk, respectively. The new constitution drew heavily on the ethnic composition of the island. The President would be a Greek Cypriot, and the Vice-President a Turkish Cypriot with an equal veto. The contribution to the public service would be set at a ratio of 70:30, and the Supreme Court would consist of an equal number of judges from both communities as well as an independent judge who was not Greek, Turkish or British. The Zurich Agreements were supplemented by a number of treaties. The Treaty of Guarantee stated that secession or union with any state was forbidden, and that Greece, Turkey and Britain would be given guarantor status to intervene if that was violated. The Treaty of Alliance allowed for two small Greek and Turkish military contingents to be stationed on the island, and the Treaty of Establishment gave Britain sovereignty over two bases in Akrotiri and Dhekelia.
On 15 August 1960, the Colony of Cyprus became fully independent as the Republic of Cyprus. The new republic remained within the Commonwealth of Nations.
The new constitution brought dissatisfaction to Greek Cypriots, who felt it to be highly unjust for them for historical, demographic and contributional reasons. Although 80% of the island's population were Greek Cypriots and these indigenous people had lived on the island for thousands of years and paid 94% of taxes, the new constitution was giving the 17% of the population that was Turkish Cypriots, who paid 6% of taxes, around 30% of government jobs and 40% of national security jobs.
Within three years tensions between the two communities in administrative affairs began to show. In particular disputes over separate municipalities and taxation created a deadlock in government. A constitutional court ruled in 1963 Makarios had failed to uphold article 173 of the constitution which called for the establishment of separate municipalities for Turkish Cypriots. Makarios subsequently declared his intention to ignore the judgement, resulting in the West German judge resigning from his position. Makarios proposed thirteen amendments to the constitution, which would have had the effect of resolving most of the issues in the Greek Cypriot favour. Under the proposals, the President and Vice-President would lose their veto, the separate municipalities as sought after by the Turkish Cypriots would be abandoned, the need for separate majorities by both communities in passing legislation would be discarded and the civil service contribution would be set at actual population ratios (82:18) instead of the slightly higher figure for Turkish Cypriots.
The intention behind the amendments has long been called into question. The Akritas plan, written in the height of the constitutional dispute by the Greek Cypriot interior minister Polycarpos Georkadjis, called for the removal of undesirable elements of the constitution so as to allow power-sharing to work. The plan envisaged a swift retaliatory attack on Turkish Cypriot strongholds should Turkish Cypriots resort to violence to resist the measures, stating "In the event of a planned or staged Turkish attack, it is imperative to overcome it by force in the shortest possible time, because if we succeed in gaining command of the situation (in one or two days), no outside, intervention would be either justified or possible." Whether Makarios's proposals were part of the Akritas plan is unclear, however it remains that sentiment towards enosis had not completely disappeared with independence. Makarios described independence as "a step on the road to enosis".[31] Preparations for conflict were not entirely absent from Turkish Cypriots either, with right wing elements still believing taksim (partition) the best safeguard against enosis.
Greek Cypriots however believe the amendments were a necessity stemming from a perceived attempt by Turkish Cypriots to frustrate the working of government. Turkish Cypriots saw it as a means to reduce their status within the state from one of co-founder to that of minority, seeing it as a first step towards enosis. The security situation deteriorated rapidly.
Main articles: Bloody Christmas (1963) and Battle of Tillyria
An armed conflict was triggered after December 21, 1963, a period remembered by Turkish Cypriots as Bloody Christmas, when a Greek Cypriot policemen that had been called to help deal with a taxi driver refusing officers already on the scene access to check the identification documents of his customers, took out his gun upon arrival and shot and killed the taxi driver and his partner. Eric Solsten summarised the events as follows: "a Greek Cypriot police patrol, ostensibly checking identification documents, stopped a Turkish Cypriot couple on the edge of the Turkish quarter. A hostile crowd gathered, shots were fired, and two Turkish Cypriots were killed."
In the morning after the shooting, crowds gathered in protest in Northern Nicosia, likely encouraged by the TMT, without incident. On the evening of the 22nd, gunfire broke out, communication lines to the Turkish neighbourhoods were cut, and the Greek Cypriot police occupied the nearby airport. On the 23rd, a ceasefire was negotiated, but did not hold. Fighting, including automatic weapons fire, between Greek and Turkish Cypriots and militias increased in Nicosia and Larnaca. A force of Greek Cypriot irregulars led by Nikos Sampson entered the Nicosia suburb of Omorphita and engaged in heavy firing on armed, as well as by some accounts unarmed, Turkish Cypriots. The Omorphita clash has been described by Turkish Cypriots as a massacre, while this view has generally not been acknowledged by Greek Cypriots.
Further ceasefires were arranged between the two sides, but also failed. By Christmas Eve, the 24th, Britain, Greece, and Turkey had joined talks, with all sides calling for a truce. On Christmas day, Turkish fighter jets overflew Nicosia in a show of support. Finally it was agreed to allow a force of 2,700 British soldiers to help enforce a ceasefire. In the next days, a "buffer zone" was created in Nicosia, and a British officer marked a line on a map with green ink, separating the two sides of the city, which was the beginning of the "Green Line". Fighting continued across the island for the next several weeks.
In total 364 Turkish Cypriots and 174 Greek Cypriots were killed during the violence. 25,000 Turkish Cypriots from 103-109 villages fled and were displaced into enclaves and thousands of Turkish Cypriot houses were ransacked or completely destroyed.
Contemporary newspapers also reported on the forceful exodus of the Turkish Cypriots from their homes. According to The Times in 1964, threats, shootings and attempts of arson were committed against the Turkish Cypriots to force them out of their homes. The Daily Express wrote that "25,000 Turks have already been forced to leave their homes". The Guardian reported a massacre of Turks at Limassol on 16 February 1964.
Turkey had by now readied its fleet and its fighter jets appeared over Nicosia. Turkey was dissuaded from direct involvement by the creation of a United Nations Peacekeeping Force in Cyprus (UNFICYP) in 1964. Despite the negotiated ceasefire in Nicosia, attacks on the Turkish Cypriot persisted, particularly in Limassol. Concerned about the possibility of a Turkish invasion, Makarios undertook the creation of a Greek Cypriot conscript-based army called the "National Guard". A general from Greece took charge of the army, whilst a further 20,000 well-equipped officers and men were smuggled from Greece into Cyprus. Turkey threatened to intervene once more, but was prevented by a strongly worded letter from the American President Lyndon B. Johnson, anxious to avoid a conflict between NATO allies Greece and Turkey at the height of the Cold War.
Turkish Cypriots had by now established an important bridgehead at Kokkina, provided with arms, volunteers and materials from Turkey and abroad. Seeing this incursion of foreign weapons and troops as a major threat, the Cypriot government invited George Grivas to return from Greece as commander of the Greek troops on the island and launch a major attack on the bridgehead. Turkey retaliated by dispatching its fighter jets to bomb Greek positions, causing Makarios to threaten an attack on every Turkish Cypriot village on the island if the bombings did not cease. The conflict had now drawn in Greece and Turkey, with both countries amassing troops on their Thracian borders. Efforts at mediation by Dean Acheson, a former U.S. Secretary of State, and UN-appointed mediator Galo Plaza had failed, all the while the division of the two communities becoming more apparent. Greek Cypriot forces were estimated at some 30,000, including the National Guard and the large contingent from Greece. Defending the Turkish Cypriot enclaves was a force of approximately 5,000 irregulars, led by a Turkish colonel, but lacking the equipment and organisation of the Greek forces.
The Secretary-General of the United Nations in 1964, U Thant, reported the damage during the conflicts:
UNFICYP carried out a detailed survey of all damage to properties throughout the island during the disturbances; it shows that in 109 villages, most of them Turkish-Cypriot or mixed villages, 527 houses have been destroyed while 2,000 others have suffered damage from looting.
The situation worsened in 1967, when a military junta overthrew the democratically elected government of Greece, and began applying pressure on Makarios to achieve enosis. Makarios, not wishing to become part of a military dictatorship or trigger a Turkish invasion, began to distance himself from the goal of enosis. This caused tensions with the junta in Greece as well as George Grivas in Cyprus. Grivas's control over the National Guard and Greek contingent was seen as a threat to Makarios's position, who now feared a possible coup.[citation needed] The National Guard and Cyprus Police began patrolling the Turkish Cypriot enclaves of Ayios Theodoros and Kophinou, and on November 15 engaged in heavy fighting with the Turkish Cypriots.
By the time of his withdrawal 26 Turkish Cypriots had been killed. Turkey replied with an ultimatum demanding that Grivas be removed from the island, that the troops smuggled from Greece in excess of the limits of the Treaty of Alliance be removed, and that the economic blockades on the Turkish Cypriot enclaves be lifted. Grivas was recalled by the Athens Junta and the 12,000 Greek troops were withdrawn. Makarios now attempted to consolidate his position by reducing the number of National Guard troops, and by creating a paramilitary force loyal to Cypriot independence. In 1968, acknowledging that enosis was now all but impossible, Makarios stated, "A solution by necessity must be sought within the limits of what is feasible which does not always coincide with the limits of what is desirable."
After 1967 tensions between the Greek and Turkish Cypriots subsided. Instead, the main source of tension on the island came from factions within the Greek Cypriot community. Although Makarios had effectively abandoned enosis in favour of an 'attainable solution', many others continued to believe that the only legitimate political aspiration for Greek Cypriots was union with Greece.
On his arrival, Grivas began by establishing a nationalist paramilitary group known as the National Organization of Cypriot Fighters (Ethniki Organosis Kyprion Agoniston B or EOKA-B), drawing comparisons with the EOKA struggle for enosis under the British colonial administration of the 1950s.
The military junta in Athens saw Makarios as an obstacle. Makarios's failure to disband the National Guard, whose officer class was dominated by mainland Greeks, had meant the junta had practical control over the Cypriot military establishment, leaving Makarios isolated and a vulnerable target.
During the first Turkish invasion, Turkish troops invaded Cyprus territory on 20 July 1974, invoking its rights under the Treaty of Guarantee. This expansion of Turkish-occupied zone violated International Law as well as the Charter of the United Nations. Turkish troops managed to capture 3% of the island which was accompanied by the burning of the Turkish Cypriot quarter, as well as the raping and killing of women and children. A temporary cease-fire followed which was mitigated by the UN Security Council. Subsequently, the Greek military Junta collapsed on July 23, 1974, and peace talks commenced in which a democratic government was installed. The Resolution 353 was broken after Turkey attacked a second time and managed to get a hold of 37% of Cyprus territory. The Island of Cyprus was appointed a Buffer Zone by the United Nations, which divided the island into two zones through the 'Green Line' and put an end to the Turkish invasion. Although Turkey announced that the occupied areas of Cyprus to be called the Federated Turkish State in 1975, it is not legitimised on a worldwide political scale. The United Nations called for the international recognition of independence for the Republic of Cyprus in the Security Council Resolution 367.
In the years after the Turkish invasion of northern Cyprus one can observe a history of failed talks between the two parties. The 1983 declaration of the independent Turkish Republic of Cyprus resulted in a rise of inter-communal tensions and made it increasingly hard to find mutual understanding. With Cyprus' interest of a possible EU membership and a new UN Secretary-General Kofi Annan in 1997 new hopes arose for a fresh start. International involvement from sides of the US and UK, wanting a solution to the Cyprus dispute prior to the EU accession led to political pressures for new talks. The believe that an accession without a solution would threaten Greek-Turkish relations and acknowledge the partition of the island would direct the coming negotiations.
Over the course of two years a concrete plan, the Annan plan was formulated. In 2004 the fifth version agreed upon from both sides and with the endorsement of Turkey, US, UK and EU then was presented to the public and was given a referendum in both Cypriot communities to assure the legitimisation of the resolution. The Turkish Cypriots voted with 65% for the plan, however the Greek Cypriots voted with a 76% majority against. The Annan plan contained multiple important topics. Firstly it established a confederation of two separate states called the United Cyprus Republic. Both communities would have autonomous states combined under one unified government. The members of parliament would be chosen according to the percentage in population numbers to ensure a just involvement from both communities. The paper proposed a demilitarisation of the island over the next years. Furthermore it agreed upon a number of 45000 Turkish settlers that could remain on the island. These settlers became a very important issue concerning peace talks. Originally the Turkish government encouraged Turks to settle in Cyprus providing transfer and property, to establish a counterpart to the Greek Cypriot population due to their 1 to 5 minority. With the economic situation many Turkish-Cypriot decided to leave the island, however their departure is made up by incoming Turkish settlers leaving the population ratio between Turkish Cypriots and Greek Cypriots stable. However all these points where criticised and as seen in the vote rejected mainly by the Greek Cypriots. These name the dissolution of the „Republic of Cyprus", economic consequences of a reunion and the remaining Turkish settlers as reason. Many claim that the plan was indeed drawing more from Turkish-Cypriot demands then Greek-Cypriot interests. Taking in consideration that the US wanted to keep Turkey as a strategic partner in future Middle Eastern conflicts.
A week after the failed referendum the Republic of Cyprus joined the EU. In multiple instances the EU tried to promote trade with Northern Cyprus but without internationally recognised ports this spiked a grand debate. Both side endure their intention of negotiations, however without the prospect of any new compromises or agreements the UN is unwilling to start the process again. Since 2004 negotiations took place in numbers but without any results, both sides are strongly holding on to their position without an agreeable solution in sight that would suit both parties.
Finished Working The 3S12 06.50 Sheffield To Sheffield According To Realtime Trains The Route And Timings Were
Sheffield [SHF] 06.50 . 06.50 RT
Nunnery Main Line Jn 06.52 No Report
Mill Race Jn 06.54 1/2 No Report
Brightside Jn 06.56 . 06.54 1E
Wincobank Jn 06.58 . 06.55 1/4 2E
Meadowhall 06.58 1/2 . 06.55 1/2 2E
Ecclesfield West S.B. 07.02 . 06.59 3/4 2E
Chapeltown 07.04 . 07.02 3/4 1E
Elsecar 07.08 . 07.08 RT
Wombwell 07.10 . 07.07 3/4 2E
Barnsley 07.15 . 07.14 1/2 RT
Darton 07.20 1/2 No Report
Woolley Coal Sdgs S.B. 07.21 1/2 No Report
Horbury Jn 07.29 . 07.26 1/4 2E
Wakefield West Jn 07.34 1/2 . 07.30 1/4 3E
Wakefield Kirkgate 07.35 . 07.31 3E
Calder Bridge Jn 07.37 . 07.32 4E
Oakenshaw Jn 07.38 1/2 . 07.33 3/4 4E
Crofton West Jn 07.40 . 07.35 4E
Hare Park Junction 07.45 . 07.46 1L
Fitzwilliam 07.49 1/2 . 07.51 1L
Hemsworth Loop 07.51 . 07.51 3/4 RT
South Kirkby Jn 07.54 1/2 . 07.54 1/2 RT
Moorthorpe 07.56 . 07.55 1/2 RT
Moorthorpe Goods Loop 07.56 1/2 No Report
Thurnscoe 08.01 . 07.59 1/2 1E
Goldthorpe 08.02 . 08.00 1/4 1E
Bolton-on-Dearne 08.03 1/2 . 08.01 1/4 2E
Swinton (South Yorkshire) 08.07 . 08.05 1/2 1E
Aldwarke Jn 08.10 . 08.09 1/2 RT
Rotherham Parkgate Jn 08.15 No Report
Rotherham Central 08.18 . 08.16 1/4 1E
Tinsley East Jn 08.23 1/2 . 08.19 1/4 3E
Tinsley North Jn 08.24 No Report
Tinsley South Jn 08.24 1/2 No Report
Broughton Lane Jn 08.26 . 08.22 1/2 3E
Woodburn Jn 08.29 . 08.25 3/4 3E
Nunnery Main Line Jn 08.35 . 08.34 RT
Sheffield [SHF] 08.37 . 08.36 1E
#DV23 - a Mack Titan 2AB tanker set-up followed by an un-identifyed Mack Titan. Stuart Highway (nth of Pine Creek) - August 2010.
After an earlier DRS triple header, a double header followed not loo long after, as a somewhat early running 6K73 Sellafield to Crewe nuclear flasks approaches Balshaw Lane station with Class 37 locos 37601 and 37603 leading the flasks south
Working The 5B78 13.18 Manchester Piccadilly To Cleethorpes Empty Coaching Stock
Manchester Piccadilly [MAN] 13.18 . 13.20 1/2 2L
Ardwick Jn 13.20 . 13.23 3L
Slade Lane Jn 13.23 . 13.25 1/2 2L
Heaton Norris Jn 13.25 1/2 . 13.28 1/4 2L
Stockport [SPT] 13.27 To 13.28 1/2 13.30 . 13.30 3/4 2L
Edgeley Jn No2 13.29 . 13.31 3/4 2L
Edgeley Jn No1 13.29 1/2 . 13.32 2L
Hazel Grove 13.34 . 13.36 1/2 2L
Hazel Grove H.L. Jn 13.35 . 13.37 2L
New Mills South Jn 13.39 1/2 . 13.41 1L
Chinley North Jn 13.43 . 13.45 2L
Chinley East Jn 13.43 1/2 No Report
Edale 13.48 . 13.51 3L
Edale Signal Ee16 13.49 1/2 No Report
Earles Sdgs S.B. 13.51 1/2 . 13.54 2L
Bamford 13.54 No Report
Grindleford 13.58 . 13.59 1L
Totley Tunnel East 14.02 1/2 . 14.04 1/4 1L
Dore West Jn 14.03 . 14.05 3/4 2L
Dore Station Jn 14.04 . 14.06 3/4 2L
Sheffield [SHF] 14.09 To 14.11 Pass 14.12 1L
Nunnery Main Line Jn 14.12 1/2 . 14.13 1/2 1L
Wincobank Jn 14.15 1/2 . 14.16 1/2 1L
Meadowhall [MHS] 14.16 To 14.17 14.17 . 14.17 3/4 RT
Holmes Jn 14.20 . 14.19 1/2 RT
Aldwarke Jn 14.23 . 14.22 1/4 RT
Swinton (South Yorkshire) 14.25 1/2 . 14.24 1/4 1E
Mexborough 14.27 . 14.26 RT
Hexthorpe Jn 14.33 1/2 . 14.30 3E
Doncaster [DON] 14.36 1/2 To 14.38 14.38 1/2 . 14.39 1/2 1L
Bentley Jn 14.40 1/2 . 14.42 1L
Hatfield & Stainforth 14.45 . 14.46 1/4 1L
Thorne Jn 14.46 1/2 . 14.47 3/4 1L
Crowle 14.54 1/2 . 14.55 3/4 1L
Scunthorpe [SCU] 15,03 To 15.04 1/2 15.04 3/4 . 15.05 1/4 RT
Scunthorpe F.O.B. Jn 15.08 . 15.08 3/4 RT
Wrawby Jn 15.17 . 15.17 3/4 RT
Barnetby [BTB] 15.18 To 15.20 1/2 15.18 1/2 . 15.19 1/2 RT
Brocklesby Jn 15.26 . 15.24 3/4 1E
Habrough [HAB] 15.28 To 15.29 1/2 Pass 15.26 1/2 2E
Stallingborough 15.34 . 15.31 2E
Grimsby Town [GMB] 15.43 To 15.44 1/2 15.36 . 15.36 3/4 7E
Cleethorpes [CLE] 15.53 . 15.43 10E
Direct Rail Services Class 47, 47818 is seen pushing inspection saloon 975025 "Caroline" through Shirebrook with a Derby to Derby trip via Derby, Worksop, Nottingham, Newark, Sleaford, Boston, Grantham, Nottingham and Derby. 2Z02 07:39 Derby - Derby.
Size A4
Emulsion FAC + Copper.Sulfate + Tartaric acid
Development with K-ferri + ferro + Tartaric acid in water
rinsing after the development in water
the emulsion seems to flake of easy so only short rinse was given.
Direct Rail Services Class 37, 37608 standing at Derby workinf Crewe Gresty Bridge to Derby RTC, taken 4th January 2016
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Direct Rail Services 20302 & 20305 pause at Sheffield having arrived from York Thrall Works with 3S11 RHTT. These would then form 3S12 to Wakefield and back.
October 2017.
Direct Rail Services Class 66 locomotive 66421 "Crewe Gresty Bridge TMD" approaches Wilnecote working a Bescot to Toton engineers service.
On the corner of Flinders and Swanston, SOOC. This isn't an original idea .. I confess, I saw someone else .. but I liked the result so much had to make one too.
Governor Earl Ray Tomblin welcomed participants at the 2016 WV Center for Children's Justice “Handle with Care” Conference in Charleston on Tuesday, October 11, 2016. The multi-state conference is part of an initiative to address maltreatment of children and their exposure to trauma.
A recent national survey of the incidence and prevalence of children’s exposure to violence and trauma revealed that 60% of American children have been exposed to violence, crime or abuse. Forty percent were direct victims of two or more violent acts. Prolonged exposure to violence and trauma can seriously undermine children’s ability to focus, behave appropriately, and learn in school. It often leads to school failure, truancy, suspension or expulsion, dropping out, or involvement in the juvenile justice system.
The West Virginia Defending Childhood Initiative, commonly referred to as “Handle With Care,” is tailored to reflect the needs and issues affecting children in West Virginia. The Initiative, a result of a collaborative effort of key stakeholders and partners, builds upon the success of proven programs throughout the country. The goal of the Initiative is to prevent children’s exposure to trauma and violence, mitigate negative affects experienced by children’s exposure to trauma, and to increase knowledge and awareness of this issue.
Model Handle With Care (“HWC”) programs promote safe and supportive homes, schools and communities that protect children, and help traumatized children heal and thrive. HWC promotes school-community partnerships aimed at ensuring that children who are exposed to trauma in their home, school or community receive appropriate interventions to help them achieve academically at their highest levels despite whatever traumatic circumstances they may have endured. The ultimate goal of HWC is to help students to succeed in school. Regardless of the source of trauma, the common thread for effective intervention is the school. Research now shows that trauma can undermine children’s ability to learn, form relationships, and function appropriately in the classroom. HWC programs support children exposed to trauma and violence through improved communication and collaboration between law enforcement, schools and mental health providers, and connects families, schools and communities to mental health services.
PILOT:
“Handle with Care” is an initiative currently being piloted at Mary C. Snow West Side Elementary School in Charleston, WV. The school, located in an urban area of the city plagued by drug and violent crime, houses approximately 500 students. Ninety-Three percent of the students come from low-income families. The school has ranked 398 out of 404 elementary schools in West Virginia for poor performance. In conjunction with “Handle With Care,” the United States Attorney’s Office has launched a Drug Market Intervention in the area to address high level drug and street crime.
LAW ENFORCEMENT:
"Handle with Care" provides the school with a “heads up” when a child has been identified at the scene of a traumatic event. It could be a meth lab explosion, a domestic violence situation, a shooting in the neighborhood, witnessing a malicious wounding, a drug raid at the home, etc. Police are trained to identify children at the scene, find out where they go to school and send the school a confidential email or fax that simply says . . . “Handle Johnny with care”. That’s it. No other details.
In addition to providing notice, officers also build positive relationships with students by interacting on a regular basis. They visit classrooms, stop by for lunch, and simply chat with students to help promote positive relationships and perceptions of officers.
SCHOOLS:
Teachers have been trained on the impact of trauma on learning, and are incorporating many interventions to mitigate the negative impact of trauma for identified students, including: sending students to the clinic to rest (when a HWC has been received and the child is having trouble staying awake or focusing); re-teaching lessons; postponing testing; small group counseling by school counselors; and referrals to counseling, social service or advocacy programs. The school has also implemented many school-wide interventions to help create a trauma sensitive school (Greeters; pairing students with an adult mentor in the school; utilization of a therapy dog; and “thumbs up/thumbs down” to indicate if a student is having a good day or a bad day).
COUNSELING:
When identified students exhibit continued behavioral or emotional problems in the classroom, the counselor or principal refers the parent to a counseling agency which provides trauma-focused therapy. Currently, there are two partnering agencies providing trauma focused therapy on site at the school in a room provided by the Family Care Health Center housed within the school. Once the counseling agency has received a referral and parental consent, students can receive on-site counseling.
The counseling is provided to children and families at times which are least disruptive for the student. The counselors also participate in MDT, SAT and other meetings deemed necessary by school personnel, and as authorized by the child’s parent or guardian. Counselors provide assessments of the child’s need, psychological testing, treatment recommendations, accommodation recommendations, and status updates to key school personnel as authorized by the child’s parent or guardian.
Photos available for media use. All photos should be attributed “Photo courtesy of Office of the Governor.”
Known by the Navajo as Tsé Biiʼ Ndzisgaii, the valley of the rocks. This outcrop is known as John Ford Point, on account of the many Western movies directed by him and shot in this area.
Working The 4S44 12.16 Daventry Int Rft Recep FI To Mossend Down Yard Gbrf According To Realtime Trains The Route And Timings Were
Daventry Int Rft Recep FI 12.16 . 12.16 RT
Daventry North Jn 12.18 . 12.20 1/4 2L
Hillmorton Jn 12.23 . 12.25 1/2 2L
Rugby South Junction 12.24 1/2 . 12.27 1/2 2L
Rugby 12.25 . 12.27 3/4 2L
Rugby North Junction 12.26 . 12.28 1/4 2L
Rugby Trent Valley Jn 12.27 . 12.28 3/4 1L
Newbold Junction 12.28 1/2 . 12.30 1/4 2L
High Oaks Junction 12.29 1/2 . 12.31 1L
Brinklow 12.32 1/2 . 12.34 1/2 2L
Shilton 12.35 1/2 . 12.37 1/2 1L
Attleborough South Jn 12.39 . 12.40 3/4 1L
Attleborough North Jn 12.40 No Report
Nuneaton South Jn 12.41 1/2 . 12.43 1L
Nuneaton 12.42 . 12.43 1L
Ashby Junction 12.42 1/2 . 12.43 1/2 RT
Canal Farm Junction 12.43 . 12.43 1/2 RT
Atherstone 12.46 1/2 . 12.47 1/2 1L
Polesworth 12.50 . 12.51 1/4 1L
Amington Junction 12.52 1/2 . 12.53 1/4 RT
Tamworth 12.53 1/2 . 12.54 RT
Lichfield Trent Valley 12.59 1/2 . 12.59 1/4 RT
Lichfield North Jn 13.00 . 12.59 1/2 RT
Curborough Jn 13.01 . 13.00 1/4 RT
Rugeley Trent Valley 13.08 . 13.05 3/4 1E
Rugeley North Jn 13.08 . 13.06 1E
Colwich 13.12 . 13.08 4E
Milford And Brocton 13.15 1/2 . 13.10 5E
Whitehouse Jn 13.17 1/2 . 13.11 1/2 5E
Stafford Trent Valley Jn 13.21 1/2 To 13.29 1/2 N/R 13.14 3/4 14E
Stafford South Jn 13.32 1/2 . 13.16 1/2 15E
Stafford 13.33 1/2 . 13.17 16E
Stafford North Jn 13.33 1/2 . 13.17 1/2 16E
Stafford Doxey Junction 13.34 . 13.17 3/4 16E
Little Bridgeford Jn 13.38 1/2 . 13.20 3/4 17E
Searchlight Lane Jn 13.40 . 13.21 3/4 18E
Whitmore 13.47 . 13.27 1/2 19E
Madeley (Staffs) 13.49 . 13.31 17E
Betley Road Sb 13.52 1/2 . 13.33 3/4 18E
Crewe Basford Hall Jn 13.55 . 13.36 19E
Crewe South Jn 13.59 1/2 . 13.49 1/4 10E
Crewe [CRE] 14.01 To 14.03 13.50 3/4 . 13.52 1/4 10E
Crewe North Jn 14.04 1/2 . 13.53 1/4 11E
Crewe Coal Yard 14.06 1/2 . 13.54 3/4 11E
Winsford 14.18 1/2 . 14.27 3/4 9L
Hartford 14.22 . 14.31 3/4 9L
Hartford Jn 14.23 . 14.31 1/4 9L
Acton Bridge 14.24 1/2 . 14.34 1/4 9L
Weaver Jn 14.27 . 14.35 3/4 8L
Acton Grange Jn 14.31 . 14.42 1/4 11L
Warrington Bank Quay [WBQ] 14.34 To 14.41 Pass 14.44 3L
Dallam Junction 14.43 . 14.45 2L
Winwick Jn 14.47 . 14.47 RT
Golbourne Jn 14.51 . 14.49 1E
Haydock Branch Junction 14.52 1/2 No Report
Bamfurlong Jn 14.54 . 14.53 1/4 RT
Springs Branch Jn 14.55 . 14.55 1/2 RT
Wigan South Jn 14.55 1/2 . 14.56 3/4 1L
Wigan Station Jn 14.56 . 14.57 1L
Wigan North Western 14.56 . 14.57 1/4 1L
Wigan Boars Head G.F. 14.58 . 14.58 1/4 RT
Balshaw Lane 15.03 1/2 . 15.05 1/4 1L
Euxton Balshaw Lane 15.05 . 15.07 1/4 2L
Euxton Jn 15.06 1/2 . 15.08 1/4 1L
Leyland 15.07 1/2 . 15.09 3/4 2L
Farington Jn 15.08 1/2 . 15.10 1/2 1L
Farington Curve Jn 15.09 1/2 . 15.12 2L
Skew Bridge 15.10 . 15.12 3/4 2L
Ribble Jn 15.10 1/2 . 15.13 1/2 3L
Preston South Junction 15.11 . 15.14 3L
Preston 15.11 1/2 . 15.14 3/4 3L
Preston Fylde Jn 15.12 1/2 . 15.16 3L
Barton & Broughton Pass Lp 15.16 . 15.20 1/4 4L
Garstang & Catteral 15.20 . 15.23 3/4 3L
Bay Horse 15.24 1/2 . 15.28 3/4 4L
Oubeck Goods Loop 15.27 15.31 1/2 4L
Lancaster South Jn Ugl 15.29 No Report
Lancaster 15.29 1/2 . 15.35 1/2 6L
Morecambe South Jn 15.32 . 15.36 4L
Hest Bank 15.33 . 15.36 3/4 3L
Carnforth North Jn 15.35 1/2 . 15.39 1/4 3L
Milnthorpe 15.43 . 15.45 1L
Oxenholme Lake District 15.49 . 15.50 1/4 1L
Lambrigg 15.53 1/2 . 15.54 1/2 1L
Grayrigg 15.55 . 15.57 2L
Lowgill 15.56 1/2 . 15.59 1/4 2L
Tebay 16.00 . 16.03 3L
Shap Summit 16.04 1/2 . 16.08 1/2 4L
Hardendale Quarry 16.06 . 16.10 1/4 4L
Shap Harrisons Sdgs Loop 16.07 1/2 . 16.12 3/4 5L
Clifton & Lowther 16.12 1/2 . 16.17 4L
Penrith South Jn 16.15 . 16.20 4L
Penrith North Lakes 16.16 . 16.20 3/4 4L
Long Ashes 16.18 . 16.21 3/4 4L
Southwaite 16.26 1/2 . 16.29 1/4 2L
Upperby Bridge Jn 16.32 . 16.34 1/4 2L
Upperby Jn 16.32 1/2 . 16.35 2L
Carlisle [CAR] 16.34 To 16.36 16.37 1/4 . 16.39 3L
Caldew Jn 16.39 . 16.40 3/4 1L
Carlisle N.Y. [XKY] 16.53 To 17.26 No Report
Floriston 17.41 . 16.48 52E
Mossband 17.42 1/2 . 16.49 1/4 53E
Gretna Jn 17.43 1/2 . 16.50 1/4 53E
Quintinshill Pass Loops 17.45 . 17.11 1/2 33E
Kirkpatrick Signal Mc863 17.48 1/2 . 17.33 3/4 14E
Kirtlebridge G.F. 17.51 1/2 . 17.38 1/4 13E
Ecclefechan 17.54 1/2 . 17.40 3/4 13E
Lockerbie 17.59 . 17.46 12E
Nthrclu 18.01 1/2 . 17.49 12E
Wamphray G.F. 18.06 . 17.53 13E
Beattock 18.10 1/2 . 17.57 1/2 13E
Beattock Summit 18.24 1/2 To 18.54 1/2 18.08 . 18.08 1/2 45E
Elvanfoot 18.58 1/2 . 18.11 47E
Abington 19.05 1/2 To 19.25 No Report
Symington G.F. 19.34 No Report
Carstairs South Jn 19.41 . 18.29 72E
Carstairs 19.44 . 18.37 1/4 66E
Lanark Jn 19.47 . 18.50 56E
Carluke 19.53 1/2 . 18.55 1/2 57E
Law Jn 19.56 . 18.59 1/4 56E
Wishaw 20.00 . 19.05 1/2 54E
Wishaw Central Jn 20.00 1/2 . 19.05 3/4 54E
Holytown Jn 20.04 . 19.09 3/4 54E
Holytown 20.05 . 19.10 3/4 53E
Mossend East Jn 20.07 . 19.12 55E
Mossend North Jn 20.10 . 19.15 1/4 54E
Mossend Down Yard Gbrf 20.14 . 19.19 55E
Surtout pour le fun... musique Benny hill ! mdr
A voir aussi sur mon profil youtube : emmanuellebaudry.wordpress.com/2022/03/17/petite-video-en...
Seen in Crewe as The Welsh Warrior, Virgin Trains MK3 Pretendolino charter draws to an end.
25th October 2014
Direct Rail Services (DRS) 68001 'Evolution' rumbles through Stafford working the 6U76 0859 Crewe Bas Hall S.S.M. to Mountsorrel Sdgs.
Grappling with North Vietnam's radar-directed air defense systems during the Vietnam War, the U.S. Air Force took two different approaches. The first was the development of dedicated air defense suppression munitions and tactics - the famous "Wild Weasels" mounting anti-radiation missiles and a variety of magic boxes jamming enemy radars. The second was both much simpler conceptually and much more complex practically - building an airplane that didn't show up on radar. Beginning with the shadowy "Have Blue" research aircraft in 1977, Lockheed's Skunk Works eventually was able to field a genuine combat-ready low-observable "stealth" airplane, the F-117. It wasn't really a fighter at all - the "F" designation was just one final layer of misdirection atop a highly classified program - but a kind of specialized bomber, putting precision-guided munitions on valuable air-defense targets that couldn't engage it. Aerospace technology marched on, and after the introduction of various other stealth aircraft and F-117 service in several different conflicts, the Air Force announced the retirement of the type in 2007. Except not really. It was more or less an open secret that at least a few were kept around, and in the last few years they've reemerged publicly performing stealth-related training and testing missions. Still, an airplane with a history like the F-117 still has to keep a few secrets - for instance, I can't find a serial number on this one anywhere!
Direct Rail Services Class 37 37087 'Keighley and Worth Valley Railway' at Crewe Gresty Bridge, 10 July 2010.
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Cuando tenía veinte años trabajaba en Tokio. Eran finales de los 80 y pensaba, como muchos otros, que Japón dominaría el mundo. Había ido allí buscando fortuna y me ganaba la vida dando clases de español e inglés mientras...