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April 4th, 2011 - Mac Miller performs live on Campus Consciousness Tour at the EMU Convocation Center in Ypsilanti Michigan. Credit: Chris Schwegler. www.schwegweb.com
“The detectors don’t induce the phenomenon of wave function collapse; conscious observation does. Consciousness is like this giant roving spotlight, collapsing reality wherever it shines—and what isn’t observed remains probability. And it’s not just photons or electrons. It is everything. All matter…A testable, repeatable fault in reality.”
Ted Kosmatka - The Flicker Men
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what you see in this cloud, that's what you REALLY are. your true-to-the-cloud flickrfotowoschrorschachtestself.
A menudo me acuerdo de aquellos momentos que nunca sucedieron. Esos que quise haber tenido pero por un motivo u otro dejé pasar.
Recuerdo aquella carta en tu buzón, decir que no cuando debí, nadar hasta el final sin mirar atrás o fotografiar aquel instante mágico.
Me viene a la memoria cuando te pedí perdón por ser un capullo, cuando no aparté la vista la vez que me miraste o de aquel instante en el que no me reprimí.
En ocasiones sueño con esa noche en la que permití a la lluvia caer fría sobre mi cuerpo desnudo, con cantar a gritos en el concierto de mi grupo preferido, con darte las gracias o con acudir en tu ayuda a tiempo.
Otras veces me viene a la cabeza cuando no te juzgué, cuando conversamos sin motivo aparente, cuando guardé silencio en el oportuno momento o incluso de la vez que te abracé cuando lo pediste con la mirada.
Como de todos estos, a menudo me acuerdo de otros tantos momentos que nunca sucedieron. Algunos todavía estoy a tiempo de cumplir, otros quedarán en mi consciencia para siempre.
Por Iván Cárdenes
With a heavy grimace; old, sad, and worthless. Walking with a slow step, I’m carrying my grief. Far from the big city that has seen me flourish in the mysteriously strangest streets, I feel my soul start to darken. No one sees my end, nor do they care about my grief. No one wants my friendship. I’m alone with my bitterness, and so I’ve wandered since the day I arrived. When after a crazy dream, I abandoned everything and said goodbye.
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This is my entry for Kiara's contest. And I chose to recreate this photo in my own way.
I had a lot of fresh concepts in mind, but thought this one seemed more fitting. Although this is shitty, I personally like it.
In Spiritual reality, we are One. Regardless of any perceived differences, the core of our being is our Consciousness. Everything comes from consciousness, seen and unseen, physical and non-physical, illusion and reality, everything from our Unity of Consciousness.
This Truth has been spoken by the Mystics and Sages throughout the ages. Now, quantum physics is revealing this Truth to scientists. What will they do with the Truth?
Thanks to the following for these images:
A person who does not meditate does not know how to expand his consciousness. He has narrow vision as if he is looking through a window, but when he learns to expand his consciousness, it is like going through a door. It is exactly as if one were looking through a small window in a house. From the window his view is very limited, but when he goes out of the house, he has a much wider view. When he goes to the roof, he can see even more clearly. As one’s consciousness expands, his vision becomes clearer, and he understands things as they are. - Swami Rama
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⠀⠀⠀⠀⠀⠀⠀⠀⠀⠀⠀⠀ Only this Consciousness is real: which knows but is never known, which is here and never disappear. ~ M. Gualberto ⠀⠀⠀⠀⠀⠀⠀⠀⠀⠀⠀⠀⠀⠀⠀⠀⠀⠀⠀⠀⠀⠀⠀⠀⠀⠀⠀⠀⠀⠀ Photo: The view from Ramanashram Gualberto, Brazil. ⠀⠀⠀ ⠀⠀⠀⠀⠀⠀⠀⠀⠀⠀ Realização é a verificação do simples, do Natural Estado de Ser que é Você – sua Real Natureza. Somente essa Consciência é real: O que conhece, sem jamais ser conhecido; O que aí está, sem jamais desaparecer.. ~ M. Gualberto ⠀⠀⠀⠀⠀⠀⠀⠀⠀⠀⠀⠀⠀⠀⠀⠀⠀⠀⠀⠀⠀⠀⠀⠀⠀ Foto: A vista do Ramanashram Gualberto. Campos do Jordão/SP. ▃▃▃▃▃▃▃▃▃▃▃▃▃▃▃▃▃▃▃▃⠀⠀⠀⠀⠀⠀⠀⠀⠀⠀⠀⠀⠀⠀⠀⠀⠀⠀⠀⠀⠀⠀⠀⠀⠀⠀⠀⠀⠀⠀ #ramanashramgualberto #mestregualberto #satsang #ramana #ramanamaharshi #bhagavan #presentmoment #selfawareness #openness #instagood #transcend #innerself #rumi #felizvida #hooponopono #meditacion #ravishankar #bestill #innerpeace #mindful #awakening #inspirationalquotes #stillness #mooji #osho #calmness #deus #consciencia #taonismo #kundalini
Burke and Wills Menindee Camp Pamamaroo Creek 26/10/1860 to 26/01/1861.
The story of Burke and Wills has become an integral part of the Australian consciousness. Burke and Wills and their fate seem to encapsulate and justify the fear that many urban Australians have of the vast, lonely, dry wilderness which occupies over two-thirds of the continent. Of course the truth about the ignominious demise of Burke and wills is more pedestrian. What went wrong with their expedition can best be summed up by those well-known human failings - incompetence, arrogance, inflexibility and racial bigotry. The expedition was ill-conceived from the outset. It is now generally agreed that the raison d'etre of the whole undertaking was overwhelming pride. This pride was a result of the newly found wealth of Melbourne (a direct result of the gold rushes) and the newly created colonial independence of Victoria. Public enthusiasm for the expedition was high. Public subscriptions exceeded £3000 and the government contributed £6000. Under ordinary circumstances this would have been adequate funding but over half of the funds were spent on purchasing and importing twenty-four camels from Afghanistan. The committee then advertised for a man to lead the expedition. They had thirteen applicants out of whom they chose Irish-born police inspector Robert O'Hara Burke. Burke had no experience and no apparent knowledge of the Australian bush. Why he was chosen to lead an expedition which was going to travel across thousands of miles of rugged and unknown terrain remains a mystery. It was not so much an expedition as a public display. The camels and packhorses were carrying twenty-one tons of equipment including 120 mirrors as presents for Aborigines, sixty gallons of rum, four gallons of brandy, supplies of rockets, arms and vast qualities of dried food.
On 6 September when the expedition reached Swan Hill Burke sold off a large quantity of stores and hired two new men. In Balranald the foreman, Ferguson, quit; Burke dismissed Creber, Cowen, Fletcher, the cook Drakeford, and Langan; and some stores including the expedition's entire supply of lime juice were sold. At the Darling River camp at Pamamaroo Creek Burke insisted that all items weighing over thirty pounds be abandoned. This decision meant that neither Dr Beckler nor the naturalist Ludwig Becker could carry their instruments. Becker left the expedition at Menindee. Prior to Becker's departure the second-in-command, Landells, realised that he would never be able to work with Burke and resigned. At Menindee news arrived from Melbourne that another continental crossing was about to commence. All pretence about the desire to 'enquire into the report upon the exploration of the Australian interior' was abandoned. Burke could not tolerate the thought that he might be beaten. On 19 October Burke, Wills, Brabe, King, Gray, McDonough, Patton and an Afgan cameleer Dost Mohammed left Menindee. Wright was left behind with instructions to bring stores and provisions and to follow the main party in a week to Cooper’s Creek. The main party reached Cooper Creek on 11 November and on 27 November the famous Camp 65 was established under a coolibah tree on the banks of the river. On 16 December 1860 with six camels, one pony, and Wills, Gray and King, Burke began the final push north to the Gulf of Carpentaria. Disaster now followed disaster on the trip north and back to Cooper Creek. On 17 April on the way back Charley Gray died. Four days later Burke, Wills and King reached the Cooper Creek depot. They were exhausted and in desperate need of fresh supplies. To their horror the depot had been abandoned only hours earlier. On a tree William Brahe, the depot foreman, had carved DIG. Confronted with an empty depot, a small cache of supplies and the prospect of starvation, Burke had to decide whether he was going to go back to Menindee or attempt a 320 kilometre walk across the desert to a cattle station at Mount Hopeless. Once again Burke made the wrong decision. He decided to head for Mount Hopeless. It is perhaps the most telling comment about the character of Burke he ignored his only chance saving himself, Wills and King. It is almost certain that the local Aborigines could have saved the trio. But Burke saw himself as the conqueror, as a member of a superior civilisation. The idea that he could be saved from death by a group of 'savages' was unthinkable. The base camp in Menindee was thus occupied by part of the group from 19 Oct 1860 to 26 Jan 1861 before they headed back to Melbourne. Only John King made it back alive from Cooper Creek because he had accepted the hospitality of the Aboriginal people there. Dost Mahomet returned and lived in Menindee and worked for Ah Chung the Chinese baker. He died in 1880 and was buried just outside the town. The base camp at Pamamaroo Creek near Menindee was occupied from 19 October 1860 to 26 January 1861. Before setting off north Burke stayed in the hotel in Menindee and not with his men at Pamamaroo Creek depot. The main weir on the River Darling diverts water into Lake Pamamaroo which becomes the water supply of Broken Hill and the source of irrigation water for the fruit and vines around Menindee.
“The Lord is my light, my light and salvation, in God I trust, in God I trust”—Taize chant (based on Psalm 27)
sample clip: dbmedia.crossrhythms.co.uk/audio/mp3/8898-4.mp3
Shot with Canon EOS 400D + Canon 50mm f/1.8
This is a candid shot from my holidays. We were visiting a church in rostock when this old man came, sat down and just enjoyed the silence. It was a great moment and I hope I was able to capture it here.
Please also check out roberts images who was camping and shooting with me.
You definitely have to look at it in Large.
For a look behind the scenes of my photography
please visit My Blog
"I have been one acquainted with the night" - Robert Frost
Rode in the train all night, in the sick light. A bird
Flew parallel with a singular will. In daydream's moods and
attitudes
The other passengers slumped, dozed, slept, read,
Waiting, and waiting for place to be displaced
On the exact track of safety or the rack of accident.
Looked out at the night, unable to distinguish
Lights in the towns of passage from the yellow lights
Numb on the ceiling. And the bird flew parallel and still
As the train shot forth the straight line of its whistle,
Forward on the taut tracks, piercing empty, familiar --
The bored center of this vision and condition looked and
looked
Down through the slick pages of the magazine (seeking
The seen and the unseen) and his gaze fell down the well
Of the great darkness under the slick glitter,
And he was only one among eight million riders and
readers.
And all the while under his empty smile the shaking drum
Of the long determined passage passed through him
By his body mimicked and echoed. And then the train
Like a suddenly storming rain, began to rush and thresh--
The silent or passive night, pressing and impressing
The patients' foreheads with a tightening-like image
Of the rushing engine proceeded by a shaft of light
Piercing the dark, changing and transforming the silence
Into a violence of foam, sound, smoke and succession.
A bored child went to get a cup of water,
And crushed the cup because the water too was
Boring and merely boredom's struggle.
The child, returning, looked over the shoulder
Of a man reading until he annoyed the shoulder.
A fat woman yawned and felt the liquid drops
Drip down the fleece of many dinners.
And the bird flew parallel and parallel flew
The black pencil lines of telephone posts, crucified,
At regular intervals, post after post
Of thrice crossed, blue-belled, anonymous trees.
And then the bird cried as if to all of us:
0 your life, your lonely life
What have you ever done with it,
And done with the great gift of consciousness?
What will you ever do with your life before death's
knife
Provides the answer ultimate and appropriate?
As I for my part felt in my heart as one who falls,
Falls in a parachute, falls endlessly, and feel the vast
Draft of the abyss sucking him down and down,
An endlessly helplessly falling and appalled clown:
This is the way that night passes by, this
Is the overnight endless trip to the famous unfathomable
abyss.
--Delmore Schwartz
The Toraja are an ethnic group indigenous to a mountainous region of South Sulawesi, Indonesia. Their population is approximately 1,100,000, of whom 450,000 live in the regency of Tana Toraja ("Land of Toraja"). Most of the population is Christian, and others are Muslim or have local animist beliefs known as aluk ("the way"). The Indonesian government has recognized this animist belief as Aluk To Dolo ("Way of the Ancestors").
The word toraja comes from the Bugis Buginese language term to riaja, meaning "people of the uplands". The Dutch colonial government named the people Toraja in 1909. Torajans are renowned for their elaborate funeral rites, burial sites carved into rocky cliffs, massive peaked-roof traditional houses known as tongkonan, and colorful wood carvings. Toraja funeral rites are important social events, usually attended by hundreds of people and lasting for several days.
Before the 20th century, Torajans lived in autonomous villages, where they practised animism and were relatively untouched by the outside world. In the early 1900s, Dutch missionaries first worked to convert Torajan highlanders to Christianity. When the Tana Toraja regency was further opened to the outside world in the 1970s, it became an icon of tourism in Indonesia: it was exploited by tourism developers and studied by anthropologists. By the 1990s, when tourism peaked, Toraja society had changed significantly, from an agrarian model - in which social life and customs were outgrowths of the Aluk To Dolo - to a largely Christian society. Today, tourism and remittances from migrant Torajans have made for major changes in the Toraja highland, giving the Toraja a celebrity status within Indonesia and enhancing Toraja ethnic group pride.
ETHNIC IDENTITY
The Torajan people had little notion of themselves as a distinct ethnic group before the 20th century. Before Dutch colonization and Christianization, Torajans, who lived in highland areas, identified with their villages and did not share a broad sense of identity. Although complexes of rituals created linkages between highland villages, there were variations in dialects, differences in social hierarchies, and an array of ritual practices in the Sulawesi highland region. "Toraja" (from the coastal languages' to, meaning people; and riaja, uplands) was first used as a lowlander expression for highlanders. As a result, "Toraja" initially had more currency with outsiders - such as the Bugis and Makassarese, who constitute a majority of the lowland of Sulawesi - than with insiders. The Dutch missionaries' presence in the highlands gave rise to the Toraja ethnic consciousness in the Sa'dan Toraja region, and this shared identity grew with the rise of tourism in the Tana Toraja Regency. Since then, South Sulawesi has four main ethnic groups - the Bugis (the majority, including shipbuilders and seafarers), the Makassarese (lowland traders and seafarers), the Mandarese (traders and fishermen), and the Toraja (highland rice cultivators).
HISTORY
From the 17th century, the Dutch established trade and political control on Sulawesi through the Dutch East Indies Company. Over two centuries, they ignored the mountainous area in the central Sulawesi, where Torajans lived, because access was difficult and it had little productive agricultural land. In the late 19th century, the Dutch became increasingly concerned about the spread of Islam in the south of Sulawesi, especially among the Makassarese and Bugis peoples. The Dutch saw the animist highlanders as potential Christians. In the 1920s, the Reformed Missionary Alliance of the Dutch Reformed Church began missionary work aided by the Dutch colonial government. In addition to introducing Christianity, the Dutch abolished slavery and imposed local taxes. A line was drawn around the Sa'dan area and called Tana Toraja ("the land of Toraja"). Tana Toraja was first a subdivision of the Luwu kingdom that had claimed the area. In 1946, the Dutch granted Tana Toraja a regentschap, and it was recognized in 1957 as one of the regencies of Indonesia.
Early Dutch missionaries faced strong opposition among Torajans, especially among the elite, because the abolition of their profitable slave trade had angered them. Some Torajans were forcibly relocated to the lowlands by the Dutch, where they could be more easily controlled. Taxes were kept high, undermining the wealth of the elites. Ultimately, the Dutch influence did not subdue Torajan culture, and only a few Torajans were converted. In 1950, only 10% of the population had converted to Christianity.
In the 1930s, Muslim lowlanders attacked the Torajans, resulting in widespread Christian conversion among those who sought to align themselves with the Dutch for political protection and to form a movement against the Bugis and Makassarese Muslims. Between 1951 and 1965 (following Indonesian independence), southern Sulawesi faced a turbulent period as the Darul Islam separatist movement fought for an Islamic state in Sulawesi. The 15 years of guerrilla warfare led to massive conversions to
CHRISTIANITY
Alignment with the Indonesian government, however, did not guarantee safety for the Torajans. In 1965, a presidential decree required every Indonesian citizen to belong to one of five officially recognized religions: Islam, Christianity (Protestantism and Catholicism), Hinduism, or Buddhism. The Torajan religious belief (aluk) was not legally recognized, and the Torajans raised their voices against the law. To make aluk accord with the law, it had to be accepted as part of one of the official religions. In 1969, Aluk To Dolo ("the way of ancestors") was legalized as a sect of Agama Hindu Dharma, the official name of Hinduism in Indonesia.
SOCIETY
There are three main types of affiliation in Toraja society: family, class and religion.
FAMILY AFFILIATION
Family is the primary social and political grouping in Torajan society. Each village is one extended family, the seat of which is the tongkonan, a traditional Torajan house. Each tongkonan has a name, which becomes the name of the village. The familial dons maintain village unity. Marriage between distant cousins (fourth cousins and beyond) is a common practice that strengthens kinship. Toraja society prohibits marriage between close cousins (up to and including the third cousin) - except for nobles, to prevent the dispersal of property. Kinship is actively reciprocal, meaning that the extended family helps each other farm, share buffalo rituals, and pay off debts.
Each person belongs to both the mother's and the father's families, the only bilateral family line in Indonesia. Children, therefore, inherit household affiliation from both mother and father, including land and even family debts. Children's names are given on the basis of kinship, and are usually chosen after dead relatives. Names of aunts, uncles and cousins are commonly referred to in the names of mothers, fathers and siblings.
Before the start of the formal administration of Toraja villages by the Tana Toraja Regency, each Toraja village was autonomous. In a more complex situation, in which one Toraja family could not handle their problems alone, several villages formed a group; sometimes, villages would unite against other villages. Relationship between families was expressed through blood, marriage, and shared ancestral houses (tongkonan), practically signed by the exchange of water buffalo and pigs on ritual occasions. Such exchanges not only built political and cultural ties between families but defined each person's place in a social hierarchy: who poured palm wine, who wrapped a corpse and prepared offerings, where each person could or could not sit, what dishes should be used or avoided, and even what piece of meat constituted one's share.
CLASS AFFILIATION
In early Toraja society, family relationships were tied closely to social class. There were three strata: nobles, commoners, and slaves (slavery was abolished in 1909 by the Dutch East Indies government). Class was inherited through the mother. It was taboo, therefore, to marry "down" with a woman of lower class. On the other hand, marrying a woman of higher class could improve the status of the next generation. The nobility's condescending attitude toward the commoners is still maintained today for reasons of family prestige.
Nobles, who were believed to be direct descendants of the descended person from heaven, lived in tongkonans, while commoners lived in less lavish houses (bamboo shacks called banua). Slaves lived in small huts, which had to be built around their owner's tongkonan. Commoners might marry anyone, but nobles preferred to marry in-family to maintain their status. Sometimes nobles married Bugis or Makassarese nobles. Commoners and slaves were prohibited from having death feasts. Despite close kinship and status inheritance, there was some social mobility, as marriage or change in wealth could affect an individuals status. Wealth was counted by the ownership of water buffaloes.
Slaves in Toraja society were family property. Sometimes Torajans decided to become slaves when they incurred a debt, pledging to work as payment. Slaves could be taken during wars, and slave trading was common. Slaves could buy their freedom, but their children still inherited slave status. Slaves were prohibited from wearing bronze or gold, carving their houses, eating from the same dishes as their owners, or having sex with free women - a crime punishable by death.
RELIGIOUS AFFILIATION
Toraja's indigenous belief system is polytheistic animism, called aluk, or "the way" (sometimes translated as "the law"). In the Toraja myth, the ancestors of Torajan people came down from heaven using stairs, which were then used by the Torajans as a communication medium with Puang Matua, the Creator. The cosmos, according to aluk, is divided into the upper world (heaven), the world of man (earth), and the underworld. At first, heaven and earth were married, then there was a darkness, a separation, and finally the light. Animals live in the underworld, which is represented by rectangular space enclosed by pillars, the earth is for mankind, and the heaven world is located above, covered with a saddle-shaped roof. Other Toraja gods include Pong Banggai di Rante (god of Earth), Indo' Ongon-Ongon (a goddess who can cause earthquakes), Pong Lalondong (god of death), and Indo' Belo Tumbang (goddess of medicine); there are many more.
The earthly authority, whose words and actions should be cleaved to both in life (agriculture) and death (funerals), is called to minaa (an aluk priest). Aluk is not just a belief system; it is a combination of law, religion, and habit. Aluk governs social life, agricultural practices, and ancestral rituals. The details of aluk may vary from one village to another. One common law is the requirement that death and life rituals be separated. Torajans believe that performing death rituals might ruin their corpses if combined with life rituals. The two rituals are equally important. During the time of the Dutch missionaries, Christian Torajans were prohibited from attending or performing life rituals, but were allowed to perform death rituals. Consequently, Toraja's death rituals are still practised today, while life rituals have diminished.
CULTURE
TONGKONAN
Tongkonan are the traditional Torajan ancestral houses. They stand high on wooden piles, topped with a layered split-bamboo roof shaped in a sweeping curved arc, and they are incised with red, black, and yellow detailed wood carvings on the exterior walls. The word "tongkonan" comes from the Torajan tongkon ("to sit").
Tongkonan are the center of Torajan social life. The rituals associated with the tongkonan are important expressions of Torajan spiritual life, and therefore all family members are impelled to participate, because symbolically the tongkonan represents links to their ancestors and to living and future kin. According to Torajan myth, the first tongkonan was built in heaven on four poles, with a roof made of Indian cloth. When the first Torajan ancestor descended to earth, he imitated the house and held a large ceremony.
The construction of a tongkonan is laborious work and is usually done with the help of the extended family. There are three types of tongkonan. The tongkonan layuk is the house of the highest authority, used as the "center of government". The tongkonan pekamberan belongs to the family members who have some authority in local traditions. Ordinary family members reside in the tongkonan batu. The exclusivity to the nobility of the tongkonan is diminishing as many Torajan commoners find lucrative employment in other parts of Indonesia. As they send back money to their families, they enable the construction of larger tongkonan.
WOOD CARVINGS
To express social and religious concepts, Torajans carve wood, calling it Pa'ssura (or "the writing"). Wood carvings are therefore Toraja's cultural manifestation.
Each carving receives a special name, and common motifs are animals and plants that symbolize some virtue. For example, water plants and animals, such as crabs, tadpoles and water weeds, are commonly found to symbolize fertility. In some areas noble elders claim these symbols refer to strength of noble family, but not everyone agrees. The overall meaning of groups of carved motifs on houses remains debated and tourism has further complicated these debates because some feel a uniform explanation must be presented to tourists. The image to the left shows an example of Torajan wood carving, consisting of 15 square panels. The center bottom panel represents buffalo or wealth, a wish for many buffaloes for the family. The center panel represents a knot and a box, a hope that all of the family's offspring will be happy and live in harmony, like goods kept safe in a box. The top left and top right squares represent an aquatic animal, indicating the need for fast and hard work, just like moving on the surface of water. It also represents the need for a certain skill to produce good results.
Regularity and order are common features in Toraja wood carving (see table below), as well as abstracts and geometrical designs. Nature is frequently used as the basis of Toraja's ornaments, because nature is full of abstractions and geometries with regularities and ordering. Toraja's ornaments have been studied in ethnomathematics to reveal their mathematical structure, but Torajans base this art only on approximations. To create an ornament, bamboo sticks are used as a geometrical tool.
FUNERAL RITES
In Toraja society, the funeral ritual is the most elaborate and expensive event. The richer and more powerful the individual, the more expensive is the funeral. In the aluk religion, only nobles have the right to have an extensive death feast. The death feast of a nobleman is usually attended by thousands and lasts for several days. A ceremonial site, called rante, is usually prepared in a large, grassy field where shelters for audiences, rice barns, and other ceremonial funeral structures are specially made by the deceased family. Flute music, funeral chants, songs and poems, and crying and wailing are traditional Toraja expressions of grief with the exceptions of funerals for young children, and poor, low-status adults.
The ceremony is often held weeks, months, or years after the death so that the deceased's family can raise the significant funds needed to cover funeral expenses. Torajans traditionally believe that death is not a sudden, abrupt event, but a gradual process toward Puya (the land of souls, or afterlife). During the waiting period, the body of the deceased is wrapped in several layers of cloth and kept under the tongkonan. The soul of the deceased is thought to linger around the village until the funeral ceremony is completed, after which it begins its journey to Puya.
Another component of the ritual is the slaughter of water buffalo. The more powerful the person who died, the more buffalo are slaughtered at the death feast. Buffalo carcasses, including their heads, are usually lined up on a field waiting for their owner, who is in the "sleeping stage". Torajans believe that the deceased will need the buffalo to make the journey and that they will be quicker to arrive at Puya if they have many buffalo. Slaughtering tens of water buffalo and hundreds of pigs using a machete is the climax of the elaborate death feast, with dancing and music and young boys who catch spurting blood in long bamboo tubes. Some of the slaughtered animals are given by guests as "gifts", which are carefully noted because they will be considered debts of the deceased's family. However, a cockfight, known as bulangan londong, is an integral part of the ceremony. As with the sacrifice of the buffalo and the pigs, the cockfight is considered sacred because it involves the spilling of blood on the earth. In particular, the tradition requires the sacrifice of at least three chickens. However, it is common for at least 25 pairs of chickens to be set against each other in the context of the ceremony.
There are three methods of burial: the coffin may be laid in a cave or in a carved stone grave, or hung on a cliff. It contains any possessions that the deceased will need in the afterlife. The wealthy are often buried in a stone grave carved out of a rocky cliff. The grave is usually expensive and takes a few months to complete. In some areas, a stone cave may be found that is large enough to accommodate a whole family. A wood-carved effigy, called Tau tau, is usually placed in the cave looking out over the land. The coffin of a baby or child may be hung from ropes on a cliff face or from a tree. This hanging grave usually lasts for years, until the ropes rot and the coffin falls to the ground.
In the ritual called Ma'Nene, that takes place each year in August, the bodies of the deceased are exhumed to be washed, groomed and dressed in new clothes. The mummies are then walked around the village.
DANCE AND MUSIC
Torajans perform dances on several occasions, most often during their elaborate funeral ceremonies. They dance to express their grief, and to honour and even cheer the deceased person because he is going to have a long journey in the afterlife. First, a group of men form a circle and sing a monotonous chant throughout the night to honour the deceased (a ritual called Ma'badong). This is considered by many Torajans to be the most important component of the funeral ceremony. On the second funeral day, the Ma'randing warrior dance is performed to praise the courage of the deceased during life. Several men perform the dance with a sword, a large shield made from buffalo skin, a helmet with a buffalo horn, and other ornamentation. The Ma'randing dance precedes a procession in which the deceased is carried from a rice barn to the rante, the site of the funeral ceremony. During the funeral, elder women perform the Ma'katia dance while singing a poetic song and wearing a long feathered costume. The Ma'akatia dance is performed to remind the audience of the generosity and loyalty of the deceased person. After the bloody ceremony of buffalo and pig slaughter, a group of boys and girls clap their hands while performing a cheerful dance called Ma'dondan.
As in other agricultural societies, Torajans dance and sing during harvest time. The Ma'bugi dance celebrates the thanksgiving event, and the Ma'gandangi dance is performed while Torajans are pounding rice. There are several war dances, such as the Manimbong dance performed by men, followed by the Ma'dandan dance performed by women. The aluk religion governs when and how Torajans dance. A dance called Ma'bua can be performed only once every 12 years. Ma'bua is a major Toraja ceremony in which priests wear a buffalo head and dance around a sacred tree.
A traditional musical instrument of the Toraja is a bamboo flute called a Pa'suling (suling is an Indonesian word for flute). This six-holed flute (not unique to the Toraja) is played at many dances, such as the thanksgiving dance Ma'bondensan, where the flute accompanies a group of shirtless, dancing men with long fingernails. The Toraja have indigenous musical instruments, such as the Pa'pelle (made from palm leaves) and the Pa'karombi (the Torajan version of a jaw harp). The Pa'pelle is played during harvest time and at house inauguration ceremonies.
LANGUAGE
The ethnic Toraja language is dominant in Tana Toraja with the main language as the Sa'dan Toraja. Although the national Indonesian language is the official language and is spoken in the community, all elementary schools in Tana Toraja teach Toraja language.Language varieties of Toraja, including Kalumpang, Mamasa, Tae' , Talondo' , Toala' , and Toraja-Sa'dan, belong to the Malayo-Polynesian language from the Austronesian family. At the outset, the isolated geographical nature of Tana Toraja formed many dialects between the Toraja languages themselves. After the formal administration of Tana Toraja, some Toraja dialects have been influenced by other languages through the transmigration program, introduced since the colonialism period, and it has been a major factor in the linguistic variety of Toraja languages. A prominent attribute of Toraja language is the notion of grief. The importance of death ceremony in Toraja culture has characterized their languages to express intricate degrees of grief and mourning. The Toraja language contains many terms referring to sadness, longing, depression, and mental pain. Giving a clear expression of the psychological and physical effect of loss is a catharsis and sometimes lessens the pain of grief itself.
ECONOMY
Prior to Suharto's "New Order" administration, the Torajan economy was based on agriculture, with cultivated wet rice in terraced fields on mountain slopes, and supplemental cassava and maize crops. Much time and energy were devoted to raising water buffalo, pigs, and chickens, primarily for ceremonial sacrifices and consumption. Coffee was the first significant cash crop produced in Toraja, and was introduced in the mid 19th century, changing the local economy towards commodity production for external markets and gaining an excellent reputation for quality in the international market .
With the commencement of the New Order in 1965, Indonesia's economy developed and opened to foreign investment. In Toraja, a coffee plantation and factory was established by Key Coffee of Japan, and Torajan coffee regained a reputation for quality within the growing international specialty coffee sector Multinational oil and mining companies opened new operations in Indonesia during the 1970s and 1980s. Torajans, particularly younger ones, relocated to work for the foreign companies - to Kalimantan for timber and oil, to Papua for mining, to the cities of Sulawesi and Java, and many went to Malaysia. The out-migration of Torajans was steady until 1985. and has continued since, with remittances sent back by emigre Torajans performing an important role within the contemporary economy.
Tourism commenced in Toraja in the 1970s, and accelerated in the 1980s and 1990s. Between 1984 and 1997, a significant number of Torajans obtained their incomes from tourism, working in and owning hotels, as tour guides, drivers, or selling souvenirs. With the rise of political and economic instability in Indonesia in the late 1990s - including religious conflicts elsewhere on Sulawesi - tourism in Tana Toraja has declined dramatically. Toraja continues to be a well known origin for Indonesian coffee, grown by both smallholders and plantation estates, although migration, remittances and off-farm income is considered far more important to most households, even those in rural areas.
TOURISM AND CULTURAL CHANGE
Before the 1970s, Toraja was almost unknown to Western tourism. In 1971, about 50 Europeans visited Tana Toraja. In 1972, at least 400 visitors attended the funeral ritual of Puang of Sangalla, the highest-ranking nobleman in Tana Toraja and the so-called "last pure-blooded Toraja noble." The event was documented by National Geographic and broadcast in several European countries. In 1976, about 12,000 tourists visited the regency and in 1981, Torajan sculpture was exhibited in major North American museums. "The land of the heavenly kings of Tana Toraja", as written in the exhibition brochure, embraced the outside world.
In 1984, the Indonesian Ministry of Tourism declared Tana Toraja Regency the prima donna of South Sulawesi. Tana Toraja was heralded as "the second stop after Bali". Tourism was increasing dramatically: by 1985, a total number of 150,000 foreigners had visited the Regency (in addition to 80,000 domestic tourists), and the annual number of foreign visitors was recorded at 40,000 in 1989. Souvenir stands appeared in Rantepao, the cultural center of Toraja, roads were sealed at the most-visited tourist sites, new hotels and tourist-oriented restaurants were opened, and an airstrip was opened in the Regency in 1981.
Tourism developers have marketed Tana Toraja as an exotic adventure - an area rich in culture and off the beaten track. Western tourists expected to see stone-age villages and pagan funerals. Toraja is for tourists who have gone as far as Bali and are willing to see more of the wild, "untouched" islands. However, they were more likely to see a Torajan wearing a hat and denim, living in a Christian society. Tourists felt that the tongkonan and other Torajan rituals had been preconceived to make profits, and complained that the destination was too commercialized. This has resulted in several clashes between Torajans and tourism developers, whom Torajans see as outsiders.
A clash between local Torajan leaders and the South Sulawesi provincial government (as a tourist developer) broke out in 1985. The government designated 18 Toraja villages and burial sites as traditional tourist attractions. Consequently, zoning restrictions were applied to these areas, such that Torajans themselves were barred from changing their tongkonans and burial sites. The plan was opposed by some Torajan leaders, as they felt that their rituals and traditions were being determined by outsiders. As a result, in 1987, the Torajan village of Kété Kesú and several other designated tourist attractions closed their doors to tourists. This closure lasted only a few days, as the villagers found it too difficult to survive without the income from selling souvenirs.
Tourism has also transformed Toraja society. Originally, there was a ritual which allowed commoners to marry nobles (puang) and thereby gain nobility for their children. However, the image of Torajan society created for the tourists, often by "lower-ranking" guides, has eroded its traditional strict hierarchy. High status is not as esteemed in Tana Toraja as it once was. Many low-ranking men can declare themselves and their children nobles by gaining enough wealth through work outside the region and then marrying a noble woman.
WIKIPEDIA
CCC - Consortium of Collective Consciousness
" Consortium of Collective Consciousness
The Psychedelic Trance Family in San Francisco
The Consortium of Collective Consciousness really began one day Wednesday night in December 1993 when a few travelers met on the beach in front of the Shore Bar in Goa,India. We were mostly Americans, and pretty blown away by this new music we were hearing, which at the time in was called Goa Trance.The Trance parties in goa were amazing beyond the words.so it‘s not too surprising that when we found ourselves relocating to San francisco a year later, we all wanted to bring some of the reality of the Goan beaches into our post hippie, West Coast urban existence, and continue the process which had begun a year before and half a world away.
The Consortium of Collective Consciousness (CCC) is a collective of freaks, travelers, dancers, djs, artists and party people based in San Francisco. This site contains the story of the CCC in all its gory detail, complete with words, images, sound and video. "
www.cccpublishing.com/about-ccc-and-all-its-creative-ente...
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SAN FRANCISCO SESSIONS
Zwischen Hippie-Kommerz, Goa-Spirits und revolutionären Party-Demos - Eine Reise durch das San Francisco der Gegenwart ...
DAS ERBE DER HIPPIES
In der zweiten Hälfte der sechziger Jahre wurde San Francisco zur Hauptstadt der Flower-Power-Bewegung. Zigtau-sende Hippies aus der ganzen Welt kamen zusammen, um in Haight-Ashbury den ”Summer of Love” zu feiern. Ver-bindend war die Abkehr von den Werten der bürgerlichen Gesellschaft, die im Vietnam-Krieg ihr blutverschmiertes Gesicht zeigte. Die Vision der Hippies machte dagegen die freie Liebe zur wichtigsten Kraft, die aufkommende Rock-Musik wurde zum wegweisenden Bezugspunkt und psychedelische Substanzen dienten zur Veränderung des Be-wusstseins. Die farbenfrohen Beschwörungen einer besseren Welt nahmen jedoch nur kurzzeitig Gestalt an, bald verfing sich die Hippie-Kultur in inneren Widersprüchen. Zudem gelang es Ronald Reagan, dem damaligen Gouver-neur Kaliforniens, und dem CIA zunehmend die Bewegung über repressive Massnahmen zu schwächen. Im Grunde wurzelte das Scheitern der Hippie-Kultur jedoch in einem wesentlichen Teil in der verschlingenden Dynamik eines Gesellschaftssystems, das selbst seine Antithese integriert und zu Geld macht.
Bis heute lebt Haight-Ashbury als Stadtteil noch immer vom Mythos der Hippie-Bewegung. Vom ursprünglichen Spirit ist kaum noch etwas zu spüren, wie sollte es über dreißig Jahre später auch anders sein. Ein Hippie-Shop reiht sich an den nächsten: Eine endlose Ansammlung von T-Shirts, Postern, Tassen und anderen Souvenirs mit Motiven der Ikonen Janis Joplin, Jimi Hendrix und Jerry Garcia. Blumen schmücken noch immer die zentrale Haight-Street, doch längst sind sie mit einem meist völlig überteuerten Preisschild versehen.
Inzwischen sind jedoch nicht nur die scheinbar ewig jungen Rock-Klassiker der späten Sechziger in den Shops zu hören. Seit einiger Zeit nehmen die zeitgemäßen Beats des Psychedelic Trance einen nahezu gleichberechtigten Platz ein. Die Freaks aus der Goa-Szene haben längst das Erbe der Hippies angetreten. Viele Parallelen sind offen-sichtlich, so ist beispielsweise der Bezug zur indischen Mystik genauso verbreitet wie der Gebrauch psychoaktiver Substanzen und auch die farbenfrohe Kleidung orientiert sich eindeutig am Outfit der Hippies. Vor allem ist es jedoch zumeist die Sehnsucht nach Freiheit und Ungebundenheit, nach innerer Entfaltung und Entwicklung, die den einge-schlagenen Weg bestimmt. Charakteristisch ist für beide Kulturen jedoch auch ein oftmals naives bis ignorantes Ver-hältnis gegenüber den Möglichkeiten und den Notwendigkeiten politischen Engagements.
OFFENE SESSIONS ALS LEBENSPRINZIP
Aus der scheinbar endlosen Kette der Tourist-Shops der Haight-Street fällt der Bound Together Bookstore heraus. Dort reihen sich die Klassiker der linken Bewegungen aneinander, von Marx und Bakunin über die Vertretern der kritischen Theorie bis zu den WortführerInnen der Antiglobalisierungsbewegung. Daneben stehen verschiedene Un-derground-Zeitschriften oder auch Benefit-CDs für den aus politischen Gründen in Philadelphia zum Tode verurteilten afroamerikanischen Journalisten Mumia Abu-Jamal. Im Gegensatz zu vergleichbaren Projekten in Deutschland lassen sich aber auch erotische Fotobände aus der Fetisch-Szene oder psychedelische Erfahrungsberichte finden. ”Alle Mitarbeiter des Buchladens verzichten auf einen Lohn, die Gewinne fließen an linke Projekten” erzählt mir Monica und fügt mit einem leicht zweifelnden und gleichzeitig hoffnungsvollen Lächeln hinzu: ”Vielleicht reicht es sogar irgend-wann einmal für den Aufbau eines Zentrums.”
Im Golden Gate Park finde ich dann doch noch den Geist der Hippie-Bewegung, der sich im Grund jedoch losgelöst von der Kultur der späten Sechziger als eine Art ”Open Spirit” bezeichnen lässt, welcher sich durch so viele gegenkul-turellen Bewegungen zieht. An einem kleinem Hügel hat sich eine Gruppe von TrommlerInnen zusammengefunden, unterstützt von einem Klarinettisten und einem Trompeter. Eine offene Session, der sich jede und jeder anschließen kann, unabhängig von Alter, Hautfarbe und Herkunft. Und so ist es ein ständiges kommen und gehen, meist sind es rund fünfzehn TrommlerInnen, die improvisierend miteinander spielen, dabei gleichberechtigt aufeinander eingehen und so den Traum einer gemeinschaftlichen Gesellschaft auf dieser Ebene für einige Stunden zur Wirklichkeit ma-chen.
Während ich auf der Wiese liege, ziehen einige Seifenblasen an mir vorbei, der Geruch von Räucherstäbchen und Grass liegt in der Luft. Ein Skateborder hat sich in die Mitte der TrommlerInnen gelegt, um sich völlig vom Sound umhüllen zu lassen, während einige junge, etwas klischeehaft hippieartig gekleidete Frauen ausgelassen tanzen. Es macht den Flair von San Francisco mit aus, dass sich auch fünfzig- und sechzigjährige ganz selbstverständlich der Musik hingeben, ohne mit einem Kopfschütteln bedacht zu werden. Gleich neben mir breitet eine Familie ein Picknick aus, daneben spielen einige Freaks Frisbee, andere jonglieren oder genießen einfach den warmen Nachmittag.
Doch auch an diesem idyllischen Sonnentag in Haight-Ashbury wird am Straßenrand die Kehrseite des vermeintlichen Traumlandes Amerika mit seinen unbegrenzten Möglichkeiten deutlich. Da streicht eine verwirrte ältere Frau ununter-brochen über eine Barbie-Puppe und spricht von deren Schönheit. Gleich daneben bitten die beiden Punx auf einem handgeschriebenen Schild mit etwas Selbstironie um Spenden für ihre Alkohol-Studien. Nicht minder bezeichnend ist der Alt-Hippie, der unverständliches Zeug vor sich hin murmelt, während er eine Mülltonne nach etwas Essbaren durchwühlt.
GOA IN SAN FRANCISCO
Im SoMa-District San Franciscos, einem ansatzweise alternativen, im Gesamteindruck aber eher heruntergekomme-nen Stadtteil, befindet sich in einem Warehouse das Consortium of Collective Consciousness (CCC). Getragen von einer Grundhaltung, die Spiritualität und Party miteinander verbindet, verkörpert es wie kaum ein anderer Ort als Kul-tur- bzw. Wohnzentrum die Goa-Szene. ”Es begann vor einigen Jahren als wir völlig verändert von den Trance-Partys in indischen Goa zurückkamen. Wir versuchten die psychedelischen Energien dieser Erlebnisse aufzugreifen und weiter zu tragen. Wir kamen zusammen, mieteten ein altes Warehouse und organisierten die ersten Partys. Im Mai ’95 nahm dann der legendäre DJ Goa Gil unsere Spirits mit auf eine Reise, auf der wir uns bis zum heutigen Tag befinden.” erzählt Santosh, einer der Gründer des CCC.
Zur Zeit wohnen acht Leute im CCC, zumeist in schön gestalteten, aber äußerst kleinen, fensterlosen Zimmern, die kaum mehr beinhalten als ein Bett und einige Kisten. Treffpunkt ist die gemeinschaftlich genutzte Küche, das Herz des Zentrums bildet eine Halle, die als Partyraum genutzt wird. Auf dem mit Tüchern abgehängten Dach eines kleinen DJ-Raumes innerhalb der Halle wohnt Aaron, dessen persönlicher Besitz aus nicht viel mehr als einem Schlafsack, einigen Kleidungsstücken und einem Laptop besteht, auf dem er unablässig neue Stücke kreiert. ”We are so much into music, nothing else matters” führt er in einer selbstverständlichen Beiläufigkeit aus. Entsprechend läuft im Grunde rund um die Uhr im ganzen Haus Psychedelic-Trance in allen Variationen. Einige Hausbewohner sind am Mixen, in einem anderen studioartigen Zimmer, das ebenfalls gleichzeitig als Schlafraum genutzt wird, entsteht am Computer ein neuer Track und in der Küche läuft eine Promo-CD.
Das ganze Zentrum ist im Innern farbenfroh gestaltet. Überall hängen großteils selbstgemalte, großformatige Gemäl-de. Neben psychedelischen und fantasyartigen Motiven sind es vor allem spirituelle indische Motive. Da lächelt von einem Poster Krishna, an einem altarartigen Platz befindet sich eine kitschig mit blumigen Schmetterlingen behängte Buddha-Statur und Shiva ist neben zig anderen hinduistischen Gottheiten allgegenwärtig. Tatsächlich scheint sich jedoch fernab der Klischees vom spirituellen Indien kaum jemand für die religiösen Hintergründe zu interessieren.
In einer Diskussion mit einigen BewohnerInnen des CCC geht es um die Bedeutung organisierter Religion, um die Strukturen der Kirchen und anderer religiöser Organisationen, die, so die die durchgängige Überzeugung, den Zugang zur eigentlichen Persönlichkeit, deren Energien und Potentialen verhindern. Der Veränderungsweg den Santosh auf-zeigt, beginnt bei der einzelnen Person, beim individuell ausgeprägten ”inneren Frieden”, gefolgt vom Frieden in der Familie und in der Gemeinschaft, um dann irgendwann bei der Gesellschaft und anschließend beim Weltfrieden an-zugelangen. Es ist der vielbeschworene Weg der ”inneren Evolution”, der jedoch im Hier und Jetzt oftmals gegenüber den bestehenden umgebenden gesellschaftlichen Missständen die Augen verschließt. Bevor wir ausführlicher diesen Punkt diskutieren können, geht es schon wieder voller Selbstüberzeugung um die CCC-Party auf dem legendären Burning-Man-Festival, die dort alle anderen Events in den Schatten stellen soll. Ein charakteristischer Ablauf, denn im Grunde drehen sich alle Gespräche unabhängig von der anfänglichen Thematik nach kurzer Zeit im wesentlichen um drei Themen, um Musik bzw. Partys, um Drogen und um Spirituelles, wobei im Zentrum der Ausführungen fast immer das eigene Ich und die eigenen Leistungen stehen.
Letztlich ist das CCC ein Paradebeispiel für das sinnbildliche Verständnis der ”Dance-Community” als eine isolierte Insel, wobei ignoriert wird, dass jede Insel von einem Meer umgeben wird. Wie stark jedoch auch das CCC von den äußeren Einflüssen geprägt wird, unterstreicht nachdrücklich die extreme Erhöhung der Miete, die inzwischen vom CCC nicht mehr getragen werden kann. Im Zuge der Entwicklungen um die dot.com-Industrie drängen immer mehr Internet-Firmen in den als Künstlerviertel bekannten Stadtteil. Zwangsläufig steigen die Mieten, die ursprünglich an-sässige Bevölkerung wird so vertrieben und der Stadtteil im Verlauf weniger Jahre komplett umstrukturiert. So steht trotz aller spirituellen Symbole der Auszug des CCC in absehbarer Zeit bevor und ein erschwingliches Ersatzgebäude ist noch nicht in Sicht.
AUF DER STRASSE
Als ich durch den Mission-District ziehe, zeigt sich schnell ein Gesicht San Franciscos, das in keinem Reiseführer zu finden ist. Große Teile der Stadt sind von schmucklosen Häusern, Lagerhallen und grauen Bürobauten bestimmt. Auffallend ist insbesondere die hohe Zahl der Homeless People, der Obdachlosen, die ihren verbliebenen Besitz in Einkaufswagen durch die Straßen schieben. Einige wenige leben in Zelten, die meisten in selbstgebauten Unterkünf-ten aus Pappkisten, Blech und Stoffresten oder sie schlafen direkt auf dem Bürgersteig, umgeben von Autolärm und Abgasen. Vor vielen Geschäften befinden sich Schilder mit der Aufschrift ”No Trespassing” (”Verweilen verboten”), die sich speziell an Obdachlose richten. Teilweise sind sogar die Mülltonnen mit Gittern verriegelt um ein Durchwühlen zu verhindern. Dennoch sieht man an fast jeder Straßenecke Menschen, die den Müll der Wohlstandsgesellschaft auf der Suche nach etwas Essenbaren durchwühlen. Ein Bild, das längst einen selbstverständlichen Teil des Alltags US-amerikanischer Großstädte bildet.
Direkt an der Market-Street, einer der zentralen Straßen San Franciscos, verteilen ehrenamtliche Mitglieder von Food Not Bombs an Bedürftige kostenlos vegetarische Nahrungsmittel und Getränke, die von Großküchen und einigen Geschäften aus Restbeständen zur Verfügung gestellt werden. Der Platz und die Uhrzeit sind bekannt und schon bald bildet sich eine lange Schlange. Im Gegensatz zu vielen anderen karitativen Organisationen in Deutschland stellt Food not Bombs die Aktivitäten ausdrücklich in einen gesamtgesellschaftlichen Zusammenhang: Zielsetzung ist nicht nur die Minderung von Elend und Not, sondern auch das Aufzeigen der eigentlichen, systembedingten Ursachen. So verurteilt Food not Bombs auch immer wieder scharf die polizeiliche Willkür gegenüber Obdachlosen. Entsprechend angespannt ist das Verhältnis gegenüber staatlichen Stellen. In San Francisco wurden Food-not-Bombs-AktivistInnen mehrfach inhaftiert, weil gegen das Vorgehen spezieller Anti-Homeless-Einheiten der Polizei eintraten. In einigen anderen Städten wurde den lokalen Gruppen das Verteilen von Nahrungsmitteln untersagt.
Viele der Homeless People leiden unter psychischen Problemen, die nicht nur in ihrem elenden Dasein auf der Straße wurzeln. In den späten sechziger Jahren wurden unter der Regierung des damaligen kalifornischen Gouverneurs Roland Reagan die staatlichen psychiatrischen Einrichtungen aufgelöst. Offiziell sollten die Betroffenen in die Gesell-schaft reintegriert werden und dabei von sozialen Projekten in Wohnortnähe begleitet werden, die jedoch in der Regel völlig überfordert waren. Tatsächlich sollte die Auflösung der Psychiatrien den Staatshaushalt entlasten und die Hip-pie-Bewegung durch die Konfrontation mit psychisch kranken Menschen schwächen, die gezielt die Nähe zur ver-gleichsweise toleranten Flower-Power-Kultur suchten.
Neben einer Bushaltestelle liegt ein Obdachloser auf einer Decke direkt auf dem Bürgersteig. Er starrt vor sich hin, scheint sich nicht um die Menschenmassen zu kümmern, die an ihm vorbei ziehen. Seit zwölf, fünfzehn Jahren lebt er nun auf der Straße, erzählt er mir. Seit wann genau, daran kann er sich nicht mehr erinnern. Zuerst hat er die Arbeit, dann die Wohnung verloren, danach gab es kein zurück mehr. Ob er noch Hoffnung habe, frage ich ihn. Seine Ant-wort lautet schlicht ”Hope for what?”.
PARTY, KULTUR UND WIDERSTAND
Im SoMa-Café treffe ich mich mit Christopher Anderson, dem Regisseur von ”An Act of Sabotage”. Ein beeindrucken-der halb-dokumentarischer Spielfilm, der auf seine ganz eigene Weise um die Pole Musik und Gemeinschaft, Liebe und Militanz, Bewusstsein und Widerstand kreist. Nach der Aufführung auf verschiedenen Festivals hat der Film trotz seiner subversiven Message sogar seinen Weg in das Spätprogramm des ZDF gefunden. Christophers Gedanken beschäftigen sich an diesem Nachmittag mit der ”geistigen Vergiftung der Menschen durch die Medien” und ”die be-rechnende Ignoranz der herrschenden PolitikerInnen”. Vor diesem Hintergrund bezieht er sich aber auch auf den Widerstand gegen die bestehenden Machtstrukturen und die Gesetzmäßigkeiten mit der sich Menschen gegen Unter-drückung und Ausbeutung wehren. Sei es nun bei einem Einbruch eines Obdachlosen in einen Supermarkt oder im Rahmen des Widerstands gegen die Globalisierung in Seatle.
Später sprechen wir über sein Selbstverständnis als Filmemacher und über die Idee des Cybertribes, der überliefertes Wissen mit den Entwicklungen der Gegenwart verknüpft. ”Mich beeindruckt das verbindende Verständnis von Kreati-vität, Schamanismus und Widerstand. Es sind Elemente die in diesem System des Konsums gezielt verdrängt wer-den. Konsum von Produkten, von Drogen und TV als Flucht aus einer Welt, in der sich die Menschen verkaufen müs-sen. Es geht in unseren Filmen um direkte Aktionen. Der Akt des Filmemachens als wirkliche Erfahrung und nicht als sorgfältig inszenierte Lüge. Wir versuchen Veränderungen anzuregen indem wir wichtige Themen zur Diskussion bringen, um dann zur Aktion überzugehen und diese in unsere Filme integrieren. Selbstverständlich bedeutet dies, dass man sich manchmal außerhalb der normalen Parameter bewegen muss.”
Von einem ähnlichen Kultur- bzw. Kunstverständnis geht das Projekt ’Art and Revolution’ aus, das seit 1996 mit un-terschiedlichen fortschrittlichen Organisationen zusammenarbeitet. Bekannt wurde ’Art and Revolution’ insbesondere durch die riesigen symbolträchtigen Puppen, die von ihren Mitgliedern auf Demonstrationen getragen werden und diesen dadurch ein besondere visuelle Ausdruckskraft geben. ”Wir glauben, dass politische Arbeit ohne kreative Visi-onen in eine Sackgasse führt, genauso wie Kunst ohne politische oder soziale Bedeutung keine wirkliche Perspektive eröffnet.” erläutert eine der Aktivistinnen. ”Wir sind ein Kollektiv, das in seinen Projekten kreative kulturelle Ausdrucks-formen mit dem Kampf um soziale Gerechtigkeit verbindet. Wir bringen phantasievoll Musik, Poesie und Kunst auf die Straßen, um auf die kritischen Themen unserer Zeit aufmerksam zu machen. Wir nutzen Kunst als Werkzeug zur Unterstützung von Graswurzelinitiativen, wie auch zur Entwicklung neuer Formen des Widerstands und der Kommu-nikation.”
Die Idee der ”Reclaim the Streets”-Events entstand in den neunziger Jahren. Ausgangspunkt war das Bestreben Poli-tik und Party zusammenzubringen, nicht zuletzt um auf diesem Wege festgefahrene und kopflastige Strukturen inner-halb der linken Bewegungen aufzubrechen. Politische Demonstrationen sollen in diesem Sinne nicht nur trockene Manifestationen bestimmter Haltungen sein, sondern auch lustvolle Feste eines anderen Lebensgefühls und einer anderen Kultur. Entsprechend werden Sound-Systems und Live-Musik in die Demos integriert, während die Teilneh-merInnen nicht länger nur Parolen skandierend eine bestimmte Strecke ablaufen. Vielmehr tanzen sie nun in den Straßen, die sie für sich zurückfordern. Mit einem gewissen Augenzwinkern beziehen sich die TeilnehmerInnen dabei bis heute auf die Anarchistin Emma Goldmann, die in den zwanziger Jahren des letzten Jahrhunderts einmal sinnge-mäß verkündet haben soll: ”Wenn ich nicht tanzen kann, dann ist es nicht meine Revolution.”
Monica und Tomcat gehören zu den Reclaim-The-Streets-AktivistInnen in San Francisco, die bewusst am 1. Mai eine Party-Demo veranstalten. Bemerkenswert ist dabei die Verbindung der Walpurgisnacht-Feiern der ursprünglichen Kultur der Hexen mit dem revolutionären Verständnis des 1. Mai. ”Die Idee des 1. Mai geht lange zurück. Ursprünglich war es ein erdverbundenes sexy Fest, das der Fruchtbarkeit der Erde, unserem eigenen Leben und einer erträgnisrei-chen Ernte gewidmet war. Kirche, Staat und Patriarchat ächteten dieses Fest, aber die unbeherrschbare Natur des 1. Mai ließ sich nicht unterdrücken. Er wurde als Kampftag der ArbeiterInnen wiedergeboren, auch wenn die heutigen ArbeiterInnen keine Ernte mehr für die Gemeinschaft einbringen, sondern nur noch für die Reichen arbeiten.”
Als DJ legt Tomcat meist progressiven Techno auf, wobei er jedoch gegenüber ”Peace, Love and Unity” als den so oft beschworenen Werten der Techno- und Trance-Szene eine eher kritische Position einnimmt. ”Diese Worte sind Flos-keln, die jeder unterschreiben kann. Natürlich ist jeder für Frieden, aber was heißt das schon? Ist es Frieden, wenn Menschen in den Straßen ohne Essen dahinvegetieren müssen und zigtausende in den Gefängnissen sitzen? Alle Kriegsherren proklamierten den Frieden.” Monica fügt hinzu: ”Wir gehen am 1. Mai auf die Straße, um an die Kämpfe für einen wahren Frieden und an die Kämpfe für die Rechte der ArbeiterInnen zu erinnern. Wir veranstalten Partys, um die rebellische Kraft vergangener Zeiten in den heutigen Widerstand zu übertragen, um das Feuer weiter brennen zu lassen für die Erde, für die Menschen, für unsere Zukunft.”
Wolfgang Sterneck (Text und Fotos 2001)
*
From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
The International Society for Krishna Consciousness (ISKCON), known colloquially as the Hare Krishna movement, is a Gaudiya Vaishnava religious organization.[1] It was founded in 1966 in New York City by A.C. Bhaktivedanta Swami Prabhupada.[2] Its core beliefs are based on traditional Hindu scriptures such as the Śrīmad Bhāgavatam and the Bhagavad-gītā,[3] both of which, according to the traditional Hindu view, date back more than 5,000 years. The distinctive appearance of the movement and its culture come from the Gaudiya Vaishnava tradition, which has had adherents in India since the late 15th century and Western converts since the early 1930s.[4]
Krishna and Radha with Gopis, image at ISKCON Mayapur temple
ISKCON's Bhajan during Navratri Golu at Coimbatore, India
ISKCON was formed to spread the practice of bhakti yoga, in which aspirant devotees (bhaktas) dedicate their thoughts and actions towards pleasing the Supreme Lord, Krishna.[5][6] ISKCON today is a worldwide confederation of more than 400 centers, including 60 farm communities, some aiming for self-sufficiency, 50 schools and 90 restaurants.[7] In recent decades the movement's most rapid expansions in terms of numbers of membership have been within Eastern Europe (especially since the collapse of the Soviet Union) and India.[8]
ISKCON devotees follow a disciplic line of Gaudiya Bhagavata Vaishnavas and are the largest branch of Gaudiya Vaishnavism.[9] Vaishnavism means 'worship of Vishnu', and Gauḍa refers to the area where this particular branch of Vaishnavism originated, in the Gauda region of West Bengal. Gaudiya Vaishnavism has had a following in India, especially West Bengal and Orissa, for the past five hundred years. A. C. Bhaktivedanta Swami Prabhupada disseminated Gaudiya Vaishnava Theology in the Western world through extensive writings and translations,[10] including the Bhagavad Gita, Srimad Bhagavatam (Bhagavata Purana), Chaitanya Charitamrita and other scriptures. These works are now available in more than seventy languages and serve as the canon of ISKCON. Many are available online from a number of websites.[11][12]
Early western conversions to monotheistic Krishna Vaisnavism or the Bhagavata Vaishnava line which forms the basis of the ISKCON philosophy were recorded by the Greeks and are reflected in the archaeological record.[13][14]
Krishna is described as the source of all the avatars.[15] Thus ISKCON devotees worship Krishna as the highest form of God, svayam bhagavan, and often refer to Him as "the Supreme Personality of Godhead" in writing, which was a phrase coined by Prabhupada in his books on the subject. To devotees, Radha represents Krishna's divine female counterpart, the original spiritual potency, and the embodiment of divine love. The individual soul is an eternal personal identity which does not ultimately merge into any formless light or void as suggested by the monistic (Advaita) schools of Hinduism; Prabhupada never declared ISKCON to be a Hindu organisation, because he considered it to be a 'material designation', not an appropriate name. Prabhupada most frequently offers Sanatana-dharma and Varnashrama dharma as more accurate names for the religious system which accepts Vedic authority.[16] It is a monotheistic tradition which has its roots in the theistic Vedanta traditions.[17]
Hare Krishna mantra
Main article: Hare Krishna (mantra)
The popular nickname of "Hare Krishnas" for devotees of this movement comes from the mantra that devotees sing aloud (kirtan) or chant quietly (japa) on tulsi mala. This mantra, known also as the Maha Mantra, contains the names of God Krishna and Rama.
The Maha Mantra:
Hare Krishna Hare Krishna
Krishna Krishna Hare Hare
Hare Rama Hare Rama
Rama Rama Hare Hare
Seven purposes of ISKCON
Public street festivals are a significant part of ISKCONs outreach programmes. Seen here is a Ratha Yatra festival in central London.
When Srila Prabhupada first incorporated ISKCON in 1966, he gave it seven purposes:[18]
To systematically propagate spiritual knowledge to society at large and to educate all people in the techniques of spiritual life in order to check the imbalance of values in life and to achieve real unity and peace in the world.
To propagate a consciousness of Krishna, as it is revealed in the Bhagavad-gita and the Srimad-Bhagavatam.
To bring the members of the Society together with each other and nearer to Krishna, the prime entity, thus to develop the idea within the members, and humanity at large, that each soul is part and parcel of the quality of Godhead (Krishna).
To teach and encourage the sankirtana movement, congregational chanting of the holy names of God as revealed in the teachings of Lord Sri Chaitanya Mahaprabhu.
To erect for the members, and for society at large, a holy place of transcendental pastimes, dedicated to the personality of Krishna.
To bring the members closer together for the purpose of teaching a simpler and more natural way of life.
With a view towards achieving the aforementioned purposes, to publish and distribute periodicals, magazines, books and other writings.
[edit] Four regulative principles
Srila Prabhupada prescribed four regulative principles, in relation to the four legs of dharma,[19] as the basis of the spiritual life:
No eating of meat, fish or eggs (lacto-vegetarianism)
No illicit sex
No gambling
No intoxication (including alcohol, caffeine, tobacco and other recreational drugs).
The four legs of Dharma are:[19]
Daya: Mercy
Tapas: Self-Control or Austerity
Satyam: Truthfulness
Śaucam: Cleanliness of body and mind
[edit] Preaching activities
ISKCON is known for their energetic active preaching. Members try to spread Krishna consciousness, primarily by singing the Hare Krishna mantra in public places and by selling books written by A. C. Bhaktivedanta Swami Prabhupada.[20] Both of these activities are known within the movement as Sankirtan. A study conducted by E. Burke Rochford Jr. at the University of California found that there are four types of contact between those in ISKCON and prospective members. Those include: individually motivated contact, contact made with members in public arenas, contact made through personal connections, and contact with sympathizers of the movement who strongly sway people to join.[21] According to the doctrine of Chaitanya Mahaprabhu, one does not need to be born in a Hindu family to take up the practice of Vaishnavism. There are ISKCON communities around the world with schools, restaurants and farms. In general, funds collected by ISKCON are treated as communal property and used to support the community as a whole and to promote the preaching mission.[22] Many temples also have programs (like Food for Life) to provide meals for the needy. Also, ISKCON has recently brought the academic study of Krishna into western academia as Krishnology.
[edit] Food for Life
Main article: Hare Krishna Food for Life
ISKCON has inspired, and sometimes sponsored, a project called Food for Life. The goal of the project is to "liberally distribute pure vegetarian meals (prasadam) throughout the world", as inspired by Prabhupada's instruction, given to his disciples in 1973, "No one within ten miles of a temple should go hungry . . . I want you to immediately begin serving food".[23] A global charity, directed by Paul Turner and Mukunda Goswami,[24] coordinates the project. Food for Life is currently active in over sixty countries and serves over 700,000 meals every day.[24] Its welfare achievements have been noted by The New York Times and other media worldwide.[25][26][27][28]
[edit] Management structure
Srila Prabhupada spent much of the last decade of his life setting up the institution of ISKCON. As a charismatic leader, Srila Prabhupada's personality and management had been responsible for much of the growth of ISKCON and the reach of his mission.[29][30]
The Governing Body Commission (or GBC) was created by Prabhupada in 1970.[31] In a document Direction of Management written on 28 July 1970 Prabhupada appointed the following members to the commission, all of them non sannyasi:[29]
Sriman Rupanuga Das Adhikary
Sriman Bhagavan Das Adhikary
Sriman Syamsundar Das Adhikary
Sriman Satsvarupa Das Adhikary
Sriman Karandhar Das Adhikary
Sriman Hansadutta Das Adhikary
Sriman Tamala Krsna Das Adhikary
Sriman Sudama Das Adhikary
Sriman Bali Mardan Das Brahmacary
Sriman Jagadisa Das Adhikary
Sriman Hayagriva Das Adhikary
Sriman Kṛṣṇadas Adhikary
The letter outlined the following purposes of the commission: 1) improving the standard of temple management, 2) the spread of Krishna consciousness, 3) the distribution of books and literature, 4) the opening of new centers, 5) the education of the devotees. GBC has since grown in size to include 48 senior members from the movement who make decisions based on consensus of opinion rather than any one person having ultimate authority.[29][32] It has continued to manage affairs since Prabhupada's passing in 1977 although it is currently a self-elected organization and does not follow the provision where Srila Prabhupada instructs that members be elected by temple presidents.
[edit] Influential leaders since 1977
See also: Principle disciples of A. C. Bhaktivedanta Swami.
Before his death, Prabhupada "deputed"[33] or appointed the following eleven of his disciples to serve as gurus[34][35] or to continue to direct the organization:[36] Satsvarupa Dasa Goswami,[37][38] Jayapataka Swami,[39] Hridayananda Dasa Goswami, Tamal Krishna Goswami,[40] Bhavananda Goswami, Hansadutta Swami, Ramesvara Swami, Harikesa Swami, Bhagavan Dasa, Kirtanananda Swami, and Jayatirtha Dasa. These eleven "Western Gurus were selected as spiritual heads" of the ISKCON after 1977, however "many problems followed from their appointment and the movement had since veered away from investing absolute authority in a few, fallible, human teachers",[41] however of these eleven, the first three have remained prominent leaders within the movement, as was Tamal Krishna Goswami until his death in a car accident in March 2002. Bhavananda no longer holds the post of an initiating guru. Ramesvara, Bhagavan and Harikesa resigned as spiritual leaders in 1985, 1987 and 1999 respectively and the remaining three were all expelled from the movement by the Governing Body Commission during the 1980s.[42][not in citation given] Of Prabhupada's disciples, who number 4,734 in total,[43] approximately 70 are now acting as diksha gurus within ISKCON. As of April 2011, ISKCON had a total of 100 sannyasis, most of whom were acting as gurus (see List of International Society for Krishna Consciousness sannyasis).
[edit] Internal problems and controversy
In the years following Prabhupada's death in November 1977, a number of theological controversies arose:[44]
[edit] Origin of the soul
Srila Prabhupada explains that the soul falls from the spiritual world to this material world and that the supreme objective of the human life is to become Krishna conscious to be able to return "Back to Godhead" (also the title of the official ISKCON magazine). However when translations of important Vaishnava texts began to appear that seemed at variance with these teachings[clarification needed], controversy arose.[44][45]
[edit] Rasika-bhakti
The elder sannyasi Bhaktivedanta Narayana Goswami was a disciple of Prabhupada's sannyasa guru and was long a well-wisher of ISKCON. A small group of prominent ISKCON leaders were closer to his association and Bhaktivedanta Narayana made no effort to conceal his relationship with them, which as time went on became increasingly intimate. His emphasis on gopi-bhava, the mood of Krishna's cowherd lovers, particularly disturbed his ISKCON audiences since Prabhupada had stressed that the path of spontaneous devotion was only for liberated souls. At the annual GBC meeting in 1993, members questioned their affiliation with Bhaktivedanta Narayana. Those involved minimised the seriousness of the relationship, though for some it had been going on for as long as five years. By the next annual meeting, the GBC forced the involved members to promise to greatly restrict further association with their new teacher. Though adhering externally, their sympathies for Bhaktivedanta Narayana's teachings were unabated. In 1995 GBC position was firm and the controversy was first on the 1995 annual meeting's agenda. A week of thorough investigation brought the implicated members in line. Asked to suggest what they might do to make amends, the leaders involved with the controversy tendered their resignations, which the GBC promptly refused. They further volunteered to refrain from initiating new disciples or visiting Vrindavana until their case could be reassessed the following year and at the March 1996 meeting GBC insisted on maintaining most of the restrictions.[44]
While the capitulation of the GBC members previously following Bhaktivedanta Narayana has certainly demonstrated GBC solidarity it was insufficient to prevent a continued exodus of devotees who feel unable to repose full faith in the ISKCON Governing Body Commission authority.[44]
[edit] The Guru and the Parampara
ISKCON adheres to the traditional system of paramparā, or disciplic succession, in which teachings upheld by scriptures are handed down from master to disciple, generation after generation.[46] A minority of people who express faith in Srila Prabhupada's teachings say that Srila Prabhupada, in contrast to the tradition, intended that after his physical demise he would continue to initiate disciples through ceremonial priests, called ritviks. One version of this idea is espoused by a group calling itself the ISKCON Revival Movement.[47] ISKCON's Governing Body Commission has rejected all such ideas. [48]
[edit] Issues within the society
ISKCON also experienced a number of significant internal problems, the majority of which occurred from the late seventies onwards, and especially within the decade following Prabhupada's death.[49]
In 1976 a case involving allegations of "brainwashing" involving a minor named Robin George and her parents went all the way to the Supreme Court of the United States. In 1983, a California jury awarded the family more than $32 million in damages for false imprisonment and other charges, which was reduced to $485,000 in 1993.[50][51]
Also ISKCON has been subject matter of discussion in some anti-cult movements.[52][53][54] The ISKCON was described by academics[vague] as "the most genuinely Hindu of all the many Indian movements in the West",[55] and as to its fortieth anniversary in America, as "having being successful on the basis of longevity", having "undergone changes to its goals and identity".[56]
Stories of child abuse at the society's boarding schools in India and America began to emerge in the 1980s, with cases dating back from the mid-1970s onwards.[57] Some of these cases later appeared in print, such as in John Hubner and Lindsay Gruson's 1988 book Monkey on a Stick. In 1998 an official publication produced by ISKCON detailed the physical, emotional, and sexual abuse of children at the society's boarding schools in both India and the U.S. during the 1970s and 1980s.[58] Later ISKCON was sued by 95 people who had attended the schools. Facing the fiscal drain likely to ensue from this legal action, the ISKCON centers involved declared Chapter 11 bankruptcy. This allowed them to work out a settlement of US$9.5 million, meant to compensate not only the former students who had brought the suit but also any others who had undergone abuse but had not sued.[59]
To guard against further abuses, ISKCON has established a child protection office with teams worldwide, meant to screen out actual or potential abusers, educate children and adults on child abuse, and encourage due vigilance.[60] A petition circulating (as of July 2006) among ISKCON members calls for "zero tolerance" for past offenders.
In response to the need to establish transparency and accountability among its members, ISKCON encouraged the establishment of an ombudsman organization, ISKCON Resolve.[61]
There have been also allegations in relation to murders and fraud linked to the ISKCON movement, with ex-member and guru Kirtanananda Swami convicted.[62]
[edit] Rath Yatra controversy
An ISKCON Rath Yatra festival in New York City, USA
ISKCON organises Rath Yatra festivals in different countries around the world, including India. Although held once annually in each location, these festivals occur on different dates throughout the summertime, which is marked difference from the Rath Yatra as held at the Jagannatha temple in Puri (where the festival originates). At this temple, the Rath Yatra festival is held once each year on a specific date in July, and complaints have recently been made regarding ISKCON's having their international festivals at significantly different times to this.[63]
On December 20, 2007 the Puri priests held a demonstration alleging "a number of non-Hindus foreigners under the cover of ISKCON were trying to enter the temple", which is not allowed by that temple's tradition (only Hindus, whether Indian or foreigners are traditionally allowed in that temple).[64] In two incidents, the priests drove out nine Indonesian men who were allegedly tourists with no link to Hindu beliefs. The validity of this temple policy has been questioned in the media on a number of occasions,[65] especially since this ban was imposed by a British collector in 1805.[66]
[edit] In popular culture
Main article: Hare Krishna in popular culture
The Hare Krishna mantra appears in a number of famous songs, notably those sung by The Beatles (and solo works of John Lennon, George Harrison, notably on his hit "My Sweet Lord", and Ringo Starr). There is a reference to singing kirtan of Hare Krishna mantra in The Beatles' "I Am The Walrus" (the line "Elementary penguins singing Hare Krishna"). Ringo Starr's song "It Don't Come Easy" contains the words "Hare Krishna!" and was written with the help of George Harrison. Later Paul McCartney produced a single with a picture of Krishna riding on a swan on the cover, although there was not any chanting of Krishna's names inside. Of the four Beatles members, only Harrison was actually a member of ISKCON, and after he posthumously received a star on the Hollywood Walk of Fame in 2009, his son Dhani Harrison uttered the phrase "Hare Krishna" during the ceremony.[67]
In one of Aerosmith's songs off of their 1997 album, Nine Lives, whose original cover caused some controversy with Hindus, a line in the song, 'The Farm', says, "I wanna be a Hare Krishna, tattoo a dot right on my head, and the prozac is my fixer, I am the living dead". The mantra also appears in The Pretenders' Boots of Chinese Plastic.[68] One song from 1969 by the Radha Krsna Temple, simply entitled Hare Krsna Mantra reached no. 12 in the UK music chart and appeared on the music show Top of the Pops. It also made the no.1 slot in both German and Czechoslovakian music charts. Less well-known but equally relevant to fans of pop music culture are recordings of the Hare Krishna mantra by The Fugs on their 1968 album Tenderness Junction (featuring poet Allen Ginsberg) and by Nina Hagen.[69]
The 1980 film Airplane! features several Hare Krishnas, led by the infamous actor David Leisure (Joe Isuzu). In the 1978 movie Dawn of the Dead, a Hare Krishna zombie can be seen. In the 1981 movie Stripes, the character of Russell Ziskey played by Harold Ramis is seen dancing around and chanting 'Hare Krishna! Hare Krishna!' after having his head shaved upon entering basic training for the U.S. Army. Also, in the 2001 television series Scrubs, the character JD is seen dancing, chanting and playing the tambourine with a group of Hare Krishnas after having his head shaved to support a patient with Leukaemia.
Dev Anand in 1971 directed movie "Hare Rama Hare Krishna". Although the movie talked about the hippie culture, the movie has a famous song based on the words "Hare Rama Hare Krishna".
[edit] Notes
Yuri Alekseyevich Gagarin [nb 1] (9 March 1934 – 27 March 1968) was a Soviet Air Forces pilot and cosmonaut who became the first human to journey into outer space, achieving a major milestone in the Space Race; his capsule Vostok 1 completed one orbit of Earth on 12 April 1961. Gagarin became an international celebrity and was awarded many medals and titles, including Hero of the Soviet Union, his nation's highest honour.
Vostok 1 was Gagarin's only spaceflight but he served as the backup crew to the Soyuz 1 mission, which ended in a fatal crash, killing his friend and fellow cosmonaut Vladimir Komarov. Gagarin later served as the deputy training director of the Cosmonaut Training Centre, which was subsequently named after him. He was elected as a deputy to the Soviet of the Union in 1962 and then to the Soviet of Nationalities, respectively the lower and upper chambers of the Supreme Soviet of the Soviet Union. Gagarin died in 1968 when the MiG-15 training jet he was piloting with his flight instructor Vladimir Seryogin crashed near the town of Kirzhach.
Contents
1 Early life and education
2 Soviet Air Force service
3 Soviet space program
3.1 Selection and training
3.2 Vostok 1
4 After the Vostok 1 flight
5 Personal life
6 Death
7 Awards and honours
7.1 Medals and orders of merit
7.2 Tributes
7.3 Statues and monuments
7.4 50th anniversary
8 See also
9 Notes
10 References
10.1 Sources
11 Further reading
12 External links
Early life and education
Yuri Gagarin was born 9 March 1934 in the village of Klushino,[1] near Gzhatsk (renamed Gagarin in 1968 after his death).[2] His parents worked on a collective farm:[3] Alexey Ivanovich Gagarin as a carpenter and Anna Timofeyevna Gagarina as a dairy farmer.[nb 2][4] Yuri was the third of four children: his siblings were brothers Valentin (1924) and Boris (1936), and sister Zoya (1927).[5][6]
Like millions of Soviet Union citizens, the Gagarin family suffered during the Nazi occupation of Russia during World War II. Klushino was occupied in November 1941 during the German advance on Moscow and a German officer took over the Gagarin residence. The family were allowed to build a mud hut approximately 3 by 3 metres (10 by 10 ft) inside on the land behind their house, where they spent twenty-one months until the end of the occupation.[7] His two older siblings were deported by the Germans to Poland for slave labour in 1943 and did not return until after the war in 1945.[5][8] In 1946, the family moved to Gzhatsk, where Gagarin continued his secondary education.[7]
In 1950, aged 16, Gagarin began an apprenticeship as a foundryman at the Lyubertsy steel plant near Moscow,[5][8] and enrolled at a local "young workers" school for seventh-grade evening classes.[9] After graduating in 1951 from both the seventh grade and the vocational school with honours in mouldmaking and foundry work,[9] he was selected for further training at the Saratov Industrial Technical School, where he studied tractors.[5][8][10] While in Saratov, Gagarin volunteered at a local flying club for weekend training as a Soviet air cadet, where he trained to fly a biplane, and later a Yak-18.[8][10] He earned extra money as a part-time dock labourer on the Volga River.[7]
Soviet Air Force service
In 1955, Gagarin was accepted to the 1st Chkalovsky Higher Air Force Pilots School, a flight school in Orenburg.[11][12] He initially began training on the Yak-18 already familiar to him and later graduated to training on the MiG-15 in February 1956.[11] Gagarin twice struggled to land the two-seater trainer aircraft, and risked dismissal from pilot training. However, the commander of the regiment decided to give him another chance at landing. Gagarin's flight instructor gave him a cushion to sit on, which improved his view from the cockpit, and he landed successfully. Having completed his evaluation in a trainer aircraft,[13] Gagarin began flying solo in 1957.[5]
On 5 November 1957, Gagarin was commissioned a lieutenant in the Soviet Air Forces having accumulated 166 hours and 47 minutes of flight time. He graduated from flight school the next day and was posted to the Luostari airbase close to the Norwegian border in Murmansk Oblast for a two-year assignment with the Northern Fleet.[14] On 7 July 1959, he was rated Military Pilot 3rd Class.[15] After expressing interest in space exploration following the launch of Luna 3 on 6 October 1959, his recommendation to the Soviet space program was endorsed and forward by Lieutenant Colonel Babushkin.[14][16] By this point, he had accumulated 265 hours of flight time.[14] Gagarin was promoted to the rank of senior lieutenant on 6 November 1959,[15] three weeks after he was interviewed by a medical commission for qualification to the space program.[14]
Soviet space program
Selection and training
See also: Vostok programme
Vostok I capsule on display at the RKK Energiya museum
Gagarin's selection for the Vostok programme was overseen by the Central Flight Medical Commission led by Major General Konstantin Fyodorovich Borodin of the Soviet Army Medical Service. He underwent physical and psychological testing conducted at Central Aviation Scientific-Research Hospital, in Moscow, commanded by Colonel A.S. Usanov, a member of the commission. The commission also included Colonel Yevgeniy Anatoliyevich Karpov, who later commanded the training centre, Colonel Vladimir Ivanovich Yazdovskiy, the head physician for Gagarin's flight, and Major-General Aleksandr Nikolayevich Babiychuk, a physician flag officer on the Soviet Air Force General Staff to the Commander in Chief of the Air Force.[17]
From a pool of 154 qualified pilots short-listed by their Air Force units, the military physicians chose 29 cosmonaut candidates, of which 20 were approved by the Credential Committee of the Soviet Government. The first twelve including Gagarin were approved on 7 March 1960 and eight more were added in a series of subsequent orders issued until June.[18] Gagarin began training at the Khodynka Airfield in downtown Moscow on 15 March 1960. The training regiment involved vigorous and repetitive physical exercises which Alexei Leonov, a member of the initial group of twelve, described as akin to training for the Olympics Games.[19] In April 1960, they began parachute training in Saratov Oblast and each completed about 40 to 50 jumps from both low and high altitude, and over land and water.[20]
Gagarin was a candidate favoured by his peers. When they were asked to vote anonymously for a candidate besides themselves they would like to be the first to fly, all but three chose Gagarin.[21] One of these candidates, Yevgeny Khrunov, believed that Gagarin was very focused and was demanding of himself and others when necessary.[22] On 30 May 1960, Gagarin was further selected for an accelerated training group, known as the Vanguard Six or Sochi Six,[23][nb 3] from which the first cosmonauts of the Vostok programme would be chosen. The other members of the group were Anatoliy Kartashov, Andriyan Nikolayev, Pavel Popovich, German Titov, and Valentin Varlamov. However, Kartashov and Varlamov were injured and replaced by Khrunov and Grigoriy Nelyubov.[25]
As several of the candidates selected for the program including Gagarin did not have higher education degrees, they were enrolled into a correspondence course program at Zhukovsky Air Force Engineering Academy. Gagarin enrolled in the program in September 1960 and did not earn his specialist diploma until early 1968.[26][27] Gagarin was also subjected to experiments that were designed to test physical and psychological endurance including oxygen starvation tests in which the cosmonauts were locked in an isolation chamber and the air slowly pumped out. He also trained for the upcoming flight by experiencing g-forces in a centrifuge.[28][25] Psychological tests included placing the candidates in an anechoic chamber in complete isolation; Gagarin was in the chamber on July 26 – August 5.[29][20] In August 1960, a Soviet Air Force doctor evaluated his personality as follows:
Modest; embarrasses when his humor gets a little too racy; high degree of intellectual development evident in Yuriy; fantastic memory; distinguishes himself from his colleagues by his sharp and far-ranging sense of attention to his surroundings; a well-developed imagination; quick reactions; persevering, prepares himself painstakingly for his activities and training exercises, handles celestial mechanics and mathematical formulae with ease as well as excels in higher mathematics; does not feel constrained when he has to defend his point of view if he considers himself right; appears that he understands life better than a lot of his friends.[21]
The Vanguard Six were given the title of pilot-cosmonaut in January 1961[25] and entered a two-day examination conducted by a special interdepartmental commission led Lieutenant-General Nikolai Kamanin, tasked with ranking of the candidates based on their mission readiness for the first human Vostok mission. On 17 January 1961, they were tested in a simulator at the M. M. Gromov Flight-Research Institute on a full-size mockup of the Vostok capsule. Gagarin, Nikolayev, Popovich, and Titov all received excellent marks on the first day of testing in which they were required to describe the various phases of the mission followed by questions from commission.[22] On the second day, they were given a written examination following which the special commission ranked Gagarin as the best candidate the first mission. He and the next two highest-ranked cosmonauts, Titov and Nelyubov, were sent to Tyuratam for final preparations.[22] Gagarin and Titov were selected to train in the flight-ready spacecraft on 7 April 1961. Historian Asif Siddiqi writes of the final selection:[30]
In the end, at the State Commission meeting on April 8, Kamanin stood up and formally nominated Gagarin as the primary pilot and Titov as his backup. Without much discussion, the commission approved the proposal and moved on to other last-minute logistical issues. It was assumed that in the event Gagarin developed health problems prior to liftoff, Titov would take his place, with Nelyubov acting as his backup.
Vostok 1
Main article: Vostok 1
Poyekhali!
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Gagarin's voice
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On 12 April 1961, 6:07 am UTC, the Vostok 3KA-3 (Vostok 1) spacecraft was launched from Baikonur Cosmodrome. Aboard was Gagarin, the first human to travel into space, using the call sign Kedr (Russian: Кедр, Siberian pine or Cedar).[31] The radio communication between the launch control room and Gagarin included the following dialogue at the moment of rocket launch:
Korolev: Preliminary stage ... intermediate... main... LIFT-OFF! We wish you a good flight. Everything's all right.
Gagarin: Off we go! Goodbye, until [we meet] soon, dear friends.[32][33]
Gagarin's farewell to Korolev using the informal phrase Poyekhali! (Russian: Поехали!)[nb 4] later became a popular expression in the Eastern Bloc that was used to refer to the beginning of the Space Age.[35][36] The five first-stage engines fired until the first separation event, when the four side-boosters fell away, leaving the core engine. The core stage then separated while the rocket was in a suborbital trajectory, and the upper stage carried it to orbit. Once the upper stage finished firing, it separated from the spacecraft, which orbited for 108 minutes before returning to Earth in Kazakhstan.[37] Gagarin became the first to orbit the Earth.[31]
File:1961-04-19 First Pictures-Yuri Gagarin-selection.ogvPlay media
An April 1961 newsreel of Gagarin arriving in Moscow to be greeted by First Secretary Nikita Khrushchev.
"The feeling of weightlessness was somewhat unfamiliar compared with Earth conditions. Here, you feel as if you were hanging in a horizontal position in straps. You feel as if you are suspended", Gagarin wrote in his post-flight report.[38] He also wrote in his autobiography released the same year that he sang the tune "The Motherland Hears, The Motherland Knows" (Russian: "Родина слышит, Родина знает") during re-entry.[39] Gagarin was qualified a Military Pilot 1st Class and promoted to the rank of major in a special order given during his flight.[15][39]
At about 23,000 feet (7,000 m), Gagarin ejected from the descending capsule as planned and landed using a parachute. There were concerns Gagarin's spaceflight record would not be certified by the Fédération Aéronautique Internationale (FAI), the world governing body for setting standards and keeping records in the field, which at the time required that the pilot land with the craft.[40] Gagarin and Soviet officials initially refused to admit that he had not landed with his spacecraft,[41] an omission which became apparent after Titov's subsequent flight on Vostok 2 four months later. Gagarin's spaceflight records were nonetheless certified and again reaffirmed by the FAI, which revised it rules, and acknowledge that the crucial steps of the safe launch, orbit, and return of the pilot had been accomplished. Gagarin continues to be internationally recognised as the first human in space and first to orbit the Earth.[42]
After the Vostok 1 flight
Gagarin in Warsaw, 1961
Gagarin's flight was a triumph for the Soviet space program and he became a national hero of the Soviet Union and Eastern Bloc, as well as a worldwide celebrity. Newspapers around the globe published his biography and details of his flight. He was escorted in a long motorcade of high-ranking officials through the streets of Moscow to the Kremlin where, in a lavish ceremony, Nikita Khrushchev awarded him the title Hero of the Soviet Union. Other cities in the Soviet Union also held mass demonstrations, the scale of which were second only to World War II Victory Parades.[43]
Gagarin and Valentina Tereshkova (seated to his right) sign autographs in 1964
Gagarin gained a reputation as an adept public figure and was noted for his charismatic smile.[44][45][46] On 15 April 1961, accompanied by official from the Soviet Academy of Sciences, he answered questions at a press conference in Moscow reportedly attended by 1,000 reporters.[47] Gagarin visited the United Kingdom three months after the Vostok 1 mission, going to London and Manchester.[48][44] While in Manchester, despite heavy rain, he refused an umbrella, insisted that the roof of the convertible car he was riding in remain open, and stood so the cheering crowds could see him.[44][49] Gagarin toured widely abroad, accepting the invitation of about 30 countries.[50] In just the first four months, he also went to Brazil, Bulgaria, Canada, Cuba, Czechoslovakia, Finland, Hungary, and Iceland.[51]
In 1962, Gagarin began serving as a deputy to the Soviet of the Union,[52] and was elected to the Central Committee of the Young Communist League. He later returned to Star City, the cosmonaut facility, where he spent several years working on designs for a reusable spacecraft. He became a lieutenant colonel of the Soviet Air Forces on 12 June 1962, and received the rank of colonel on 6 November 1963.[15] On 20 December 1963, Gagarin became Deputy Training Director of the Star City cosmonaut training base.[53] Soviet officials, including cosmonaut overseerer Nikolai Kamanin, tried to keep Gagarin away from any flights, being worried about losing their hero in an accident noting that he was "too dear to mankind to risk his life for the sake of an ordinary space flight".[54] Kamanin was also concerned by Gagarin's drinking and believed the sudden rise to fame had taken its toll on the cosmonaut. While acquaintances say Gagarin had been a "sensible drinker", his touring schedule placed him in social situations in which he was increasingly expected to drink alcohol.[5][10]
Gagarin with U.S. Vice President Hubert Humphrey, French Prime Minister Georges Pompidou and the Gemini 4 astronauts at the 1965 Paris Air Show
Two years later, he was re-elected as a deputy of the Soviet Union but this time to the Soviet of Nationalities, the upper chamber of legislature.[52] The following year, he began to re-qualify as a fighter pilot[55] and was backup pilot for his friend Vladimir Komarov on the Soyuz 1 flight after five years without piloting duty. Kamanin had opposed Gagarin's reassignment to cosmonaut training; he had gained weight and his flying skills had deteriorated. Despite this, he remained a strong contender for Soyuz 1 until he was replaced by Komarov in April 1966 and reassigned to Soyuz 3.[56]
The Soyuz 1 launch was rushed due to implicit political pressures[57] and despite Gagarin's protests that additional safety precautions were necessary.[58] Gagarin accompanied Komarov to the rocket before launch and relayed instructions to Komarov from ground control following multiple system failures aboard the spacecraft.[59] Despite their best efforts, Soyuz 1 crash landed after its parachutes failed to open, killing Komarov instantly.[60] After the Soyuz 1 crash, Gagarin was permanently banned from training for and participating in further spaceflights.[61] He was also grounded from flying aircraft solo, a demotion he worked hard to lift. He was temporarily relieved of duties to focus on academics with the promise that he would be able to resume flight training.[62] On 17 February 1968, Gagarin successfully defended his aerospace engineering thesis on the subject of spaceplane aerodynamic configuration and graduated cum laude from Zhukovsky Air Force Engineering Academy.[27][63][62]
Personal life
Gagarin and his wife Valentina clapping at a concert in Moscow in 1964.
Gagarin and his wife Valentina at a concert in Moscow in 1964.
Gagarin was a keen sportsman and fond of ice hockey as a goal keeper.[64] He was also a basketball fan and coached the Saratov Industrial Technical School team, as well as being a referee.[65]
In 1957, while a cadet in flight school, Gagarin met Valentina Goryacheva at the May Day celebrations at the Red Square in Moscow.[66] She was a medical technician who graduated from Orenburg Medical School.[8][10] They were married on 7 November 1957,[8] the same day Gagarin graduated from Orenburg, and they had two daughters.[67][68] Yelena Yurievna Gagarina, born 1959,[68] is an art historian who has worked as the director-general of the Moscow Kremlin Museums since 2001;[69][70] and Galina Yurievna Gagarina, born 1961,[68] is a professor of economics and the department chair at Plekhanov Russian University of Economics in Moscow.[69][71] Following his rise to fame, at a Black Sea resort in September 1961, he was reportedly caught by his wife during a liaison with a nurse who had aided him after a boating incident. He attempted to escape through a window and jumped off a second floor balcony. The resulting injury left a permanent scar above his left eyebrow.[5][10]
Death
Plaque on a brick wall with inscription: Юрий Алексеевич Гагарин, 1934-03-09–1968-03-27
Plaque indicating Gagarin's interment in the Kremlin Wall
On 27 March 1968, while on a routine training flight from Chkalovsky Air Base, Gagarin and flight instructor Vladimir Seryogin died when their MiG-15UTI crashed near the town of Kirzhach. The bodies of Gagarin and Seryogin were cremated and their ashes were buried in the walls of the Kremlin.[72] Wrapped in secrecy, the cause of the crash that killed Gagarin is uncertain and became the subject of several theories.[73][74] At least three investigations into the crash were conducted separately by the Air Force, official government commissions, and the KGB.[75][76] According to a biography of Gagarin by Jamie Doran and Piers Bizony, Starman: The Truth Behind the Legend of Yuri Gagarin, the KGB worked "not just alongside the Air Force and the official commission members but against them."[75]
The KGB's report declassified in March 2003 dismissed various conspiracy theories and instead indicated the actions of airbase personnel contributed to the crash. The report states that an air-traffic controller provided Gagarin with outdated weather information and that by the time of his flight, conditions had deteriorated significantly. Ground crew also left external fuel tanks attached to the aircraft. Gagarin's planned flight activities needed clear weather and no outboard tanks. The investigation concluded Gagarin's aircraft entered a spin, either due to a bird strike or because of a sudden move to avoid another aircraft. Because of the out-of-date weather report, the crew believed their altitude was higher than it was and could not react properly to bring the MiG-15 out of its spin.[76] Another theory, advanced in 2005 by the original crash investigator, hypothesizes that a cabin air vent was accidentally left open by the crew or the previous pilot, leading to oxygen deprivation and leaving the crew incapable of controlling the aircraft.[73] A similar theory, published in Air & Space magazine, is that the crew detected the open vent and followed procedure by executing a rapid dive to a lower altitude. This dive caused them to lose consciousness and crash.[74]
On 12 April 2007, the Kremlin vetoed a new investigation into the death of Gagarin. Government officials said they saw no reason to begin a new investigation.[77] In April 2011, documents from a 1968 commission set up by the Central Committee of the Communist Party to investigate the accident were declassified. The documents revealed that the commission's original conclusion was that Gagarin or Seryogin had manoeuvered sharply, either to avoid a weather balloon or to avoid "entry into the upper limit of the first layer of cloud cover", leading the jet into a "super-critical flight regime and to its stalling in complex meteorological conditions".[78]
A Russian MiG-15UTI, the same type as Gagarin was flying
Cosmonaut Alexei Leonov, a member of a state commission established to investigate Gagarin's death, was conducting parachute training sessions that day and heard "two loud booms in the distance". He believes that a Sukhoi Su-15 was flying below its minimum altitude and, "without realizing it because of the terrible weather conditions, he passed within 10 or 20 meters of Yuri and Seregin's plane while breaking the sound barrier". The resulting turbulence would have sent the MiG-15UTI into an uncontrolled spin. Leonov said the first boom he heard was that of the jet breaking the sound barrier and the second was Gagarin's plane crashing.[79] In a June 2013 interview with Russian television network RT, Leonov said a report on the incident confirmed the presence of a second, "unauthorized" Su-15 flying in the area. However, as a condition of being allowed to discuss the declassified report, Leonov was barred from disclosing the name of the Su-15 pilot who was 80 years old and in poor health as of 2013.[80]
Awards and honours
Medals and orders of merit
Jânio Quadros, President of Brazil, decorated Gagarin in 1961.
On 14 April 1961, Gagarin was honoured with a 12-mile (19 km) parade attended by millions of people that concluded at the Red Square. After a short speech, he was bestowed the Hero of the Soviet Union,[81][82] Order of Lenin,[81] Merited Master of Sports of the Soviet Union[83] and the first Pilot-Cosmonaut of the USSR.[82] On 15 April, the Soviet Academy of Sciences awarded him with the Konstantin Tsiolkovsky Gold Medal, named after the Russian pioneer of space aeronautics.[84] Gagarin had also been awarded four Soviet commemorative medals over the course of his career.[15]
He was honoured as a Hero of Socialist Labor (Czechoslovakia) on 29 April 1961,[85][86] and Hero of Socialist Labor (Bulgaria, including the Order of Georgi Dimitrov) on 24 May.[15][chronology citation needed] On the eighth anniversary of the beginning of Cuban Revolution (26 July), President Osvaldo Dorticos of Cuba presented him with the first Commander of the Order of Playa Girón, a newly created medal.[87]
Gagarin was also awarded the 1960 Gold Air Medal and the 1961 De la Vaulx Medal from the Fédération Aéronautique Internationale in Switzerland.[88] He received numerous awards from other nations that year, including the Star of the Republic of Indonesia (2nd Class), the Order of the Cross of Grunwald (1st Degree) in Poland, the Order of the Flag of the Republic of Hungary, the Hero of Labor award from Democratic Republic of Vietnam,[15] the Italian Columbus Day Medal,[89] and a Gold Medal from the British Interplanetary Society.[90][91] President Jânio Quadros of Brazil decorated Gagarin on 2 August 1961 with the Order of Aeronautical Merit, Commander grade.[92] During a tour of Egypt in late January 1962, Gagarin received the Order of the Nile[93] and the golden keys to the gates of Cairo.[50] On 22 October 1963, Gagarin and Valentina Tereshkova were honoured with the Order of Karl Marx from the German Democratic Republic.[94]
Tributes
The date of Gagarin's space flight, 12 April, has been commemorated. Since 1962, it has been celebrated in the USSR and most of its former territories as Cosmonautics Day.[95] Since 2000, Yuri's Night, an international celebration, is held annually to commemorate milestones in space exploration.[96] In 2011, it was declared the International Day of Human Space Flight by the United Nations.[97]
Yuri Gagarin statue at the Royal Greenwich Observatory in London
A number of buildings and locations have been named for Gagarin. The Yuri Gagarin Cosmonaut Training Center in Star City, Russia, was named on 30 April 1968.[98] The launch pad at Baikonur Cosmodrome from which Sputnik 1 and Vostok 1 were launched is now known as Gagarin's Start. Gagarin Raion in Sevastopol, Ukraine, was named after him during the period of the Soviet Union. The Russian Air Force Academy was renamed Gagarin Air Force Academy in 1968.[99] A street in Warsaw, Poland, is called Yuri Gagarin Street.[100] The town of Gagarin, Armenia was renamed in his honour in 1961.[101]
Gagarin has been honoured on the Moon by astronauts and astronomers. During the American space program's Apollo 11 mission in 1969, astronauts Neil Armstrong and Buzz Aldrin left a memorial satchel containing medals commemorating Gagarin and fellow cosmonaut Vladimir Komarov on the Moon's surface.[102][103] In 1971, Apollo 15 astronauts David Scott and James Irwin left the small Fallen Astronaut sculpture at their landing site as a memorial to the American astronauts and Soviet cosmonauts who died in the Space Race; the names on its plaque included Yuri Gagarin and 14 others.[104][105] In 1970, a 262 km (163 mi)-wide crater on the far side after him.[106] Gagarin was inducted as a member of the 1976 inaugural class of the International Space Hall of Fame in New Mexico.[107]
Gagarin is memorialised in music; a cycle of Soviet patriotic songs titled The Constellation Gagarin (Russian: Созвездье Гагарина, tr. Sozvezdie Gagarina) was written by Aleksandra Pakhmutova and Nikolai Dobronravov in 1970–1971.[108] The most famous of these songs refers to Gagarin's poyekhali!: in the lyrics, "He said 'let's go!' He waved his hand".[35][108] He was the inspiration for the pieces "Hey Gagarin" by Jean-Michel Jarre on Métamorphoses, "Gagarin" by Public Service Broadcasting, and "Gagarin, I loved you" by Undervud.[109]
Russian ten-ruble commemorating Gagarin in 2001
Vessels have been named for Gagarin; Soviet tracking ship Kosmonavt Yuri Gagarin was built in 1971[110] and the Armenian airline Armavia named their first Sukhoi Superjet 100 in his honour in 2011.[111]
Two commemorative coins were issued in the Soviet Union to honour the 20th and 30th anniversaries of his flight: a one-ruble coin in copper-nickel (1981) and a three-ruble coin in silver (1991). In 2001, to commemorate the 40th anniversary of Gagarin's flight, a series of four coins bearing his likeness was issued in Russia; it consisted of a two-ruble coin in copper-nickel, a three-ruble coin in silver, a ten-ruble coin in brass-copper and nickel, and a 100-ruble coin in silver.[112] In 2011, Russia issued a 1,000-ruble coin in gold and a three-ruble coin in silver to mark the 50th anniversary of his flight.[113]
In 2008, the Kontinental Hockey League named their championship trophy the Gagarin Cup.[114] In a 2010 Space Foundation survey, Gagarin was ranked as the sixth-most-popular space hero, tied with Star Trek's fictional James T. Kirk.[115] A Russian docudrama titled Gagarin: First in Space was released in 2013. Previous attempts at portraying Gagarin were disallowed; his family took legal action over his portrayal in a fictional drama and vetoed a musical.[116]
Statues and monuments
There are statues of Gagarin and monuments to him located in Gagarin (Smolensk Oblast), Orenburg, Cheboksary, Irkutsk, Izhevsk, Komsomolsk-on-Amur, and Yoshkar-Ola in Russia, as well as in Nicosia, Cyprus, Druzhkivka, Ukraine, Karaganda, Kazakhstan, and Tiraspol, Moldova. On 4 June 1980, Monument to Yuri Gagarin in Gagarin Square, Leninsky Avenue, Moscow, was opened.[117] The monument is mounted to a 38 m (125 ft) tall pedestal and is constructed of titanium. Beside the column is a replica of the descent module used during his spaceflight.[118]
Bust of Gagarin at Birla Planetarium in Kolkata, India
In 2011, a statue of Gagarin was unveiled at Admiralty Arch in The Mall in London, opposite the permanent sculpture of James Cook. It is a copy of the statue outside Gagarin's former school in Lyubertsy.[119] In 2013, the statue was moved to a permanent location outside the Royal Observatory, Greenwich.[120]
In 2012, a statue was unveiled at the site of NASA's original spaceflight headquarters on South Wayside Drive in Houston. The sculpture was completed in 2011 by artist and cosmonaut Alexei Leonov and was a gift to Houston by various Russian organisations. Houston Mayor Annise Parker, NASA Administrator Charles Bolden, and Russian Ambassador Sergey Kislyak were present for the dedication.[121][122] The Russian Federation presented a bust of Gagarin to several cities in India including one that was unveiled at the Birla Planetarium in Kolkata in February 2012.[123]
In April 2018, a bust of Gagarin erected on the street in Belgrade, Serbia, that bears his name was removed, after less than week. A new work was commissioned following the outcry over the disproportionately small size of its head which locals said was an "insult" to Gagarin.[124][125] Belgrade City Manager Goran Vesic stated that neither the city, the Serbian Ministry of Culture, nor the foundation that financed it had prior knowledge of the design.[126]
50th anniversary
50th anniversary stamp of Ukraine
The 50th anniversary of Gagarin's journey into space was marked in 2011 by tributes around the world. A film titled First Orbit was shot from the International Space Station, combining sound recordings from the original flight with footage of the route taken by Gagarin.[127] The Russian, American, and Italian crew of Expedition 27 aboard the ISS sent a special video message to wish the people of the world a "Happy Yuri's Night", wearing shirts with an image of Gagarin.[128]
The Central Bank of the Russian Federation released gold and silver coins to commemorate the anniversary.[129] The Soyuz TMA-21 spacecraft was named Gagarin with the launch in April 2011 to coincide with the 50th anniversary of the first manned space mission.