www.arqueologiadelperu.com/peru-one-of-the-three-wonders-...

Peru

[caption id="attachment_414208" align="alignright" width="150"] Resembling an ornate garden maze from above, suqakollos are a patterned system of raised cropland and water-filled trenches. Photograph: Ronald Reategui[/caption]

On the hardscrabble, treeless highland plain that joins Peru with Bolivia, farmers have eked out an existence for thousands of years amid bitter winters and the harsh sun, at 4,000 metres above sea level and higher.

As scientists predict climate change will make the Altiplano’s weather even more inclement and unpredictable, today’s farmers are reviving an ancestral system of cultivation and irrigation using what looks like an intricate piece of land sculpture.

Resembling an ornate garden maze from above, suqakollos – or waru-warus – are a patterned system of raised cropland and water-filled trenches.

Alipio Canahua, an agronomist working with the Food and Agriculture Organisation (FAO), says that the ancient agricultural system, which could date back 3,000 years, actually creates its own microclimate.

“It captures water when there are droughts and drains away water when there’s too much rain, meaning that it irrigates the crops all year round,” he says. “When it comes to temperature, we’ve measured a rise of three degrees centigrade in the immediate environment around it – this can save a significant percentage of the crops from being killed in frosts.”

A suqakollo can also be a small oasis in the scorching daytime sun, which yellows even the coarse highland grass, known as ichu – the main fodder for the alpacas and llamas herded by the local Aymara people.

Canahua has been leading the resurgence of this ancient farming system with local communities, restoring old suqakollos and building new ones.

[caption id="attachment_414209" align="alignleft" width="150"] Sonia Ticona, a local indigenous Aymara leader, explains that her community are reviving techniques used by their great-great-grandfathers. Photograph: Ronald Reategui[/caption]

Sonia Ticona, a local indigenous Aymara leader who has been working with Canahua, says that in her village, the women work harder than the men to dig the trenches which are filled with water.

“Our great-great-grandfathers used the suqakollo system then at some point, and we don’t know why, they stopped. Now we are restarting it and bringing it up to date – men and women working together.”

Potatoes have been sown this season – next year it will be quinoa – in a carefully planned crop rotation, explains Canahua. While the yields are smaller than cultivating in larger fields, beating the plummeting winter temperatures, which can reach -20C, can prevent devastating crop losses.

The suqakollos project is one of several globally important agricultural heritage systems (GIAHS) funded by the Global Environment Facility (GEF), which is working with the regional governments of Cusco and Puno. Along with Peru’s agricultural ministry, the FAO is promoting family farming with the GIAHS methodology.

Canahua’s only frustration is that it’s not possible to make the suqakollos as big as Puno’s pre-hispanic people did. Archaeologists say that people have lived on the Altiplano – on the shores of the highest navigable lake, Lake Titicaca – for some 8,000 years, and traces of the ancient canals still mark the high plain. Roads and boundaries between communal lands, however, have limited the space available.

John Preissing, the FAO’s representative in Peru, says the pilot project has produced more than double the normal crop yields.

“We can’t isolate just the fact that we‘re using suqakollos but we can say that between the water management, the soil management and the fertiliser management, we are reaching double the harvest numbers.”

Figures for 2013-14 indicate that suqakollo’s crop yields for quinoa are 3.2 tonnes per hectare, more than double the average of 1.3 tonnes per hectare for the same crop grown on the plain.

Ancestral crops like quinoa, and its kiwicha and kaniwa varieties, could make this labour-intensive, complex farming system worthwhile; international demand for the superfoods has multiplied the price, bringing in extra income for these smallholder farmers.

Dan Collyns

India

[caption id="attachment_414210" align="alignright" width="150"] The Chand baoli near Jaipur extends almost 100ft into the ground, making it one of the deepest and largest stepwells in India. Photograph: dbimages/Alamy[/caption]

Across large swaths of the Thar desert in western India, traditional techniques for harvesting the little amount of rain that falls has helped people survive the powerful effects of the sun for centuries.

The most beautiful of these are step wells – known as baolis in Hindi – large, stone structures built to provide water for drinking and agriculture. Baolis have existed for at least 1,000 years and were constructed in towns and alongside serais (travellers’ inns), across the desert and into Delhi.

Baolis exist in all shapes and sizes and are essentially reservoirs built into the earth. Groundwater is pulled up from a circular well at the bottom and rainwater is collected from above. A set of steps – on one or more sides of the structure – lead down to the water level, which fluctuates depending on the amount of rain. More recently, electric pumps have been installed in many baolis to help retrieve the water.

“Step wells are etched into people’s collective memory so deeply, they are now part of their DNA, passed on from one generation to another,” says Farhad Contractor of the Sambhaav Trust, an ecological conservation group.

[caption id="attachment_414211" align="alignleft" width="150"] Workers carry out conservation work at Hazrat Nizamuddin Auliyas baoli in New Delhi. Photograph: Anindito Mukherjee/EPA[/caption]

Today, many baolis have fallen prey to rapid urbanisation and neglect. In Delhi only around 15 survive but local groups are fighting to protect and preserve them. While 700mm of rain falls on Delhi every year, half of the city has been declared a dark zone – where the groundwater level has depleted so much that the rate of recharge is less than the rate of withdrawal – by the groundwater authority. Rainwater harvesting, therefore, is key to a secure water supply for India’s second-biggest city.

One such baoli restored by the Aga Khan Trust for Culture (AKTC) was built in the 14th century in Hazrat Nizamuddin Basti, a medieval village in Delhi named after Sufi saint, Hazrat Nizamuddin Auliya. In 2008, parts of the baoli walls collapsed due to sewage water seeping into the structure and the local residents using it as a rubbish dump. The pool was drained and the rubbish, garbage and sludge that had accumulated over the past 700 years was removed to reach the foundation of the baoli some 80 feet below ground level. While the water in the baoli is still not potable, it can be used for cleaning and agriculture.

Experts say the baoli model can be replicated anywhere in the world with similar climatic conditions and physiological features. Contractor has been invited to Morocco where he is working on a project to build baolis and smaller wells, known as beris in Hindi.

But large baolis need large catchment areas, and in Delhi space is an issue. While the majority of the physical structures of baolis are protected – some by being sited inside historic monuments – urban development in Delhi has had a greater impact on their water levels; storm drains divert rain away from baoli catchment areas.

Diwan Singh, an activist with non-profit Natural Heritage First, says that even though many baolis in Delhi are surrounded by buildings, the wells can still be recharged. “Catchment area management is the key. In the small areas of land between the baolis and buildings, rainwater harvesting pits could be built to divert rainwater away from the storm drains,” he says. “Once in the pit, water will percolate through the soil and recharge the nearby baoli, allowing modern development and ancient structures to co-exist side by side.”

Nivedita Khandekar

Kenya

[caption id="attachment_414212" align="alignright" width="150"] The construction of a sand dam involves building a concrete barrier or wall across a seasonal river. Photograph: Geoffrey Kamadi[/caption]

Makueni County – just over 100 miles south of Nairobi – has one of the most inhospitable environments in the country.

The region’s sandy loam soil supports little else besides the thorny, stunted shrubs that stretch for miles, interspersed only by gigantic baobab trees or some species of the hardy acacia. The only food crops cultivated here are sorghum, cassava and pigeon peas – drought-tolerant crops. With an average annual rainfall of just 600mm, meaningful agriculture is nearly impossible.

Water access is a big problem. In Kenya, 63% of the population use an improved source of drinking water and 46% live below the poverty line. Women and girls in sub-Saharan Africa spend up to four hours a day fetching water, according to the One campaign.

But things are changing for the better, thanks to an ancient water harvesting technique being used in the dry regions. Sand dams, which were invented by the Romans in 400BC, have become an important source of water for domestic and agricultural needs.

Sand dams are constructed by building a concrete barrier or wall across a seasonal river with a firm bedrock. As the river flows, sand in the water is deposited behind the wall. Over time, layers of sand build into a reservoir for water, which remains stored in the sand once the river level drops. Evaporation is virtually impossible below a metre of sand – no matter how intense the sun – and the water is clean and safe for immediate drinking as the sand acts like a filter.

[caption id="attachment_414213" align="alignleft" width="150"] A woman collects water stored beneath the sand. Photograph: Geoffrey Kamadi[/caption]

The Africa Sand Dam Foundation (ASDF) has been facilitating the construction of the dams alongside Excellent Development (ED), a UK-based NGO that has enabled the construction of 838 sand dams in rural dry lands across eight countries. The work of ED has improved access to clean water for more than 800,000 people, according to Jonny McKay, the NGO’s communications manager.

Not only have the sand dams improved water security for local communities. Villagers are also coming together to form self-help groups to construct the dams with assistance from the NGOs, and to initiate agro-based economic schemes.

“We are able to practise agribusiness now that we have water available for irrigation,” says Elizabeth Ndungune, the chairwoman of the Star Thange self-help women’s group in Ulilinzi. Using water from the sand dam built on the nearby River Thange, the group can now grow kale, tomatoes, beans and other crops. They sell whatever they harvest and pool the proceeds, which help families pay for school fees.

While sand dams are a cheap and simple solution to some complex problems, they can fail if they are not applied in a way that meets the users’ needs. “The biggest challenge is ensuring that the technology is applied to specific local conditions and people’s needs, rather than simply being replicated from one place and situation to another,” says McKay.

But the initiative is gaining momentum and expanding not only to other parts of the country, but to Tanzania, Chad, Zimbabwe, Mozambique and even to India.

Geoffrey Kamadi

I had the pleasure of working closely with Brendan for the last 7 months, and though on paper I was his manager I thought of him as a friend. Needless to say...I miss him greatly. Having to complete projects that we started together without him has proven to be one of the most difficult hurdles I have faced to date in my career. This evening I completed one of the last projects that he worked on; it left the office in a FedEx box complete with a SOLVE sticker slapped on the back... like a cherry on a sunday.

Remembering back to when we first met... We were in the process of adding another creative to the team but were coming up short in the form of decent candidates. I bet I looked at over a hundred portfolios before I came across Brendan's... I knew immediately that we had found what we were looking for and interviewed him the following day. We hired Brendan several days later.

Brendan had an amazing zest for life and love for the craft, he truly embodied what it means to be creative and was a daily source of inspiration for us all.

Work like Hell: There are those that talk about working and there are those that work. Brendan worked like hell.

...On the lighter side ...he was absolutely hysterical, his laugh was contagious and like non-other, it could be heard throughout the office.

There was never a dull moment when Brendan was involved. (Good times were had by all)

News of his untimely departure hit the chicago office like a freight train, there wasn't a dry eye from the top down. The impact he made in just seven short months is unprecedented and his legacy will be a permanent fixture of our identity going forward. Simply stated, the kid was a rock-star.

I think one of the reasons I took to Brendan so quickly was a shared appreciation for multiple layers ... the less obvious meaning or reference purposely inserted to be found by those who have the ability to see from multiple perspectives.

Strangely enough it was not until this week that I realized SOLVE was in-fact a clever riddle; as if his work wasn't taunting enough, he shined you on and signed each piece "guess who"... Brilliant.

... Ironically; in the end it would not be his identity that the world would seek, but why he had to leave so early.

from my tumblr blog ift.tt/1LrCJv4

First entry for the "Solving Poverty" Button Design Contest from PSDTUTS.com

-Photo of blank book taken by me

-Text from Wikipedia under the terms of the GNU Free Documentation License, Version 1.2

Solving Poverty is the theme for the Blog Action Day 2008 (15.10.2008)

Hans Vargas

High quality JPG image for CAFEPRESS:

flickr.com/photos/hansvargas/2907434304/

There is also a T-shirt from this design:

www.flickr.com/photos/hansvargas/2876343421/

Álvaro Martínez, accidental photographer

www.alvaromartinez.org

algebra equation solver are the equations of the form algebraic variables with some numerical co-efficient. Algebra equation contains the terms like numbers, integers, fractions, roots, exponents, ratios, graphing etc. Pre algebra equation is the simple equation which can be solved easily without any complex calculations. Linear equation is an algebraic equation in which each term is either a constant or the product of a constant and with a single variable. It contains one or more variables. It occurs with great regularity in applied mathematics.

Chicago, Illinois, USA.

+++ DISCLAIMER +++

Nothing you see here is real, even though the conversion or the presented background story might be based on historical facts. BEWARE!

Some background:

As the Luftwaffe (German Air Force) lost control over the skies over Germany in the second half of the Second World War, it could no longer provide sufficient protection against Allied aircraft. Panzer divisions were especially affected by the lack of cover from fighter aircraft because they were always at the center of the most intense fighting.

The fate of these four unique vehicles after the factory’s invasion through Soviet troops is uncertain, though. They were probably destroyed by retreating German troops to prevent their experimental technologies from falling into enemy hands.

Specifications:

Crew: Four (commander, gunner, driver, radio-operator/hull machine gunner)

Weight: 40.5 tonnes (39.9 long tons; 44.7 short tons)

Length (hull only): 6.87 m (22 ft 6 in)

Width: 3.42 m (11 ft 3 in)

Height: 3.06 m (10 ft 2/3 in)

Suspension: Double torsion bar, interleaved road wheels

Fuel capacity: 720 litres (160 imp gal; 190 US gal)

Armor:

15–80 mm (0.6 – 3.15 in)

Performance:

Maximum road speed: 55 km/h (34 mph)

Operational range: 250 km (160 mi)

Power/weight: 15.39 PS (11.5 kW)/tonne (13.77 hp/ton)

Engine:

Maybach HL230 P30 V-12 petrol engine with 700 PS (690 hp, 515 kW)

ZF AK 7-200 gear; 7 forward 1 reverse

Armament:

4× 20 mm (0.787 in) MG 151/29 machine cannon in two twin mounts with a total of 3.200 rounds

1× 7.92 mm MG 34 machine gun in the front glacis plate with 2.500 rounds

The kit and its assembly:

This is an OOB what-if model, the prototype of the “Panther 20mm Flakvierling MG 151/20” from Dragon. The kit is actually mislabeled as “Flakpanzer 341”, but this designation had been allocated to the later prototype of the “Coelian” turret for the Panther chassis, just as described in the background. AFAIK, the “Panther 20mm Flakvierling MG 151/20” was not produced at all, there was just a wooden mock-up. And the whole project was quickly cancelled because it did not offer sufficient firepower and development potential. The only “official” designation I could find is the title of a project paper that describes the turret’s layout and construction, and it was called “H-SkA 82827.

But what if a small batch of these vehicles had been manufactured/completed and used by factory defense units like the Luftwaffe’s Werkschutzstaffeln?

That’s the basic idea/story behind this build, and it was kept OOB. The Dragon Panther is a simple affair and goes together well, but the instructions are weak, if not confusing. Good thing, though, is that the kit contains an extra sprue from a Jagdpanther kit that contains many optional parts for early and late Panther variants, as well as hull equipment, so that you get a good number of surplus parts for the spares box. The only downer is the fact that the soft vinyl tracks were molded in a bright sand tone, so that these delicate parts had to be completely painted.

Painting and markings:

The Panther 20mm Flakvierling is – even though it never “existed” – frequently depicted in a weird two-color scheme, probably consisting of Dunkelgelb (RAL 7028) over a red primer coat. But the depicted colors frequently appear much too garish and strong, like bright sunflower yellow over wine red! WTF? However, I liked the concept and adopted it for the model, just with more realistic tones and some personal twists.

The hull received an overall coat with RAL 3009 (Oxidrot), while the turret was painted with a paler shade of red (Humbrol 70, Brick red). On top of that, thinned Tamiya XF-57 (Buff) was used to add a fragmented meander pattern to break up the tank’s outlines. The result is quite attractive, and it might have worked well in an urban/factory environment – hence the idea of allocating the vehicle to a Werksschutz unit – several aircraft companies, e. g. Heinkel or Focke Wulf, also used prototypes for local defense, organized outside of Luftwaffe units.

To emphasize the prototype nature of this vehicle, the wheels and the armor skirts were, for some variety, painted in standard Hinterhalt camouflage colors, in Dunkelgelb (Tamiya XF-60), Olivgrün (RAL 6003, Humbrol 86) and Rotbraun (RAL 8017, Humbrol 160). The latter was also used for the engine bay cover, which I simply forgot to paint on Oxidrot in the first place. But the slightly darker Rotbraun blends well into the rest of the hull. The wheels were painted uniformly, and I added a wheel in Brick Red on each side as an un-camouflaged replacement. The armor skirts’ camouflage pattern consists of dark circles over a Dunkelgelb background, created with a stamp (self-made from fine sponge rubber) and mimicking the original “factory design” of the Hinterhalt paint scheme.

As mentioned above, the tracks had to be painted, and this time I tried a base with acrylic black paint from the rattle can, plus some grey and re brown wet-in-wet acrylic paint on top of that. Worked quite well and might become a new standard for this field of work.

The tactical markings became minimal, as the vehicle would be factory-operated and also a test article – hence it just received small Balkenkreuz insignia (on the hull ,mostly obscured by tools), and a large black “3”, edged in white for more contrast, on the turret sides, with smaller numbers at front and back of the turret for quick identification from every side.

The model received an overall washing with thinned dark brown acrylic paint and dry-brushing with light grey and beige, before it was sealed with matt acrylic varnish. Once the vinyl tracks had been mounted, the model’s lower areas and the running gear were dusted with grey-brown mineral pigments.

Well, another simple build, thanks to an OOB kit of this exotic SPAAG prototype. The result looks quite good and was completed in just two days, another member in my growing collection of real, semi-fictional and whiffy German SPAAG vehicles – turning this mock-up into an of an operational prototype of a Werksverteidigung unit certainly works and could actually have been, even though the Panther 20mm Flakvierling MG 151/20 just remained a stillborn proposal.

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Rīga

In the NL we don't have such marketlpaces, so it was quite facinating to see this. Here is some info about it:

Riga Central Market (Latvian: Rīgas Centrāltirgus) is Europe's largest market and bazaar in Riga, Latvia. It is one of the most notable structures from 20th century in Latvia and has been included in UNESCO World Heritage Site list together with Old Riga in 1998. It was planned from 1922 and built from 1924 to 1930. The main structures of the market are five pavilions constructed by reusing old German Zeppelin hangars and incorporating Neoclassicism and Art Deco styles. The market is 72,300 square metres (778,000 sq ft) wide with more than 3,000 trade stands.

Produce has been sold on the banks of Daugava since 1571 and in 1863 trade stand rows were built. On December 18, 1922, Riga City Council decided to move the crowded and highly unsanitary Daugavmala Market to a new enclosed location in conformity with hygienic and economic requirements. The market's plan was selected in an international competition. One of the highest prizes was received by Riga's architect Pāvils Dreijmanis and engineer S. Žitkovs collaborative proposal to reuse metal frameworks from World War I German Zeppelin hangars Walhalla and Walther used in Vaiņode Air Base. The initial large structure design was impractical due to their size and weather conditions and the new buildings only used the top parts of the hangar design. The buildings themselves were constructed from stone and reinforced concrete.

The construction started in June 1924 and finished in autumn 1930, taking seven years instead of planned five as construction halted during 1926–1928 due to financial problems. The development was overseen by the city council's marketing department head Klāvs Lorencs. The overseeing architects were Pāvils Dreijmanis and P. Pavlovs together with engineers V. Isajevs and G. Tolstojs. The construction was carried out by stock company "Construction" (Latvian: a/s "Būve") and market's construction office under the supervision of V. Isajevs. Riga paid nearly 5 million Latvian rublis to the state property commission. This was at the time the biggest project in Europe spanning 57,000 square metres (610,000 sq ft). Five pavilions were envisioned with the largest 5,000 square metres (54,000 sq ft) hangar for wholesale and meat processing and smaller ones for retail. Four of them are located side by side and the biggest, fifth, was built perpendicular to them. All buildings had modern central heating and electric lighting. The complex was built in Art Deco style. A wide basement was built under the hangars for storage. Up to 310,000 kilograms (680,000 lb) of goods could be stored in the 27 freezers in 1938. In 1961, during Soviet time, almost 700 metric tons (690 long tons; 770 short tons) of goods could be stored. The products were moved topside with cranes without disturbing traffic and sellers. The basement has three underground tunnels connecting to the adjacent river bank. Retail sales began November 10, 1930, the same day Daugavmala Market closed. Even before the opening, hangars were used for various expositions and shows during the first half of the year.

Although the Central Market was three times the size of the Daugavmala Market, the majority of space was occupied by offices, warehouses and basements. The rent per square meters exceeded that of other markets and locations. Retail sellers could not afford the rent and wholesale merchants could not place their workers. This gave rise to high prices. This was solved by making an open-air 1,370 square metres (14,700 sq ft) roofed porch, with a 170 horse team capacity. In 1938 a separate horse stable opened. In 1936 the most modern bird slaughterhouse in the state opened.

Juris Dambis, head of the State Inspection for Heritage Protection, says "When Riga Central Market was first opened on November 2, 1930, it was the largest and the most progressive marketplace on earth." During the 1930s the market pavilions were one of the main tourist attractions. A wide and cheap array of produce was available for degustation. Tourists from Germany and England highly appreciated the butter and bacon. The fish pavilion was especially attractive with large, colourful aquariums. The large number of tourists furthered the Central Markets reputation as one of the more grandiose buildings in Europe.

The market was not affected by the first Soviet occupation in 1940. However, the Nazi German occupation lasted for three and a half years. Farmers were not allowed to freely sell their produce and were forced to supply the German Army and the market sold only limited amounts. Beginning September 1, 1941, food cards were required for purchase. During these years first roof repairs were carried out on May 30, 1942. The market's territory was readjusted to be suitable for war times. The two pavilions closest to the Daugava were converted into housing the German 726th supply unit's vehicle engine repair shop. A fire hazardous lumber storage was set nearby to necessitate Opel. Three repair shop office barracks were planned, but only one was active prior to the 1944

During the Soviet occupation, the market was renamed Central Kolkhoz Market (Latvian: Centrālais Kolhozu tirgus) in 1949. The Soviet press praised the market as one of the best markets in the Soviet Union. In 1950 nine out of ten farms were unified in kolkhozes during the agriculture collectivisation and by 1961 the majority of goods were supplied collectively by 60 kolkhozes. Daily about 50-70 thousand customers shopped at the market — up to 100 thousand during weekends. 1961 market statistics showed sells of 200,000 metric tons (200,000 long tons; 220,000 short tons) of poultry, 768,000 litres (169,000 imp gal; 203,000 US gal) of milk, about 7 million eggs, and more than 22,000 metric tons (22,000 long tons; 24,000 short tons) of vegetables and fruits.

In the 1980s the market's ammonia based refrigerating plants were replaced with freon machinery. The low-pressure steam heating system was swapped with a connection to the city's central heating system. In 1983 the fruit and vegetable pavilion caught fire, which spread to peat insulation and lasted for tens of hours. In 1987 rat problems were solved in the market.

On October 18, 1983, the Latvian Soviet Socialist Republic's Council of Ministers announced the market as a cultural heritage site. Shortly after Latvia regained independence 1991, market director Leonīds Lapoško showed that the market was in dire condition, especially underground. On January 3, 1995, the city council established stock company Riga Central Market (Latvian: a/s Rīgas Centrāltirgus). In the next half year it merged with Riga Market Company (Latvian: Rīgas tirgus) to form a combined location between the central market's pavilions and outside street bazaar. In August 1998 Riga City Council rented the outside market territory until 2045.

In 1998 the market territory, together with Old Riga, were included in the UNESCO World Heritage Site list. The market's pavilions are five of nine Zeppelin hangars remaining in the world.

Thank you dear David, Chiara, and Paul :-)

PS I wish the solution to all problems were this simple!

Process to assist with solving exam type problems in physics

peccato che APT tools abbia smesso di funzionare dopo solo 16 frame!!

comunque alla fine l'immagine è anche gradevole!!

dati: 16X180 secondi iso 800 Eos 5D Mark II su Samyang 135 mm. ED UMC,montatura AZEQ6 GT autoguida con PHD Guiding +dithering con FS60CB e Orion Starshoot Guider,processing Pixinsight 1.8.5 elaborazione Photoshop CC14 e Topaz Labs plugin,sito di ripresa Lucrezia con un cielo mediamente inquinato!!!

Rizokarpaso (Greek: Ριζοκάρπασο [locally [rizˑoˈkar̥paso]]; Turkish: Dipkarpaz) is a town on the Karpas Peninsula in the Northeastern part of Cyprus. While nominally part of the Famagusta District of the Republic of Cyprus, it has been under the de facto control of Northern Cyprus since the illegal Turkish invasion of the island in 1974, being administered as part of the İskele District.

Rizokarpaso is one of the largest towns on the peninsula. Soil near the town consists of terra fusca, which is very fertile. Local crops include carob, cotton, tobacco, and grain. The town's surroundings are renowned for being the wildest and one of the most unspoilt parts of the island. The municipality's territory features the Karpaz National Park, home to the Karpass donkey and some of the finest beaches of the island.

The economy is primarily based on agriculture, husbandry, and fisheries. Since 2000, the town has embraced the concept of eco-tourism, and converted old traditional village houses into guesthouses in traditional styles. The area lacks any industrial plants.

Two kilometres north of the town of Rizokarpaso lies the Ayfilon Beach, administered by the municipality as a public beach. The beach takes its name from the Ayios Philon Church in the ancient town of Karpasia, which is located 500 metres away. The beach is a breeding ground for loggerhead sea turtles, and is as such a center of attention for conservationists. It is also billed in tourist guides as a "spot to watch sunsets". It hosts an annual festival dedicated to sea turtles in August featuring concerts, release of turtle hatchlings, beach clean-ups, and other environmental awareness activities on the beach.

The Rizokarpaso area contains some of the earliest inhabited places in the island. These include the ancient cities of Karpasia and Aphendrika. It was the seat of one of the largest Lusignan baronies.

In 1222, the Lusignan dynasty ruling the Kingdom of Cyprus, together with the Latin nobility, decided that the traditional Greek Cypriot bishoprics in the urban centres would be abolished. Karpasia was one of the only four Greek bishoprics in the island that were allowed to continue to function (together with Solea, Arsinoe and Lefkara), and in practice subsumed the Bishopric of Famagusta, as the Bishop of Famagusta was sent to Rizokarpaso and continued his work in St. Synesios, the main Orthodox church in the region. This arrangement was formalised by the Bulla Cypria, a papal bull issued by Pope Alexander IV in 1260. Despite the official assignment of the bishopric to Karpasia, by then the town had lost the importance it held in the Late Antique period, and it is thought to be "probable" that by 1260 the bishops did not really reside in Karpasia but kept on operating from Famagusta. According to Stefano Lusignan, the town of Rizokarpaso became a part of the feudal estate of the de Nores family, until James II of Cyprus revoked Gauthier de Nores' rights due to his support of Queen Charlotte, James' opponent.

The town has two churches: St. Synesios and the church of the Holy Trinity. They are examples of the typical Cypriot mixed style, combining features of the late Gothic introduced by the Lusignans with the late Byzantine style of the Orthodox tradition. These are two of the few Christian churches to operate in the northern part of Cyprus, and has allegedly had services stopped by the Turkish Cypriot police.

Rizokarpaso is partly located in the ancient city of Karpasia on the West coast, according to legend founded by king Pygmalion.

Before 1974, the town was predominantly inhabited by Greek-Cypriots. During the Turkish invasion of Cyprus on 20 July 1974, the peninsula was cut off by Turkish troops, and this prevented the town's Greek-Cypriot inhabitants from fleeing to the south. As a result, with 250 Greek Cypriot inhabitants, Rizokarpaso is the home of the biggest Greek population in the North. Between 1974 and 1985, however, around 2500 Greek Cypriots left the village. Although the Greek-Cypriot population is now mainly elderly and shrinking in size, they are still supplied by the UN, and Greek-Cypriot products are consequently available in some places. The town was captured by the Turkish Army during the early days of the Turkish invasion of Cyprus.

In 1977, Turkish settlers were brought from different areas of Turkey, including Kars, Muş, Diyarbakır and Ağrı in the Eastern Anatolia Region, Mersin and Adana in the Mediterranean Region and Akkuş, Çarşamba, Akçaabat, Sürmene, Araklı and Trabzon in the Black Sea Region. In the 21st century, some Turkish Cypriots and Europeans also bought properties in the village and are now its residents.

The town has a Turkish Cypriot municipality, whose current mayor is Suphi Coşkun from the Republican Turkish Party. Coşkun won the post in 2014, by winning over 50% of the votes and beating his predecessor, Mehmet Demirci of the National Unity Party.

Turkish Cypriot Dipkarpaz Sports Club was founded in 1978; its football team in 2015 played in Cyprus Turkish Football Association (CTFA) K-PET 2nd League. Education in the town includes a primary school and the Recep Tayyip Erdogan Secondary School. The town hosts some small touristic facilities. Twenty kilometres east lies the Golden Beach, a pristine 4 km long beach, and the Apostolos Andreas Monastery.

Rizokarpaso is twinned with:

Turkey Ankara, Turkey (since 1986)

Turkey Pendik, Istanbul, Turkey (since 1986)

Azerbaijan Yasamal, Baku, Azerbaijan (since 2005)

Turkey Ardeşen, Rize, Turkey

Turkey Tatvan, Bitlis, Turkey

Northern Cyprus, officially the Turkish Republic of Northern Cyprus (TRNC), is a de facto state that comprises the northeastern portion of the island of Cyprus. It is recognised only by Turkey, and its territory is considered by all other states to be part of the Republic of Cyprus.

Northern Cyprus extends from the tip of the Karpass Peninsula in the northeast to Morphou Bay, Cape Kormakitis and its westernmost point, the Kokkina exclave in the west. Its southernmost point is the village of Louroujina. A buffer zone under the control of the United Nations stretches between Northern Cyprus and the rest of the island and divides Nicosia, the island's largest city and capital of both sides.

A coup d'état in 1974, performed as part of an attempt to annex the island to Greece, prompted the Turkish invasion of Cyprus. This resulted in the eviction of much of the north's Greek Cypriot population, the flight of Turkish Cypriots from the south, and the partitioning of the island, leading to a unilateral declaration of independence by the north in 1983. Due to its lack of recognition, Northern Cyprus is heavily dependent on Turkey for economic, political and military support.

Attempts to reach a solution to the Cyprus dispute have been unsuccessful. The Turkish Army maintains a large force in Northern Cyprus with the support and approval of the TRNC government, while the Republic of Cyprus, the European Union as a whole, and the international community regard it as an occupation force. This military presence has been denounced in several United Nations Security Council resolutions.

Northern Cyprus is a semi-presidential, democratic republic with a cultural heritage incorporating various influences and an economy that is dominated by the services sector. The economy has seen growth through the 2000s and 2010s, with the GNP per capita more than tripling in the 2000s, but is held back by an international embargo due to the official closure of the ports in Northern Cyprus by the Republic of Cyprus. The official language is Turkish, with a distinct local dialect being spoken. The vast majority of the population consists of Sunni Muslims, while religious attitudes are mostly moderate and secular. Northern Cyprus is an observer state of ECO and OIC under the name "Turkish Cypriot State", PACE under the name "Turkish Cypriot Community", and Organization of Turkic States with its own name.

Several distinct periods of Cypriot intercommunal violence involving the two main ethnic communities, Greek Cypriots and Turkish Cypriots, marked mid-20th century Cyprus. These included the Cyprus Emergency of 1955–59 during British rule, the post-independence Cyprus crisis of 1963–64, and the Cyprus crisis of 1967. Hostilities culminated in the 1974 de facto division of the island along the Green Line following the Turkish invasion of Cyprus. The region has been relatively peaceful since then, but the Cyprus dispute has continued, with various attempts to solve it diplomatically having been generally unsuccessful.

Cyprus, an island lying in the eastern Mediterranean, hosted a population of Greeks and Turks (four-fifths and one-fifth, respectively), who lived under British rule in the late nineteenth-century and the first half of the twentieth-century. Christian Orthodox Church of Cyprus played a prominent political role among the Greek Cypriot community, a privilege that it acquired during the Ottoman Empire with the employment of the millet system, which gave the archbishop an unofficial ethnarch status.

The repeated rejections by the British of Greek Cypriot demands for enosis, union with Greece, led to armed resistance, organised by the National Organization of Cypriot Struggle, or EOKA. EOKA, led by the Greek-Cypriot commander George Grivas, systematically targeted British colonial authorities. One of the effects of EOKA's campaign was to alter the Turkish position from demanding full reincorporation into Turkey to a demand for taksim (partition). EOKA's mission and activities caused a "Cretan syndrome" (see Turkish Resistance Organisation) within the Turkish Cypriot community, as its members feared that they would be forced to leave the island in such a case as had been the case with Cretan Turks. As such, they preferred the continuation of British colonial rule and then taksim, the division of the island. Due to the Turkish Cypriots' support for the British, EOKA's leader, Georgios Grivas, declared them to be enemies. The fact that the Turks were a minority was, according to Nihat Erim, to be addressed by the transfer of thousands of Turks from mainland Turkey so that Greek Cypriots would cease to be the majority. When Erim visited Cyprus as the Turkish representative, he was advised by Field Marshal Sir John Harding, the then Governor of Cyprus, that Turkey should send educated Turks to settle in Cyprus.

Turkey actively promoted the idea that on the island of Cyprus two distinctive communities existed, and sidestepped its former claim that "the people of Cyprus were all Turkish subjects". In doing so, Turkey's aim to have self-determination of two to-be equal communities in effect led to de jure partition of the island.[citation needed] This could be justified to the international community against the will of the majority Greek population of the island. Dr. Fazil Küçük in 1954 had already proposed Cyprus be divided in two at the 35° parallel.

Lindley Dan, from Notre Dame University, spotted the roots of intercommunal violence to different visions among the two communities of Cyprus (enosis for Greek Cypriots, taksim for Turkish Cypriots). Also, Lindlay wrote that "the merging of church, schools/education, and politics in divisive and nationalistic ways" had played a crucial role in creation of havoc in Cyprus' history. Attalides Michael also pointed to the opposing nationalisms as the cause of the Cyprus problem.

By the mid-1950's, the "Cyprus is Turkish" party, movement, and slogan gained force in both Cyprus and Turkey. In a 1954 editorial, Turkish Cypriot leader Dr. Fazil Kuchuk expressed the sentiment that the Turkish youth had grown up with the idea that "as soon as Great Britain leaves the island, it will be taken over by the Turks", and that "Turkey cannot tolerate otherwise". This perspective contributed to the willingness of Turkish Cypriots to align themselves with the British, who started recruiting Turkish Cypriots into the police force that patrolled Cyprus to fight EOKA, a Greek Cypriot nationalist organisation that sought to rid the island of British rule.

EOKA targeted colonial authorities, including police, but Georgios Grivas, the leader of EOKA, did not initially wish to open up a new front by fighting Turkish Cypriots and reassured them that EOKA would not harm their people. In 1956, some Turkish Cypriot policemen were killed by EOKA members and this provoked some intercommunal violence in the spring and summer, but these attacks on policemen were not motivated by the fact that they were Turkish Cypriots.

However, in January 1957, Grivas changed his policy as his forces in the mountains became increasingly pressured by the British Crown forces. In order to divert the attention of the Crown forces, EOKA members started to target Turkish Cypriot policemen intentionally in the towns, so that Turkish Cypriots would riot against the Greek Cypriots and the security forces would have to be diverted to the towns to restore order. The killing of a Turkish Cypriot policeman on 19 January, when a power station was bombed, and the injury of three others, provoked three days of intercommunal violence in Nicosia. The two communities targeted each other in reprisals, at least one Greek Cypriot was killed and the British Army was deployed in the streets. Greek Cypriot stores were burned and their neighbourhoods attacked. Following the events, the Greek Cypriot leadership spread the propaganda that the riots had merely been an act of Turkish Cypriot aggression. Such events created chaos and drove the communities apart both in Cyprus and in Turkey.

On 22 October 1957 Sir Hugh Mackintosh Foot replaced Sir John Harding as the British Governor of Cyprus. Foot suggested five to seven years of self-government before any final decision. His plan rejected both enosis and taksim. The Turkish Cypriot response to this plan was a series of anti-British demonstrations in Nicosia on 27 and 28 January 1958 rejecting the proposed plan because the plan did not include partition. The British then withdrew the plan.

In 1957, Black Gang, a Turkish Cypriot pro-taksim paramilitary organisation, was formed to patrol a Turkish Cypriot enclave, the Tahtakale district of Nicosia, against activities of EOKA. The organisation later attempted to grow into a national scale, but failed to gain public support.

By 1958, signs of dissatisfaction with the British increased on both sides, with a group of Turkish Cypriots forming Volkan (later renamed to the Turkish Resistance Organisation) paramilitary group to promote partition and the annexation of Cyprus to Turkey as dictated by the Menderes plan. Volkan initially consisted of roughly 100 members, with the stated aim of raising awareness in Turkey of the Cyprus issue and courting military training and support for Turkish Cypriot fighters from the Turkish government.

In June 1958, the British Prime Minister, Harold Macmillan, was expected to propose a plan to resolve the Cyprus issue. In light of the new development, the Turks rioted in Nicosia to promote the idea that Greek and Turkish Cypriots could not live together and therefore any plan that did not include partition would not be viable. This violence was soon followed by bombing, Greek Cypriot deaths and looting of Greek Cypriot-owned shops and houses. Greek and Turkish Cypriots started to flee mixed population villages where they were a minority in search of safety. This was effectively the beginning of the segregation of the two communities. On 7 June 1958, a bomb exploded at the entrance of the Turkish Embassy in Cyprus. Following the bombing, Turkish Cypriots looted Greek Cypriot properties. On 26 June 1984, the Turkish Cypriot leader, Rauf Denktaş, admitted on British channel ITV that the bomb was placed by the Turks themselves in order to create tension. On 9 January 1995, Rauf Denktaş repeated his claim to the famous Turkish newspaper Milliyet in Turkey.

The crisis reached a climax on 12 June 1958, when eight Greeks, out of an armed group of thirty five arrested by soldiers of the Royal Horse Guards on suspicion of preparing an attack on the Turkish quarter of Skylloura, were killed in a suspected attack by Turkish Cypriot locals, near the village of Geunyeli, having been ordered to walk back to their village of Kondemenos.

After the EOKA campaign had begun, the British government successfully began to turn the Cyprus issue from a British colonial problem into a Greek-Turkish issue. British diplomacy exerted backstage influence on the Adnan Menderes government, with the aim of making Turkey active in Cyprus. For the British, the attempt had a twofold objective. The EOKA campaign would be silenced as quickly as possible, and Turkish Cypriots would not side with Greek Cypriots against the British colonial claims over the island, which would thus remain under the British. The Turkish Cypriot leadership visited Menderes to discuss the Cyprus issue. When asked how the Turkish Cypriots should respond to the Greek Cypriot claim of enosis, Menderes replied: "You should go to the British foreign minister and request the status quo be prolonged, Cyprus to remain as a British colony". When the Turkish Cypriots visited the British Foreign Secretary and requested for Cyprus to remain a colony, he replied: "You should not be asking for colonialism at this day and age, you should be asking for Cyprus be returned to Turkey, its former owner".

As Turkish Cypriots began to look to Turkey for protection, Greek Cypriots soon understood that enosis was extremely unlikely. The Greek Cypriot leader, Archbishop Makarios III, now set independence for the island as his objective.

Britain resolved to solve the dispute by creating an independent Cyprus. In 1959, all involved parties signed the Zurich Agreements: Britain, Turkey, Greece, and the Greek and Turkish Cypriot leaders, Makarios and Dr. Fazil Kucuk, respectively. The new constitution drew heavily on the ethnic composition of the island. The President would be a Greek Cypriot, and the Vice-President a Turkish Cypriot with an equal veto. The contribution to the public service would be set at a ratio of 70:30, and the Supreme Court would consist of an equal number of judges from both communities as well as an independent judge who was not Greek, Turkish or British. The Zurich Agreements were supplemented by a number of treaties. The Treaty of Guarantee stated that secession or union with any state was forbidden, and that Greece, Turkey and Britain would be given guarantor status to intervene if that was violated. The Treaty of Alliance allowed for two small Greek and Turkish military contingents to be stationed on the island, and the Treaty of Establishment gave Britain sovereignty over two bases in Akrotiri and Dhekelia.

On 15 August 1960, the Colony of Cyprus became fully independent as the Republic of Cyprus. The new republic remained within the Commonwealth of Nations.

The new constitution brought dissatisfaction to Greek Cypriots, who felt it to be highly unjust for them for historical, demographic and contributional reasons. Although 80% of the island's population were Greek Cypriots and these indigenous people had lived on the island for thousands of years and paid 94% of taxes, the new constitution was giving the 17% of the population that was Turkish Cypriots, who paid 6% of taxes, around 30% of government jobs and 40% of national security jobs.

Within three years tensions between the two communities in administrative affairs began to show. In particular disputes over separate municipalities and taxation created a deadlock in government. A constitutional court ruled in 1963 Makarios had failed to uphold article 173 of the constitution which called for the establishment of separate municipalities for Turkish Cypriots. Makarios subsequently declared his intention to ignore the judgement, resulting in the West German judge resigning from his position. Makarios proposed thirteen amendments to the constitution, which would have had the effect of resolving most of the issues in the Greek Cypriot favour. Under the proposals, the President and Vice-President would lose their veto, the separate municipalities as sought after by the Turkish Cypriots would be abandoned, the need for separate majorities by both communities in passing legislation would be discarded and the civil service contribution would be set at actual population ratios (82:18) instead of the slightly higher figure for Turkish Cypriots.

The intention behind the amendments has long been called into question. The Akritas plan, written in the height of the constitutional dispute by the Greek Cypriot interior minister Polycarpos Georkadjis, called for the removal of undesirable elements of the constitution so as to allow power-sharing to work. The plan envisaged a swift retaliatory attack on Turkish Cypriot strongholds should Turkish Cypriots resort to violence to resist the measures, stating "In the event of a planned or staged Turkish attack, it is imperative to overcome it by force in the shortest possible time, because if we succeed in gaining command of the situation (in one or two days), no outside, intervention would be either justified or possible." Whether Makarios's proposals were part of the Akritas plan is unclear, however it remains that sentiment towards enosis had not completely disappeared with independence. Makarios described independence as "a step on the road to enosis".[31] Preparations for conflict were not entirely absent from Turkish Cypriots either, with right wing elements still believing taksim (partition) the best safeguard against enosis.

Greek Cypriots however believe the amendments were a necessity stemming from a perceived attempt by Turkish Cypriots to frustrate the working of government. Turkish Cypriots saw it as a means to reduce their status within the state from one of co-founder to that of minority, seeing it as a first step towards enosis. The security situation deteriorated rapidly.

Main articles: Bloody Christmas (1963) and Battle of Tillyria

An armed conflict was triggered after December 21, 1963, a period remembered by Turkish Cypriots as Bloody Christmas, when a Greek Cypriot policemen that had been called to help deal with a taxi driver refusing officers already on the scene access to check the identification documents of his customers, took out his gun upon arrival and shot and killed the taxi driver and his partner. Eric Solsten summarised the events as follows: "a Greek Cypriot police patrol, ostensibly checking identification documents, stopped a Turkish Cypriot couple on the edge of the Turkish quarter. A hostile crowd gathered, shots were fired, and two Turkish Cypriots were killed."

In the morning after the shooting, crowds gathered in protest in Northern Nicosia, likely encouraged by the TMT, without incident. On the evening of the 22nd, gunfire broke out, communication lines to the Turkish neighbourhoods were cut, and the Greek Cypriot police occupied the nearby airport. On the 23rd, a ceasefire was negotiated, but did not hold. Fighting, including automatic weapons fire, between Greek and Turkish Cypriots and militias increased in Nicosia and Larnaca. A force of Greek Cypriot irregulars led by Nikos Sampson entered the Nicosia suburb of Omorphita and engaged in heavy firing on armed, as well as by some accounts unarmed, Turkish Cypriots. The Omorphita clash has been described by Turkish Cypriots as a massacre, while this view has generally not been acknowledged by Greek Cypriots.

Further ceasefires were arranged between the two sides, but also failed. By Christmas Eve, the 24th, Britain, Greece, and Turkey had joined talks, with all sides calling for a truce. On Christmas day, Turkish fighter jets overflew Nicosia in a show of support. Finally it was agreed to allow a force of 2,700 British soldiers to help enforce a ceasefire. In the next days, a "buffer zone" was created in Nicosia, and a British officer marked a line on a map with green ink, separating the two sides of the city, which was the beginning of the "Green Line". Fighting continued across the island for the next several weeks.

In total 364 Turkish Cypriots and 174 Greek Cypriots were killed during the violence. 25,000 Turkish Cypriots from 103-109 villages fled and were displaced into enclaves and thousands of Turkish Cypriot houses were ransacked or completely destroyed.

Contemporary newspapers also reported on the forceful exodus of the Turkish Cypriots from their homes. According to The Times in 1964, threats, shootings and attempts of arson were committed against the Turkish Cypriots to force them out of their homes. The Daily Express wrote that "25,000 Turks have already been forced to leave their homes". The Guardian reported a massacre of Turks at Limassol on 16 February 1964.

Turkey had by now readied its fleet and its fighter jets appeared over Nicosia. Turkey was dissuaded from direct involvement by the creation of a United Nations Peacekeeping Force in Cyprus (UNFICYP) in 1964. Despite the negotiated ceasefire in Nicosia, attacks on the Turkish Cypriot persisted, particularly in Limassol. Concerned about the possibility of a Turkish invasion, Makarios undertook the creation of a Greek Cypriot conscript-based army called the "National Guard". A general from Greece took charge of the army, whilst a further 20,000 well-equipped officers and men were smuggled from Greece into Cyprus. Turkey threatened to intervene once more, but was prevented by a strongly worded letter from the American President Lyndon B. Johnson, anxious to avoid a conflict between NATO allies Greece and Turkey at the height of the Cold War.

Turkish Cypriots had by now established an important bridgehead at Kokkina, provided with arms, volunteers and materials from Turkey and abroad. Seeing this incursion of foreign weapons and troops as a major threat, the Cypriot government invited George Grivas to return from Greece as commander of the Greek troops on the island and launch a major attack on the bridgehead. Turkey retaliated by dispatching its fighter jets to bomb Greek positions, causing Makarios to threaten an attack on every Turkish Cypriot village on the island if the bombings did not cease. The conflict had now drawn in Greece and Turkey, with both countries amassing troops on their Thracian borders. Efforts at mediation by Dean Acheson, a former U.S. Secretary of State, and UN-appointed mediator Galo Plaza had failed, all the while the division of the two communities becoming more apparent. Greek Cypriot forces were estimated at some 30,000, including the National Guard and the large contingent from Greece. Defending the Turkish Cypriot enclaves was a force of approximately 5,000 irregulars, led by a Turkish colonel, but lacking the equipment and organisation of the Greek forces.

The Secretary-General of the United Nations in 1964, U Thant, reported the damage during the conflicts:

UNFICYP carried out a detailed survey of all damage to properties throughout the island during the disturbances; it shows that in 109 villages, most of them Turkish-Cypriot or mixed villages, 527 houses have been destroyed while 2,000 others have suffered damage from looting.

The situation worsened in 1967, when a military junta overthrew the democratically elected government of Greece, and began applying pressure on Makarios to achieve enosis. Makarios, not wishing to become part of a military dictatorship or trigger a Turkish invasion, began to distance himself from the goal of enosis. This caused tensions with the junta in Greece as well as George Grivas in Cyprus. Grivas's control over the National Guard and Greek contingent was seen as a threat to Makarios's position, who now feared a possible coup.[citation needed] The National Guard and Cyprus Police began patrolling the Turkish Cypriot enclaves of Ayios Theodoros and Kophinou, and on November 15 engaged in heavy fighting with the Turkish Cypriots.

By the time of his withdrawal 26 Turkish Cypriots had been killed. Turkey replied with an ultimatum demanding that Grivas be removed from the island, that the troops smuggled from Greece in excess of the limits of the Treaty of Alliance be removed, and that the economic blockades on the Turkish Cypriot enclaves be lifted. Grivas was recalled by the Athens Junta and the 12,000 Greek troops were withdrawn. Makarios now attempted to consolidate his position by reducing the number of National Guard troops, and by creating a paramilitary force loyal to Cypriot independence. In 1968, acknowledging that enosis was now all but impossible, Makarios stated, "A solution by necessity must be sought within the limits of what is feasible which does not always coincide with the limits of what is desirable."

After 1967 tensions between the Greek and Turkish Cypriots subsided. Instead, the main source of tension on the island came from factions within the Greek Cypriot community. Although Makarios had effectively abandoned enosis in favour of an 'attainable solution', many others continued to believe that the only legitimate political aspiration for Greek Cypriots was union with Greece.

On his arrival, Grivas began by establishing a nationalist paramilitary group known as the National Organization of Cypriot Fighters (Ethniki Organosis Kyprion Agoniston B or EOKA-B), drawing comparisons with the EOKA struggle for enosis under the British colonial administration of the 1950s.

The military junta in Athens saw Makarios as an obstacle. Makarios's failure to disband the National Guard, whose officer class was dominated by mainland Greeks, had meant the junta had practical control over the Cypriot military establishment, leaving Makarios isolated and a vulnerable target.

During the first Turkish invasion, Turkish troops invaded Cyprus territory on 20 July 1974, invoking its rights under the Treaty of Guarantee. This expansion of Turkish-occupied zone violated International Law as well as the Charter of the United Nations. Turkish troops managed to capture 3% of the island which was accompanied by the burning of the Turkish Cypriot quarter, as well as the raping and killing of women and children. A temporary cease-fire followed which was mitigated by the UN Security Council. Subsequently, the Greek military Junta collapsed on July 23, 1974, and peace talks commenced in which a democratic government was installed. The Resolution 353 was broken after Turkey attacked a second time and managed to get a hold of 37% of Cyprus territory. The Island of Cyprus was appointed a Buffer Zone by the United Nations, which divided the island into two zones through the 'Green Line' and put an end to the Turkish invasion. Although Turkey announced that the occupied areas of Cyprus to be called the Federated Turkish State in 1975, it is not legitimised on a worldwide political scale. The United Nations called for the international recognition of independence for the Republic of Cyprus in the Security Council Resolution 367.

In the years after the Turkish invasion of northern Cyprus one can observe a history of failed talks between the two parties. The 1983 declaration of the independent Turkish Republic of Cyprus resulted in a rise of inter-communal tensions and made it increasingly hard to find mutual understanding. With Cyprus' interest of a possible EU membership and a new UN Secretary-General Kofi Annan in 1997 new hopes arose for a fresh start. International involvement from sides of the US and UK, wanting a solution to the Cyprus dispute prior to the EU accession led to political pressures for new talks. The believe that an accession without a solution would threaten Greek-Turkish relations and acknowledge the partition of the island would direct the coming negotiations.

Over the course of two years a concrete plan, the Annan plan was formulated. In 2004 the fifth version agreed upon from both sides and with the endorsement of Turkey, US, UK and EU then was presented to the public and was given a referendum in both Cypriot communities to assure the legitimisation of the resolution. The Turkish Cypriots voted with 65% for the plan, however the Greek Cypriots voted with a 76% majority against. The Annan plan contained multiple important topics. Firstly it established a confederation of two separate states called the United Cyprus Republic. Both communities would have autonomous states combined under one unified government. The members of parliament would be chosen according to the percentage in population numbers to ensure a just involvement from both communities. The paper proposed a demilitarisation of the island over the next years. Furthermore it agreed upon a number of 45000 Turkish settlers that could remain on the island. These settlers became a very important issue concerning peace talks. Originally the Turkish government encouraged Turks to settle in Cyprus providing transfer and property, to establish a counterpart to the Greek Cypriot population due to their 1 to 5 minority. With the economic situation many Turkish-Cypriot decided to leave the island, however their departure is made up by incoming Turkish settlers leaving the population ratio between Turkish Cypriots and Greek Cypriots stable. However all these points where criticised and as seen in the vote rejected mainly by the Greek Cypriots. These name the dissolution of the „Republic of Cyprus", economic consequences of a reunion and the remaining Turkish settlers as reason. Many claim that the plan was indeed drawing more from Turkish-Cypriot demands then Greek-Cypriot interests. Taking in consideration that the US wanted to keep Turkey as a strategic partner in future Middle Eastern conflicts.

A week after the failed referendum the Republic of Cyprus joined the EU. In multiple instances the EU tried to promote trade with Northern Cyprus but without internationally recognised ports this spiked a grand debate. Both side endure their intention of negotiations, however without the prospect of any new compromises or agreements the UN is unwilling to start the process again. Since 2004 negotiations took place in numbers but without any results, both sides are strongly holding on to their position without an agreeable solution in sight that would suit both parties.

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| name = Marlon Vincent Sili | background = World Most Genius | birth_name = Vincent | parents Mother = Nimfa Hilotin Sili Father = Mario Hilotin Sili | birth_date = August 22, 1995 (age 21) | other_names = Lon | birth_place = Rodriguez, Rizal | nationality = Filipino

| occupation = King Engineer Model Actor Innovator Humanitarian Physician Businessman Chess Master Martial Artist Critic Novelist Director Chemist Statistician Historian Biologist Politician Humorist

Songwriter Computer Scientist Decathlete Ballet Dancer Software Engineer Columnist Economist

Computer Programmer Stateswoman Spiritual Leader Mathematician Rapper Entrepreneur Playwright

Basketball Player

years_active = 2015–present | children = | agent = world Government (2015–present) | label = King | associated_acts = President Mayor Vice Mayor King Queen Princess Vice President |

religion = Born Again |

Marlon Vincent Sili (born August 22, 1995) is a Filipino Facebook blogger as well as a Artist, Actor and Genius.

Early life

Marlon Vincent Sili, or simply Lon, was born in Philippines on August 22, 1995. He is a friend , companion, lover, brother, father, master, chef, electrician, plumber, mechanic, carpenter, decorator, stylist, sexologist, gynecologist, psychologist, pest exterminator, psychiatrist, healer, good listener, organizer, good father, very clean, sympathetic , warm, attentive, gallant, intelligent, funny , creative , tender, strong , understanding, tolerant, prudent , ambitious, capable, courageous, determined, true, dependable, passionate, WITHOUT FORGETTING TO give her compliments regularly, go shopping with her, be honest , be very rich ,not stress her out AND AT THE SAME TIME, YOU MUST ALSO give her lots of attention, give her lots of time, especially time for herself, give her lots of space, never worrying about where she goes, BUT MOST OF ALL IT IS VERY IMPORTANT

never forget *birthdays *anniversaries *valentine *arrangements she makes

Career

He study Law , Life science, Materials, Medicine, Philosophy, Physics ,Psychology,Public health, Social science, Statistics,Architecture,Astronomy, Bio medical Science,Business and management,Computer science, earth science and geography, economics ,education and language. He write a letter "Hero of World 2015", that change the whole world governance, which had 900 million people knows my profile. he recently released millions of world most important information. i will lift, hear, lead ,help, light ,guide ,elect, crown ,direct, locate, select, perfect, heal , , correct, elevate, ,defend,protect ,change ,liberate, restore ,release, promote, position, support ,connect, decorate, celebrate, announce ,congratulate, distinguish you.

Today I caught myself smiling for no reason... then I realized I was thinking about You

Discography

Intro Pray for Me

T.H.U.G. Life Found Me Lost (feat. Joshua

Royal Flush Pandemonium!

Spiritual Circumcision Cross Walk (feat. Todd the Chemis

The Motto Extended Notice Him

Resurrected King Bang Bang - Shot Me Down

True Lie Interlude Kurt Cobain (feat. Common Knowledge)

Rigamortis Rehabilitation

Selah State of Mind 21 Question Confessional

King David v.s. Nathan the Prophet Eternal Rest

Shattered Reflections of Hallucinations Swallow Hell Alive

Who Is Jesus Christ Honey Dipped Lies

J.C. for President Depopulation Plan (feat. Kevin Valdez)

Be Without You Never Leave

Faded Too Long Fallen Short of Glory

I m Gone The Breakup Song

Jesus Is My God T.G.I.F.

Ecstasy Original Never Give Up (feat. MC

The sense of feeling better than others who are still be plugged into the Matrix, or who haven’t had any profound awakening experiences; the lure of looking down on them is the most common trap many people fall into. This is especially the case when truth seeking is not combined with inner work. In the more extreme manifestation of superiority, we lash out on others, calling them names and attacking them personally for being “blind” and not aware (most often conducted via the internet/social media, hiding behind a screen).

The delusion of superiority is, in fact, a symptom of still being plugged into the Matrix, since the Matrix feeds off of Service to Self (STS) ego separation-consciousness (with its manifestation of “competition” in people’s personal and/or professional lives). We see this attitude play itself out most often in “truth seekers” who just “woke up” to the basics of the 3D matrix (the political illusion, government corruption and relating symptoms: the banking cartel, fake war on terror, lies of the mainstream media, false flag attacks, etc.) and lash out on people who are still asleep and hypnotized. In a sense, this is a normal stage as well. As the saying goes “The truth shall set you free, but first it will piss you off” (ironically enough, this was coined by CIA controlled opposition asset Gloria Steinham). So, anger is not to be judged as “bad” (spiritual bypassing), but we need to remain mindful to avoid projecting it outwardly.

This trap subject also ties into shadow projection. When we get emotionally riled up and project that reactive energy onto others – coming from sense of superiority – we actually feed the occult forces in the hyperdimensional realms. It stems from the “predator mind” by which these forces work through us, triggering mechanical/reactive behaviors to produce the “loosh” frequency they feed upon. There are varying degrees of superiority complexes, with various manifestations which we all can fall into (from subtle to very apparent). As long as we have an inner sense of superiority (especially the disease of moral superiority) or “specialness” in comparison to others – even without any external projections – the matrix has its hooks in us. This can also happen to “wanderers“, (individuals whose souls have incarnated from a higher density (4th or 6th density) into this 3rd density with a specific mission to accomplish in order to assist humanity), who are very identified with the wanderer (“starseed”) concept (seeing oneself as “better” than “humans”), and the ego feeds off of this divisionary mentality. This is also how negative forces target, hijack and derail wanderers from their mission – by appealing to the shadow aspect of their ego.

The trap of superiority is so common that it is almost a “natural” by-product of the awakening process. It can manifest itself at any given stage, even after having had a mystical awakening experience which the ego then hijacks. In other words, the ego believes itself to be awake, turning into a “spiritualized ego”. Many self-proclaimed masters/gurus (or even popular figures in the “truth movement”) have big superiority issues (cult of personality disorder) which their followers often feed with their “worship” and hierarchical-authoritarian programming, coming from a self-perceived inferior state of being, and thus putting another person on a pedestal.

More often than not, we have no control over when thoughts/feelings of superiority enter us. It can happen as a mechanical reflex response – as the sudden appearance of feelings of jealousy or anger. The key is self-observation, not trying to get rid of it (the axiom “what we resist persists” applies here), to say nothing of judging ourselves for thinking/feeling that way, which is very self-defeating. Avoid trying to push it away or acting on it; instead, we keep to working on ourselves, which helps to eventually detach our vibrational field from such thought intrusions; by not identifying with them positively (accepting) or negatively (judging ourselves/forceful resistance), we can slowly release them. Patience is key here.

A good thing to keep in mind that everyone reading this article was once fully “asleep”, caught up in the Matrix control mechanisms – none of us were born “awake”. We’ve all had our individual awakening moments, realizing that we have been believing in lies our entire lives, and that path to freedom is different for each of us. That’s where compassion and empathy come in, for both ourselves and others, even though blind/unconscious people who “dream to be awake” tend to support the matrix agenda, and hence unknowingly do a lot of “harm” despite their well-meaning intentions (for example: the belief in government, engaging in the political puppet show, which stems from a “Stockholm Syndrome” mechanism which is based on social conditioning, i.e. authoritarian programming, and hence feeding into the divide & conquer agenda).

It is important, though, to not fall into “blind compassion” or intellectualize compassion, which can result in a fake mask of “compassion” and pity for others, which, ironically, also stems from an unconscious sense of superiority. From a bigger picture perspective, it is also important to keep in mind that not everyone is here to awaken during this current cycle. There is nothing wrong with this truth, and there is no judgment…it is merely a function of the cosmic equilibrium.

- from THE PERILOUS PATH TOWARDS AWAKENING 

A trip to the Brooklyn Museum solved the mystery. On a sunk relief depicting Queen Nefru of Egypt's 11th Dynasty (circa 2134 to 1991 BC) having her hair done by her hair dresser, Henut,, we see a pin very similar to mine being used. This pin has the ribbing and the stylized pomegranates, too.

Ayesha Ansari is currently pursuing BBA (Hons) at Hajvery University (HU). She was awarded a scholarship to Study Abroad for 1 semester at Hochschule Liechtenstein, situated in Vaduz, Liechtenstein. The scholarship included Return AirTicket, Comprehensive Insurance, and 5000 Euros Stipend Money for daily expenses among other things. The following essay is written by her, which presents a glimpse of her Experience of Studying and Living Abroad in Europe.

My name is Ayesha Ansari, I am studying at Hajvery University (HU) as a BBA (Hons) student, and I would like to share my amazing and life-changing experience with the other students to encourage them to work harder and apply for these scholarships at HU.

I travelled to Vaduz, Liechtenstein to avail this scholarship opportunity given by Hajvery University & Erasmus Mundus, where I studied in a University named Hochschule Liechtenstein. This University is the most well-known university in the whole country.

My experience was fantabulous and outstanding. People there are quite independent and live very busy lives. I noticed they don’t try to interfere in anyone’s matters; however they are extremely co-operative and helpful.

Our lectures at the host university were conducted in the morning and some are in the evening, so I always went to university five minutes before to take the lecture and after lecture I spent some of my time in library and computer lab to review the lecture.

Apart from studies I also visited lot of cites and other countries i.e. Germany, Austria and Switzerland with the other scholarship students and my friend from HU, Sidra Nazir, who was also sent by Hajvery University as a Scholarship student to Lichtenstein. I visited different churches, libraries, museums and monuments of different cities named Zurich, Bern, Dornbrin, Buchs, Genneve, Chur etc. It was fun to visit the biggest water fall in Switzerland.

I learned basics of German language but I did not get a command in German language but I do understand a lot. During International and Christmas Dinner people from different countries have to make food items of their Mother land - Sidra and I cooked a delicious Biryani and for Christmas Dinner, we cooked mouth-watering Chicken Karahi. My friends from all over the world, and everyone else loved the Pakistani food!

Hochschule Liechtenstein also arranged a lot of events and tours, from time to time. I attended almost each and every event organized by them. Some of the events include International Dinner, Trip to Chocolate Factory, Halloween Night, Ball Night, Trip to Christmas Market and Christmas Dinner, Farewell Dinner and Ski and lots more .

I didn’t face any cultural shock as I knew what to expect about the culture of Europe. The only problem I faced was to search Halal meat but that too solved after a couple of days when some of the Muslim students guided me. I made a lot friends from different nationalities -from Bulgaria , Taiwan , Japan, China, Czech-Republic, Austria, Poland, India, Spain, Egypt, Germany etc , most of whom I am still in touch with them through facebook!

As far as Cuisine is concerned it was so good and as I am a cheese lover so I really enjoyed and loved one of the traditional Swiss dish named Foundue. I did a lot of shopping with the scholarship money, As I already have my laptop so I did not buy any laptop from the scholarship money. Luckily I did not face any problem during the exchange semester as their administration and management was quite co-operative.

I will definitely miss the hospitality and the perfect management of the administration of the host university, the pleasant and frosty weather and obviously The Scholarship money…..seriously that helps me a lot in shopping and visiting cities .

My experience as a Scholarship student was out of the world. When I analyze myself after the student abroad program……I find myself more confident and mature. My convincing power, communication and presentation skills are much more improved .It is one of the best chance to experience different cultures at one place and I really enjoyed experiencing and understanding different cultures. In short I become more polished, independent about taking the decisions.

Its fun to get a scholarship as it makes the life little jazzy. Thank-you Hajvery University ,Erasmus Mundus and Hochschule Liechtenstein.

HU is a joint-signatory of EM 2009-2013 Consortium of 20 Universities from Europe and SAARC countries, which allows the partner universities to send and host students between the consortium members. HU is grateful for European Commission for such initiatives and the funding to make this all possible, moreover to all our Partner Universities for co-operating to make this a success.

If you liked this post, you will definitely enjoy reading these posts:

Orientation Seminar for HU Study Abroad Students.

HU in International Landscape.

Istanbul Technical University (ITU) and Hajvery University (HU) sign MoU of Educational Cooperation & Scientific Research.

Adnan Abdul Khaliq, Study Abroad Scholarship recipient talks about his experienc @ Fontys University, Netherlands.

Prof. Jeanne Schreurs, Hasselt University Belgium visits Hajvery University (HU), explores Cooperation / Dual Degrees between both Universities.

For Further Information, Queries regarding Study Abroad opportunities at Hajvery University (HU), and Study Abroad Scholarships contact:

Office of Foreign Affairs & Planning

Hajvery University (HU)

Email : intl@hup.edu.pk

web: hup.edu.pk/offices/foriegn-affairs-a-planning

A puzzle is a problem or enigma that tests the ingenuity of the solver. In a basic puzzle one is intended to piece together objects (puzzle pieces) in a logical way in order to come up with the desired shape, picture or solution. Puzzles are often contrived as a form of entertainment, but they can also stem from serious mathematical or logistical problems — in such cases, their successful resolution can be a significant contribution to mathematical research. Wikipedia

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Pop - Angels - Spring & Summer 06

Graffiti sprayed and photo shot by Hilleboe, aka #Iconoclast00

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