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Congress General Secretary Rahul Gandhi addressed an election rally at Pratapgarh. He told that he will not leave Uttar Pradesh till the state develops. Rahul Gandhi also said that he has no time to give promises and he is there to fight for the people.
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North-East and Kashmir. · · · tl NDA () ~ ~ '~ .
1 8 P' · · s weak and unconvmcmg -smce 1e Govt itself h ~ .
On the Sethusamudram project too, the J s pOSitiOn wa 'd I t ever that the reef was a d 4 initiated and passed the project. and since there was no evt encc \\ la soS p . BJP' man-rnade 1 1.
construction However the UPA Government surrendered abject!}' to the ang 1 f~~va~ an~h . s communal desions and.attempts 'to pass off mythology as histor·y, by withdrawing the A~l'sa 1 avl lodn teblssue adnd taking .
actton against the ASCoffic1als who had qu1te ng 1t y potn e .
the historical existence ofa 'Ram bridge'. .
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b . . · 1 1 · t d oul that myLhologtca 1 texts cou no e use to prove .
UPA-United Partners OfAmerica?! . . . , . , .
Continuing with the BJP-Ied NDA regime's foreign policy. the UPA Government has tted lndta m strategc slavery .
to the imperialist USA. The red carpet welcome to George Bush, the vote again~t the fran at the IAEA a~d the Nuke .
Deal are proofofthe UPA Govl's pro-imperialist positions. The UPA Govt.'s clauns that the Nuke Deal wtll solve t~e .
energy needs of India's gro''ing economy arc proved to be a lie by the fact that at ~est, by 20.2?, nuclear energy wdl .
provide merely 7% -and that too not 7% of India's total energy needs but just Ind1a,s electriCity needs. Apart from .
formidable costs of imponcd nuclear plants, there are enormous environmentaL health and safety hazards. Re_al .
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purpose of the Nuke Deal is 1101 enerro but larger strategic relationship bet\Veen USA and India whereby USA \".II .
closely control every aspect of fnd ia's economy, military and foreign pol ic}. Tlw Hyde Act reveals the real text of thIS .
slavish deal: \\.hereby the Deal is contingent on India's foreign policy being 'congruent' to that of the USA. BJP's .
'opposition' to the deal is purely farcical as they were the original proponents of the deal. Unfortunately, CPJ-CPI(M), .
is performing yet another political theatre of pretending to "oppose'' the deal. CPI-CPI(M)must explain : why .
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<lfteraiJ they are nol asking for· a vote on the deal in the Parliament? Why are CPI-CPI{M) interested only in .
"'pause" and 'debate"(without vote) and 110 1 eject and reject? .
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Not just this, the UPA Govt. is strengthening everyday its military, commercial and strategic ties with racist .
colonialist Israeli and the military dictator hip of Burma even in the face of their increasing brutality. Shocking!) .
CPI-CPI(M) and their repre entatives in our campus, once again, never condemn UPA's military and .
commercial support with the e killer and racist regimes. lnfact, CPI(M) govt in Bengal itself has commercial .
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ties with colonial and racist Israel! .
JNUSU in the face of the Burning Questions of Our Time .
The ongoing people's mo' ements and their brutaI repression by the state, as \VCII as the assauIt ofanti-people poIicies .
demand a powerful suppon and solidarity by JNUSU. llowever it was only that section of JNUSU, led by the JNUSU .
Vice President and General Secretary, who ensured continuous support of JNU students against displacement, .
draconian laws and caste repression in the country. The other section of JNUSll leadership were conspicuous by .
their silence, as they were more keen to serve their political bosses in UPA and CPI(M) government in West.
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Bengal. .
On Reservations and Rights ofSC/STs and OBCs .
In the face of renewed offensive by YFE, and their machinations to stall 27% reservation. social humiliation and .
virulent casteist attacks through administrative and social means against the forces of social justice, JNUSU led b) .
the VP and Gen. Secy articuIa ted a strong posit ion in the A pri I I 0 AC meeting, in fa' our of implementation of 27% .
reservation and 54% seat increase without any staggering in JNU. When the Supreme Court sta) on OBC quota, it \\as .
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JNUSU VP and Gen. Secy alone who called for a Protest March on campus and at Parliament Street. Implementation of27% reservation remains a key question and all attempts to derail it must be robust!) countered. We stood in solidarity with AIIMS doctors against the victimization of dalits and 'iolation of Constitutional SC/ST quotas in AIIMS and protested against the brutal lynching ofa dalit college student, Chandrasen by upper caste goons.
in Pratapgarh, U.P. .
On Struggles Against Corpora te Land Grab and Police Firing .
The JNUSU VP and Gen. Secy. organised a protest-demo again~l the Nandigram firing and masscre; this .
was boycotted by the .INUSU Vice President and Joint Sccretar). Th can only be explained b) the .
fact that CPI(M) itself is engaged in the worst form of state rcpre%ion nnd IOrccd eviction of peasant!') in .
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West Bengal for SEZs The}' arc silent on Khammam because in the mirror of Khammarn, they ce the .
face of Nandigram. .
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West bengal state university wbsu barasat Dinabandhu Mahavidyalayab ongaon bangaon college 2013 pritam kundu
This monkey spent a good deal of time chattering at the dogs from its vantage point outside the window of the PWD guesthouse at Pratapgarh.
Rajmangal Publishers is a Leading Hindi Book Publishers in Ajmer Alwar Banswara Baran Barmer Bharatpur Bhilwara Bikaner Bundi, Jaipur Jaisalmer Jalore Jhalawar Jhunjhunu Jodhpur Karauli Kota Nagaur Pali Pratapgarh Rajsamand.
dinabandhu mahavidyalaya bongaon bangaon college 2013 pritam kundu WBSU west bengal state university barast
Kindly recieve the following images of red tape movement program in
district PRATAPGARH . Coordinated by mission sikshan samvad and teachers
with teachers club uttar pradesh.
Kindly recieve the following images of red tape movement program in
district PRATAPGARH . Coordinated by mission sikshan samvad and teachers
with teachers club uttar pradesh.
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' ' TNl )Feb zotg .
Engineering ·aiots', Executing Massacres: Machinations of the Hindu Maioritarian State .
speakers: Seema Azad, Shahid Badr Falahi, Abu Za.far .
Release of DSU Fact Finding Report ar1d .
Filming ofvideo footages of the recent Dhule carnage .
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TONIGHT SHIPRA MESS, 9 pm .
Faizabad, Pratapgarh, Bareilly, Mathura, Ghaziabad, Muradabad in UP, Gopalgarh and Bhilawara in Rajasthan, .
Rudrapur in Uttarakhand, Dhule in Maharashtra...what has connected all these places in the recent past is a .
spate of state engineered assaults on the Muslim community, their lives, livelihood and property. In all these .
instances the state machinery and particularly the polica has either unleashed the fascist lumpen brigades of the sang .
hgiroh or have themselves actively executed the massacres, attacks, burning and loot of Muslim properties.The .
corporate media has either tried to completely silence most of these instances or else has portrayed them as .
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"'communal riots", as in clash between two communities. But a close look pt any of these instances will unfailingly .
reflect a consistent pattern of targeted attacks on the Muslims. In all of these cases huge Joss is suffered by the .
Muslim community. In UP alone, according to a report by the Central Government published in last November, in 2012 .
itself, 104 incidents of such violence have been reported, which has left 34 dead, most of which are Muslims. .
The Indian state right from its inception has executed massive pogroms of Muslims. The Jammu massacre in .
1947, Hyderabad massacre in 1948, the Bhagalpur massacre in 1968 and 1989, Bombay riots of 1993, Gujarat .
pogrom in 2002 are just a few of the massive bloodbaths· where the state in active collusion with the lumpen .
communal fascist gangs butchered thousands of Muslims. But the spates of such attacks have continued unbroken .
even if they have not assumed such a massive proportion-every time. In the past couple of years too: such attacks are .
sharply on the rise. across the country. Certain major aspects stand out in these attacks which reinforce, all its secular .
pretensions notwithstanding, the Hindu majoritarian character of the Indian state, Foremost is the complicity and .
collusion of the state machinery particularly the police and local civil administration. In Gopalgarh, Rajasthan in 2011, .
the entire police armory was thrown open to the communal fascist lumpen brigade, in 2013 in Dhule the police while .
firing, attacking and looting properties of the Muslims proudly proclaimed that 'we are hindus first and police later. In .
the 'riots' across UP too, the police consciously refrained from controlling the communal mob which went on repeated .
rampages across villages and small towns targeting Muslims. .
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The political economy which is the driving force behind such state engineered assaults is extremely crucial. .
Apart from inflicting brutal physical violence to the Muslim community, these attacks consistentJy target the little .
properties and resources that a section of them could accumulate through decades and generations of efforts. It is a .
well-calculated attempt to repeatedly push them back to complete pauperization. The Muslims who have historically .
comprised the major chunk of artisan communities as well as small entrepreneurs, have also been one of the worst sufferers of the growing stranglehold of the imperialist economy which always target such small entrepreneurs. For the thriving of the monopoly of finance capital and the Imperialist economy it is necessary to destroy smaH scale industries which are-owned by Muslims and other oppress~d communities. This process-t:las confinued--Since the colonial rule and has_only been exacerbated post tAe liberalization of economy. The current crisis that imperialism is going through necessitates the propping up of fascist forces that will serve its interest, pushing the oppressed masses further into destitutron and by misdirecting the real grievances of peopl.e regarding their deplorable materral condition. From Golwalkar to Gandhi the very fabric of Indian state is woven with fascist and brahminical ideology. However, the fight against communal fascis.m is not merely ideological, but is· a struggle against the whole Communal fasdsts do not represent people.
social structure on which the Indian state is based. .
of any religion. They represent the landlords, the casteist semi-feudal authorifles and the interests of the global finance capitai.Mere change of governments (the case of UP is illustrative here where the SP rode to power on its claims of social justice and secularism) never changes the anti-people character of the Indian state. Be it NDA or UPA, Narendra Modi or Akhilesh Yadav, the IMF-World Bank dictc.ted policies continue at both the center and state level. The whole point of communal fascism is to keep the people divided, and make the ruling .classes more secure in th-eir .
seats of power. ALL the political parties, their professed diff-~rences notwithstanding, carry forward that legacy. The too has chosen not to see the communal specter being materially rooted. This willful blindness is.
parliamentary 'left' .
not too surprising because they also uphold the same system that breeds the fascists.Similarly politics that are based .
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solely on certain oppressed identity seeks only to 'reform, this absolutely unjust and unequal system and ends up upholding and justifying it. The slogan to smash communal fascism is a call to identify and overhaul the structures of .
oppression on which it breeds. And.for this, it is only the united struggle of all the oppressed masses and the revolutionary forces which can bring justice and equality for not only the Muslims but all other oppressed masses. .
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ttee with representatives from all sections of the JNU community including students to ensure workers' rights.
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on campus. ln~t~ad of working to implement the 12 July Agreement, the SFI section of JNUSU worked to claim special P~IVI_Ieges for the JNU~U office bearers as opposed to the rusticated students. It was only AISA's leaders w1thm JNUSU who res1sted the punishments, stood by the rusticated students and refused to support any hierarchical treatment favouring JNUSU leaders over common students. According to the Agreement, the punishments would be reconsidered based on letters of appeal. The JNUSU President and Joint Secretary from SFI refused to submit letters of appeal, claiming that only rusticated students were asked to submit an appeal, not the JNUSU office-bearers who had been fined. The JNUSU General Secretary refused .
to be part of this attempt to create an unacceptable hierarchy between JNUSU leaders and common students. When rustications were replaced with fines as a pre-condition for granting registration, SFI's JNUSU leaders, yet again, dissociated from the struggle to ensure registration for all students. For a good 5 days till the last date of registration, the JNUSU President refused even to meet and discuss the plan of action. Common students. .
abandoned by the midway through the struggle, were forced to pay the fines-collected through solidarity fund from .
the campus. SFI then held a mock-show of 'indefinite hunger strike' that lasted less than 10 hours, and in a got-.
up game with the Administration, got the punishments against its JNUSU office bearers revoked, making explicit their .
hitherto clandestine nexus with the Administration. .
JNUSU office bearers from AI SA held a workshop to discuss implementation of workers' rights and minimum wages in .
JNU-and SFI representatives in JNUSU all boycotted this workshop. .
SFI's JNUSU leaders also totally dissociated from the Committee on workers' rights that was formed after the .
12-day hunger strike. This Committee had its first meeting on 28 .september 2007: ~he JNUSU General .
Secretary was the only representative of JNUSU to attend the meetmg -JNUSU Pres1dent and other SFI .
representatives boycotted, as usual. .
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Determined Position Against Corporate Funding on Campus versus Up Service .
A recent drive towards corporate funding was seen in SAA, in the effort to approach and woo TATA to fund a digital .
archive. JNUSU took a formal position against corporate funding in JNU. And yet, when JNUSU office bearers from .
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AISA held a Public Meeting against corporate funding on campus it was boycotted by the SFI representatives .
in JNUSU. Not just this, leading SFI members from the SAA went a step ahead to issue posters abusing the .
Public Meeting with the clear purpose of deriding JNUSU's position and bolstering the pro-corporate forces in .
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the SAA. ' .
Defence of Reservations and Rights of SC/STs and OBCs .
Last year, it was the AISA who rose up to the challenge and met this offensive head-on through a 34-day hunger .
s frenzy every inch of the way. When YFE brought out a casteist leaflet calling dalit students.
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strike, challenging YFE''s JNUSU leadership alone which held a Protest March..
Qlesser mortals", it was AI SA.
The AISA leadership in JNUSU articulated a strong position in the April 10 AC meeting, in favour of implementatio:l of .
27% reservation and 54% seat increase without any staggering in JNU. In the meeting called by the SSS Dean, it was .
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only the AISA councillor from SSS, Pallavi Deka who was present and asserted the above position. In protest against the Supreme Court stay on OBC quota, it was AISA's JNUSU office bearers who called for a Protest March on campus and at Parliament Street. Implementation of 27% reservation remains a key question and the machinations of .
YFE to derail it will be robustly defeated. .
AISA and its JNUSU leadership have stood in solidarity with AIIMS doctors against the victimization of dalits and .
violation of Constitutional SC/ST quotas in AllMS. They alone issued a statement of protest against the brutal lynching .
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of a dalit college student, Chandrasen by upper caste goons in Pratapgarh, U.P. .
Other Initiatives of AISA-Ied JNUSU: .
Struggle to Increase Financial Assistance for Needy Students .
s presence in the JNUSU leadership, they have made financial assistance for needy students a.
Ever since AISA'.
central issue of concern. In 2004-05, the MCM was increased for B.A. students and extended to M.Phil students, and .
after a sustained agitation in 2006, the Administration to a significant leap in the MCM scholarship amount. After the .
June-July '07 agitation, administration agreed to increase the MCM amount of BA/MA students to Rs. 1500 and the .
income cap for MCM to Rs. 1 lakh .
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Rs. 3000 and Rs. 5000 Scholarships for M Phil/ Ph.D. .
AISA office bearers in JNUSU alone made a forceful case for an early cut-off date for Rs. 3000-Rs. 5000 fellowship .
for research scholars so as to ensure maximum benefit to senior research scholars; and in the 12 July Agreement, the .
University agreed to pursue the demand to advance the date to July 2005. However, the Administration has been .
completely reluctant to concretely allocate funds, preferring instead to divert money to their beautification programme. .
JNUSU office bearers from AISA took the initiative of mobilising a massive Protest Demo at the UGC to demand .
implementation. A pro-student rather than wasteful use of funds remains a critical issue of struggle. .
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